rttMsy HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL OKDEE BY CHAKLES HOETON COOLEY INSTRUCTOR IN SOCIOLOGY AT THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN NEW YORK CHABLES SCBIBNER'S SONS 1902 COPYRIGHT, 1902, BY CHARLES SCRIBNER'3 SONS Published, September, 1902 TROW OmeCTOdY AND BOOKBINDING COMAHY NEW YORK HIA CONTENTS CHAPTER I SOCFETY AND THE INDIVIDUAL pAG]! Are Aspects of the Same Thing The Fallacy of Setting Them in Opposition Various Forms of this Fallacy ... 1 CHAPTER II SUGGESTION AND CHOICE The Meaning of these Terms and their Relation to Each Other Individual and Social Aspects of Will or Choice Sug- gestion and Choice in Children The Scope of Suggestion Commonly Underestimated Practical Limitations upon Deliberate Choice Illustrations of the Action of the Milieu The Greater or Less Activity of Choice Reflects the General State of Society Suggestibility . . .14 CHAPTER III SOCIABILITY AND PERSONAL IDEAS The Sociability of Children Imaginary Conversation and its Significance The Nature of the Impulse to Communicate There is no Separation between Real and Imaginary Per- sons Nor between Thought and Intercourse The Study and Interpretation of Expression by Children The Symbol or Sensuous Nucleus of Personal Ideas Personal Physiog- nomy in Art and Literature In the Idea of Social Groups Sentiment in Personal Ideas The Personal Idea is the Immediate Social Reality Society must be Studied in the Imagination The Possible Reality of Incorporeal Persons The Material Notion of Personality Contrasted with the Notion Based on a Study of Personal Ideas Self and Other in Personal Ideas Personal Opposition Further Illustration and Defence of the View of Persons and of Society Here Set Forth 45 VI CONTENTS CHAPTER IV SYMPATHY OR COMMCNION AS AN ASPECT OF SOCIETY PAGE The Meaning of Sympathy as here Used Its Relation to Thought, Sentiment, and Social Experience The Range of Sympathy is a Measure of Personality ; e.g., as Regards Power, Goodness or Badness, Sanity or Insanity A Man's Sympathies Reflect the Social Order Specialization and Breadth Sympathy Reflects Social Process in the Mingling of Likeness with Difference Also in that it is a Process of Selection Guided by Feeling The Meaning of Love in Social Discussion Love in Relation to Self The Study of Sympathy Reveals the Vital Unity of Human Life . . 102 CHAPTER V THE SOCIAL SELF 1. THE MEANING OF " I " The " Empirical Self " " I " as a State of Feeling Does Not Ordinarily Refer to the Body As a Sense of Power or Caus- ation As a Sense of Speciality or Differentiation in a Gen- eral Life The Reflected or Looking-glass " I " " I " is Rooted in the Past and Varies with Social Conditions Its Relation to Habit To Disinterested Love How Children Learn the Meaning of " I " The Speculative or Metaphys- ical u I " in Children The Looking-glass " I " in Children The Same in Adolescence "I" in Relation to Sex Simplicity and Affectation Social Self- feeling Universal . 136 CHAPTER VI THE SOCIAL SELF 2. VARIOUS PHASES OF "l" Egotism and Selfishness The Use of " I " in Literature and Conversation Intense Self-feeling Necessary to Productiv- ity Other Phases of the Social Self Pride versus Vanity Self-respect, Honor, Self-reverence Humility Mala- dies of the Social Self Withdrawal Self-transformation Phases of the Self Caused by Incongruity between the Person and his Surroundings .179 CONTENTS vil CHAPTER VII HOSTILITY PAGE Simple or Animal Anger Social Anger The Function of Hos- tility The Doctrine of Non-resistance Control and Trans- formation of Hostility by Reason Hostility as Pleasure or Pain The Importance of Accepted Social Standards Fear 232 CHAPTER VIII EMULATION Conformity Non-conformity The Two Viewed as Comple- mentary Phases of Life Rivalry Hero-worship . . 262 CHAPTER IX LEADERSHIP OR PERSONAL ASCENDENCY Leadership Defines and Organizes Vague Tendency Power as Based upon the Mental State of the Person Subject to It The Mental Traits of a Leader : Significance and Breadth Why the Fame and Power of a Man often Transcend his Real Character Ascendency of Belief and Hope Mystery Good Faith and Imposture Does the Leader really Lead? . 283 CHAPTER X THE SOCIAL ASPECT OF CONSCIENCE The Right as the Rational Significance of this View The Right as the Onward The Right as Habit Right is not the Social as against the Individual It is, in a Sense, the Social as against the Sensual The Right as a Synthesis of Personal Influences Personal Authority Confession, Prayer, Publicity Truth Dependence of Right upon Imagination Conscience Reflects a Social Group Ideal Persons as Factors in Conscience . . 32G via CONTENTS CHAPTER XI PERSONAL DEGENERACY PAGE Is a Phase of the Question of Right and Wrong Relation to the Idea of Development Justification and Meaning of the Phrase " Personal Degeneracy " Hereditary and So- cial Factors in Personal Degeneracy Degeneracy as a Mental Trait Conscience in Degeneracy Crime, Insan- ity, and Responsibility General Aims in the Treatment of Degeneracy . 372 CHAPTER XII FREEDOM The Meaning of Freedom Freedom and Discipline Freedom as a Phase of the Social Order Freedom Involves Inci dental Strain and Degeneracy 392 INDEX . 405 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER CHAPTER I SOCIETY AND THE INDIVIDUAL ARE ASPECTS OF THE SAME THING THE FALLACY OF SETTING THEM IN OPPOSITION VARIOUS FORMS OF THIS FALLACY. " SOCIETY and the Individual " is really the subject of this whole book, and not merely of Chapter One. It is my general aim to set forth, from various points of view, what the individual is, considered as a mem- ber of a social whole ; while the special purpose of this chapter is only to offer a preliminary statement of the matter, as I conceive it, afterward to be un- folded at some length and variously illustrated. A separate individual is an abstraction unknown to experience, and so likewise is society when re- garded as something apart from individuals. The real thing is Human Life, which may be considered either in an individual aspect or in a social, that is to say a general, aspect ; but is always, as a matter of fact, both individual and general. In other words, " society " and " individuals " do not denote sepa- 1 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER rable phenomena, but are simply collective and dis- tributive aspects of the same thing , the relation be- tween them being like that between other expressions one of which denotes a group as a whole and the other the members of the group, such as the army and the soldiers, the class and the students, and so on. This holds true of any social aggregate, great or small ; of a family, a city, a nation, a race ; of mankind as a whole : no matter how extensive, com- plex, or enduring a group may be, no good reason can be given for regarding it as essentially different in this respect from the smallest, simplest, or most transient. So far, then, as there is any difference between the two, it is rather in our point of view than in the ob- ject we are looking at : when we speak of society, or use any other collective term, we fix our minds upon some general view of the people concerned, while when we speak of individuals we disregard the gen- eral aspect and think of them as if they were separate. Thus " the Cabinet " may consist of President Lin- coln, Secretary Stanton, Secretary Seward, and so on ; but when I say " the Cabinet " I do not suggest the same idea as when I enumerate these gentlemen separately. Society, or any complex group, may, to ordinary observation, be a very different thing from all of its members viewed one by one as a man who beheld General Grant's army from Missionary Kidge would have seen something other than he would by approaching every soldier in it. In the same way 2 SOCIETY AND THE INDIVIDUAL a picture is made up of so many square inches of painted canvas ; but if you should look at these one at a time, covering the others, until you had seen them all, you would still not have seen the pict- ure. There may, in all such cases, be a system or organization in the whole that is not apparent in the parts. In this sense, and in no other, is there a dif- ference between society and the individuals of which it is composed ; a difference not residing in the facts themselves but existing to the observer on account of the limits of his perception. A complete view of so- ciety would also be a complete view of all the indi- viduals, and vice versa ; there would be no difference between them. And just as there is no society or group that is not a collective view of persons, so there is no individ- ual who may not be regarded as a particular view of social groups. He has no separate existence ; through both the hereditary and the social factors in his life a man is bound into the whole of which he is a member, and to consider him apart from it is quite as artificial as to consider society apart from individuals. If this is true there is, of course, a fallacy in that not uncommon manner of speaking which sets the social and the individual over against each other as separate and antagonistic. The word " social " ap- pears to be used in at least three fairly distinct senses, but in none of these does it mean something 3 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER that can properly be regarded as opposite to individ- ual or personal. In its largest sense it denotes that which pertains to the collective aspect of humanity, to society in its widest and vaguest meaning. In this sense the in- dividual and all his attributes are social, since they are all connected with the general life in one way or another, and are part of a collective development. Again, social may mean what pertains to immedi- ate intercourse, to the life of conversation and face- to-face sympathy sociable in short. This is some- thing quite different, but no more antithetical to individual than the other ; it is in these relations that individuality most obviously exists and expresses itself. In a third sense the word means conducive to the collective welfare, and thus becomes nearly equivalent to moral, as when we say that crime or sensuality is unsocial or anti-social ; but here again it cannot prop- erly be made the antithesis of individual since wrong is surely no more individual than right but must be contrasted with immoral, brutal, selfish, or some other word with an ethical implication. There are a number of expressions which are close- ly associated in common usage with this objection- able antithesis ; such words, for instance, as indi- vidualism, socialism, particularism, collectivism.* These appear to be used with a good deal of vague- * Also free-will, determinism, egoism, and altruism, which in- volve, in my opinion, a kindred misconception. 4 SOCIETY AND THE INDIVIDUAL ness, so that it is always in order to require that any- one who employs them shall make it plain in what sense they are to be taken. I wish to make no cap- tious objections to particular forms of expression, and so far as these can be shown to have meanings that express the facts of life I have nothing to say against them. Of the current use of individualism and so- cialism in antithesis to each other, about the same may be said as of the words without the ism. I do not see that life presents two distinct and opposing tendencies that can properly be called individualism and socialism, any more than that there are two dis- tinct and opposing entities, society and the individual, to embody these tendencies. The phenomena usually called individualistic are always socialistic in the sense that they are expressive of tendencies growing out of the general life, and, contrariwise, the so-called socialistic phenomena have always an obvious indi- vidual aspect. These and similar terms may be used, conveniently enough, to describe theories or pro- grammes of the day, but whether they are suitable for purposes of careful study appears somewhat doubtful. If used, they ought, it seems to me, to receive more adequate definition than they have at present. For example, all the principal epochs of European history might be, and most of them are, spoken of as individualistic on one ground or another, and without departing from current usage of the word. The de- caying Roman Empire was individualistic if a decline of public spirit and an every-man-for-himself feeling 5 HUMAN NATUKE AND THE SOCIAL OKDER and practice constitute individualism. So also was the following period of political confusion. The feudal system is often regarded as individualistic, be- cause of the relative independence and isolation of small political units quite a different use of the word from the preceding and after this come the Revival of Learning, the Renaissance, and the Refor- mation, which are all commonly spoken of, on still other grounds, as assertions of individualism. Then we reach the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, sceptical, transitional, and, again, individualistic; and so to our own time, which many hold to be the most individualistic of all. One feels like asking whether a word which means so many things as this means anything whatever. There is always some confusion of terms in speak- ing of opposition between an individual and society in general, even when the writer's meaning is obvious enough : it would be more accurate to say either that one individual is opposing many, or that one part of society is opposing other parts ; and thus avoid con- fusing the two aspects of life in the same expression. When Emerson says that society is in a conspiracy against the independence of each of its members, we are to understand that any peculiar tendency repre- sented by one person finds itself more or less at vari- ance with the general current of tendencies organized in other persons. It is no more individual, nor any less social, in a large sense, than other tendencies represented by more persons. A thousand persons 6 SOCIETY AND THE INDIVIDUAL are just as truly individuals as one, and the HI an who seems to stand alone draws his being from the general stream of life just as truly and inevitably as if he were one of a thousand. Innovation is just as social as conformity, genius as mediocrity. These distinc- tions are not between what is individual and what is social, but between what is usual or established and what is exceptional or novel. In other words, wher- ever you find life as society there you will find life as individuality, and vice versa. I think, then, that the antithesis, society versus the individual, is false and hollow whenever used as a general or philosophical statement of human rela- tions. Whatever idea may be in the minds of those who set these words and their derivatives over against each other, the notion conveyed is that of two sepa- rable entities or forces ; and certainly such a notion is untrue to fact. Most people not only think of individuals and so- ciety as more or less separate and antithetical, but they look upon the former as antecedent to the lat- ter. That persons make society would be generally admitted as a matter of course ; but that society makes persons would strike many as a startling no- tion, though I know of no good reason for looking upon the distributive aspect of life as more primary or causative than the collective aspect. The reason for the common impression appears to be that we think most naturally and easily of the individual phase of life, simply because it is a tangible one, the 7 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER phase under which men appear to the senses, while the actuality of groups, of nations, of mankind at large, is realized only by the active and instructed imagination. We ordinarily regard society, so far as we conceive it at all, in a vaguely material aspect, as an aggregate of physical bodies, not as the vital whole which it is ; and so, of course, we do not see that it may be as original or causative as anything else. Indeed many look upon "society" and other general terms as somewhat mystical, and are inclined to doubt whether there is any reality back of them. This nai've individualism of thought which, how- ever, does not truly see the individual any more than it does society is reinforced by traditions in which all of us are brought up, and is so hard to shake off that it may be worth while to point out a little more definitely some of the prevalent ways of conceiving life which are permeated by it, and which anyone who agrees with what has just been said may regard as fallacious. My purpose in doing this is only to make clearer the standpoint from which succeeding chapters are written, and I do not propose any thorough discussion of the views mentioned. First, then, we have mere individualism. In this the distributive aspect is almost exclusively re- garded, collective phases being looked upon as quite secondary and incidental. Each person is held to be a separate agent, and all social phenomena are thought of as originating in the action of such agents. The individual is the source, the independent, the SOCIETY AND THE INDIVIDUAL only human source, of events. Although this way of looking at things has been much discredited by the evolutionary science and philosophy of recent years, it is by no means abandoned, even in theory, and practically it enters as a premise, in one shape or another, into most of the current thought of the day. It springs naturally from the established way of thinking, congenial, as I have remarked, to the ordi- nary material view of things and corroborated by theological and other traditions. Next is double causation, or a partition of power between society and the individual, thought of as separate causes. This notion, in one shape or an- other, is the one ordinarily met with in social and ethical discussion. It is no advance, philosophi- cally, upon the preceding. There is the same prem- ise of the individual as a separate, unrelated agent ; but over against him is set a vaguely conceived gen- eral or collective interest and force. It seems that people are so accustomed to thinking of themselves as uncaused causes, special creators on a small scale, that when the existence of general phenomena is forced upon their notice they are likely to regard these as something additional, separate, and more or less an- tithetical. Our two forces contend with varying fort- unes, the thinker sometimes sympathizing with one, sometimes with the other, and being an individualist or a socialist accordingly. The doctrines usually un- derstood in connection with these terms differ, as re- gards their conception of the nature of life, only in 9 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER taking opposite sides of the same questionable an- tithesis. The socialist holds it desirable that the general or collective force should win ; the individ- ualist has a contrary opinion. Neither offers any change of ground, any reconciling and renewing breadth of view. So far as breadth of view is con- cerned a man might quite as well be an individualist as a socialist or collectivist, the two being identical in philosophy though antagonistic in programme. If one is inclined to neither party he may take refuge in the expectation that the controversy, resting, as he may hold that it does, on a false conception of life, will presently take its proper place among the for- gotten debris of speculation. Thirdly we have primitive individualism. This expression has been used to describe the view that sociality follows individuality in time, is a later and additional product of development. This view is a variety of the preceding, and is, perhaps, formed by a mingling of individualistic preconceptions with a somewhat crude evolutionary philosophy. Indi- viduality is usually conceived as lower in moral rank as well as precedent in time. Man ivas a mere indi- vidual, mankind a mere aggregation of such, but he has gradually become socialized, he is progressively merging into a social whole. Morally speaking, the individual is the bad, the social the good, and we must push on the work of putting down the former and bringing in the latter. Of course the view which I regard as sound, is that 10 SOCIETY AND THE INDIVIDUAL individuality is neither prior in time nor lower in moral rank than sociality ; but that the two have al- ways existed side by side as complementary aspects of the same thing, and that the line of progress is from a lower to a higher type of both, not from the one to the other. If the word social is applied only to the higher forms of mental life it should, as already suggested, be opposed not to individual, but to animal, sensual, or some other word implying mental or moral inferior- ity. If we go back to a time when the state of our remote ancestors was such that we are not willing to call it social, then it must have been equally unde- serving to be described as individual or personal ; that is to say, they must have been just as inferior to us when viewed separately as when viewed collec- tively. To question this is to question the vital unity of human life. The life of the human species, like that of other species, must always have been both general and par- ticular, must always have had its collective and dis- tributive aspects. The plane of this life has grad- ually risen, involving, of course, both the aspects mentioned. Now, as ever, they develop as one, and may be observed united in the highest activities of the highest minds. Shakespeare, for instance, is in one point of view a unique and transcendent individ- ual; in another he is a splendid expression of the general life of mankind : the difference is not in him but in the way we choose to look at him. Finally, there is the social faculty view. This ex- 11 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER pression might be used to indicate those conceptions which regard the social as including only a part, often a rather definite part, of the individual. Hu- man nature is thus divided into individualistic or non-social tendencies or faculties, and those that are social. Thus, certain emotions, as love, are social; others, as fear or anger, are unsocial or individualis- tic. Some writers have even treated the intelligence as an individualistic faculty, and have found sociality only in some sorts of emotion or sentiment. This idea of instincts or faculties that are pecul- iarly social is well enough if we use this word in the sense of pertaining to conversation or immediate fel- low-feeling. Affection is certainly more social in this sense than fear. But if it is meant that these instincts or faculties are in themselves morally higher than others, or that they alone pertain to the collec- tive life, the view is, I think, very questionable. At any rate the opinion I hold, and expect to explain more fully in the further course of this book, is that man's psychical outfit is not divisible into the social and the non-social ; but that he is all social in a large sense, is all a part of the common human life, and that his social or moral progress consists less in the aggrandizement of particular faculties or instincts and the suppression of others, than in the discipline of all with reference to a progressive organization of life which we know in thought as conscience. Some instincts or tendencies may grow in relative importance, may have an increasing function, while 12 SOCIETY AND THE INDIVIDUAL the opposite may be true of others. Such relative growth aud diminution of parts seems to be a general feature of evolution, and there is no reason why it should be absent from our mental development. But here as well as elsewhere most parts, if not all, are or have been functional with reference to a life col- lective as well as distributive; there is no sharp separation of faculties, and progress takes place rather by gradual adaptation of old organs to new functions than by disuse and decay. 13 CHAPTER H SUGGESTION AND CHOICE THE MEANING OF THESE TERMS AND THKIK RELATION TO EACH OTHER INDIVIDUAL AND SOCIAL A SPECTS OF WILL OR CHOICB SUGGESTION AND CHOICE IN CHILDREN THE SCOPE OF SUGGESTION COMMONLY UNDERESTIMATED PRACTICAL LIMITA- TIONS UPON DELIBERATE CHOICE ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE AC- TION OF THE MILIEU THE GREATER OR LESS ACTIVITY OF CHOICE REFLECTS THE STATE OF SOCIETY SUGGESTIBILITY. THE antithesis between suggestion and choice is another of those familiar ideas which are not always so clear as they should be. The word suggestion is used here to denote an in- fluence that works in a comparatively mechanical or reflex way, without calling out that higher selective activity of the mind implied in choice or will. Thus the hypnotic subject who performs apparently mean- ingless actions at the word of the operator is said to be controlled by suggestion ; so also is one who catches up tricks of speech and action from other people without meaning to. From such instances the idea is extended to embrace any thought or ac- tion which is mentally simple and seems not to in- volve choice. The behavior of people under strong emotion is suggestive ; crowds are suggestible ; habit is a kind of suggestion, and so on. I prefer this word to imitation, which some use in 14 SUGGESTION AND CHOICE this or a similar sense, because the latter, as ordinar- ily understood, seems to cover too little in some di- rections and too much in others. In common use it means an action that results in visible or audible re- semblance. Now although our simple reactions to the influence of others are largely of this sort, they are by no means altogether so; the actions of a child during the first six months of life, for instance, are very little imitative in this sense ; on the other hand, the imitation that produces a visible resemblance may be a voluntary process of the most complex sort imaginable, like the skilful painting of a portrait. However, it makes little difference what words we use if we have sound meanings back of them, and I am far from intending to find fault with writers, like Professor Baldwin and M. Tarde, who adopt the word and give it a wide and unusual application. For my purpose, however, it does not seem expe- dient to depart so far from ordinary usage. The distinction between suggestion and choice is not, I think, a sharp opposition between separ- able or radically different things, but rather a way of indicating the lower and higher stages of a series. What we call choice or will appears to be an ill-defined area of more strenuous mental activity within a much wider field of activity similar in kind but less intense. It is not sharply divisible from the mass of involuntary thought. The truth is that the facts of the mind, of society, indeed of any living whole, seldom admit of sharp division, but show 15 HUMAN NATUKE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER gradual transitions from one thing to another : there are no fences in these regions. We speak of sugges- tion as mechanical; but it seems probable that all psychical life is selective, or, in some sense, choos- ing, and that the rudiments of consciousness and will may be discerned or inferred in the simplest reaction of the lowest living creature. In our own minds the comparatively simple ideas which are called sugges- tions are by no means single and primary, but each one is itself a living, shifting, multifarious bit of life, a portion of the fluid " stream of thought " formed by some sort of selection and synthesis out of sim- pler elements. On the other hand, our most elabo- rate and volitional thought and action is suggested in the sense that it consists not in creation out of nothing, but in a creative synthesis or reorganization of old material. The distinction, then, is one of degree rather than of kind ; and choice, as contrasted with suggestion, is, in its individual aspect, a comparatively elaborate process of mental organization or synthesis, of which we are reflectively aware, and which is rendered necessary by complexity in the elements of our thought. In its social aspect for all, or nearly all, our choices relate in one way or another to the social environment it is an organization of comparatively complex social relations. Precisely as the conditions about us and the ideas suggested by those conditions become intricate, are we forced to think, to choose, to define the useful and the right, and, in general, to 16 SUGGESTION AND CHOICE work out the higher intellectual life. When life is simple, thought and action are comparatively me- chanical or suggestive ; the higher consciousness is not aroused, the reflective will has little or nothing to do ; the captain stays below and the inferior of- ficers work the ship. But when life is diverse, thought is so likewise, and the mind must achieve the higher synthesis, or suffer that sense of division which is its peculiar pain. In short, the question of suggestion and choice is only another view of the question of uniformity and complexity in social rela- tions. Will, or choice, like all phases of mental life, may be looked at either in a particular or a general as- pect; and we have, accordingly, individual will or social will, depending upon our point of view, as to whether we regard the activity singly or in a mass. But there is no real separation ; they are only differ- ent phases of the same thing. Any choice that I can make is a synthesis of suggestions derived in one way or another from the general life ; and it also re- acts upon that life, so that my will is social as being both effect and cause with reference to it. If I buy a straw hat you may look at my action separately, as my individual choice, or as part of a social demand for straw hats, or as indicating non-conformity to a fashion of wearing some other sort of hats, and so on. There is no mystery about the matter ; nothing that need puzzle anyone who is capable of perceiving that a thing may look differently from different stand- 17 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER points, like the post that was painted a different color on each of its four sides. It is, I think, a mistake of superficial readers to imagine that psychologists or sociologists are trying to depreciate the will, or that there is any tendency to such depreciation in a sound evolutionary science or philosophy. The trouble with the popular view of will, derived chiefly from tradition, is not that it exaggerates its importance, which would perhaps be impossible ; but, first, that it thinks of will only in the individual aspect, and does not grasp the fact plain enough it would seem that the act of choice is cause and effect in a general life ; and, second, that it commonly overlooks the importance of involuntary forces, or at least makes them separate from and an- tithetical to choice as if the captain were expected to work the ship all alone, or in opposition to the crew, instead of using them as subordinate agents. There is little use in arguing abstractly points like these ; but if the reader who may be puzzled by them will try to free himself from metaphysical formulae, and determine to see the facts as they are, he will be in a way to get some healthy understanding of the matter.* * It should easily be understood that one who agrees with what was said in the preceding chapter about the relation between society and the individual, can hardly entertain the question whether the individual will is free or externally determined. This question as- sumes as true what he holds to be false, namely that the particular aspect of mankind is separable from the collective aspect. The idea underlying it is that of an isolated fragment of life, the will, on the one hand, and some great mass of life, the environment, on 18 SUGGESTION AND CHOICE By way of illustrating these general statements I shall first offer a few remarks concerning suggestion the other ; the question being which of these two antithetical forces shall be master. If one, then the will is free; if the other, then it is determined. It is as if each man's mind were a castle be- sieged by an army, and the question were whether the army should make a breach and capture the occupants. It is hard to see how this way of conceiving the matter could arise from a direct obser- vation of actual social relations. Take, for instance, the case of a member of Congress, or of any other group of reasoning, feeling, and mutually influencing creatures. Is he free in relation to the rest of the body or do they control him ? The question appears senseless. He is influenced by them and also exerts an influence upon them. While he is certainly not apart from their power, he is controlled, if we use that word, through his own will and not in spite of it. And it seems plain enough that a relation similar in kind holds between the individual and the nation, or between the individual and humanity in general. If you think of human life as a whole and of each individual as a member and not a fragment, as, in my opinion, you must if you base your thoughts on a direct study of society and not upon metaphysical or theological precon- ceptions, the question whether the will is free or not is seen to be meaningless. The individual will appears to be a specialized part of the general life, more or less divergent from other parts and possibly contending with them ; but this very divergence is a part of its function just as a member of Congress serves that body by urging his particular opinions and in a large view does not sep- arate but unites it to life as a whole. It is often necessary to con- sider the individual with reference to his opposition to other persons, or to prevailing tendencies, and in so doing it may be convenient to speak of him as separate from and antithetical to the life about him : but this separateness and opposition are incidental, like the right hand pulling against the left to break a string, and there seems to be no sufficient warrant for extending it into a gen- eral or philosophical proposition. There may be some sense in which the question of the freedom of the will is still of interest ; but it seems to me that the student of social relations may well pass it by as one of those scholastic controversies which are settled, if at all, not by being decided one way or the other, but by becoming obsolete. 19 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER and choice in the life of children, and then go on to discuss their working in adult life and upon the career as a whole. There appears to be quite a general impression that children are far more subject to control through suggestion or mechanical imitation than grown-up people are ; in other words, that their volition is less active. I am not at all sure that this is the case : their choices are, as a rule, less stable and consistent than ours, their minds have less definiteness of or- ganization, so that their actions appear less rational and more externally determined; but on the other hand they have less of the mechanical subjection to habit that goes with a settled character. Choice is a process of growth, of progressive mental organization through selection and assimilation of the materials which life presents, and this process is surely never more vigorous than in childhood and youth. It can hardly be doubted that the choosing and formative vigor of the mind is greater under the age of twenty- five than after : the will of middle age is stronger in the sense that it has more momentum, but it has less acceleration, runs more on habit, and so is less ca- pable of fresh choice. I am distrustful of that plausible but possibly illu- sive analogy between the mind of the child and the mind of primitive man, which, in this connection, would suggest a like simplicity and inertness of thought in the two. Our children achieve in a dozen 20 SUGGESTION AND CHOICE years a mental development much above that of savages, and supposing that they do, in some sense, recapitulate the progress of the race, they certainly cover the ground at a very different rate of speed, which involves a corresponding intensity of mental life. After the first year certainly, if not from birth, they share our social order, and we induct them so rapidly into its complex life that their minds have perhaps as much novelty and diversity to synthetize as ours do. Certainly one who begins to observe children with a vague notion that their actions, after the first few months, are almost all mechanically imitative, is likely to be surprised. I had this notion, derived, perhaps without much warrant, from a slight ac- quaintance with writings on child-study current pre- vious to 1893, when my first child was born. He was a boy I will call him B. in whom imitativeness, as ordinarily understood, happened to be unusually late in its development. Until he was more than two years and a half old all that I noticed that was ob- viously imitative, in the sense of a visible or audible repetition of the acts of others, was the utterance of about six words that he learned to say during his second year. It is likely that very close observation, assisted by the clearer notion of what to look for that comes by experience, would have discovered more : but no more was obvious to ordinary expectant at- tention. The obvious thing was his constant use of experiment and reflection, and the slow and often 21 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER curious results that he attained in this manner. At two and a half he had learned, for instance, to use a fork quite skilfully. The wish to use it was perhaps an imitative impulse, in a sense, but his methods were original and the outcome of a long course of in- dependent and reflective experiment. His skill was the continuation of a dexterity previously acquired in playing with long pins, which he ran into cushions, the interstices of his carriage, etc. The fork was apparently conceived as an interesting variation upon the hat-pin, and not, primarily, as a means of getting food or doing what others did. In creeping or walk- ing, at which he was very slow, partly on account of a lame foot, he went through a similar series of devi- ous experiments, which apparently had no reference to what he saw others do. He did not begin to talk beyond using the few words already mentioned until over two years and eight months old ; having previously refused to in- terest himself in it, although he understood others as well, apparently, as any child of his age. He preferred to make his wants known by grunts and signs; and instead of delighting in imitation he evidently liked better a kind of activity that was only indirectly connected with the suggestions of others. I frequently tried to produce imitation, but al- most wholly without success. For example, when he was striving to accomplish something with his blocks I would intervene and show him, by example, 22 SUGGESTION AND CHOICE how, as I thought, it might be done, but these suggestions were invariably, so far as I remember or have recorded, received with indifference or pro- test. He liked to puzzle it out quietly for himself, and to be shown how to do a thing often seemed to destroy his interest in it. Yet he would profit by observation of others in his own fashion, and I some- times detected him making use of ideas to which he seemed to pay no attention when they were first pre- sented. In short, he showed that aversion, which minds of a pondering, constructive turn perhaps al- ways show, to anything which suddenly and crudely broke in upon his system of thought. At the same time that he was so backward in the ordinary curric- ulum of childhood, he showed -in other ways, which it is perhaps unnecessary to describe, that comparison and reflection were well developed. This preoccupa- tion with private experiment and reflection, and re- luctance to learn from others, were undoubtedly a cause of his slow development, particularly in speech, his natural aptitude for which appeared in a good enunciation and a marked volubility as soon as he really began to talk. Imitation came all at once : he seemed to perceive quite suddenly that this was a short cut to many things, and took it up, not in a merely mechanical or suggestive way, but consciously, intelligently, as a means to an end. The imitative act, however, was often an end in itself, an interesting exercise of his constructive faculties, pursued at first without much 23 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER regard to anything beyond. This was the case with the utterance of words, and, later, with spelling, with each of which he became fascinated for its own sake and regardless of its use as a means of communica- tion. In a second child, M., a girl, I was able to observe the working of a mind of a different sort, and of a much more common type as regards imitation. When two months and seven days old she was observed to make sounds in reply to her mother when coaxed with a certain pitch and inflection of voice. These sounds were clearly imitative, since they were seldom made at other times, but not mechanically so. They were produced with every appearance of mental effort and of delight in its success. Only vocal imitations, of this rudimentary sort, were observed until eight months was nearly reached, when the first manual imitation, striking a button-hook upon the back of a chair, was noticed. This action had been per- formed experimentally before, and the imitation was merely a repetition suggested by seeing her mother do it, or perhaps by hearing the sound. After this the development of imitative activity proceeded much in the usual way, which has often been de- scribed. In both of these cases I was a good deal impressed with the idea that the life of children, as compared with that of adults, is less determined in a merely sug- gestive way, and involves more will and choice, than is commonly supposed. Imitation, in the sense of SUGGESTION AND CHOICE visible or audible repetition, was not so omnipresent as I had expected, and when present seemed to be in great part rational and voluntary rather than mechanical. It is very natural to assume that to do what someone else does requires no mental ef- fort; but this, as applied to little children, is, of course, a great mistake. They cannot imitate an act except by learning how to do it, any more than grown-up people can, and for a child to learn a word may be as complicated a process as for an older per- son to learn a difficult piece on the piano. A novel imitation is not at all mechanical, but a strenuous voluntary activity, accompanied by effort and fol- lowed by pleasure in success. All sympathetic ob- servers of children must be impressed, I imagine, by the evident mental stress and concentration which often accompanies their endeavors, whether imitative or not, and is followed, as in adults, by the appear- ance of relief when the action has come off success- fully* The " imitative instinct " is sometimes spoken of as if it were a mysterious something that enabled the child to perform involuntarily and without prepara- * The imitativeness of children is stimulated by the imitativeness of parents. A baby cannot hit upon any sort of a noise, but the admiring family, eager for communication, will imitate it again and again, hoping to get a repetition. They are usually disappointed, but the exercise probably causes the child to notice the likeness of the sounds and so prepares the way for imitation. It is perhaps safe to say that up to the end of the first year the parents are more imitative than the child. 35 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER tion acts that are quite new to him. It will be found difficult, if one reflects upon the matter, to conceive what could be the nature of an instinct or hereditary tendency, not to do a definite thing previously per- formed by our ancestors as is the case with ordi- nary instinct but to do anything, within vague limits, which happened to be done within our sight or hearing. This doing of new things without defi- nite preparation, either in heredity or experience, would seem to involve something like special crea- tion in the mental and nervous organism : and the imitation of children has no such character. It is quite evidently an acquired power, and if the act imitated is at all complex the learning process in- volves a good deal of thought and will. If there is an imitative instinct it must, apparently, be some- thing in the way of a taste for repetition, which stimulates the learning process without, however, having any tendency to dispense with it. The taste for repetition seems, in fact, to exist, at least in most children, but even this may be sufficiently ex- plained as a phase of the general mental tendency to act upon uncontradicted ideas. It is a doctrine now generally taught by psychologists that the idea of an action is itself a motive to that action, and tends intrinsically to produce it unless something intervenes to prevent. This being the case, it would appear that we must always have some impulse to do what we see done, provided it is something we under- stand sufficiently to be able to form a definite idea of 26 SUGGESTION AND CHOICE doing it.* I am inclined to the view that it is unnec- essary to assume, in man, a special imitative instinct, but that " as Preyer and others have shown in the case of young children, mimicry arises mainly from pleasure in activity as such, and not from its peculiar quality as imitation." f An intelligent child imitates because he has faculties crying for employment, and imitation is a key that lets them loose : he needs to do things and imitation gives him things to do. An indication that sensible resemblance to the acts of others is not the main thing sought is seen in such cases as the following : M. had a trick of raising her hands above her head, which she would perform, when in the mood for it, either imitatively, when someone else did it, or in response to the words " How big is M. ? " but she responded more readily in the second or non-imitative way than in the other. This example well illustrates the reason for my pref- erence of the word suggestion over imitation to de- scribe these simple reactions. In this case the action performed had no sort of resemblance to the form of words " How big is M. ? " that started it, and could be called imitative only in a recondite sense. All that is necessary is that there should be a suggestion, that something should be presented that is connected in * " In like manner any act or expression is a stimulus to the nerve- centres that perceive or understand it. Unless their action is in- hibited by the will, or by counter-stimulation, they must discharge themselves in movements that more or less closely copy the origi- nals." Giddings, Principles of Sociology, 110. f H. M. Stanley, The Evolutionary Psychology of Feeling, p. 53. 27 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER the child's mind with the action to be produced. Whether this connection is by sensible resemblance or not seems immaterial. There seems to be some opposition between im- itation of the visible, external kind, and reflection. Children of one sort are attracted by sensible re- semblance and so are early and conspicuously im- itative. If this is kept up in a mechanical way af- ter the acts are well learned, and at the expense of new efforts, it would seem to be a sign of men- tal apathy, or even defect, as in the silly mimicry of some idiots. Those of another sort are preoccu- pied by the subtler combinations of thought which do not, as a rule, lead to obvious imitation. Such children are likely to be backward in the develop- ment of active faculties, and slow to observe except where their minds are specially interested. They are also, if I may judge by E., slow to interpret feat- ures and tones of voice, guileless and unaffected, just because of this lack of keen personal perceptions, and not quickly sympathetic. Accordingly, it is not at all clear that children are, on the whole, any more given to imitation of the mechanical sort, any more suggestible, than adults. They appear so to us chiefly, perhaps, for two reasons. In the first place, we fail to realize the thought, the will, the effort, they expend upon their imitations. They do things that have become me- chanical to us, and we assume that they are mechan- ical to them, though closer observation and reflection 28 SUGGESTION AND CHOICE would show us the contrary. These actions are largely daring experiments, strenuous syntheses of previously acquired knowledge, comparable in qual- ity to our own most earnest efforts, and not to the thoughtless routine of our lives. We do not see that their echoing of the words they hear is often not a silly repetition, but a difficult and instructive exer- cise of the vocal apparatus. Children imitate much because they are growing much, and imitation is a principal means of growth. This is true at any age ; the more alive and progressive a man is the more actively he is admiring and profiting by his chosen models. A second reason is that adults imitate at longer range, as it were, so that the imitative character of their acts is not so obvious. They come into contact with more sorts of persons, largely unknown to one another, and have access to a greater variety of sug- gestions in books. Accordingly they present a de- ceitful appearance of independence simply because we do not see their models. Though we may be likely to exaggerate the differ- once between children and adults as regards the sway of suggestive influences, there is little danger of our overestimating the importance of these in the life of mankind at large. The common impression among those who have given no special study to the matter appears to be that suggestion has little part in the mature life of a rational being ; and though the con- 29 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER trol of involuntary impulses is recognized in tricks of speech and manner, in fads, fashions, and the like, it is not perceived to touch the more important points of conduct. The fact, however, is that the main cur- rent of our thought is made up of impulses absorbed without deliberate choice from the life about us, or else arising from hereditary instinct, or from habit ; while the function of higher thought and of will is to organize and apply these impulses. To revert to an illustration already suggested, the voluntary is related to the involuntary very much as the captain of a ship is related to the seamen and subordinate officers. Their work is not altogether of a different sort from his, but is of a lower grade in a mental series. He supplies the higher sort of co-ordination, but the main bulk of the activity is of the mentally lower order. The chief reason why popular attention should fix itself upon voluntary thought and action, and tend to overlook the involuntary, is that choice is acutely conscious, and so must, from its very nature, be the focus of introspective thought. Because he is an individual, a specialized, contending bit of psychical force, a man very naturally holds his will, in its individual aspect, to be of supreme moment. If we did not feel a great importance in the things we do we could not will to do them. And in the life of other people voluntary action seems supreme, for very much the same reasons that it does in our own. It is always in the foreground, active, obvious, iutru- 30 SUGGESTION AND CHOICE sive, the thing that creates differences and so fixes the attention. We notice nothing except through contrast ; and accordingly the mechanical control of suggestion, affecting all very much alike, is usually unperceived. As we do not notice the air, precisely because it is always with us, so, for the same reason, we do not notice a prevailing mode of dress. In like manner we are ignorant of our local accent and bear- ing, and are totally unaware, for the most part, of all that is common to our time, our country, our cus- tomary environment. Choice is a central area of light and activity upon which our eyes are fixed ; while the unconscious is a dark, illimitable back- ground enveloping this area. Or, again, choice is like the earth, which we unconsciously assume to be the principal part of creation, simply because it is the centre of our interest and the field of our exer- tions. The practical limitations upon the scope of choice arise, first, from its very nature as a selective and organizing agent, working upon comparatively simple or suggestive ideas as its raw material, and, second, from the fact that it absorbs a great deal of vital energy. Owing to the first circumstance its activity is always confined to points where there is a compe- tition of ideas. So long as an idea is uncontradicted, not felt to be in any way inconsistent with others, we take it as a matter of course. It is a truth, though hard for us to realize, that if we had lived in Dante's 31 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER time we should have believed in a material Hell, Purgatory, and Paradise, as he did, and that our doubts of this, and of many other things which his age did not question, have nothing to do with our natural intelligence, but are made possible and neces- sary by competing ideas which the growth of knowl- edge has enabled us to form. Our particular minds or wills are members of a slowly growing whole, and at any given moment are limited in scope by the state of the whole, and especially of those parts of the whole with which they are in most active contact. Our thought is never isolated, but always some sort of a response to the influences around us, so that we can hardly have thoughts that are not in some way aroused by communication. Will free will if you choose is thus a co-operative whole, not an aggregation of disconnected fragments, and the freedom of the indi- vidual is freedom under law, like that of the good citizen, not anarchy. We learn to speak by the exercise of will, but no one, I suppose, will assert that an infant who hears only French is free to learn English. Where suggestions are numerous and con- flicting we feel the need to choose ; to make these choices is the function of will, and the result of them is a step in the progress of life, an act of freedom or creation, if you wish to call it so ; but where sugges- tion is single, as with religious dogma in ages of faith, we are very much at its mercy. We do not perceive these limitations, because there is no point of vantage from which we can observe and measure the general 32 SUGGESTION AND CHOICE state of thought ; there is nothing to compare it "with Only when it begins to change, when competing sug- gestions enter our minds and we get new points of view from which we can look back upon it, do we begin to notice its power over us. * The exhausting character of choice, of making up one's mind, is a matter of common experience. In some way the mental synthesis, this calling in and reducing to order the errant population of the mind, draws severely upon the vital energy, and one of the invariable signs of fatigue is a dread of making decis- ions and assuming responsibility. In our compli- cated life the will can, in fact, manage only a small part of the competing suggestions that are within our reach. What we are all forced to do is to choose a field of action which for some reason we look upon as specially interesting or important, and exercise * Goethe, in various places, contrasts modern art and literature with those of the Greeks in respect to the fact that the former express individual characteristics, the latter those of a race and an epoch. Thus in a letter to Schiller No. 631 of the Goethe-Schiller correspondence he says of Paradise Lost, " In the case of this poem, as with all modern works of art, it is in reality the individual that manifests itself that awakens the interest." Can there be some illusion mixed with the truth of this idea ? Is it not the case that the nearer a thing is to our habit of thought the more clearly we see the individual, and the more vaguely, if at all, the universal ? And would not an ancient Greek, perhaps, have seen as much of what was peculiar to each artist, and as little of what was common to all, as we do in a writer of our own time ? The principle is much the same as that which makes all Chinamen look pretty much alike to us : we see the type because it is so different from what we are used to, but only one who lives within it can fully perceive the differences among individuals. 33 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER our choice in that ; in other matters protecting our- selves, for the most part, by some sort of mechanical control some accepted personal authority, some local custom, some professional tradition, or the like. Indeed, to know where and how to narrow the activ- ity of the will in order to preserve its tone and vigor for its most essential functions, is a great part of knowing how to live. An incontinent exercise of choice wears people out, so that many break down and yield even essentials to discipline and authority in some form ; while many more wish, at times, to do so and indulge themselves, perhaps, in Thomas a Kempis, or "The Christian's Secret of a Happy Life." Not a few so far exhaust the power of self-direction as to be left drifting at the mercy of undisciplined passions. There are many roads to degeneracy, and persons of an eager, strenuous nature not infrequently take this one. A common instance of the insidious power of milieu is afforded by the transition from university educa- tion to getting a living. At a university one finds himself, if he has any vigor of imagination, in one of the widest environments the world can afford. He has access to the suggestions of the richest minds of all times and countries, and has also, or should have, time and encouragement to explore, in his own way, this spacious society. It is his business to think, to aspire, and grow ; and if he is at all capable of it he does so. Philosophy and art and science and the 34 SUGGESTION AND CHOICE betterment of mankind are real and living interests to him, largely because he is in the great stream of higher thought that flows through libraries. Now let him graduate and enter, we will say, upon the lumber business at Kawkawlin. Here he finds the scope of existence largely taken up with the details of this industry wholesome for him in some ways, but likely to be overemphasized. These and a few other things are repeated over and over again, dinned into him, everywhere assumed to be the solid things of life, so that he must believe in them ; while the rest grows misty and begins to lose hold upon him. He cannot make things seem real that do not enter into his experience, and if he resists the narrowing environment it must be by keeping touch with a larger world, through books or other personal inter- course, and by the exercise of imagination. Marcus Aurelius told himself that he was free to think what he chose, but it appears that he realized this freedom by keeping books about him that suggested the kind of thoughts he chose to think ; and it is only in some such sense as this implies that the assertion is true. When the palpable environment does not suit us we can, if our minds are vigorous enough, build up a better one out of remembered material ; but we must have material of some sort. It is easy to feel the effect of surroundings in such cases as this, because of the sharp and definite change, and because the imagination clings to one state long after the senses are subdued to the other ; 35 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER but it is not so with national habits and sentiments, which so completely envelop us that we are for the most part unaware of them. The more thoroughly American a man is the less he can perceive Ameri- canism. He will embody it ; all he does, says, or writes, will be full of it ; but he can never truly see it, simply because he has no exterior point of view from which to look at it. If he goes to Europe he begins to get by contrast some vague notion of it, though he will never be able to see just what it is that makes futile his attempts to seem an English- man, a German, or an Italian. Our appearance to other peoples is like one's own voice, which one never hears quite as others hear it, and which sounds strange when it comes back from the phonograph. The control of those larger movements of thought and sentiment that make a historical epoch is still less conscious, more inevitable. Only the imagina- tive student, in his best hours, can really free himself and that only in some respects from the limita- tions of his time and see things from a height. For the most part the people of other epochs seem strange, outlandish, or a little insane. We can scarcely rid ourselves of the impression that the way of life we are used to is the normal, and that other ways are eccentric. Dr. Sidis holds that the people of the Middle Ages were in a quasi-hypnotic state, and instances the crusades, dancing manias, and the like.* But the question is, would not our own time, * See the latter chapters of his Psychology of Suggestion. 36 SUGGESTION AND CHOICE viewed from an equal distance, appear to present the signs of abnormal suggestibility ? "Will not the in- tense preoccupation with material production, the hurry and strain of our cities, the draining of life into one channel, at the expense of breadth, richness, and beauty, appear as mad as the crusades, and per- haps of a lower type of madness ? Could anything be more indicative of a slight but general insanity than the aspect of the crowd on the streets of Chicago ? An illustration of this unconsciousness of what is distinctive in our time is the fact that those who par- ticipate in momentous changes have seldom any but the vaguest notion of their significance. There is perhaps no time in the history of art that seems to us now so splendid, so dramatic, as that of the sud- den rise of Gothic architecture in northern France, and the erection of the church of St. Denis at Paris was its culmination : yet Professor C. E. Norton, speaking of the Abbot Suger, who erected it, and of his memoirs, says, " Under his watchful and intelli- gent oversight the church became the most splendid and the most interesting building of the century ; but of the features that gave it special interest, that make it one of the most important monuments of mediaeval architecture, neither Suger, in his account of it, nor his biographer, nor any contemporary writer, says a single word." * To Suger and his time the Gothic, it would seem, was simply a new and improved way of building a church, a technical matter with which * See Harper's Magazine, vol. 79, p. 770. 37 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER he had little concern, except to see that it was duly earned out according to specifications. It was de- veloped by draughtsmen and handicraftsmen, mostly nameless, who felt their own thrill of constructive delight as they worked, but had no thought of his- torical glory. It is no doubt the same in our own time, and Mr. Bryce has noted with astonishment the unconsciousness or indifference of those who founded cities in western America, to the fact that they were doing something that would be memorable and influential for ages.* I have already said, or implied, that the activity of the will reflects the state of the social order. A constant and strenuous exercise of volition implies complexity in the surrounding life from which sug- gestions come, while in a simple society choice is limited in scope and life is comparatively mechan- ical. It is the variety of social intercourse or, what conies to the same thing, the character of social organization, that determines the field of choice; and accordingly there is a tendency for the scope of the will to increase with that widening and in- tensification of life that is so conspicuous a feature of recent history. This change is bound up with the extension and diffusion of communication, opening up innumerable channels by which competing sug- gestions may enter the mind. We are still depend- ent upon environment life is always a give and take * See The American Commonwealth, vol. ii., p. 705. 38 SUGGESTION AND CHOICE with surrounding conditions but environment is be- coming very wide, and in the case of imaginative persons may extend itself to almost any ideas that the past or present life of the race has brought into being. This brings opportunity for congenial choice and characteristic personal growth, and at the same time a good deal of distraction and strain. There is more and more need of stability, and of a vigorous rejection of excessive material, if one would escape mental exhaustion and degeneracy. Choice is like a river ; it broadens as it comes down through history though there are always banks and the wider it becomes the more persons drown in it. Stronger and stronger swimming is required, and types of character that lack vigor and self-reliance are more and more likely to go under. The aptitude to yield to impulse in a mechanical or reflex way is called suggestibility. As might be expected, it is subject to great variations in different persons, and in the same person under different con- ditions. Abnormal suggestibility has received much study, and there is a great body of valuable literature relating to it. I wish in this connection only to re- call a few well-known principles which the student of normal social life needs to have in mind. As would naturally follow from our analysis of the relation between suggestion and choice, suggestibility is simply the absence of the controlling and organiz- ing action of the reflective will. This function not 39 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER being properly performed, thought and action are disintegrated and fly off on tangents; the captain being disabled the crew breaks up into factions, and discipline goes to pieces. Accordingly, whatever weakens the reason, and thus destroys the breadth and symmetry of consciousness, produces some form of suggestibility. To be excited is to be suggestible, that is to become liable to yield impulsively to an idea in harmony with the exciting emotion. An angry man is suggestible as regards denunciation, threats, and the like, a jealous one as regards sus- picions, and similarly with any passion. The suggestibility of crowds is a peculiar form of that limitation of choice by the environment already discussed. We have here a very transient environ- ment which owes its power over choice to the vague but potent emotion so easily generated in dense ag- gregates. The thick humanity is in itself exciting, and the will is further stupefied by the sense of insig- nificance, by the strangeness of the situation, and by the absence, as a rule, of any separate purpose to maintain an independent momentum. A man is like a ship in that he cannot guide his course unless he has way on. If he drifts he will shift about with any light air ; and the man in the crowd is usually drift- ing, is not pursuing any settled line of action in which he is sustained by knowledge and habit. This state of mind, added to intense emotion directed by some series of special suggestions, is the source of the wild and often destructive behavior of crowds and 40 SUGGESTION AND CHOICE mobs, as well as of a great deal of heroic enthusiasm. An orator, for instance, first unifying and heightening the emotional state of his audience by some humorous or pathetic incident, will be able, if tolerably skilful, to do pretty much as he pleases with them, so long as he does not go against their settled habits of thought. Anger, always a ready passion, is easily aroused, appeals to resentment being the staples of much popular oratory, and under certain conditions readily expresses itself in stoning, burning, and lynch- ing. And so with fear : General Grant in describ- ing the battle of Shiloh gives a picture of several thousand men on a hill-side in the rear, incapable of moving, though threatened to be shot for cowardice where they lay. Yet these very men, calmed and restored to their places, were among those who hero- ically fought and won the next day's battle. They had been restored to the domination of another class of suggestions, namely those implied in military discipline.* Suggestibility from exhaustion or strain is a rather common condition with many of us. Probably all eager brain workers find themselves now and then in a state where they are " too tired to stop." The overwrought mind loses the healthy power of cast- ing off its burden, and seems capable of nothing but going on and on in the same painful and futile course. One may know that he is accomplishing nothing, that work done in such a state of mind * Memoirs of U. S. Grant, vol. i., p. 344. 41 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER is always bad work, and that " that way madness lies," but yet be too weak to resist, chained to the wheel of his thought so that he must wait till it runs down. And such a state, however induced, is the opportunity for all sorts of undisciplined impulses, perhaps some gross passion, like anger, dread, the need of drink, or the like. According to Mr. Tylor,* fasting, solitude, and physical exhaustion by dancing, shouting, or flagel- lation are very generally employed by savage peoples to bring on abnormal states of mind of which sug- gestibility the sleep of choice, and control by some idea from the subconscious life is always a trait. The visions and ecstasies following the fastings, watchings, and flagellations of Christian devotees of an earlier time seem to belong, psychologically, in much the same category. It is well known that suggestibility is limited by habit, or, more accurately stated, that habit is itself a perennial source of suggestions that set bounds and conditions upon the power of fresh suggestions. A total abstainer will resist the suggestion to drink, a modest person will refuse to do anything indecent, and so on. People are least liable to yield to irra- tional suggestions, to be stampeded with the crowd, in matters with which they are familiar, so that they have habits regarding them. The soldier, in his place in the ranks and with his captain in sight, will march forward to certain death, very likely without * See his Primitive Culture, vol. ii., p. 372. 42 SUGGESTION AND CHOICE any acute emotion whatever, simply because he has the habits that constitute discipline ; and so with firemen, policemen, sailors, brakemen, physicians, and many others who learn to deal with life and death as calmly as they read a newspaper. It is all in the day's work. As regards the greater or less suggestibility of dif- ferent persons there is, of course, no distinct line be- tween the normal and the abnormal ; it is simply a matter of the greater or less efficiency of the higher mental organization. Most people, perhaps, are so far suggestible that they make no energetic and per- sistent attempt to interpret in any broad way the elements of life accessible to them, but receive the stamp of some rather narrow and simple class of sug- gestions to which their allegiance is yielded. There are innumerable people of much energy but sluggish intellect, who will go ahead as all who have energy must do but what direction they take is a matter of the opportune suggestion. The humbler walks of religion and philanthropy, for instance, the Salvation Army, the village prayer-meeting, and the city mis- sion, are full of such. They do not reason on gen- eral topics, but believe and labor. The intellectual travail of the time does not directly touch them. At some epoch in the past, perhaps in some hour of emotional exaltation, something was printed on their minds to remain there till death, and be read and followed daily. To the philosopher such people are fanatics; but their function is as important as 43 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER his. They are repositories of moral energy which he is very likely to lack they are the people who brought in Christianity and have kept it going ever since. And this is only one of many comparatively automatic types of mankind. Rationality, in the sense of a patient and open-minded attempt to think out the general problems of life, is, and perhaps al- ways must be, confined to a small minority even of the most intelligent populations. 44 CHAPTER in SOCIABILITY AND PERSONAL IDEAS THE SOCIABILITY OF CHILDREN IMAGINARY CONVERSATION AND ITS SIGNIFICANCE THE NATURE OF THE IMPULSE TO COMMU- NICATE THERE is No SEPARATION BETWEEN REAL AND IMAG- INARY PERSONS NOR BETWEEN THOUGHT AND INTERCOURSE THE STUDY AND INTERPRETATION OF EXPRESSION BY CHIL- DREN THE SYMBOL OR SENSUOUS NUCLEUS OF PERSONAL IDEAS PERSONAL PHYSIOGNOMY IN ART AND LITERATURE IN THE IDEA OF SOCIAL GROUPS SENTIMENT IN PERSONAL IDEAS THE PERSONAL IDEA is THE IMMEDIATE SOCIAL REAL- ITY SOCIETY MUST BE STUDIED IN THE IMAGINATION THE POSSIBLE REALITY OF INCORPOREAL PERSONS THE MATERIAL NOTION OF PERSONALITY CONTRASTED WITH THE NOTION BASED ON A STUDY OF PERSONAL IDEAS SELF AND OTHER IN PERSONAL IDEAS PERSONAL OPPOSITION FURTHER ILLUS- TRATION AND DEFENCE OF THE VIEW OF PERSONS AND SOCI- ETY HERE SET FORTH. To any but a mother a new-born child hardly seems human. It appears rather to be a strange little ani- mal, wonderful indeed, exquisitely finished even to the finger-nails ; mysterious, awakening a fresh sense of our ignorance of the nearest things of life, but not friendly, not lovable. It is only after some days that a kindly nature begins to express itself and to grow into something that can be sympathized with and personally cared for. The earliest signs of it are chiefly certain smiles and babbling sounds, which are a matter of fascinating observation to anyone inter- ested iri the genesis of social feeling. 45 HUMAN NATUEE AOT) THE SOCIAL OEDEE Spasmodic smiles or grimaces occur even during the first week of life, and at first seem to mean noth- ing in particular. I have watched the face of an infant a week old while a variety of expressions, smiles, frowns, and so on, passed over it in rapid succession : it was as if the child were rehearsing a repertory of emotional expression belonging to it by instinct. So soon as they can be connected with anything definite these rudimentary smiles appear to be a sign of satisfaction. Mrs. Moore says that her child smiled on the sixth day " when comfortable," * and that this "never occurred when the child was known to be in pain." Preyer notes a smile on the face of a sleeping child, after nursing, on the tenth day.f They soon begin to connect themselves quite definitely with sensible objects, such as bright color, voices, movements, and fondling. At the same time the smile gradually develops from a grimace into a subtler, more human expression, and Dr. Perez, who seems to have studied a large number of children, says that all whom he observed smiled, when pleased, by the time they were two months old.J When a child is, say, five months old, no doubt can remain, in most cases, that the smile has become an expression of pleasure in the movements, sounds, touches, and general appearance of other people. It would seem, however, that personal feeling is not at first clearly * K. C. Moore, The Mental Development of a Child, p. 37. J- The Senses and the Will, p. 295. J See his First Three Years of Childhood, p. 13. 46 differentiated from pleasures of sight, sound, and touch of other origin, or from animal satisfactions having no obvious cause. Both of my children expended much of their early sociability on inani- mate objects, such as a red Japanese screen, a swing- ing lamp, a bright door-knob, an orange, and the like, babbling and smiling at them for many minutes at a time ; and M., when about three months old and later, would often lie awake laughing and chattering in the dead of night. The general impression left upon one is that the early manifestations of sociabil- ity indicate less fellow-feeling than the adult imagi- nation likes to impute, but are expressions of a pleasure which persons excite chiefly because they offer such a variety of stimuli to sight, hearing, and touch ; or, to put it otherwise, kindliness, while ex- isting almost from the first, is vague and undiscrimi- nating, has not yet become fixed upon its proper objects, but flows out upon all the pleasantness the child finds about him, like that of St. Francis, when, in his "Canticle of the Sun," he addresses the sun and the moon, stars, winds, clouds, fire, earth, and water, as brothers and sisters. Indeed, there is noth- ing about personal feeling which sharply marks it off from other feeling ; here as elsewhere we find no fences, but gradual transition, progressive differen- tiation. I do not think that early smiles are imitative. I observed both my children carefully to discover whether they smiled in response to a smile, and ob- 47 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER tained negative results when they were under ten months old. A baby does not smile by imitation, but because he is pleased ; and what pleases him in the first year of life is usually some rather obvious stimulus to the senses. If you wish a smile you must earn it by acceptable exertion ; it does no good to smirk. The belief that many people seem to have that infants respond to smiling is possibly due to the fact that when a grown-up person appears, both he and the infant are likely to smile, each at the other ; but although the smiles are simultaneous one need not be the cause of the other, and many observations lead me to think that it makes no difference to the infant whether the grown-up person smiles or not. He has not yet learned to appreciate this rather subtle phenomenon. At this and at all later ages the delight in compan- ionship so evident in children may be ascribed partly to specific social emotion or sentiment, and partly to a need of stimulating suggestions to enable them to gratify their instinct for various sorts of mental and physical activity. The influence of the latter appears in their marked preference for active persons, for grown-up people who will play with them provided they do so with tact and especially for other chil- dren. It is the same throughout life ; alone one is like fireworks without a match : he cannot set himself off, but is a victim of ennui, the prisoner of some tire- some train of thought that holds his mind simply by the absence of a competitor. A good companion 48 SOCIABILITY AND PERSONAL IDEAS brings release and fresh activity, the primal delight in a fuller existence. So with the child: what ex- citement when visiting children come ! He shouts, laughs, jumps about, produces his playthings and all his accomplishments. He needs to express himself, and a companion enables him to do so. The shout of another boy in the distance gives him the joy of shouting in response. But the need is for something more than muscular or sensory activities. There is also a need of feeling, an overflowing of personal emotion and sentiment, set free by the act of communication. By the time a child is a year old the social feeling that at first is indistinguishable from sensuous pleasure has become much specialized upon persons, and from that time onward to call it forth by reciprocation is a chief aim of his life. Perhaps it will not be out of place to emphasize this by transcribing two or three notes taken from life. "M. will now [eleven months old] hold up something she has found, e. g. , the petal of a flower, or a little stick, demanding your attention to it by grunts and squeals. When you look and make some motion or exclamation she smiles. ' ' " R. [four years old] talks all day long, to real compan- ions, if they will listen, if not to imaginary ones. As I sit on the steps this morning he seems to wish me to share his every thought and sensation. He describes everything he does, although I can see it, saying, ' Now I'm digging up little stones,' etc. I must look at the butterfly, feel of the fuzz on the clover stems, and try to squawk on the daride- 49 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER lion stems. Meanwhile he is reminded of what happened some other time, and he gives me various anecdotes of what he and other people did and said. He thinks aloud. If I seem not to listen he presently notices it and will come up and touch me, or bend over and look up into my face. ' ' "R. [about the same time] is hilariously delighted and excited when he can get anyone to laugh or wonder with him at his pictures, etc. He himself always shares by an- ticipation, and exaggerates the feeling he expects to pro- duce. When B. was calling, R., with his usual desire to entertain guests, brought out his pull-book, in which pull- ing a strip of pasteboard transforms the picture. When he prepared to work this he was actually shaking with eager- ness apparently in anticipation of the coming surprise." " I watch E. and R. [four and a half years old] playing McGrinty on the couch and guessing what card will turn up. R. is in a state of intense excitement which breaks out in boisterous laughter and all sorts of movements of the head and limbs. He is full of an emotion which has very little to do with mere curiosity or surprise relating to the card." I take it that the child has by heredity a generous capacity and need for social feeling, rather too vague and plastic to be given any specific name like love. It is not so much any particular personal emotion or sentiment as the undifferentiated material of many : perhaps sociability is as good a word for it as any. And this material, like all other instinct, allies it- self with social experience to form, as time goes on, a growing and diversifying body of personal thought, in which the phases of social feeling developed cor- respond, in some measure, to the complexity of life 50 SOCIABILITY AND PERSONAL IDEAS itself. It is a process of organization, involving pro- gressive differentiation and integration, such as we see everywhere in nature. In children and in simple-minded adults, kindly feeling may be very strong and yet very naive, in- volving little insight into the emotional states of others. A child who is extremely sociable, bubbling over with joy in companionship, may yet show a total incomprehension of pain and a scant regard for disapproval and punishment that does not take the form of a cessation of intercourse. In other words, there is a sociability that asks little from others ex- cept bodily presence and an occasional sign of atten- tion, and often learns to supply even these by imag- ination. It seems nearly or quite independent of that power of interpretation which is the starting- point of true sympathy. While both of my children were extremely sociable, E. was not at all sympa- thetic in the sense of having quick insight into others' states of feeling. Sociability in this simple form is an innocent, un- self-conscious joy, primary and unmoral, like all sim- ple emotion. It may shine with full brightness from the faces of idiots and imbeciles, where it sometimes alternates with fear, rage, or lust. A visitor to an institution where large numbers of these classes are collected will be impressed, as I have been, with the fact that they are as a rule amply endowed with those kindly impulses which some appear to look upon as almost the sole requisite for human welfare. It is a 51 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER singular and moving fact that there is a class of cases, mostly women, I think, in whom kindly emotion is so excitable as to be a frequent source of hysterical spasms, so that it has to be discouraged by frowns and apparent harshness on the part of those in charge. The chief difference between normal people and imbeciles in this regard is that, while the former have more or less of this simple kindliness in them, social emotion is also elaborately compounded and worked up by the mind into an indefinite number of complex passions and sentiments, corresponding to the relations and functions of an intricate life. When left to themselves children continue the joys of sociability by means of an imaginary playmate. Although all must have noticed this who have ob- served children at all, only close and constant ob- servation will enable one to realize the extent to which it is carried on. It is not an occasional prac- tice, but, rather, a necessary form of thought, flowing from a life in which personal communication is the chief interest and social feeling the stream in which, like boats on a river, most other feelings float. Some children appear to live in personal imaginations al- most from the first month ; others occupy their minds in early infancy mostly with solitary experi- ments upon blocks, cards, and other impersonal ob- jects, and their thoughts are doubtless filled with the images of these. But, in either case, after a child learns to talk and the social world in all its wonder 52 SOCIABILITY AND PERSONAL IDEAS and provocation opens on his mind, it floods his im- agination so that all his thoughts are conversations. He is never alone. Sometimes the inaudible inter- locutor is recognizable as the image of a tangible playmate, sometimes he appears to be purely imag- inary. Of course each child has his own peculiari- ties. B., beginning when about three years of age, almost invariably talked aloud while he was playing alone which, as he was a first child, was very often the case. Most commonly he would use no form of address but " you," and perhaps had no definite per- son in mind. To listen to him was like hearing one at the telephone ; though occasionally he would give both sides of the conversation. At times again he would be calling upon some real name, Esyllt or Dorothy, or upon " Piggy," a fanciful person of his own invention. Every thought seemed to be spoken out. If his mother called him he would say, " I've got to go in now." Once when he slipped down on the floor he was heard to say, " Did you tumble down? No. /did." The main point to note here is that these conver- sations are not occasional and temporary effusions of the imagination, but are the naive expression of a socialization of the mind that is to be permanent and to underly all later thinking. The imaginary dialogue passes beyond the thinking aloud of little children into something more elaborate, reticent, and sophisticated ; but it never ceases. Grown people, like children, are usually unconscious of these dia- 53 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER logues ; as we get older we cease, for the most part, to carry them on out loud, and some of us practise a good deal of apparently solitary meditation and ex- periment. But, speaking broadly, it is true of adults as of children, that the mind lives in perpetual con- versation. It is one of those things that we seldom notice just because they are so familiar and involun- tary ; but we can perceive it if we try to. If one suddenly stops and takes note of his thoughts at some time when his mind has been running free, as when he is busy with some simple mechanical work, he will be likely to find them taking the form of vague conversations. This is particularly true when one is somewhat excited with reference to a social situation. If he feels under accusation or suspicion in any way he will probably find himself making a defence, or perhaps a confession, to an imaginary hearer. A guilty man confesses " to get the load off his mind ; " that is to say, the excitement of his thought cannot stop there but extends to the connected im- pulses of expression and creates an intense need to tell somebody. Impulsive people often talk out loud when excited, either " to themselves," as we say when we can see no one else present, or to anyone whom they can get to listen. Dreams also consist very largely of imaginary conversations ; and, with some people at least, the mind runs in dialogue during the half-waking state before going to sleep. There are many other familiar facts that bear the same inter- pretation such, for instance, as that it is much 54 SOCIABILITY AND PERSONAL IDEAS easier for most people to compose in the form of let- ters or dialogue than in any other ; so that literature of this kind has been common in all ages. Goethe, in giving an account of how he came to write " Werther " as a series of letters, discusses the matter with his usual perspicuity, and lets us see how habitually conversational was his way of think- ing. Speaking of himself in the third person, he says : " Accustomed to pass his time most pleasantly in society, he changed even solitary thought into so- cial converse, and this in the following manner : He had the habit, when he was alone, of calling before his mind any person of his acquaintance. This per- son he entreated to sit down, walked up and down by him, remained standing before him, and dis- coursed with him on the subject he had in mind. To this the person answered as occasion required, or by the ordinary gestures signified his assent or dis- sent in which every man has something peculiar to himself. The speaker then continued to carry out further that which seemed to please the guest, or to condition and define more closely that of which he disapproved ; and finally was polite enough to give up his own notion. . . . How nearly such a dia- logue is akin to a written correspondence is clear enough ; only in the latter one sees returned the confidence one has bestowed, while in the former one creates for himself a confidence which is new, ever- changing and unreturned." * " Accustomed to pass * Oxenford's Translation, vol. i., p. 501. 55 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER his time most pleasantly in society, he changed even solitary thought into social converse," is not only a particular but a general truth, more or less applica- ble to all thought. The fact is that language, devel- oped by the race through personal intercourse and imparted to the individual in the same way, can never be dissociated from personal intercourse in the raind ; and since higher thought involves language, it is always a kind of imaginary conversation. The word and the interlocutor are correlative ideas. The impulse to communicate is not so much a re- sult of thought as it is an inseparable part of it. They are like root and branch, two phases of a com- mon growth, so that the death of one presently in- volves that of the other. Psychologists now teach that every thought involves an active impulse as part of its very nature ; and this impulse, with refer- ence to the more complex and socially developed forms of thought, takes the shape of a need to talk, to write, and so on ; and if none of these is practi- cable, it expends itself in a wholly imaginary com- munication. Montaigne, who understood human nature as well, perhaps, as anyone who ever lived, remarks : " There is no pleasure to me without communication : there is not so much as a sprightly thought comes into my mind that it does not grieve me to have produced alone, and that I have no one to tell it to." * And it * See his Essay on Vanity. 56 SOCIABILITY AND PERSONAL IDEAS was doubtless because he had many such thoughts which no one was at hand to appreciate, that he took to writing essays. The uncomprehended of all times and peoples have kept diaries for the same rea- son. So, in general, a true creative impulse in liter- ature or art is, in one aspect, an expression of this simple, childlike need to think aloud or to some- body ; to define and vivify thought by imparting it to an imaginary companion ; by developing that communicative element which belongs to its very nature, and without which it cannot live and grow. Many authors have confessed that they always think of some person when they write, and I am inclined to believe that this is always more or less definitely the case, though the writer himself may not be aware of it. Emerson somewhere says that " the man is but half himself ; the other half is his expression," and this is literally true. The man comes to be through some sort of expression, and has no higher existence apart from it ; overt or imaginary it takes place all the time. Men apparently solitary, like Thoreau, are often the best illustrations of the inseparability of thought and life from communication. No sympathetic read- er of his works, I should say, can fail to see that he took to the woods and fields not because he lacked sociability, but precisely because his sensibilities were so koen that he needed to rest and protect them by a peculiar mode of life, and to express them by the indirect and considerate method of literature. 57 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER No man ever labored more passionately to commu- nicate, to give and receive adequate expression, than he did. This may be read between the lines in all his works, and is recorded in his diary. " I would fain communicate the wealth of my life to men, would really give them what is most precious in my gift. I would secrete pearls with the shell-fish and lay up honey with the bees for them. I will sift the sun- beams for the public good. I know no riches I would keep back. I have no private good unless it be my peculiar ability to serve the public. This is the only individual property. Each one may thus be innocently rich. I enclose and foster the pearl till it is grown. I wish to communicate those parts of my life which I would gladly live again." * This shows, I think, a just notion of the relation between the individual and society, privacy and publicity. There is, in fact, a great deal of sound sociology in Thoreau. Since, therefore, the need to impart is of this pri- mary and essential character, we ought not to look upon it as something separable from and additional to the need to think or to be ; it is only by impart- ing that one is enabled to think or to be. Every- one, in proportion to his natural vigor, necessarily strives to communicate to others that part of his life which he is trying to unfold in himself. It is a matter of self-preservation, because without expres- sion thought cannot live. Imaginary conversation * Early Spring in Massachusetts, p. 232. 58 SOCIABILITY AND PERSONAL IDEAS that is, conversation carried on without the stimulus of a visible and audible response may satisfy the needs of the mind for a long time. There is, indeed, an advantage to a vigorously constructive and yet im- pressible imagination in restricting communication ; because in this way ideas are enabled to have a clear- er and more independent development than they could have if continually disturbed by criticism or opposition. Thus artists, men of letters, and pro- ductive minds of all sorts often find it better to keep their productions to themselves until they are fully matured. But, after all, the response must come sooner or later or thought itself will perish. The imagination, in time, loses the power to create an in- terlocutor who is not corroborated by any fresh ex- perience. If the artist finds no appreciator for his book or picture he will scarcely be able to produce another. People differ much in the vividness of their imag- inative sociability. The more simple, concrete, dra- matic, their habit of mind is, the more their think- ing is carried on in terms of actual conversation with a visible and audible interlocutor. Women, as a rule, probably do this more vividly than men, the unlet- tered more vividly than those trained to abstract thought, and the sort of people we call emotional more vividly than the impassive. Moreover, the in- terlocutor is a very mutable person, and is likely to resemble the last strong character we have been in contact with. I have noticed, for instance, that 59 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER when I take up a book after a person of decided and interesting character has been talking with me I am likely to hear the words of the book in his voice. The same is true of opinions, moral standards, and the like, as well as of physical traits. In short, the interlocutor, who is half of all thought and life, is drawn from the accessible environment. It is worth noting here that there is no separation between real and imaginary persons ; indeed, to be imagined is to become real, in a social sense, as I shall presently point out. An invisible person may easily be more real to an imaginative mind than a visible one ; sensible presence is not necessarily a matter of the first importance. A person can be real to us only in the degree in which we imagine an inner life which exists in us, for the time being, and which we refer to him. The sensible presence is important chiefly in stimulating us to do this. All real per- sons are imaginary in this sense. If, however, we use imaginary in the sense of illusory, an imagination not corresponding to fact, it is easy to see that visible presence is no bar to illusion. Thus I meet a stran- ger on the steamboat who corners me and tells me his private history. I care nothing for it, and he half knows that I do not ; he uses me only as a lay figure to sustain the agreeable illusion of sympathy, and is talking to an imaginary companion quite as he might if I were elsewhere. So likewise good manners are largely a tribute to imaginary compan- ionship, a make-believe of sympathy which it is 60 SOCIABILITY AND PEESONAL IDEAS agreeable to accept as real, though we may know, when we think, that it is not. To conceive a kindly and approving companion is something that one in- voluntarily tries to do, in accordance with that in- stinctive hedonizing inseparable from all wholesome mental processes, and to assist in this by at least a seeming of friendly appreciation is properly regarded as a part of good breeding. To be always sincere would be brutally to destroy this pleasant and most- ly harmless figment of the imagination. Thus the imaginary companionship which a child of three or four years so naively creates and expresses, is something elementary and almost omnipresent in the thought of a normal person. In fact, thought and personal intercourse may be regarded as merely aspects of the same thing : we call it personal inter- course when the suggestions that keep it going are received through faces or other symbols present to the senses ; reflection when the personal suggestions come through memory and are more elaborately worked over in thought. But both are mental, both are personal. Personal images, as they are connected with nearly all our higher thought in its inception, remain inseparable from it in memory. The mind is not a hermit's cell, but a place of hospitality and intercourse. We have no higher life that is really apart from other people. It is by imagining them that our personality is built up ; to be without the power of imagining them is to be a low-grade idiot ; and in the measure that a mind is lacking in this 61 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER power it is degenerate. Apart from this mental so- ciety there is no wisdom, no power, justice, or right, no higher existence at all. The life of the mind is essentially a life of intercourse. Let us now consider somewhat more carefully the way in which ideas of people grow up in the mind, and try to make out, as nearly as we can, their real nature and significance. The studies through which the child learns, in time, to interpret personal expression are very early begun. On her twelfth day M. was observed to get her eyes upon her mother's face ; and after gazing for some time at it she seemed attracted to the eyes, into which she looked quite steadily. From the end of the first month this face study was very frequent and long- continued. Doubtless anyone who notices infants could multiply indefinitely observations like the fol- lowing : " M. , in her eighth week, lies in her mother's lap gazing up at her face with a frown of fixed and anxious atten- tion. Evidently the play of the eyes and lips, the flashing of the teeth, and the wrinkles of expression are the object of her earnest study. So also the coaxing noises which are made to please her." " She now [four months and twenty-one days old] seems to fix her attention almost entirely upon the eyes, and will stare at them for a minute or more with the most intent expression." The eye seems to receive most notice. As Perez says : " The eye is one of the most interesting and 62 SOCIABILITY AND PEKSONAL IDEAS attractive of objects ; the vivacity of the pupil set in its oval background of white, its sparkles, its darts of light, its tender looks, its liquid depths, attract and fascinate a young child. . . ." * The mouth also gets much attention, especially when in move- ment ; I have sometimes noticed a child who is look- ing into the eyes turn from them to the mouth when the person commences to talk : the flashing of the teeth then adds to its interest. The voice is also the object of close observation. The intentness with which a child listens to it, the quickness with which he learns to distinguish different voices and different inflections of the same voice, and the fact that vocal imitation precedes other sorts, all show this. It cannot fail to strike the observer that observation of these traits is not merely casual, but a strenuous study, often accompanied by a frown of earnest atten- tion. The mind is evidently aroused, something im- portant is going on, something conscious, voluntary, eager. It would seem likely that this something is the storing up, arrangement, and interpretation of those images of expression which remain through- out life the starting-point of personal imaginations. The wrinkles about the eyes and mouth, which are perhaps the most expressive parts of the countenance, would not be so noticeable at first as the eyes, the lips, and the teeth, but they are always in the field of vision, and in time their special significance as a seat of expression comes to be noticed and studied. M. * The First Three Years of Childhood, p. 77. 63 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER appeared to understand a smile sufficiently to be pleased by it about the end of the tenth month. The first unequivocal case of smiling in response to a smile was noticed on the twenty-sixth day of this mouth. Even at this age smiling is not imitative in the sense of being a voluntary repetition of the other's action, but appears to be merely an involuntary ex- pression of pleasure. Facial expression is one of the later things to be imitated, for the reason, apparently, that the little child cannot be aware of the expression of his own countenance as he can hear his own voice or see his own hands ; and therefore does not so soon learn to control it and to make it a means of voluntary imitation. He learns this only when he comes to study his features in the looking-glass. This children do as early as the second year, when they may be observed experimenting before the mirror with all sorts of gestures and grimaces. The interpretation of a smile, or of any sort of facial expression, is apparently learned much as other things are. By constant study of the face from the first month the child comes, in time, to associate the wrinkles that form a smile with pleasant experiences fondling, coaxing, offering of playthings or of the bottle, and so on. Thus the smile comes to be rec- ognized as a harbinger of pleasure, and so is greeted with a smile. Its absence, on the other hand, is associated with inattention and indifference. Toward the end of the fifth month M., on one occasion, seemed to notice the change from a smile to a frown, and 64 SOCIABILITY AND PEKSONAL IDEAS stopped smiling herself. However, a number of observations taken in the tenth month show that even then it was doubtful whether she could be made to smile merely by seeing someone else do it ; and, as I say, the first unequivocal case was noticed toward the end of this month. Such evidence as we have from the direct observa- tion of children does not seem to me to substantiate the opinion that we have a definite instinctive sen- sibility to facial expression. Whatever hereditary element there is I imagine to be very vague, and incapable of producing definite phenomena without the aid of experience. I experimented upon my own and some other children with frowns, attempts at ferocity, and pictures of faces, as well as with smiles in order to elicit instinctive apprehension of expres- sion, but during the first year these phenomena seemed to produce no definite effect. At about fifteen months M. appeared to be dismayed by a savage expression assumed while playing with her, and at about the same period became very sensitive to frowns. The impression left upon me was that after a child learns to expect a smiling face as the concomi- tant of kindness, he is puzzled, troubled, or startled when it is taken away, and moreover learns by experi- ence that frowns and gravity mean disapproval and opposition. I imagine that children fail to understand any facial expression that is quite new to them. An unfamiliar look, an expression of ferocity for example, may excite vague alarm simply because it is strange ; 65 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER or, as is very likely with children used to kind treat- ment, this or any other contortion of the face may be welcomed with a laugh on the assumption that it is some new kind of play. I feel sure that observa- tion will dissipate the notion of any definite in- stinctive capacity to interpret the countenance. I might also mention, as having some bearing upon this question of definite hereditary ideas, that my children did not show that instinctive fear of animals that some believe to be implanted in us. R., the elder, until about three years of age, delighted in animals, and when taken to the menagerie regarded the lions and tigers with the calmest interest ; but later, apparently as a result of rude treatment by a puppy, became exceedingly timid. M. has never, so far as I know, shown any fear of any animal. As regards sounds, there is no doubt of a vague instinctive susceptibility, at least to what is harsh sharp, or plaintive. Children less than a month old will show pain at such sounds. A harsh cry, or a sharp sound like that of a tin horn, will sometimes make them draw down the mouth and cry even dur- ing the first week. Darwin records that in one of his children sym- pathy " was clearly shown at six months and eleven days by his melancholy face, with the corners of his mouth well depressed, when his nurse pretended to cry." * Such manifestations are probably caused rather by the plaintive voice than by facial expres- *See his Biographical Sketch of an Infant, Mind, vol. ii., p. 289. 66 SOCIABILITY AND PERSONAL IDEAS sion ; at any rate, I have never been able to produce them by the latter alone. Some believe that young children have an intuition of personal character quicker and more trustworthy than that of grown people. If this were so it would be a strong argument in favor of the existence of a congenital instinct which does not need experience and is impaired by it. My own belief is that close observation of children under two years of age will lead to the conclusion that personal impressions are developed by experience. Yet it is possibly true that children three years old or more are sometimes quicker and more acute judges of some traits, such as sincerity and good will, than grown people. In so far as it is a fact it may perhaps be explained in this way. The faces that children see and study are mostly full of the expression of love and truth. Nothing like it occurs in later life, even to the most fortunate. These images, we may believe, give rise in the child's mind to a more or less definite ideal of what a true and kindly face should be, and this ideal he uses with great effect in detecting what falls short of it. He sees that there is something wrong with the false smile ; it does not fit the image in his mind ; some lines are not there, others are exaggerated. He does not understand what coldness and insin- cerity are, but their expression puzzles and alarms him, merely because it is not what he is used to. The adult loses this clear, simple ideal of love and truth, and the sharp judgment that flows from it. 67 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER His perception becomes somewhat vulgarized by a flood of miscellaneous experience, and he sacrifices childish spontaneity to wider range and more com- plex insight, valuing and studying many traits of which the child knows nothing. It will not be seri- ously maintained that, on the whole, we know people better when we are children than we do later. I put forward these scanty observations for what little they may be worth, and not as disproving the existence of special instincts in which Darwin and other great observers have believed. I do not main- tain that there is no hereditary aptitude to interpret facial expression there must be some sort of an in stinctive basis to start from but I think that it de- velops gradually and in indistinguishable conjunction with knowledge gained by experience. Apparently, then, voice, facial expression, gesture, and the like, which later become the vehicle of per- sonal impressions and the sensible basis of sympathy, are attractive at first chiefly for their sensuous variety and vividness, very much as other bright, moving, sounding things are attractive ; and the interpreta- tion of them comes gradually by the inter working of instinct and observation. This interpretation is nothing other than the growth, in connection with these sensuous experiences, of a system of ideas that we associate with them. The interpretation of an angry look, for instance, consists in the expectation of angry words and acts, in feelings of resentment or fear, and so on ; in short, it is our whole mental reac- 68 SOCIABILITY AND PERSONAL IDEAS tion to this sign. It may consist in part of sym- pathetic states of mind, that is in states of mind that we suppose the other to experience also; but it is not confined to such. These ideas that enrich the meaning of the symbol the resentment or fear, for instance have all, no doubt, their roots in instinct ; we are born with the crude raw material of such feelings. And it is precisely in the act of com- munication, in social contact of some sort, that this material grows, that it gets the impulses that give it further definition, refinement, organization. It is by intercourse with others that we expand our inner ex- perience. In other words, and this is the point of the matter, the personal idea consists at first and in all later development, of a sensuous element or symbol with which is connected a more or less complex body of thought and sentiment ; the whole social in genesis, formed by a series of communications. What do we think of when we think of a person ? Is not the nucleus of the thought an image of the sort just mentioned, some ghost of characteristic ex- pression ? It may be a vague memory of lines around the mouth and eyes, or of other lines indicating pose, carriage, or gesture ; or it may be an echo of some tone or inflection of the voice. I am unable, per- haps, to call up any distinct outline of the features of my best friend, of my own mother, or my child ; but I can see a smile, a turn of the eyelid, a way of standing or sitting, indistinct and flitting glimpses, 69 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL OKDER but potent to call up those past states of feeling of which personal memories are chiefly formed. The most real thing in physical presence is not height, nor breadth, nor the shape of the nose or forehead, nor that of any other comparatively immobile part of the body, but it is something in the plastic, expres- sive features : these are noticed and remembered be- cause they tell us what we most care to know. The judgment of personal character seems to take place in much the same way. We estimate a man, I think, by imagining what he would do in various situ- ations. Experience supplies us with an almost in- finite variety of images of men in action, that is of im- pressions of faces, tones, and the like, accompanied by certain other elements making up a situation. When we wish to judge a new face, voice, and form, we unconsciously ask ourselves where they would fit ; we try them in various situations, and if they fit, if we can think of them as doing the things without in- congruity, we conclude that we have that kind of a man to deal with. If I can imagine a man intimi- dated, I do not respect him ; if I can imagine him lying, I do not trust him ; if I can see him receiv- ing, comprehending, resisting men and disposing them in accordance with his own plans, I ascribe ex- ecutive ability to him ; if I can think of him in his study patiently working out occult problems, I judge him to be a scholar ; and so on. The symbol before us reminds us of some other symbol resembling it, and this brings with it a whole group of ideas which 70 SOCIABILITY AND PERSONAL IDEAS constitutes our personal impression of the new man.* The power to make these judgments is intuitive, imaginative, not arrived at by ratiocination, but it is dependent upon experience. I have no belief in the theory, which I have seen suggested, that we uncon- sciously imitate other people's expression, and then judge of their character by noting how we feel when we look like them. The men of uncommon insight into character are usually somewhat impassive in counte- nance and not given to facial imitation. Most of us become to some extent judges of the character of dogs, so that we can tell by the tone of a dog's bark whether he is a biting dog or only a barking dog. Surely im- itation can have nothing to do with this ; we do not imitate the dog's bark to learn whether he is serious or not ; we observe, remember, and imagine ; and it seems to me that we judge people in much the same way. These visible and audible signs of personality, these lines and tones whose meaning is impressed upon us by the intense and constant observation of our child- hood, are also a chief basis of the communication of impressions in art and literature. This is evidently the case in those arts which imi- tate the human face and figure. Painters and illus- * A good way to interpret a man's face is to ask oneself how he would look saying " I " in an emphatic manner. This seems to help the imagination in grasping what is most essential and charac- teristic in him. 71 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER trators give the most minute study to facial expres- sion, and suggest various sentiments by bits of light and shade so subtle that the uninitiated cannot see what or where they are, although their effect is every- thing as regards the depiction of personality. It is the failure to reproduce them that makes the empti- ness of nearly all copies of famous painting or sculp- ture that represents the face. Perhaps not one person in a thousand, comparing the " Mona Lisa " or the "Beatrice Cenci" with one of the mediocre copies generally standing near them, can point out where the painter of the latter has gone amiss ; yet the dif- ference is like that between life and a wax image. The chief fame of some painters rests upon their power to portray and suggest certain rare kinds of feeling. Thus the people of Fra Angelico express to the eye the higher love, described in words by St. Paul and Thomas a Kempis. It is a distinctly hu- man and social sentiment ; his persons are nearly always in pairs, and, in his Paradise for instance, almost every face among the blest is directed in rap- ture toward some other face. Other painters, as Botticelli and Perugino alike in this respect though not in most depict a more detached sort of senti- ment; and their people look out of the picture in isolated ecstasy or meditation. Sculpture appeals more to reminiscence of attitude, facial expression being somewhat subordinate, though here also the difference between originals and copies is largely in the lines of the eyes and mouth, too deli- 72 SOCIABILITY AND PERSONAL IDEAS cate to be reproduced by the mechanical instruments which copy broader outlines quite exactly. As to literature, it is enough to recall the fact that words allusive to traits of facial expression, and espe- cially to the eye, are the immemorial and chosen means of suggesting personality.* To poetry, which seeks the sensuous nucleus of thought, the eye is very generally the person ; as when Shakespeare says : "When in disgrace with fortune and men's eyes, I all alone be weep my outcast state . . ." or Milton : "Thy rapt soul sitting in thine eyes." Poetry, however, usually refrains from minute description of expression, a thing impossible in words, and strikes for a vivid, if inexact, impression, by the use of such phrases as " a fiery eye," " a liquid eye," and " The poet's eye in a fine frenzy rolling." f We also get from every art a personal impression that does not come from the imitation of features and tones, nor from a description of these in words, but is the personality of the author himself, subtly commu- nicated by something that we interpret as signs of his state of mind. When one reads Motley's histories he gets a personal impression not only of the Prince * Only four words "heart," "love," "man," "world" take up more space in the index of " Familiar Quotations " than " eye." f On the fear of (imaginary) eyes see G. Stanley Hall's study of Fear in The American Journal of Psychology, vol. 8, p. 147. 73 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER of Orange or Alexander of Parina, but also of Mr. Motley ; and the same is true or may be true of any work of art, however " objective " it may be. What we call style, when we say " The style is the man," is the equivalent, in the artist's way of doing things, of those visible and audible traits of the form and voice by which we judge people who are bodily present.* " Every work of genius," says John Burroughs, "has its own physiognomy sad, cheerful, frowning, yearning, determined, medita- tive." Just as we are glad of the presence of cer- tain forms and faces, because of the mood they put us in, so we are glad of the physiognomy of cer- tain writers in their books, quite apart from the in- tellectual content of what they say ; and this is the subtlest, most durable, most indispensable charm of all. Every lover of books has authors whom he reads over and over again, whom he cares for as persons and not as sources of information, who are more to him, possibly, than any person he sees. He continually returns to the cherished companion and feeds eagerly upon his thought. It is because there is something in the book which he needs, which awakens and * Two apparently opposite views are current as to what style is. One regards it as the distinctive or characteristic in expression, that which marks off a writer or other artist from all the rest ; ac- cording to the other, style is mastery over the common medium of expression, as language or the technique of painting or sculpt- ure. These are not so inconsistent as they seem. Good style is both ; that is, a significant personality expressed in a workmanlike manner. 74 SOCIABILITY AND PEKSONAL IDEAS directs trains of thought that lead him where he likes to be led. The thing that does this is something per- sonal and hard to define ; it is in the words and yet not in any definite information that they convey. It is rather an attitude, a way of feeling, communicated by a style faithful to the writer's mind. Some people find pleasure and profit, for example, in perusing even the somewhat obscure and little inspired por- tions of Goethe's writings, like the " Campaigns in France " ; it would perhaps be impossible to tell why, further than by saying that they get the feeling of something calm, free and onward which is Goethe himself, and not to be had elsewhere. And so anyone who practises literary composition, even of a pedestrian sort, will find at least one re- ward for his pains in a growing insight into the per- sonality of great writers. He will come to feel that such a word was chosen or such a sentence framed in just that way, under the influence of such a purpose or sentiment, and by putting these impressions to- gether, will presently arrive at some personal ac- quaintance with any author whose character and aims are at all congenial with his own. We feel this more in literature than in any other art, and more in prose of an intimate sort than in any other kind of literature. The reason appears to be that writing, particularly writing of a familiar kind, like letters and autobiographies, is something which we all practise in one way or another, and which we can, therefore, interpret; while the methods of 75 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER other arts are beyond our imaginations. It is easy to share the spirit of Charles Lamb writing his Let- ters, or of Montaigne dictating his Essays, or of Thackeray discoursing in the first person about his characters ; because they merely did what all of us do, only did it better. On the other hand, Michel- angelo, or Wagner, or Shakespeare except in his sonnets remains for most of us personally remote and inconceivable. But a painter, or a composer, or a sculptor, or a poet, will always get an impression of personality, of style, from another artist of the same sort, because his experience enables him to feel the subtle indications of mood and method. Mr. Frith, the painter, says in his autobiography that a picture " will betray the real character of its author ; who, in the unconscious development of his peculiarities, constantly presents to the initiated signs by which an infallible judgment may be pronounced on the paint- er's mind and character." * In fact, it is true of any earnest career that a man expresses his character in his work, and that another man of similar aims can read what he expresses. We see in General Grant's Memoirs, how an able commander feels the person- ality of an opponent in the movements of his armies, imagines what he will do in various exigencies, and deals with him accordingly. These personal impressions of a writer or other artist may or may not be accompanied by a vague imagination of his visible appearance. Some per- * P. 493. 76 SOCIABILITY AND PEKSONAL IDEAS sons have so strong a need to think in connection with visual images that they seem to form no notion of personality without involuntarily imagining what the person looks like ; while others can have a stroog impression of feeling and purpose that seems not to be accompanied by any visual picture. There can be no doubt, however, that sensible images of the face, voice, etc., usually go with personal ideas. Our earliest personal conceptions grow up about such images ; and they always remain for most of us the principal means of getting hold of other people. Naturally, they have about the same relative place in memory and imagination as they do in observa- tion. Probably, if we could get to the bottom of the matter, it would be found that our impres- sion of a writer is always accompanied by some idea of his sensible appearance, is always associated with a physiognomy, even when we are not aware of it. Can anyone, for example, read Macaulay and think of a soft and delicately inflected voice? I imagine not : these periods must be connected with a sonorous and somewhat mechanical utterance ; the sort of person that speaks softly and with delicate inflections would have written otherwise. On the other hand, in reading Robert Louis Stevenson it is impossible, I should say, not to get the impression of a sensitive and flexible speech. Such impressions are mostly vague and may be incorrect, but for sym- pathetic readers they exist and constitute a real, though subtle, physiognomy. 77 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER Not only the idea of particular persons but that of social groups seems to have a sensible basis in these ghosts of expression. The sentiment by which one's family, club, college, state or country is real- ized in his mind is stimulated by vague images, largely personal. Thus the spirit of a college frater- nity seems to come back to me through a memory of the old rooms and of the faces of friends. The idea of country is a rich and various one and has con- nected with it many sensuous symbols such as flags, music, and the rhythm of patriotic poetry that are not directly personal; but it is chiefly an idea of personal traits that we share and like, as set over against others that are different and repugnant. We think of America as the land of freedom, sim- plicity, cordiality, equality, and so on, in antithesis to other countries which we suppose to be otherwise and we think of these traits by imagining the people that embody them. For countless school children patriotism begins in sympathy with our forefathers in resistance to the hateful oppression and arrogance of the British, and this fact of early training largely accounts for the perennial popularity of the anti- British side in international questions. Where the country has a permanent ruler to typify it his image is doubtless a chief element in the patriotic idea. On the other hand, the impulse which we feel to per- sonify country, or anything else that awakens strong emotion in us, shows our imaginations to be so pro- foundly personal that deep feeling almost inevita- 78 SOCIABILITY AND PERSONAL IDEAS bly connects itself with a personal image. In short, group sentiment, in so far as it is awakened by defi- nite images, is only a variety of personal sentiment. A sort of vague agitation, however, is sometimes produced by mere numbers. Thus public opinion is sometimes thought of as a vast impersonal force, like a great wind, though ordinarily it is conceived simply as the opinion of particular persons, whose expressions or tones are more or less definitely imagined. In the preceding I have considered the rise of per- sonal ideas chiefly from the point of view of the visual or auditory element in them the personal symbol or vehicle of communication ; but of course there is a parallel growth in feeling. An infant's states of feeling may be supposed to be nearly as crude as his ideas of the appearance of things ; and the process that gives form, variety, and coherence to the latter does the same for the former. It is pre- cisely the act of intercourse, the stimulation of the mind by a personal symbol, which gives a formative impulse to the vague mass of hereditary feeling-ten- dency, and this impulse, in turn, results in a larger power of interpreting the symbol. It is not to be supposed, for instance, that such feelings as generos- ity, respect, mortification, emulation, the sense of honor, and the like, are an original endowment of the mind. Like all the finer and larger mental life these arise in conjunction with communication and 79 HUMAN NATTJBE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER could not exist without it. It is these finer modes of feeling, these intricate branchings or differentiations of the primitive trunk of emotion, to which the name sentiments is usually applied. Personal sentiments are correlative with personal symbols, the interpreta- tion of the latter meaning nothing more than that the former are associated with them ; while the sen- timents, in turn, cannot be felt except by the aid of the symbols. If I see a face and feel that here is an honest man, it means that I have, in the past, achieved through intercourse an idea of honest per- sonality, with the visual elements of which the face before me has something in common, so that it calls up this socially achieved sentiment. And moreover in knowing this honest man my idea of honest personality will be enlarged and corrected for fu- ture use. Both the sentiment and its visual associ- ations will be somewhat different from what they were. Thus no personal sentiment is the exclusive prod- uct of any one influence, but all is of various origin and has a social history. The more clearly one can grasp this fact the better, at least if I am right in supposing that a whole system of wrong thinking re- sults from overlooking it and assuming that personal ideas are separable and fragmentary elements in the mind. Of this I shall say more presently. The fact I mean is that expressed by Shakespeare, with ref- erence to love, or loving friendship, in his thirty-first sonnet : 80 SOCIABILITY AND PERSONAL IDEAS " Thy bosom is endeared with all hearts, Which I by lacking have supposed dead, And there reigns love, and all love's loving parts, And all those friends which I thought buried. Thou art the grave where buried love doth live, Hung with the trophies of my lovers gone, Who all their parts of me to thee did give ; That due of many now is thine alone : Their images I loved I view in thee, And thou (all they) hast all the all of me." In this sonnet may be discerned, I think, a true theory of personal sentiment, quite accordant with the genetic point of view of modern psychology, and very important in the understanding of social rela- tions. Facial expression, tone of voice, and the like, the sensible nucleus of personal and social ideas, serve as the handle, so to speak, of such ideas, the principal substance of which is drawn from the region of inner imagination and sentiment. The personality of_a friend, as it lives in my mind and forms there a part of the society in which I live, is simply a group or system of thoughts associated withJEe symbols that stand for him. To think of him is to revive some part of the system to have the old feeling along with the familiar symbol, though perhaps in a new connection with other ideas. The real and intimate thing in him is the thought to which he gives life, the feeling his presence or memory has the power to 81 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER suggest. This clings about the sensible imagery, the personal symbols already discussed, because the lat- ter have served as bridges by which we have en- tered other minds and therein enriched our own. We have laid up stores, but we always need some help to get at them in order that we may use and in- crease them ; and this help commonly consists in something visible or audible, which has been con- nected with them in the past and now acts as a key by which they are unlocked. Thus the face of a friend has power over us in much the same way as the sight of a favorite book, of the flag of one's coun- try, or the refrain of an old song ; it starts a train of thought, lifts the curtain from an intimate experi- ence. And his presence does not consist in the pressure of his flesh upon a neighboring chair, but in the thoughts clustering about some symbol of him, whether the latter be his tangible person or something else. If a person is more his best self in a letter than in speech, as sometimes happens, he is more truly present to me in his correspondence than when I see and hear him. And in most cases a favorite writer is more with us in his book than he ever could have been in the flesh ; since, being a writer, he is one who has studied and perfected this particular mode of personal incarnation, very likely to the detriment of any other. I should like as a matter of curiosity to see and hear for a moment the men whose works I admire ; but I should hardly ex- pect to find further intercourse particularly profitable. 82 SOCIABILITY AND PERSONAL IDEAS The world of sentiment and imagination, of all finer and warmer thought, is chiefly a personal world that is, it is inextricably interwoven with personal symbols. If you try to think of a person you will find that what you really think is chiefly sentiments which you connect with his image ; and, on the other hand, if you try to recall a sentiment you will find, as a rule, that it will not come up except along with symbols of the persons who have suggested it. To think of love, gratitude, pity, grief, honor, cour- age, justice, and the like, it is necessary to think of people by whom or toward whom these sentiments may be entertained.* Thus justice may be recalled by thinking of Washington, kindness by Lincoln, honor by Sir Philip Sidney, and so on. The reason for this, as already intimated, is that sentiment and imagination are generated, for the most part, in the life of communication, and so belong with personal images by original and necessary association, having no separate existence except in our forms of speech. The ideas that such words as modesty and magna- nimity stand for could never have been formed apart from social intercourse, and indeed are nothing other than remembered aspects of such intercourse. To live this higher life, then, we must live with others, * With me, at least, this is the case. Some whom I have con- sulted find that certain sentiments for instance, pity may be directly suggested by the word, without the mediation of a personal symbol. This hardly affects the argument, as it will not be doubted that the sentiment was in its inception associated with a personal symbol. 83 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER by the aid of their visible presence, by reading their words, or by recalling in imagination these or other symbols of them. To lose our hold upon them as, for example, by long isolation or by the decay of the imagination in disease or old age is to lapse into a life of sensation and crude instinct. So far as the study of immediate social relations is concerned the personal idea is the real person. That is to say, it is in this alone that one man exists for another, and acts directly upon his mind. My asso- ciation with you evidently consists in the relation between my idea of you and the rest of my mind. If there is something in you that is wholly beyond this and makes no impression upon me it has no social reality in this relation. Tlie immediate social reality is the personal idea ; nothing, it would seem, could be much more obvious than this. Society, then, in its immediate aspect, is a relation among personal ideas. In order to have society it is evidently necessary that persons should get together somewhere ; and they get together only as personal ideas in the mind. Where else? What other pos- sible locus can be assigned for the real contact of persons, or in what other form can they come in con- tact except as impressions or ideas formed in this common locus? Society exists in my mind as the contact and reciprocal influence of certain ideas named "I," Thomas, Henry, Susan, Bridget, and so on. It exists in your mind as a similar group, and so 84 SOCIABILITY AND PERSONAL IDEAS in every mind. Each person is immediately aware of a particular aspect of society : and so far as he is aware of great social wholes, like a nation or an epoch, it is by embracing in this particular aspect ideas or sentiments which he attributes to his coun- trymen or contemporaries in their collective aspect. In order to see this it seems to me only necessary to discard vague modes of speech Avhich have no con- ceptions back of them that will bear scrutiny, and look at the facts as we know them in experience. Yet most of us, perhaps, will find it hard to assent to the view that the social person is a group of senti- ments attached to some symbol or other character- istic element, which keeps them together and from which the whole idea is named. The reason for this reluctance I take to be that we are accustomed to talk and think, so far as we do think in this connection, as if a person were a material rather than a psychical fact. Instead of basing our sociology and ethics upon what a man really is as part of our mental and moral life, he is vaguely and yet grossly regarded as a shadowy material body, a lump of flesh, and not as an ideal thing at all. But surely it is only common sense to hold that the social and moral reality is that which lives in our imaginations and affects our motives. As regards the physical it is only the finer, more plastic and mentally significant aspects of it that imagination is concerned with, and with that chiefly as a nucleus or centre of crystallization for sentiment. Instead of perceiving this we commonly 85 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDEK make the physical the dominant factor, and think of the mental and moral only by a vague analogy to it. Persons and society must, then, be studied prima- rily in the imagination. It is surely true, prima facie, that the best way of observing things is that which is most direct ; and I do not see how anyone can hold that we know persons directly except as imaginative ideas in the mind. These are perhaps the most vivid things in our experience, and as observable as any- thing else, though it is a kind of observation in which accuracy has not been systematically cultivated. The observation of the physical aspects, however import- ant, is for social purposes quite subsidiary : there is no way of weighing or measuring men which throws more than a very dim side-light on their personality. The physical factors most significant are those elusive traits of expression already discussed, and in the ob- servation and interpretation of these physical science is only indirectly helpful. What, for instance, could the most elaborate knowledge of his weights and measures, including the anatomy of his brain, tell us of the character of Napoleon ? Not enough, I take it, to distinguish him with certainty from an imbecile. Our real knowledge of him is derived from reports of his conversation and manner, from his legislation and military dispositions, from the impression made upon those about him and by them communicated to us, from his portraits and the like ; all serving as aids to the imagination in forming a system that we call 86 SOCIABILITY AND PERSONAL IDEAS by his name. I by no means aim to discredit the study of man or of society with the aid of physical measurements, such as those of psychological labora- tories ; but I think that these methods are indirect and ancillary in their nature and are most useful when employed in connection with a trained imagination. I conclude, therefore, that the imaginations which people have of one another are the solid facts of soci- ety, and that to observe and interpret these must be a chief aim of sociology. I do not mean merely that so- ciety must be studied by the imagination that is true of all investigations in their higher reaches but that the object of study is primarily an imaginative idea or group of ideas in the mind, that we have to imagine imaginations. The intimate grasp of any social fact will be found to require that we divine what men think of one another. Charity, for instance, is not understood without imagining what ideas the giver and recipient have of each other ; to grasp homicide we must, for one thing, conceive how the offender thinks of his victim and of the administrators of the law ; the relation between the employing and hand- laboring classes is first of all a matter of personal attitudes which we must apprehend by sympathy with both, and so on. In other words, we want to get at motives, and motives spring from personal ideas. There is nothing particularly novel in this view ; his- torians, for instance, have always assumed that to understand and interpret personal relations was their main business; but apparently the time is coming 87 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL OEDER when this will have to be done in a more systematic and penetrating manner than in the past. Whatever may justly be urged against the introduction of friv- olous and disconnected " personalities " into history, the understanding of persons is the aim of this and all other branches of social study. It is important to face the question of persons who have no corporeal reality, as for instance the dead, characters of fiction or the drama, ideas of the gods and the like. Are these real people, members of society ? I should say that in so far as we imagine them they are. Would it not be absurd to deny social reality to Robert Louis Stevenson, who is so much alive in many minds and so potently affects important phases of thought and conduct ? He is certainly more real in this practical sense than most of us who have not yet lost our corporeity, more alive, perhaps, than he was before he lost his own, because of his wider influence. And so Colonel Newcome, or Bomola, or Hamlet is real to the imaginative reader with the realest kind of reality, the kind that works directly upon his personal character. And the like is true of the conceptions of supernatural beings handed down by the aid of tradition among all peoples. What, indeed, would society be, or what would any one of us be, if we associated only with corporeal per- sons and insisted that no one should enter our com- pany who could not show his power to tip the scales and cast a shadow ? SOCIABILITY AND PERSONAL IDEAS On the other hand, a corporeally existent person is not socially real unless he is imagined. If the noble- man thinks of the serf as a mere animal and does not attribute to him a human way of thinking and feeling the latter is not real to him in the sense of acting personally upon his mind and conscience. And if a man should go into a strange country and hide him- self so completely that no one knew he was there, he would evidently have no social existence for the inhabitants. In saying this I hope I do not seem to question the independent reality of persons or to confuse it with personal ideas. The man is one thing and the various ideas entertained about him are another ; but the latter,_the_personal idea, is the immediate social reality, the thing in which men exist for one another, and work directly upon one another's lives. Thus any study of society that is not supported by a firm grasp of personal ideas is empty and dead mere doctrine and not knowledge at all. I believe that the vaguely material notion of per- sonality, which does not confront the social fact at all but assumes it to be the analogue of the physical fact, is a main source of fallacious thinking about ethics, politics, and indeed every aspect of social and personal life. It seems to underlie all four of the ways of conceiving society and the individual alleged in the first chapter to be false. If the person is thought of primarily as a separate material form, in- 89 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER habited by thoughts and feelings conceived by anal- ogy to be equally separate, then the only way of get- ting a society is by adding on a new principle of socialism, social faculty, altruism, or the like. But if you start with the idea that the social person is pri- marily a fact in the mind, and observe him there, you find at once that he has no existence apart from a mental whole of which all personal ideas are mem- bers, and which is a particular aspect of society. Every one of these ideas, as we have seen, is the out- come of our experience of all the persons we have known, and is only a special aspect of our general idea of mankind. To many people it would seem mystical to say that persons, as we know them, are not separable and mutually exclusive, like physical bodies, so that what is part of one cannot be part of another, but that they interpenetrate one another, the same element pertaining to different persons at different times, or even at the same time : yet this is a verifiable and not very abstruse fact.* The sentiments which make up the largest and most vivid part of our idea of any person are not, as a rule, peculiarly and ex- * This idea that social persons are not mutually exclusive but composed largely of common elements is implied in Professor Will- iam James's doctrine of the Social Self and set forth at more length in Professor James Mark Baldwin's Social and Ethical Interpreta- tions of Mental Development. Like other students of social psy- chology I have received much instruction and even more helpful provocation from the latter brilliant and original work. To Pro- fessor James my obligation is perhaps greater still. 90 SOCIABILITY AND PERSONAL IDEAS clusively his, but each one may be entertained in conjunction with other persons also. It is, so to speak, at the point of intersection of many personal ideas, and may be reached through any one of them. Not only Philip Sidney but many other people call up the sentiment of honor, and likewise with kind- ness, magnanimity, and so on. Perhaps these sen- timents are never precisely the same in any two cases, but they are nearly enough alike to act in about the same manner upon our motives, which is the main thing from a practical point of view. Any kindly face will arouse friendly feeling, any suffering child awaken pity, any brave man inspire respect. A sense of justice, of something being due to a man as such, is potentially a part of the idea of every man I know. All such feelings are a cumulative product of social experience and do not belong exclusively to any one personal symbol. A sentiment, if we con- sider it as something in itself, is vaguely, indetermi- nately personal ; it may come to life, with only slight variations, in connection with any one of many sym- bols ; whether it is referred to one or to another, or to two or more at once, is determined by the way one's thoughts arrange themselves, by the connection in which the sentiment is suggested. As regards one's self in relation to other people, I shall have more to say in a later chapter ; but I may say here that there is no view of the self, that will bear examination, which makes it altogether distinct, 91 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER in our minds, from other persons. If it includes the whole mind, then, of course, it includes all the per- sons we think of, all the society which lives in our thoughts. If we confine it to a certain part of our thought with which we connect a distinctive emotion or sentiment called self-feeling, as I prefer to do, it still includes the persons with whom we feel most identified. Self and other do not exist as mutually exclusive social facts, and phraseology which implies that they do, like the antithesis egoism versus altru- ism, is open to the objection of vagueness, if not of falsity.* It seems to me that the classification of impulses as altruistic and egoistic, with or without a * I distinguish, of course, between egotism, which is an English word of long standing, and egoism, which was, I believe, somewhat recently introduced by moralists to designate, in antithesis to altru- ism, certain theories or facts of ethics. I do not object to these words as names of theories, but as purporting to be names of facts of conduct I do, and have in mind more particularly their use by Herbert Spencer in his Principles of Psychology and other works. As used by Spencer they seem to me valid from a physiological standpoint only, and fallacious when employed to describe mental, social, or moral facts. The trouble is, as with his whole system, that the physiological aspect of life is expounded and assumed, ap- parently, to be the only aspect that science can consider. Having ventured to find fault with Spencer, I may be allowed to add that I have perhaps learned as much from him as from any other writer. If only his system did not appear at first quite so complete and final one might more easily remain loyal to it in spite of its deficiencies. But when these latter begin to appear its very completeness makes it seem a sort of a prison-wall which one must break down to get out I shall try to show the nature of egotism and selfishness in Chap- ter VI. 92 SOCIABILITY AND PERSONAL IDEAS third class called, perhaps, ego-altruistic, is empty ; and I do not see how any other conclusion can result from a concrete study of the matter. There is no class of altruistic impulses specifically different from other impulses : all our higher, socially developed sentiments are indeterminately personal, and may be associated with self -feeling, or with whatever personal symbol may happen to arouse them. Those feelings which are merely sensual and have not been refined into sentiments by communication and imagination are not so much egoistic as merely animal : they do not pertain to social persons, either first or second, but belong in a lower stratum of thought. Sensuality is not to be confused with the social self. As I shall try to show later we do not think " I " except with reference to a complementary thought of other per- sons; it is an idea developed by association and com munication. The egoism-altruism way of speaking falsifies the facts at the most vital point possible by assuming that our impulses relating to persons are separable into two classes, the I impulses and the You impulses, in much the same way that physical persons are sep- arable ; whereas a primary fact throughout the range of sentiment is a fusion of persons, so that the im- pulse belongs not to one or the other, but precisely to the common ground that both occupy, to their in- tercourse or mingling. Thus the sentiment of grati- tude does not pertain to me as against you, nor to you as against me, but springs right from our union, 93 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER and so with all personal sentiment. Special terras like egoism and altruism are presumably introduced into moral discussions for the more accurate naming of facts. But I cannot discover the facts for which these are supposed to be names. The more I con- sider the matter the more they appear to be mere fictions of analogical thought. If you have no defi- nite idea of personality or self beyond the physical idea you are naturally led to regard the higher phases of thought, which have no evident relation to the body, as in some way external to the first person or self. Thus instead of psychology, sociology, or ethics we have a mere shadow of physiology. Pity is typical of the impulses ordinarily called al- truistic ; but if one thinks of the question closely it is hard to see how this adjective is especially appli- cable to it. Pity is not aroused exclusively by images or symbols of other persons, as against those of one's self. If I think of my own body in a pitiable condi- tion I am perhaps as likely to feel pity as if I think of someone else in such a condition.* At any rate, self-pity is much too common to be ignored. Even if the sentiment were aroused only by symbols of other persons it would not necessarily be non -egoistic. "A father pitieth his children," but any searching analy- sis will show that he incorporates the children into * Some may question whether we can pity ourselves in this way. But it seems to me that we avoid self-pity only by not vividly im- agining ourselves in a piteous plight ; and that if we do so imagine ourselves the sentiment follows quite naturally. 94 SOCIABILITY AND PEKSONAL IDEAS his own imaginative self. And, finally, pity is not necessarily moral or good, but is often mere " self- indulgence," as when it is practised at the expense of justice and true sympathy. A " wounding pity," to use a phrase of Mr. Stevenson's, is one of the com- monest forms of objectionable sentiment. In short, pity is a sentiment like any other, having in itself no determinate personality, as first or second, and no determinate moral character : personal reference and moral rank depend upon the conditions under which it is suggested. The reason that it strikes us as appropriate to call pity " altruistic " apparently is that it often leads directly and obviously to helpful practical activity, as toward the poor or the sick. But " altruistic " is used to imply something more than kindly or benevolent, some radical psychological or moral distinction between this sentiment or class of sentiments and others called egoistic, and this dis- tinction appears not to exist. All social sentiments are altruistic in the sense that they involve reference to another person ; few are so in the sense that they exclude the self. The idea of a division on this line appears to flow from a vague presumption that per- sonal ideas must have a separateness answering to that of material bodies. I do not mean to deny or depreciate the fact of personal opposition ; it is real and most important, though it does not rest upon any such essential and, as it were, material separateness as the common way of thinking implies. At a given moment personal 95 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER symbols may stand for different and opposing ten- dencies ; thus the missionary may be urging me to contribute to his cause, and, if he is skilful, the im- pulses he awakens will move me in that direction ; but if I think of my wife and children and the sum- mer outing I had planned to give them from my savings, an opposite impulse appears. And in all such cases the, very fact of opposition and the atten- tion thereby drawn to the conflicting impulses gives emphasis to them, so that common elements are overlooked and the persons in the imagination seem separate and exclusive. In such cases, however, the harmonizing or moral- izing of the situation consists precisely in evoking or appealing to the common element in the apparently conflicting personalities, that is to some sentiment of justice or right. Thus I may say to myself, " I can afford a dollar, but ought not, out of consideration for my family, to give more," and may be able to imagine all parties accepting this view of the case. Opposition between one's self and someone else is also a very real thing ; but this opposition, instead of coming from a separateness like that of material bodies, is, on the contrary, dependent upon a measure of community between one's self and the disturbing other, so that the hostility between one's self and a social person may always be described as hostile sympathy. And the sentiments connected with op- position, like resentment, pertain neither to myself, considered separately, nor to the symbol of the other 96 SOCIABILITY AND PERSONAL IDEAS person, but to ideas including both. I shall discuss these matters at more length in subsequent chapters ; the main thing here is to note that personal oppo- sition does not involve mechanical separateness, but arises from the emphasis of inconsistent elements in ideas having much in common. The relations to one another and to the mind of the various persons one thinks of might be rudely pict- ured in some such way as this. Suppose we conceive the mind as a vast wall covered with electric-light bulbs, each of which represents a possible thought or impulse whose presence in our consciousness may be indicated by the lighting up of the bulb. Now each of the persons we know is represented in such a scheme, not by a particular area of the wall set apart for him, but by a system of hidden connections among the bulbs which causes certain combinations of them to be lit up when his characteristic symbol is sug- gested. If something presses the button correspond- ing to my friend A, a peculiarly shaped figure ap- pears upon the wall ; when that is released and B's button is pressed another figure appears, including perhaps many of the same lights, yet unique as a whole though not in its parts ; and so on with as many people as you please. It should also be con- sidered that we usually think of a person in relation to some particular social situation, and that those phases of him that bear on this situation are the only ones vividly conceived. To recall someone is com- monly to imagine how this or that idea would strike 97 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL OKDER him, what he would say or do in our place, and so on. Accordingly, only some part, some appropriate and characteristic part, of the whole figure that might be lighted up in connection with a man's symbol, is actually illuminated. To introduce the self into this illustration we might say that the lights near the centre of the wall were of a particular color say red which faded, not too abruptly, into white toward the edges. This red would represent self -feeling, and other persons would be more or less colored by it accordingly as they were or were not intimately identified with our cher- ished activities. In a mother's mind, for instance, her child would lie altogether in the inmost and reddest area. Thus the same sentiment may belong to the self and to several other persons at the same time. If a man and his family are suffering from his being thrown out of work his apprehension and re- sentment will be part of his idea of each member of his family, as well as part of his self-idea and of the idea of people whom he thinks to blame. I trust it will be plain that there is nothing fan- tastic, unreal, or impractical about this way of con- ceiving people, that is by observing them as facts of the imagination. On the contrary, the fantastic, unreal, and practically pernicious way is the ordinary and traditional one of speculating upon them as shadowy bodies, without any real observation of them as mental facts. It is the man as imagined that we love or hate, imitate, or avoid, that helps or 98 SOCIABILITY AND PEESONAL IDEAS harms us, that moulds our wills and our careers. What is it that makes a person real to us ; is it material contact or contact in the imagination? Suppose, for instance, that on suddenly turning a corner I collide with one coming from the opposite direction : I receive a slight bruise, have the breath knocked out of me, exchange conventional apologies, and immediately forget the incident. It takes no intimate hold upon me, means nothing except a slight and temporary disturbance in the animal processes. Now suppose, on the other hand, that I take up Froude's " Caesar," and presently find myself, under the guidance of that skilful writer, imagining a hero whose body long ago turned to clay. He is alive in my thought : there is perhaps some notion of his visible presence, and along with this the awakening of sentiments of audacity, magnanimity and the like, that glow with intense life, consume my energy, make me resolve to be like Caesar in some respect, and cause me to see right and wrong and other great questions as I conceive he would have seen them. Very possibly he keeps me awake after I go to bed every boy has lain awake thinking of book people. My whole after life will be considerably affected by this experience, and yet this is a contact that takes place only in the imagination. Even as regards the physical organism it is immeasurably more important, as a rule, than the material collision. A blow in the face, if accidental and so not disturbing to the im- agination, affects the nerves, the heart, and the diges- 99 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER tion very little, but an injurious word or look may cause sleepless nights, dyspepsia, or palpitation. It is, then, the personal idea, the man in the imagina- tion, the real man of power and fruits, that we need primarily to consider, and he appears to be some- what different from the rather conventional and ma- terial man of traditionary social philosophy. According to this view of the matter society is simply the collective aspect of personal thought. Each man's imagination, regarded as a mass of per- sonal impressions worked up into a living, growing whole, is a special phase of society ; and Mind or Imagination as a whole, that is human thought con- sidered in the largest way as having a growth and organization extending throughout the ages, is the locus of society in the widest possible sense. It may be objected that society in this sense has no definite limits, but seems to include the whole range of experience. That is to say, the mind is all one growth, and we cannot draw any distinct line between personal thought and other thought. There is probably no such thing as an idea that is wholly independent of minds other than that in which it exists ; through heredity, if not through communica- tion, all is connected with the general life, and so in some sense social. What are spoken of above as personal ideas are merely those in which the connec- tion with other persons is most direct and apparent. This objection, however, applies to any way of defin- ing society, and those who take the material stand- 100 SOCIABILITY AND PERSONAL IDEAS point are obliged to consider whether houses, factories, domestic animals, tilled land, and so on are not really parts of the social order. The truth, of course, is that all life hangs together in such a manner that any attempt to delimit a part of it is artificial. Society is rather a phase of life than a thing by itself ; it is life regarded from the point of view of personal intercourse. And personal intercourse may be considered either in its primary aspects, such as are treated in this book, or in secondary aspects, such as groups, institutions, or processes. Sociology, I suppose, is the science of these things. 101 A CHAPTER IV SYMPATHY OR COMMUNION AS AN ASPECT OF SOCIETY THE MEANING OF SYMPATHY AS HERE USED ITS RELATION TO THOUGHT, SENTIMENT, AND SOCIAL EXPERIENCE THE RANGE OF SYMPATHY is A MEASURE OF PERSONALITY, e. by these names, but -the assertion of a kind or phase of self that is obnoxious to us. So long as we agree with a man's thoughts and aims we do not think of him as selfish or egotistical, however urgently he may assert them ; but so soon as we cease to agree, while he continues persistent and perhaps intrusive, we are likely to say hard things about him. It is at bottom a matter of moral judgment, not to be comprised in * I do not attempt to distinguish between these words, though there is a difference, ill defined however, in their meanings. As ordinarily used both designate a phase of self-assertion regarded as censurable, and this is all I mean by either. 179 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER any simple definition, but to be determined by con- science after the whole situation is taken into account. In this regard it is essentially one with the more gen- eral question of misconduct or personal badness. There is no distinct line between the behavior which we mildly censure as selfish and that which we call wicked or criminal ; it is only a matter of degree. It is quite apparent that mere self-assertion is not looked upon as selfishness. There is nothing more respected and even liked than a persistent and suc- cessful pursuit of one's peculiar aims, so long as this is done within the accepted limits of fairness and consideration for others. Thus one who has acquired ten millions must have expressed his appropriative instinct with much energy and constancy, but reason- able people do not conclude that he is selfish unless it appears that he has ignored social sentiments by which he should have been guided. If he has been dishonest, mean, hard, or the like, they will condemn him. The men we admire most, including those we look upon as peculiarly good, are invariably men of nota- ble self-assertion. Thus Martin Luther, to take a conspicuous instance, was a man of the most intense self-feeling, resentful of opposition, dogmatic, with " an absolute confidence in the infallibility, practically speaking, of his own judgment." This is a trait be- longing to nearly all great leaders, and a main cause of their success. That which distinguishes Luther from the vulgarly ambitious and aggressive people 180 THE SOCIAL SELF 2. VAKIOUS PHASES OF " I " we know is not the quality of his self-feeling, but the fact that it was identified in his imagination and endeavors with sentiments and purposes that we look upon as noble, progressive, or right. No one could be more ambitious than he was, or more determined to secure the social aggrandizement of his self; but in his case the self for which he was ambitious and resentful consisted largely of certain convictions regarding justification by faith, the sacrilege of the sale of indulgences, and, more generally, of an enfranchising spirit and mode of thought fit to awaken and lead the aspiration of the time. It is evident enough that in this respect Luther is typical of aggressive reformers in our own and every other time. Does not every efficient clergyman, phi- lanthropist, or teacher become such by identifying some worthy object with a vigorous self-feeling ? Is it ever really possible to separate the feeling for the cause from the feeling that it is my cause ? I doubt whether it is. Some of the greatest and purest found- ers and propagators of religion have been among the greatest egotists in the sense that they openly iden- tified the idea of good with the idea of self, and spoke of the two interchangeably. And I cannot think of any strong man I have known, however good, who does not seem to me to have had intense self -feeling about his cherished affair ; though if his affair was a large and helpful one no one would call him selfish. Since the judgment that a man is or is not selfish 181 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER is a question of sympathies, it naturally follows that people easily disagree regarding it, their views de- pending much upon their temperaments and habits of thought. There are probably few energetic persons who do not make an impression of egotism upon some of their acquaintances ; and, on the other hand, how many there are whose selfishness seems obvious to most people, but is not apparent to their wives, sisters and mothers. In so far as our self is identified with that of another it is, of course, unlikely that the aims of the latter should be obnoxious to us. If we should question many persons as to why they thought this or that man selfish, a common answer would probably be, " He does not consider other people." What this means is that he is inap- preciative of the social situation as we see it ; that the situation does not awaken in him the same per- sonal sentiments that it does in us, and so his action wounds those sentiments. Thus the commonest and most obvious form of selfishness is perhaps the fail- ure to subordinate sensual impulses to social feel- ing, and this, of course, results from the apathy of the imaginative impulses that ought to effect this subordination. It would usually be impossible for a man to help himself to the best pieces on the platter if he conceived the disgust and resentment which he excites. And though this is a very gross and palpa- ble sort of selfishness, it is analogous in nature to the finer kinds. A fine-grained, subtle Egoist, such as is portrayed in George Meredith's novel of that name, 182 THE SOCIAL SELF 2. VARIOUS PHASES OF " I " or such as Isabel's husband in Henry James's " Por- trait of a Lacty," has delicate perceptions in certain directions, but along with these there is some essen- tial narrowness or vulgarity of imagination which prevents him from grasping what we feel to be the true social situation, and having the sentiments that should respond to it. The aesthetic refinement of Osmond which so impresses Isabel before her mar- riage turns out to be compatible with a general small- ness of mind. He is " not a good fellow," as Ralph remarks, and incapable of comprehending her or her friends. A lack of tact in face-to-face intercourse very com- monly gives an impression of egotism, even when it is a superficial trait not really expressive of an un- sympathetic character. Thus there are persons who in the simplest conversation do not seem to forget themselves, and enter frankly and disinterestedly into the subject, but are felt to be always preoccupied with the thought of the impression they are making, imagining praise or depreciation, and usually posing a little to avoid the one or gain the other. Such people are uneasy, and make others so ; no relaxation is possible in their company, because they never come altogether out into open and common ground, but are always keeping back something. It is not so much that they have self-feeling as that it is clandes- tine and furtive, giving one a sense of insecurity. Sometimes they are aware of this lack of frankness, and try to offset it by reckless confessions, but this 183 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL OKDEK only shows their self-consciousness in another and hardly more agreeable aspect. Perhaps the only cure for this sort of egotism is to cherish very high and difficult ambitions, and so drain off the super- abundance of self-feeling from these petty channels. People who are doing really important things usually appear simple and unaffected in conversation, largely because their selves are healthfully employed else- where. One who has tact always sees far enough into the state of mind of the person with whom he is con- versing to adapt himself to it and to seem, at least, sympathetic ; he is sure to feel the situation. But if you tread upon the other person's toes, talk about yourself when he is not interested in that subject, and, in general, show yourself out of touch with his mind, he very naturally finds you disagreeable. And behavior analogous to this in the more enduring relations of life gives rise to a similar judgment. So far as there is any agreement in judgments re- garding selfishness it arises from common standards of right, fairness, and courtesy which all thoughtful minds work out from their experience, and which represent what the general good requires. The self- ish man is one in whose self, or in whose style of asserting it, is something that falls below these standards. He is a transgressor of fair-play and the rules of the game, an outlaw with whom no one ought to sympathize, but against whom all should unite for the general good. 184 THE SOCIAL SELF 2. VAKIOUS PHASES OF " I " It is the unhealthy or egotistical self that is usu- ally meant by the word self when used in moral dis- cussions ; it is this that people need to get away from, both for their own good and that of the com- munity. When we speak of getting out of one's " self " we commonly mean any line of thought with which one tends to be unduly preoccupied; so that to escape from it is indeed a kind of salvation. There is perhaps no sort of self more subject to dangerous egotism than that which deludes itself with the notion that it is not a self at all, but some- thing else. It is well to beware of persons who be- lieve that the cause, the mission, the philanthropy, the hero, or whatever it may be that they strive for, is outside of themselves, so that they feel a certain irresponsibility, and are likely to do things which they would recognize as wrong if done in behalf of an acknowledged self. Just as the Spanish armies in the Netherlands held that their indulgence in murder, torture, and brutal lust was sanctified by the supposed holy character of their mission, so in our own time the name of religion, science, patriotism, or charity sometimes enables people to indulge com- fortably in browbeating, intrusion, slander, dishon- esty, and the like. Every cherislied idea is a self : / and though it appear to the individual, or to a class, or to a whole nation, worthy to swallow up all other selves, it is subject to the same need of discipline under rules of justice and decency as any other. It is healthy for everyone to understand 185 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER that lie is, and will remain, a self -seeker, and that if he gets out of one self he is sure to form another which may stand in equal need of control. Selfishness as a mental trait is always some sort of narrowness, littleness or defect ; an inadequacy of imagination. The perfectly balanced and vigorous mind can hardly be selfish, because it cannot be ob- livious to any important social situation, either in immediate intercourse or in more permanent rela- tions ; it must always tend to be sympathetic, fair, and just, because it possesses that breadth and unity of view of which these qualities are the natural ex- pression. To lack them is to be not altogether so- cial and human, and may be regarded as the begin- ning of degeneracy. Egotism is then not something additional to ordinary human nature, as the common way of speaking suggests, but rather a lack. The egotist is not more than a man, but less than a man ; and as regards personal power he is as a rule the weaker for his egotism. The very fact that he has a bad name shows that the world is against him, and that he is contending against odds. The success of selfishness attracts attention and exaggeration be- cause it is hateful to us ; but the really strong gen- erally work within the prevalent standards of justice and courtesy, and so escape condemnation. There is infinite variety in egotism ; but an impor- tant division may be based on the greater or less stability of the egotists' characters. According to this we may divide them into those of the unstable 186 THE SOCIAL SELF 2. VAKIOUS PHASES OF " I " type and those of the rigid type. Extreme instabil- ity is always selfish ; the very weak cannot be other- wise, because they lack both the deep sympathy that enables people to penetrate the lives of others, and the consistency and self-control necessary to make sympathy effective if they had it. Their superficial and fleeting impulses are as likely to work harm as good and cannot be trusted to bring forth any sound fruit. If they are amiable at times they are sure to be harsh, cold, or violent at other times ; there is no justice, no solid good or worth in them. The sort of people I have in mind are, for instance, such as in times of affliction go about weeping and wringing their hands to the neglect of their duty to aid and comfort the survivors, possibly taking credit for the tenderness of their hearts. The other sort of egotism, not sharply distin- guished from this in all cases, belongs to people who have stability of mind and conduct, but still without breadth and richness of sympathy, so that their aims and sentiments are inadequate to the life around them narrow, hard, mean, self-satisfied, or sensual. This I would call the rigid type of egotism because the essence of it is an arrest of sympathetic develop- ment and an ossification as it were of what should be a plastic and growing part of thought. Some- thing of this sort is perhaps what is most commonly meant by the word, and everyone can think of harsh, gross, grasping, cunning, or self-complacent traits to which he would apply it. The self, to be healthy or 187 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER to be tolerable to other selves, must be ever moving on, breaking loose from lower habits, walking hand- in-hand with sympathy and aspiration. If it stops too long anywhere it becomes stagnant and diseased, odious to other minds and harmful to the mind it in- habits. The men that satisfy the imagination are chastened men ; large, human, inclusive, feeling the breadth of the world. It is impossible to think of Shakespeare as arrogant, vain, or sensual ; and if some, like Dante, had an exigent ego, they succeeded in transforming it into higher and higher forms. Selfishness of the stable or rigid sort is as a rule more bitterly resented than the more fickle variety, chiefly, no doubt, because, having more continuity and purpose, it is more formidable. One who accepts the idea of self, and of personality in general, already set forth, will agree that what is ordinarily called egotism cannot properly be regarded as the opposite of "altruism," or of any word imply- ing the self-and-other classification of impulses. No clear or useful idea of selfishness can be reached on the basis of this classification, which, as previously stated, seems to me fictitious. It misrepresents the mental situation, and so tends to confuse thought. The mind has not, in fact, two sets of motives to choose from, the self-motives and the other-motives, the latter of which stand for the higher course, but has the far more difficult task of achieving a higher life by gradually discriminating and organizing a great variety of motives not easily divisible into 188 THE SOCIAL SELF 2. VARIOUS PHASES OF " I " moral groups. The proper antithesis of selfishness is | ) right, justice, breadth, magnanimity, or something of that sort ; something opposite to the narrowness of feeling and action in which selfishness essentially consists. It is a matter of more or less symmetry and stature, like the contrast between a gnarled and stunted tree and one of ample growth. The ideas denoted by such phrases as my friend, my country, my duty, and so on, are just the ones that stand for broad or "unselfish" impulses, and yet they are self-ideas as shown by the first-personal pronoun. In the expression "my duty" we have in six letters a refutation of that way of thinking which makes right the opposite of self. That it stands for the right all will admit ; and yet no one can pronounce it meaningly without perceiving that it is charged with intense self-feeling. It is always vain to try to separate the outer as- pect of a motive, the other people, the cause or the like, which we think of as external, from the private or self aspect, which we think of as internal. The apparent separation is purely illusive. It is surely a very simple truth that what makes us act in an unselfish or devoted manner is always some sort of sentiment in our own minds, and if we cherish this sentiment intimately it is a part of ourselves. We de- velop the inner life by outwardly directed thought and action, relating mostly to other persons, to causes, and the like. Is there no difference, then, it may be asked, between doing a kind act to please 189 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER someone else and doing it to please one's self ? I should say regarding this that while it is obvious, if one thinks of it, that pleasing another can exist for me only as a pleasant feeling in my oAvn mind, which is the motive of my action, there is a difference in the meaning of these expressions as commonly used. Pleasing one's self ordinarily means that wo act from some comparatively narrow sentiment not involving penetrating sympathy. Thus, if one gives Christmas presents to make a good impression or from a sense of propriety, he might be said to do it to please himself, while if he really imagined the pleasure the gift would bring to the recipient he would do it to please the latter. But it is clear enough that his own pleasure might be quite as great in the second case. Again, sometimes we do things "to please others" which we declare are painful to ourselves. But this, of course, means merely that there are conflicting im- pulses in our own minds, some of which are sacri- ficed to others. The satisfaction, or whatever you choose to call it, that one gets when he prefers his duty to some other course is just as much his own as any pleasure he renounces. No self-sacrifice is ad- mirable that is not Uie_choice of a higher or larger aspect of the self over a lower or partial aspect. If a man's act is really self-sacrifice, that is, not properly his own, he would better not do it. Some opponent of Darwin attempted to convict him of egotism by counting the number of times that the 190 THE SOCIAL SELF 2. VARIOUS PHASES OF " I " pronoun " I " appears upon the first few pages of the " Origin of Species." He was able to find a great many, and to cause Darwin, who was as modest a man as ever lived, to feel abashed at the showing ; but it is doubtful if he convinced any reader of the book of the truth of the assertion. In fact, although the dic- tionary defines egotism as " the habit or practice of thinking and talking much of one's self," the use of the first-personal pronoun is hardly the essence of the matter. This use is always in some degree a self- assertion, but it has a disagreeable or egotistical effect only in so far as the self asserted is repellent to us. Even Montaigne, who says " I " on every other line, and whose avowed purpose is to display himself at large and in all possible detail, does not, it seems to me, really make an impression of egotism upon the congenial reader, because he contrives to make his self so interesting in every aspect that the more we are reminded of it the better we are pleased ; and there is good sense in his doctrine that "not to speak roundly of a man's self implies some lack of courage ; a firm and lofty judgment, and that judges soundly and surely, makes use of his own example upon all occasions, as well as those of others." A person will not displease sensible people by saying " I " so long as the self thus asserted stands for something, is a pertinent, significant "I," and not merely a random self -intrusion. We are not displeased to see an ath- lete roll up his sleeves and show his muscles, al- though if a man of only ordinary development did so 191 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER it would seem an impertinence ; nor do we think less of Rembrandt for painting his own portrait every few months. The " I " should be functional, and so long as a man is functioning acceptably there can be no objection to his using it. Indeed, it is a common remark that the most de- lightful companions, or authors of books, are often the most egotistical in the sense that they are always talking about themselves. The reason for this is that if the " I " is interesting and agreeable we adopt it for the time being and make it our own. Then, being on the inside as it were, it is our own self that is so expansive and happy. We adopt Montaigne, or Lamb, or Thackeray, or Stevenson, or Whitman, or Thoreau, and think of their words as our words. Thus even extravagant self-assertion, if the reader can only be led to enter into it, may be congenial. There may be quite as much egotism in the suppres- sion of " I " as in the use of it, and a forced and obvious avoidance of this pronoun often gives a dis- agreeable feeling of the writer's self-consciousness. ' In short, egotism is a matter of character, not of forms of language, and if we are egotists the fact will out in spite of any conventional rules of decorum that we may follow. It is possible to maintain that "I " is a more mod- est pronoun than " one," by which some writers seem to wish to displace it. If a man says "I think," he speaks only for himself, while if he says "one thinks," he insinuates that the opinion advanced is a 192 THE SOCIAL SELF 2. VARIOUS PHASES OF I general or normal view. To say " one does not like this picture," is a more deadly attack upon it than to say " I do not like it." It would seem also that more freedom of self- expression is appropriate to a book than to ordinary intercourse, because people are not obliged to read books, and the author has a right to assume that his readers are, in a general way, sympathetic with that phase of his personality that he is trying to express. If we do not sympathize why do we continue to read ? We may, however, find fault with him if he departs from that which it is the proper function of the book to assert, and intrudes a weak and irrelevant " I " in which he has no reason to suppose us interested. I presume we can all think of books that might ap- parently be improved by going through them and striking out passages in which the author has incon- tinently expressed an aspect of himself that has no proper place in the work. In every higher kind of production a person needs to understand and believe in himself the more thoroughly the better. It is precisely that in him which he feels to be worthy and at the same time peculiar the characteristic that it is his duty to produce, communicate, and realize ; and he cannot possess this, cannot differentiate it, cleanse it from impurities, consolidate and organize it, except through prolonged and interested self-contemplation. Only this can enable him to free himself from the imitative 193 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER on the one band and the whimsical on the other, and to stand forth without shame or arrogance for what he truly is. Consequently every productive mind must have intense self-feeling; it must delight to contemplate the characteristic, to gloat over it if you please, and in this way learn to define, ar- range, and express it. If one will take up a work of literary art like, say, the " Sentimental Journey," he will see that a main source of the charm of it is in the writer's assured and contented familiarity with himself. A man who writes like that has de- lighted to brood over his thoughts, jealously ex- cluding everything not wholly congenial to him, and gradually working out an adequate expression. And the superiority, or at least the difference, in tone and manner of the earlier English literature as compared with that of the nineteenth century is apparently connected with a more assured and reposeful self- possession on the part of the older writers, made possible, no doubt, by a less urgent general life. The same fact of self-intensity goes with notable production in all sorts of literature, in every art, in statesmanship, philanthropy, religion ; in all kinds of career. Who does not feel at times what Goethe calls the joy of dwelling in one's self, of surrounding himself with the fruits of his own mind, with things he has made, perhaps, books he has chosen, his familiar clothes and possessions of all sorts, with his wife, children, and old friends, and with his own thoughts, 194 THE SOCIAL SELF 2. VAKIOTJS PHASES OF " I " which some, like Robert Louis Stevenson, confess to a love of re-reading in books, letters, or diaries ? At times even conscientious people, perhaps, look kind- ly at their own faults, deficiencies, and mannerisms, precisely as they would on those of a familiar friend. "Without self-love in some such sense as this any solid and genial growth of character and accomplish- ment is hardly possible. " Whatever any man has to effect must emanate from him like a second self ; and how could this be possible were not his first self entirely pervaded by it ? " Nor is it opposed to the love of others. " Indeed," says Mr. Stevenson, " he who loves himself, not in idle vanity, but with a plenitude of knowledge, is the best equipped of all to love his neighbors." Self-love, Shakespeare says, is not so vile a sin as self-neglecting ; and many serious varieties of the latter might be specified. There is, for instance, a culpable sort of self-dreading cowardice, not at all uncommon with sensitive people, which shrinks from developing and asserting a justj* I " because of the stress of self-feeling of vanity, uncertainty, and mor- tification which is foreseen and shunned. If one is liable to these sentiments the proper course is to bear with them as with other disturbing conditions, rather than to allow them to stand in the way of what, after all, one is born to do. "Know your own bone," says Thoreau, " gnaw at it, bury it, unearth it, and gnaw it still." * "HI am not I, who will be ? " * Letters, p. 46. 195 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER A tendency to secretiveness very often goes with this self-cherishing. Goethe was as amorous and jealous about his unpublished works, in some cases, as the master of a seraglio ; fostering them for years, and sometimes not telling his closest friends of their existence. His Eugenie, " meine Liebling Eugenie," as he calls it, was vulgarized and ruined for him by his fatal mistake in publishing the first part before the whole was complete. It would not be difficult to show that the same cherishing of favorite and pe- culiar ideas is found also in painters, sculptors, and effective persons of every sort. As was suggested in an earlier chapter, this secretiveness has a social reference, and few works of art could be carried through if the artist was convinced they would have no value in the eyes of anyone else. He hides his work that he may purify and perfect it, thus making it at once more wholly and delightfully his own and also more valuable to the world in the end. As soon as the painter exhibits his picture he loses it, in a sense ; his system of ideas about it becomes more or less confused and disorganized by the inrush of im- pressions arising from a sense of what other people think of it ; it is no longer the perfect and intimate thing which his thought cherished, but has become somewhat crude, vulgar, and disgusting, so that if he is sensitive he may wish never to look upon it again. This, I take it, is why Goethe could not fin- ish Eugenie, and why Guignet, a French painter, of whom Hamerton speaks, used to alter or throw away 196 THE SOCIAL SELF 2. VARIOUS PHASES OF " I " a painting that anyone by chance saw upon the easel. Likewise it was in order more perfectly to know and express himself in his book called " A Week on the Concord and Merrimack Rivers " that Thoreau retired to Walden Pond, and it was doubtless with the same view that Descartes quitted Paris and dwelt for eight years in Holland, concealing even his place of residence. The Self, like a child, is not likely to hold its own in the world unless it has had a mature prenatal development. It may be said, perhaps, that these views contra- dict a well-known fact, namely, that we do our best work when we are not self-conscious, not thinking about effect, but filled with disinterested and imper- sonal passion. Such truth as there is in this idea is, however, in no way inconsistent with what has just been said. It is true that a certain abandonment and self-forgetting is often characteristic of high thought and noble action. But there would be no production, no high thought or noble action, if we relied entirely upon these impassioned moments without preparing ourselves to have them. It is only as we have self-consciousness that we can be aware of those special tendencies which we assert in production, or can learn how to express them, or even have the desire to do so. The moment of insight would be impossible without the persistent self-conscious endeavor that preceded it, nor has en- thusiastic action any value without a similar disci- pline. 197 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER It is true, also, that in sensitive persons self-feeling often reaches a pitch of irritability that impedes pro- duction, or vulgarizes it through too great deference to opinion. But this is a matter of the control and discipline of particular aspects of the self rather than of its general tendency. When undisciplined this sort of feeling may be futile or harmful, just as fear, whose function is to cause us to avoid danger, may defeat its own aim through excessive and untimely operation, and anger may so excite us that we lose the power of inflicting injury. If the people of our time and country are pecul- iarly selfish, as is sometimes alleged, it is certainly not because a too rigid or clearly differentiated type of self-consciousness is general among us. On the contrary, our most characteristic fault is perhaps a certain superficiality and vagueness of character and aims ; and this seems to spring from a lack of collect- edness and self-definition, which in turn is connected with the too eager mode of life common among us. I doubt, however, whether egotism, which is essen- tially a falling short of moral standards, can be said to be more prevalent in one age than another. In Mr. Boget's "Thesaurus" may be found about six pages devoted to words denoting " Extrinsic per- sonal affections, or personal affections derived from the opinions or feelings of others," an expression which seems to mean nearly the same as is here meant by social self-feeling of the reflected or looking-glass 198 THE SOCIAL SELF 2. VARIOUS PHASES OF "I" sort. Although the compiler fishes with a wide net and brings in much that seems hardly to belong here, the number of words in common use indicating differ- ent varieties of this sort of feeling is surprising and suggestive. One cannot but think, What insight and what happy boldness of invention went to the devis- ing of all these terms ! What a psychologist is lan- guage, that thus labels and treasures up so many subtle aspects of the human mind ! We may profitably distinguish, as others have done, two general attitudes the aggressive or self-assertive and the shrinking or humble. The first indicates that one thinks favorably of himself and tries to impose that favorable thought on others ; the second, that he accepts and yields to a depreciating reflection of himself, and feels accordingly diminished and abased. Pride would, of course, be an example of the first way of feeling and acting, humility of the second. But there are many phases of the aggressive self, and these, again, might be classified something as follows : first, in response to imagined approval we have pride, vanity, or self-respect ; second, in response to imag- ined censure we have various sorts of resentment ; and the humble self might be treated in a similar manner. Pride and vanity are names which are commonly applied only to forms of self-approval that strike us as disagreeable or egotistical ; but they may be used in a somewhat larger sense to indicate simply a more 199 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL OEDER or less stable attitude of the social self toward the world in which it is reflected ; the distinction being of the same sort as that between unstable and rigid egotism already suggested. These differences in stability, which are of great importance in the study of social personality, are per- haps connected with the contrast between the more receptive and the more constructive types of mind. Although in the best minds reception and construc- tion are harmoniously united, and although it may be shown that they are in a measure mutually de- pendent, so that neither can be perfect without the other, yet as a rule they are not symmetrically de- veloped, and this lack of symmetry corresponds to divergences of personal character. Minds of one sort are, so to speak, endogenous or ingrowing in their nat- ural bent, while those of another are exogenous or outgrowing ; that is to say, those of the former kind have a relatively strong turn for working up old mate- rial, as compared with that for taking in new ; cogita- tion is more pleasant to them than observation ; they prefer the sweeping and garnishing of their house to the confusion of entertaining visitors; while of the other sort the opposite of this may be said. Now, the tendency of the endogenous or inward activities is to secure unity and stability of thought and character at the possible expense of openness and adaptability; because the energy goes chiefly into systematization, and in attaining this the mind is pretty sure to limit its new impressions to those that do not disturb too 200 THE SOCIAL SELF 2. VARIOUS PHASES OF I " much that unity and system it loves so well. These traits are, of course, manifested in the person's relation to others. The friends he has " and their acceptance tried " he grapples to his soul with hooks of steel, but is likely to be unsympathetic and hard toward influ- ences of a novel character. On the other hand, the exogenous or outgrowing mind, more active near the periphery than toward the centre, is open to all sorts of impressions, eagerly taking in new material, which is likely never to get much arrangement ; caring less for the order of the house than that it should be full of guests, quickly responsive to personal influ- ences, but lacking that depth and tenacity of sympa- thy that the other sort of mind shows with people congenial with itself. Pride,* then, is the form social self-approval takes in the more rigid or self-sufficient sort of minds ; the person who feels it is assured that he stands well with others whose opinion he cares for, and does not im- agine any humiliating image of himself, but carries his mental and social stability to such a degree that it is likely to narrow his soul by warding off the en- livening pricks of doubt and shame. By no means independent of the world, it is, after all, distinctly a social sentiment, and gets its standards ultimately from social custom and opinion. But the proud man is not immediately dependent upon what others think ; he has worked over his reflected self in his mind until * Compare Stanley, The Evolutionary Psychology of Feeling, p. 271 et seq. 201 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER it is a steadfast portion of his thought, an idea and conviction apart, in some measure, from its external origin. Hence this sentiment requires time for its development and flourishes in mature age rather than in the open and growing period of youth. A man who is proud of his rank, his social position, his pro- fessional eminence, his benevolence, or his integrity, is in the habit of contemplating daily an agreeable and little changing image of himself as he believes he appears in the eyes of the world. This image is prob- ably distorted, since pride deceives by a narroAving of the imagination, but it is stable, and because it is so, because he feels sure of it, he is not disturbed by any passing breath of blame. If he is aware of such a thing at all he dismisses it as a vagary of no impor- tance, feeling the best judgment of the world to be securely in his favor. If he should ever lose this con- viction, if some catastrophe should shatter the image, he would be a broken man, and, if far gone in years, would perhaps not raise his head again. In a sense pride is strength ; that is, it implies a stable and consistent character which can be counted on ; it will do its work without watching, and be hon- orable in its dealings, according to its cherished standards ; it has always a vigorous, though narrow, conscience. On the other hand, it stunts a man's growth by closing his mind to progressive influences, and so in the long run may be a source of weakness, j Burke said, I believe, that no man ever had a point of pride that was not injurious to him ; and perhaps 202 THE SOCIAL SELF 2. VARIOUS PHASES OF " I " this was what he meant. Pride also causes, as a rule, a deeper animosity on the part of others than vanity ; it may be hated but hardly despised ; yet many would rather live with it than with vanity, because, after all, one knows where to find it, and so can adapt himself to it. The other is so whimsical that it is impossible to foresee what turn it will take next. Language seldom distinguishes clearly between a way of feeling and its visible expression ; and so the word vanity, which means primarily emptiness, indi- cates Either a Tweak or hollow appearance of worth put on in the endeavor to impress others, or the state of feeling that goes with it. It is the form social self- approval naturally takes in a somewhat unstable mind, not sure of its image. The vain man, in his more confident moments, sees a delightful reflection of him- self, but knowing that it is transient, he is afraid it will change. He has not fixed it, as the proud man has, by incorporation with a stable habit of thought, but, being immediately dependent for it upon others, is at their mercy and very vulnerable, living in the frailest of glass houses which may be shattered at any moment ; and, in fact, this catastrophe happens so often that he gets somewhat used to it and soon re- covers from it. While the image which the proud per- son contemplates is fairly consistent, and, though dis- torted, has a solid basis in his character, so that he will not accept praise for qualities he does not believe him- self to possess ; vanity has no stable idea of itself and I will swallow any shining bait. The person will gloat 203 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER now on one pleasing reflection of himself, now on an- other, trying to mimic each in its turn, and becoming, so far as he can, what any flatterer says he is, or what any approving person seems to think he is. It is characteristic of him to be so taken up with his own image in the other's mind that he is hypnotized by it, as it were, and sees it magnified, distorted, and out of its true relation to the other contents of that mind. He does not see, as so often happens, that he is be- ing managed and made a fool of ; he " gives himself away " fatuity being of the essence of vanity. On the other hand, and for the same reason, a vain per- son is frequently tortured by groundless imaginings that someone has misunderstood him, slighted him, insulted him, or otherwise mistreated his social effigy. Of course the immediate result of vanity is weak- ness, as that of pride is strength ; but on a wider view there is something to be said for it. Goethe exclaims in Wilhelm Meister, " Would to heaven all men were vain! that is were vain with clear perception, with moderation, and in a proper sense : we should then, in the cultivated world, have happy times of it. Women, it is told us, are vain from the very cradle ; yet does it not become them ? do they not please us the more ? How can a youth form himself if he is not vain ? An empty, hollow nature will, by this means, at least contrive to give itself an outward show, and a proper man will soon train himself from the outside inwards." * That is to say, vanity, in moderation, * Wilhelm Meister's Travels, Chap. XII., Carlyle's Translation. 204 THE SOCIAL SELF 2. VAKIOUS PHASES OF " I " may indicate an openness, a sensibility, a teachability, that is a good augury of growth. In youth, at least, it is much preferable to pride. It is the obnoxious, or in sonjei. way conspiciious f manifestations of .self-feeling that are likely to receive special names. Accordingly, there are many words and phrases for different aspects of pride and vanity, while a^moderate ancl balanced self-respect doss not attract nomenclature. One who has this is more^ open and flexible in feeling and behavior than one who is proud ; the image is not stereotyped, he is sub- ject to humility ; while at the same time he does not show the fluttering anxiety about his appearance that goes with vanity, but has stable ways of thinking about the image, as about other matters, and cannot be upset by passing phases of praise or blame. In fact, the healthy life of the self requires the same co-operation of continuity with change that marks normal development everywhere ; there must be vari- ability, openness, freedom, on a basis of organization : too rigid organization meaning fixity and death, and the lack of it weakness or anarchy. The self-respect- ing man values others' judgments and occupies his mind with them a great deal, but he keeps his head, he discriminates and selects, considers all suggestions with a view to his character, and will not submit to influences not in the line of his development. Be- cause he conceives his self as a stable and continuing whole he always feels the need to be, and cannot be 205 guilty of that separation between being and seeming that constitutes affectation. For instance, a self-re- specting scholar, deferent to the standards set by the opinions of others, might wish to have read all the books on a certain subject, and feel somewhat ashamed not to have done so, but he could not affect to have read them when he had not. The pain of breaking the unity of his thought, of disfiguring his picture of himself as a sincere and consistent man, would overbalance any gratification he might have in the imagined approval of his thoroughness. If he were vain he would possibly affect to have read the books ; while if arrogant he might feel no compunc- tions for avowed ignorance of them. , Common-sense approves a just mingling of defer- ! ence and self -poise in the attitude of one man toward others : while the unyielding are certainly repellent, the too deferent are nearly as much so ; they are tiresome and even disgusting, because they seem flimsy and unreal, and do not give that sense of con- tact with something substantial and interesting that we look for. ' ' you have missed The manhood that should yours resist, Its complement." We like the manner of a person who appears in- terested in what we say and do, and not indifferent to our opinion, but has at the same time an evident reserve of stability and independence. It is much 206 THE SOCIAL SELF 2. VARIOUS PHASES OF "I" the same with a writer ; we require of him a bold and determined statement of his own special view that is what he is here for and yet, with this, an air of hospitality, and an appreciation that he is after all only a small part of a large world. With some, then, the self-image is an imitative sketch in the supposed style of the last person they have talked to ; with others, it is a rigid, traditional thing, a lifeless repetition that has lost all relation to the forces that originally moulded it, like the Byzan- tine madonnas before the time of Cimabue ; with others again it is a true work of art in which in- UywWMWi'J *-> "***w*~*wr~-~ tr ~- n ~^^*'^'^',t. M *& n . *f .W"'* y ^ t "^'^-^ iK . . .-*- "*' - *'" i "" > * J *>i dividual tendencies and the influence of masters mingle in a harmonious whole ; but all of us have it, unless we are so deficient in imagination as to be less than human. When we speak of a person as inde- pendent of opinion, or self-sufficient, we can only mean that, being of a constructive and stable char- \ acter, he does not have to recur every day to the visible presence of his approvers, but can supply their places by imagination, can hold on to some influences and reject others, choose his leaders, indi- vidualize his conformity ; and so work out a char- acterfstic and fairly consistent career. The self must be built up by the aid of social suggestions, just as all higher thought is. Honor is a finer kind of self-respect. It is used to mean either something one feels regarding himself, or something that other people think and feel regard- ing him, and so illustrates by the accepted use of 207 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL OEDER language the fact that the private and social aspects of self are inseparable. One's honor, as he feels it, and his honor in the sense of honorable repute, as he conceives it to exist in the minds of others whose opinion he cares for, are two aspects of the same thing. No one can permanently maintain a standard of honor in his own mind if he does not conceive of some other mind or minds as sharing and corrob- orating this standard. If his immediate environ- ment is degrading he may have resort to books or memory in order that his imagination may construct a better environment of nobler people to sustain his standard ; but if he cannot do this it is sure to fall. Sentiments of higher good or right, like other senti- ments, find source and renewal in intercourse. On the other hand, we cannot separate the idea of honor from that of a sincere and stable private character. We cannot form a habit of thought about what is admirable, though it be derived from others, without creating a mental standard. A healthy mind cannot strive for outward honor without, in some measure, developing an inward conscience training himself from the outside in, as Goethe says. It is the result of physiological theories of ethics certainly not intended by the authors of those theories to make the impulses of an ideal self, like the sentiment of honor, seem far-fetched, extravagant and irrational. They have to be justified by an elab- orate course of reasoning which does not seem very convincing after all. No such impression, however, 208 THE SOCIAL SELF 2. VARIOUS PHASES OF " I " could result from the direct observation of social life. In point of fact, a man's honor, as he conceives it, is his self in its most immediate and potent real- ity, swaying his conduct without waiting upon any inquiry into its physiological antecedents. The pref- erence of honor to life is not at all a romantic ex- ception in human behavior, but something quite characteristic of man on a really human level. A despicable or degenerate person may save his body alive at the expense of honor, and so may almost anyone in moments of panic or other kind of de- moralization, but the typical man, in his place among his fellows and with his social sentiments about him, will not do so. We read in history of many peoples conquered because they lacked dis- cipline and strategy, or because their weapons were inferior, but we seldom read of any who were really cowardly in the sense that they would not face death in battle. And the readiness to face death common- ly means that the sentiment of honor dominates the impulses of terror and pain. All over the ancient world the Boman legions encountered men who shunned death no more than themselves, but were not so skilful in inflicting it; and in Mexico and Peru the natives died by thousands in a desperate struggle against the Spanish arms. The earliest ac- counts we have of our own Germanic ancestors show a state of feeling and practice that made self-preser- vation, in a material sense, strictly subordinate to honor. " Death is better for every clansman than 209 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER coward life," says Beowulf,* and there seems no doubt whatever that this was a general principle of action, so that cowardice was a rare phenomenon. In modern life we see the same subordination of sensation to sentiment among soldiers and in a hun- dred other careers involving bodily peril not as a heroic exception but as the ordinary practice of plain men. We see it also in the general readiness to undergo all sorts of sensual pains and privations rather than cease to be respectable in the eyes of other people. It is well known, for instance, that among the poor thousands endure cold and partial starvation rather than lose their self-respect by beg- ging. In short, it does not seem too favorable a view of mankind to say that under normal conditions their minds are ruled by the sentiment of Norfolk : "Mine honor is my life: both grow in one ; Take honor from me and my life is done." If we once grasp the fact that the self is primarily a social, ideal, or imaginative fact, and not a sensual fact, all this appears quite natural and not in need of special explanation. In relation to the highest phases of individuality self-respect becomes self -reverence, in the sense of Tennyson, when he says : "Self-reverence, self-knowledge, self-control, These three alone lead life to sovereign power. " t * Quoted by Gummere, Germanic Origins, p. 266. f CEnone. 210 THE SOCIAL SELF 2. VAKIOUS PHASES OF " I " or of Goethe when, in the first chapter of the second book of " Wilhelm Meister's Wander jahre," he names self-reverence Elirfurclit vor sick selbst as the high- est of the four reverences taught to youth in his ideal system of education.* Emerson uses self-re- liance in a similar sense, in that memorable essay the note of which is " Trust thyself, every heart vibrates to that iron string," and throughout his works. Self-reverence, as I understand the matter, means rcvereiice]ToE;it higher or ideal self; ajre_alJlI," be- cause it is based on what the individual actually is, as only he himself can know and appropriate it, but a better " I " of aspiration rather than attainment ; it is simply the best he can make out of life. Eev- ~erence for it implies, as Emerson urges, resistajftce to friends and counsellors and to any influence that the mind honestly rejects as inconsistent with itself; a man must feel that the final arbiter is within him and not outside of him in some master, living or dead as conventional religion, for instance, necessarily teaches. Nevertheless this highest self is a social self, in that it is a product of constructive imagi- nation working with the materials which social ex- perience supplies. Our ideals of personal character are built up out of thoughts and sentiments devel- oped by intercourse, and very largely by imagining how our selves would appear in the minds of persons we look up to. These are not necessarily living per- * Travels, chap. 10, in Carlyle's translation. 211 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER sons ; anyone that is at all real, that is imaginable, to us, becomes a possible occasion of social self-feel- ing ; and idealizing and aspiring persons live largely in the imagined presence of masters and heroes to whom they refer their own life for comment and im- provement. This is particularly true of youth, when ideals are forming ; later the personal element in these ideals, having performed its function of sug- gesting and vivifying them, is likely to fade out of consciousness and leave only habits and principles whose social origin is forgotten. Resentment, the attitude which an aggressive self takes in response to imagined depreciation, may be regarded as self-feeling with a coloring of anger ; in- deed, the relation between self-feeling and particular emotions like anger and fear is so close that the lat- ter might be looked upon as simply specialized kinds of the former ; it makes little difference whether we take this view or think of them as distinct, since such divisions must always be arbitrary. I shall say more of this sentiment in the next chapter. If a person conceives his image as depreciated in the mind of another ; and if, instead of maintaining an aggressive attitude and resenting that depreci- ation, he yields to it and accepts the image and the judgment upon it ; then he feels and shows something in the way of humility. Here again we have a great variety of nomenclature, indicating different shades of humble feeling and behavior, such as shame, con- 212 THE SOCIAL SELF 2. VARIOUS PHASES OF " I " fusion, abasement, humiliation, mortification, meek- ness, baslifulness, diffidence, shyness, being out of countenance, abashed or crestfallen, contrition, com- punction, remorse, and so on. Humility, like self-approval, has forms that con- sist with a high type of character and are felt to be praiseworthy, and others that are felt to be base. There is a sort that goes with vanity and indicates instability, an excessive and indiscriminate yielding to another's view of one's self. We wish a man to be humble only before what, from his own character- istic point of view, is truly superior. His humility should imply.,self-respect ; it should be that attitude of deference which a stable but growing character takes in the presence of whatever embodies its ideals. Every outreaching person has masters in whose imag- ined presence he drops resistance and becomes like clay in the hands of the potter, that they may make something better of him. Hejloes this from a feel- ing that the master is more himself than he is ; there is a receptive enthusiasm, a sense of new life that swallows up the old self and makes his ordinary personality appear tedious, base and despicable. Humility of this sort goes with self -reverence, be- cause a sense of the higher or ideal self plunges the present and commonplace self into humility. The man aims at " so high an ideal that he always feels his unworthiness in his own sight and that of others, though aware of his own desert by the ordinary standards of his community, country, or genera- 213 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER tion." * But a humility that is self-abandonment, a cringing before opinion alien to one's self, is felt to be mere cowardice and servility. Books of the inner life praise and enjoin lowliness, contrition, repentance, self-abnegation ; but it is ap- parent to all thoughtful readers that the sort of humility inculcated is quite consistent with the self- reverence of Goethe or the self-reliance of Emerson comes, indeed, to much the same thing. The " Im- itatio Christi " is the type of such teaching, yet it is a manly book, and the earlier part especially contains exhortations to self -trust worthy of Emerson. " Certa viriliter," the writer says, " consuetude cousuetudine vincitur. Si tu scis homines dimittere, ipsi bene te dimittent tua facta facere."f The yielding con- stantly enjoined is either to God that is, to an ideal personality developed in one's own mind or, if to men, it is a submission to external rule which is designed to leave the will free for what are regarded as its higher functions. The whole teaching tends to the aggrandizement of an ideal but intensely private self, worked out in solitary meditation to insure which worldly ambition is to be renounced and symbolized as God, conscience, or grace. The just criticism of the doctrine that Thomas stands for is not that it depreciates manhood and self-reliance, but * Stanley, The Evolutionary Psychology of Feeling, p. 280. f " Strive manfully ; habit is subdued by habit. If you know how to dismiss men, they also will dismiss you, to do your own things." De Imitatione Christi, book i., chap. 21, par. 2 214 THE SOCIAL SELF 2. VARIOUS PHASES OF I " that it calls these away from the worldly activities where they are so much needed, and exercises them in a region of abstract imagination. No healthy mind can cast out self-assertion and the idea of per- sonal freedom, however the form of expression may seem to deny these things, and accordingly the Imita- tion, and still more the New Testament, are full of them. Where there is no self -feeling, no ambition of any sort, there is no efficacy or significance. To lose the sense of a separate, productive, resisting self, would be to melt and merge and cease to be. Healthy, balanced minds, of only medium sensi- bility, in a congenial environment and occupied with wholesome activity, keep the middle road of self-respect and reasonable ambition. They may require no special effort, no conscious struggle with recalcitrant egotism, to avoid heart-burning, jealousy, arrogance, anxious running after approval, and other maladies of the social self. With enough self-feeling to stimulate and not enough to torment him, with a social circle appreciative but not flatter- ing, with good health and moderate success, a man may go through life with very little use for the moral and religious weapons that have been wrought for the repression of a contumacious self. There are many, particularly in an active, hopeful, and materially prosperous time like this, who have little experience of inner conflict and no interest in the literature and doctrine that relate to it. 215 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER But nearly all persons of the finer, more sensitive sort find the social self at times a source of passion and pain. In so far as a man amounts to anything, stands for anything, is truly an individual, he has an ego about which his passions cluster, and to aggran- dize which must be a principal aim with him. But the very fact that the self is the object of our schemes and endeavors makes it a centre of mental disturb- ance : its suggestions are of effort, responsibility, doubt, hope, and fear. Just as a man cannot enjoy the grass and trees in his own grounds with quite the peace and freedom that he can those abroad, because they remind him of improvements that he ought to make and the like ; so any part of the self is, in its nature, likely to be suggestive of exertion rather than rest. Moreover, it would seem that self-feeling, though pleasant in normal duration and intensity, is disagreeable in excess, like any other sort of feeling. Diie Teason why we get tired of ourselves is simply that we have exhausted our capacity for experiencing with pleasure a certain kind of emotion. As we have seen, the self that is most importunate is a reflection, largely, from the minds of others. This phase of self is related to character very much as credit is related to the gold and other securities upon which it rests. It easily and Avilliugly expands, in most of us, and is liable to sudden, irrational, and grievous collapses. We live on, cheerful, self-confi- dent, conscious of helping make the world go round, until in some rude hour we learn that we do not 216 THE SOCIAL SELF 2. VAKIOUS PHASES OF " I " stand so well as we thought we did, that the image of us is tarnished. Perhaps we do something, quite naturally, that we find the social order is set against, or perhaps it is the ordinary course of our life that is not so well regarded as we supposed. At any rate, we find with a chill of terror that the world is cold and strange, and that our self-esteem, self-confidence, and hope, being chiefly founded upon opinions, attributed to others, go down in the crash. Our reason may tell us that we are no less worthy than we were before, but dread and doubt do not permit us to believe it. The sensitive mind will certainly suffer, because of the instability of opinion. Cadit cum labili. As social beings we live with our eyes upon our reflection, but have no assurance of the tranquillity of the waters in which we see it. In the days of witchcraft it used to be believed that if one person secretly made a waxen image of another and stuck pins into the image, its counterpart would suffer tortures, and that if the image was melted the person would die. This superstition is almost realized in the relation between the private self and its social reflection. They seem separate but are darkly united, and what is done to the one is done to the other. If a person of energetic and fine-strung temper- ament is neither vain nor proud, and lives equably without suffering seriously from mortification, jeal- ousy, and the like ; it is because he has in some way learned to discipline and control his self-feeling, and thus to escape the pains to which it makes him liable. 217 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER To effect some such escape has always been a present and urgent problem with sensitive minds, and the lit- erature of the inner life is very largely a record of struggle with the inordinate passions of the social self. To the commoner and somewhat sluggish sorts of people these passions are, on the whole, agreeable and beneficent. Emulation, ambition, honor, even pride and vanity in moderation, belong to the higher and more imaginative parts of our thought; they awaken us from sensuality and inspire us with ideal and socially determined purposes. The doctrine that they are evil could have originated only with those who felt them so ; that is, I take it, with unusually sensitive spirits, or those whom circumstances denied a normal and wholesome self-expression. To such the thought of self becomes painful, not because of any lack of self -feeling; but, quite the reverse, because, being too sensitive and tender, it becomes over- wrought, so that this thought sets in vibration an emotional chord already strained and in need of rest. To such minds self-abnegation becomes an ideal, an ideal of rest, peace and freedom, like green pastures and still waters. The prophets of the inner life, like Marcus Aurelius, St. Paul, St. Augustine, Thomas a Kempis, and Pascal, were men distinguished not by the lack of an aggressive self, but by a success in con- trolling and elevating it which makes them the ex- amples of all who undergo a like struggle with it. If their ego had not been naturally importunate they would not have been forced to contend with it, and to 218 THE SOCIAL SELF 2. VAKIOUS PHASES OF " I " develop the tactics of that contention for the edifica- tion of times to come. The social self may be protected either in the neg- ative way, by some sort of withdrawal from the sug- gestions that agitate and harass it, or in the positive way, by contending with them and learning to control and transform them, so that they are no longer pain- ful ; most teachers inculcating some sort of a combi- nation of these two kinds of tactics. Physical withdrawal from the presence of men has always been much in favor with those in search of a calmer, surer life. The passions to be regulated are sympathetic in origin, awakened by imagination of the minds of other persons with whom we come in contact. As Contarini Fleming remarks in Disraeli's novel, " So soon as I was among men I desired to in- fluence them." To retire to the monastery, or the woods, or the sea, is to escape from the sharp sug- gestions that spur on ambition ; and even to change from the associates and competitors of our active life into the company of strangers, or at least of those whose aims and ambitions are different from ours, has much the same effect. _To get away from one's work- ing environment is, in a sense, to get away from one's self ; and this is often the chief advantage of travel and change. I can hardly agree with those who imagine that a special instinct of withdrawal is necessary to explain the prominence of retirement in the ordinances of religion. People wish to retire from 219 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER the world because they are weary, harassed, driven by it, so that they feel that they cannot recover their equanimity without getting away from it. To the im- pressible mind life is a theatre of alarms and conten- tions, even when a phlegmatic person can see no cause for agitation and to such a mind peace often seems the one thing fair and desirable, so that the cloister or the forest, or the vessel on the lonesome sea, is the most grateful object of imagination. The imaginative self, which is, for most purposes, the real self, may be more battered, wounded and strained by a striving, ambitious life than the material body could be in a more visible battle, and its wounds are usually more lasting and draw more deeply upon the vitality. Mortification, resentment, jealousy, the fear of dis- grace and failure, sometimes even hope and elation, are exhausting passions ; and it is after a severe expe- rience of them that retirement seems most healing and desirable. A subtler kind of withdrawal takes place in the imagination alone by curtailing ambition, by trim- ming down one's idea of himself to a measure that need not fear further diminution. How secure and restful it would be if one could be consistently and sincerely humble ! There is no sweeter feeling than contrition, self-abnegation, after a course of alternate conceit and mortification. This also is an established part of the religious discipline of the mind. Thus we find the following in Thomas : " Son, now I will teach thee the way of peace and of true liberty .... 220 THE SOCIAL SELF 2. VAEIOUS PHASES OF " I " Study to do another's will rather than thine own. Choose ever to have less rather than more. Seek ever the lower place and to be subject to all ; ever wish and pray that the will of God may be perfectly done in thee and in all. Behold such a man enters the bounds of peace and calm." * In other words, lop off the aggressive social self altogether, renounce the ordinary objects of ambition, accustom yourself to an humble place in others' thoughts, and you will be at peace ; because you will have nothing to lose, nothing to fear. No one at all acquainted with the moralists, pagan or Christian, will need to be more than re- minded that this imaginative withdrawal of the self from strife and uncertainty has ever been inculcated as a means to happiness and edification. Many per- sons who are sensitive to the good opinion of others, and, by impulse, take great pleasure in it, shrink from indulging this pleasure because they know by experi- ence that it puts them into others' power and intro- duces an element of weakness, unrest, and probable mortification. By recognizing a favorable opinion of yourself, and taking pleasure in it, you in a measure give yourself and your peace of mind into the keeping of another, of whose attitude you can never be certain. You have a new source of doubt and apprehension. One learns in time the wisdom of entering into such relations only with persons of whose sincerity, sta- bility, and justice one is as sure as possible ; and also of having nothing to do with approval of himself * De Imitatione Christi, book iii., chap. 23, par. 1. 221 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER which he does not feel to have a secure basis in his character. And so regarding self-aggrandizement in the various forms implicitly condemned by Thomas's four rules of peace ; if a man is of so eager a tem- perament that he does not need these motives to awaken him and call his faculties into normal action, he will be happier and possibly more useful to the world if he is able to subdue them by some sort of discipline. In this way, it seems to me, we may chiefly account for and justify the stringent self -sup- pression of Pascal and of many other fine spirits. " So jealous was he of any surprise of pleasure, of any thought of vanity or complacency in himself and his work, that he wore a girdle of iron next his skin, the sharp points of which he pressed closely when he thought himself in any danger. . . ." * Of course the objection to withdrawal, physical or imaginative, is that it seems to be a refusal of so- cial functions, a rejection of life, leading logically to other-worldism, to the idea that it is better to die than to live. According to this teaching, in its ex- treme form, the best thing that can happen to a man is to die and go to heaven ; but if that is not permit- ted, then let the private, ambitious self, set to play the tunes of this world, die in him, and be replaced by humble and secluded meditation in preparation for the life to come. When this doctrine was taught and believed to such an extent that a great part of the finer spirits were led, during centuries, to isolate * Tulloch's Pascal, p. 100. 222 THE SOCIAL SELF 2. VAEIOUS PHASES OF " I " themselves in deserts and cloisters, or at least to renounce and depreciate the affections and duties of the family, the effect was no doubt bad ; but in our time there is little tendency to this extreme, and there is perhaps danger that the usefulness of par- tial or occasional withdrawal may be overlooked. Mr. Lecky thinks, for instance, that the complete suppression of the conventual system by Protestant- ism has been far from a benefit to women or the world, and that it is impossible to conceive of any institution more needed than one which should fur- nish a shelter for unprotected women and convert them into agents of charity.* The amount and kind of social stimulation that a man can bear without harm to his character and working power depends, roughly speaking, upon his sensitiveness, which de- termines the emotional disturbance, and upon the vigor of the controlling or co-ordinating functions, which measures his power to guide or quell emotion and make it subsidiary to healthy life. There has always been a class of persons, including a large proportion of those capable of the higher sorts of intellectual production, for whom the competitive struggles of ordinary life are overstimulating and destructive, and who therefore cannot serve the world well without apparently secluding themselves from it. It would seem, then, that withdrawal and asceticism are often too sweepingly condemned. A sound practical morality will consider these things * See his History of European Morals, vol. ii.,p. 369. 223 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER in relation to various types of character and circum- stance, and find, I believe, important functions for both. But the most radical remedy for the mortifications and uncertainties of the social self is not the negative one of merely secluding or diminishing the I, but the positive one of transforming it. The two are not easily distinguishable, and are usually phases of the same process. The self-instinct, though it cannot be suppressed while mental vigor remains, can be taught to associate itself more and more with ideas and aims of general and permanent worth, which can be thought of as higher than the more sensual, narrow, or temporary interests, and independent of them. It must always be borne in mind that the self is any idea or system of ideas with which is associated the peculiar appropriative attitude we call self-feeling. Anything whose depreciation makes me feel resent- ful is myself, whether it is my coat, my face, my brother, the book I have published, the scientific theory I accept, the philanthropic work to which I am devoted, my religious creed, or my country. The only question is, Am I identified with it in my thought, so that to touch it is to touch me ? Thus in " Middlemarch " the true self of Mr. Casaubon, his most aggressive, persistent, and sensitive part, is his system of ideas relating to the unpublished " Key to All Mythologies." It is about this that he is proud, jealous, sore, and apprehensive. What he imagines 224 THE SOCIAL SELF 2. VARIOUS PHASES OF " I " that the Brasenose men will think of it is a large part of his social self, and he suffers hidden joy and torture according as he is hopeful or despondent of its triumphant publication. When he finds that his body must die his chief thought is how to keep this alive, and he attempts to impose its completion upon poor Dorothea, who is a pale shadow in his life com- pared with the Key, a mere instrument to minister to this fantastic ego. So if one, turning the leaves of history, could evoke the real selves of all the men of thought, what a strange procession they would be ! outlandish theories, unintelligible and forgotten creeds, hypotheses once despised but now long es- tablished, or vice versa all conceived eagerly, jeal- ously, devotedly, as the very heart of the self. There is no class more sensitive and none, not even the in- sane, in whom self-feeling attaches to such singular and remote conceptions. An astronomer may be in- different when you depreciate his personal appear- ance, abuse his relatives, or question his pecuniary honesty; but if you doubt that there are artificial canals on Mars you cut him to the quick. And poets and artists of every sort have always and with good reason been regarded as a genus irritabile. The ideas of self most commonly cherished, and the ambitions corresponding to these ideas, fail to appease the imagination of the idealist, for various reasons ; chiefly, perhaps, for the following : first be- cause they seem more or less at variance with the good of other persons, and so, to the imaginative and 225 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER sympathetic mind, bring elements of inconsistency and wrong, which it cannot accept as consonant with its own needs ; and second because their objects are at best temporary, so that even if thought of as achieved they fail to meet the need of the mind for a resting-place in some conception of permanent good or right. The transformation of narrow and temporary ambitions or ideals into something more fitted to satisfy the imagination in these respects, is an urgent need, a condition precedent to peace of mind, in many persons. The unquiet and discord- ant state of the unregenerate is a commonplace, a thousand times repeated, of writings on the inner life. " Superbus et avarus numquam quiescunt," they tell us, and to enable us to escape from such un- rest is a chief aim of the discipline of self-feeling enjoined by ethical and religious teachers. " Self," " the natural man," and similar expressions indicate an aspect of the self thought of as lower in part at least because of the insecure, inconsistent, and tem- porary character just indicated which is to be so far as possible subjected and forgotten, while the feelings once attached to it find a less precarious object in ideas of justice and right, or in the concep- tion of a personal deity, in whom all that is best of personality is to have secure existence and eternal success. In this sense also we may understand the idea of freedom as it presented itself to Thomas a Kern pis and similar minds. To forget " self " and live the 226 THE SOCIAL SELF 2. VAEIOUS PHASES OF " I " larger life is to be free ; free, that is, from the rack- ing passions of the lower self, free to go onward into a self that is joyful, boundless, and without remorse. To gain this freedom the principal means is the con- trol or mortification of sensual needs and worldly ambitions. Thus the passion of self-aggrandizement is per- sistent but plastic ; it will never disappear from a vigorous mind, but may become morally higher by attaching itself to a larger conception of what con- stitutes the self. Wherever men find themselves out of joint with their social environment the fact will be reflected in some peculiarity of self -feeling. Thus it was in times when the general state of Europe was decadent and hopeless, or later when ceaseless wars and the com- mon rule of violence prevailed, that finer spirits, for whose ambition the times offered no congenial career, so largely sought refuge in religious seclusion, and there built up among themselves a philosophy which compensated them by the vision of glory in another world for their insignificance in this. An institution so popular and enduring as monasticism and the system of belief that throve in connection with it must have answered to some deep need of human nature, and it would seem that, as regarded the more intellectual class, this need was largely that of creating a social self and system of selves which could thrive in the actual state of things. Their natures craved 227 HUMAN NATUEE AND THE SOCIAL OEDER success, and, following a tendency always at work, though never more fantastic in its operation, they created an ideal or standard of success which they could achieve very much as a farmer's boy with a weak body but an active brain sometimes goes into law, seeking and upholding an intellectual type of success. From this point of view which is, of course, only one of many whence monasticism may be re- garded it appears as a wonderful exhibition of the power of human nature to effectuate itself in a co- operative manner in spite of the most untoward external circumstances. If we have less flight from the world, corporeal or metaphysical, at the present day, it is doubtless in part because the times are more hospitable to the finer abilities, so that all sorts of men, within wide limits, find careers in which they may hope to gratify a reasonable ambition. But even now, where con- ditions are deranged and somewhat anarchical, so that many find themselves cut off from the outlook toward a congenial self-development, the wine of life turns bitter, and harrying resentments are generated which more or less disturb the stability of the social order. Each man must have his " I " ; it is more necessary to him than bread ; and if he does not find scope for it within the existing institutions he will be likely to make trouble. Persons of great ambitions, or of peculiar aims of any sort, lie open to disorders of self-feeling, because they necessarily build up in their minds a self-image 228 THE SOCIAL SELF 2. VARIOUS PHASES OF " I " which no ordinary social environment can understand or corroborate, and which must be maintained by hard- ening themselves against immediate influences,. en- during or repressing the pains of present depreciation, and cultivating in imagination the approval of some higher tribunal. If the man succeeds in becoming indifferent to the opinions of his neighbors he runs into another danger, that of a distorted and extrava- gant self of the pride sort, since by the very process of gaining independence and immunity from the stings of depreciation and misunderstanding, he has perhaps lost that wholesome deference to some social tribunal that a man cannot dispense with and remain quite sane. The image lacks verification and correc- tion and becomes too much the reflection of an un- disciplined self-feeling. It would seem that the ^megalomania or delusion of greatness which Lom- broso, with more or less plausibility, ascribes to Victor Hugo and many other men of genius, is to be explained largely in this way. Much the same may be said regarding the relation of self-feeling to mental disorder, and to abnormal personality of all sorts. It seems obvious, for in- stance, that the delusions of greatness and delusions of persecution so common in insanity are expressions of self-feeling escaped from normal limitation and control. The instinct which under proper regulation by reason and sympathy gives rise to just and sane ambition, in the absence of it swells to grotesque proportions ; while the delusion of persecution ap- 229 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER pears to be a like extravagant development of that jealousy regarding what others are thinking of us which often reaches an almost insane point in irri- table people whose sanity is not questioned. The peculiar relations to other persons attending any marked personal deficiency or peculiarity are likely to aggravate, if not to produce, abnormal manifestations of self -feeling. Any such trait suffi- ciently noticeable to interrupt easy and familiar intercourse with others, and make people talk and think about a person or to him rather than loith him, can hardly fail to have this effect. If he is naturally inclined to pride or irritability, these tendencies, which depend for correction upon the flow of sym- pathy, are likely to be increased. One who shows signs of mental aberration is, inevitably perhaps, but cruelly, shut off from familiar, thoughtless intercourse, partly excommunicated ; his isolation is unwittingly proclaimed to him on every countenance by curi- osity, indifference, aversion or pity, and in so far as he is human enough to need free and equal com- munication and feel the lack of it, he suffers pain and loss of a kind and degree which others can only faintly imagine, and for the most part ignore. He finds himself apart, "not in it," and feels chilled, fearful, and suspicious. Thus "queerness" is no sooner perceived than it is multiplied by reflection from other minds. The same is true in some degree of dwarfs, deformed or disfigured persons, even the deaf and those suffering from the infirmities of old 230 THE SOCIAL SELF 2. VAKIOUS PHASES OF " I age. The chief misery of the decline of the faculties, and a main cause of the irritability that often goes with it, is evidently the isolation, the lack of custom- ary appreciation and influence, which only the rarest tact and thoughtfulness on the part of others can alleviate. 231 CHAPTEE YII HOSTILITY SIMPLE OR ANIMAL ANGER SOCIAL ANGER THE FUNCTION OF HOSTILITY THE DOCTRINE OF NON-RESISTANCE CONTROL AND TRANSFORMATION OF HOSTILITY BY REASON HOSTILITY AS PLEASURE OR PAIN THE IMPORTANCE OF ACCEPTED SOCIAL STANDARDS FEAR. ANGER, like other emotions, seems to exist at birth as a simple, instinctive animal tendency, and to un- dergo differentiation and development parallel with the growth of imagination. Perez, speaking of chil- dren at about the age of two months, says, "they begin to push away objects that they do not like, and have real fits of passion, frowning, growing red in the face, trembling all over, and sometimes shedding tears." They also show anger at not getting the breast or bottle, or when washed or undressed, or when their toys are taken away. At about one year old "they will beat people, animals, and inanimate ob- jects if they are angry with them," * throw things at offending persons, and the like. I have observed phenomena similar to these, aad no doubt all have who have seen anything of little children. If there are any writers who tend to regard the mind at birth as almost tabula rasa so far * Perez, The First Three Years of Childhood, p. 66. 232 HOSTILITY as special instincts are concerned, consisting of little more than a faculty of receiving and organizing impressions, it must be wholesome for them to asso- ciate with infants and notice how unmistakable are the signs of a distinct and often violent emotion, apparently identical with the anger or rage of adults. What grown-up persons feel seems to be different, not in its emotional essence, but in being modified by asso- ciation with a much more complicated system of ideas. This simple, animal sort of anger, excited immedi- ately by something obnoxious to the senses, does not entirely disappear in adult life. Probably most per- sons who step upon a barrel-hoop or run their heads against a low doorway can discern a moment of. instinctive anger toward the harming object. Even our more enduring forms of hostility seem often to partake of this direct, unintellectual character. Most people, but especially those of a sensitive, impressi- ble nature, have antipathies to places, animals, per- sons, words to all sorts of things in fact which appear to spring directly out of the subconscious life, without any mediation of thought. Some think that an animal or instinctive antipathy to human beings of a different race is natural to all mankind. And among people of the same race there are un- doubtedly persons whom other persons loathe with- out attributing to them any hostile state of mind, but with a merely animal repugnance. Even when the object of hostility is quite distinctly a mental or moral trait, we often seem to feel it in an external 233 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER way, that is, we see it as behavior but do not really understand it as thought or sentiment. Thus duplic- ity is hateful whether we can see any motive for it or not, and gives a sense of slipperiness and in- security so tangible that one naturally thinks of some wriggling animal. In like manner vacillation, fawn- ing, excessive protestation or self-depreciation, and many other traits, may be obnoxious to us in a some- what physical way without our imagining them as states of mind. But for a social, imaginative being, whose main interests are in the region of communicative thought and sentiment, the chief field of anger, as of other emotions, is transferred to this region. Hostility ceases to be a simple emotion due to a simple stimu- lus, and breaks up into innumerable hostile sentiments associated with highly imaginative personal ideas. In this mentally higher form it may be regarded as hostile sympathy, or a hostile comment on sympathy. That is to say, we enter by sympathy or personal imagination into the state of mind of others, or think we do, and if the thoughts we find there are injurious to or uncongenial with the ideas we are already cherishing, we feel a movement of anger. This is forcibly expressed in a brief but admirable study of antipathy by Sophie Bryant. Though the antipathy she describes is of a peculiarly subtle kind, it is plain that the same sort of analysis may be applied to any form of imaginative hostility. 234 HOSTILITY " A is drawn out toward B to feel what he feels. If the new feeling harmonizes, distinctly or obscurely, with the whole system of A's consciousness or the part then identified with his will there follows that joyful expansion of self beyond self which is sym- pathy. But if not if the new feeling is out of keep- ing with the system of A's will tends to upset the system, and brings discord into it there follows the reaction of the whole against the hostile part which, transferred to its cause in B, pushes out B's state, as the antithesis of self, yet threatening self, and offen- sive." Antipathy, she says, " is full of horrid thrill." " The peculiar horror of the antipathy springs from the unwilling response to the state abhorred. We feel ourselves actually like the other person, selfishly vain, cruelly masterful, artfully affected, insincere, ungenial, and so on." ..." There is some af- finity between those who antipathize." * And with similar meaning Thoreau remarks that " you cannot receive a shock unless you have an electric affinity for that which shocks you," and that " He who re- ceives an injury is to some extent an accomplice of the wrong-doer." f Thus the cause of hostility is imaginative or sym- pathetic, an inimical idea attributed to another mind. We cannot feel this way toward that which is totally unlike us, because the totally unlike is unimagin- able, has no interest for us. This, like all social * Mind, new series, vol. iv., p. 365. f A Week on the Concord and Merrimack Hirers, pp. 303, 328. 235 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER feeling, requires a union of likeness with differ- ence. It is clear that closer association, and more knowl- edge of one another, offer no security against hos- tile feeling. Whether intimacy will improve our sen- timent toward another man or not depends upon the true relation of his way of thinking and feeling to ours, which intimacy is likely to reveal. There are many persons with whom we get on very well at a certain distance, who would turn out intensely an- tipathetic if we had to live in the same house with them. Probably all of us have experienced in one form or another the disgust and irritation that may come from enforced intimacy with people we liked well enough as mere acquaintances, and with whom we can find no particular fault, except that they rub us the wrong way. Henry James, speaking of the aversion of the brothers Goncourt for Saint Beuve, remarks that it was " a plant watered by fre- quent intercourse and protected by punctual notes." * It is true that an active sense of justice may do much to overcome unreasonable antipathies; but there are so many urgent uses for our sense of justice that it is well not to fatigue it by excessive and unnecessary activity. Justice involves a strenuous and symmetrical exercise of the imagination and rea- son, which no one can keep up all the time; and those who display it most on important occasions ought to be free to indulge somewhat their whims and prejudices in familiar intercourse. * See his essay on the Journal of the Brothers Goncourt. HOSTILITY Neither do refinement, culture, and taste have any necessary tendency to diminish hostility. They make a richer and finer sympathy possible, but at the same time multiply the possible occasions of antipathy. They are like a delicate sense of smell, which opens the way to as much disgust as appreciation. In- stead of the most sensitive sympathy, the finest men- tal texture, being a safeguard against hostile pas- sions, it is only too evident from a study of the lives of men of genius that these very traits make a sane and equable existence peculiarly difficult. Bead, for instance, the confessions of Rousseau, and observe how a fine nature, full of genuine and eager social idealism, is subject to peculiar sufferings and errors through the sensibility and imagination such a nature must possess. The quicker the sympathy and ideal- ity, the greater the suffering from neglect and failure, the greater also the difficulty of disciplining the mul- titude of intense impressions and maintaining a sane view of the whole. Hence the pessimism, the ex- travagant indignation against real or supposed wrong- doers, and not infrequently, as in Rousseau's case, the almost insane bitterness of jealousy and mistrust. The commonest forms of imaginative hostility are grounded 011 social self -feeling, and come under the Lead of resentment. We impute to the other per- son an injurious thought regarding something which we cherish as a part of our self, and this awakens anger, which we name pique, animosity, umbrage, estrangement, soreness, bitterness, heart-burning, 237 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER jealousy, indignation, and so on ; in accordance with variations which these words suggest. They all rest upon a feeling that the other person harbors ideas injurious to us, so that the thought of him is an at- tack upon our self. Suppose, for instance, there is a person who has reason to believe that he has caught me in a lie. It makes little difference, perhaps, whether he really has or not ; so long as I have any self-respect left, and believe that he entertains this depreciatory idea of me, I must resent this idea when- ever, through my thinking of him, it enters my mind. Or suppose there is a man who has met me running in panic from the field of battle ; would it not be hard not to hate him ? These situations are perhaps unusual, but we all know persons to whom we attrib- ute depreciation of our characters, our friends, our children, our workmanship, our cherished creed or philanthropy; and we do not like them. The resentment of charity or pity is a good in- stance of hostile sympathy. If a man has self-re- spect, he feels insulted by the depreciating view of his manhood implied in commiserating him or offer- ing him alms. Self-respect means that one's reflected self is up to the social standard : and the social stand- ard requires that a man should not need pity or alms except under very unusual conditions. So the as- sumption that he does need them is an injury wheth- er he does or not precisely as it is an insult to a woman to commiserate her ugliness and bad taste, and suggest that she wear a veil or employ someone 238 HOSTILITY to select her gowns. The curious may find interest in questions like this : whether a tramp can have self- respect unless he deceives the one who gives him aid, and so feels superior to him, and not a mere depend- ent. In the same way we can easily see why crimi- nals look down upon paupers. The word indignation suggests a higher sort of imaginative hostility. It implies that the feeling is directed toward some attack upon a standard of right, and is not merely an impulse like jealousy or pique. A higher degree of rationalization is involved ; there is some notion of a reasonable adjustment of personal claims, which the act or thought in question violates. We frequently perceive that the simpler forms of resentment have no rational basis, could not be justi- fied in open court, but indignation always claims a general or social foundation. We feel indignant when we think that favoritism and not merit secures pro- motion, when the rich man gets a pass on the rail- road, and so on. It is thus possible rudely to classify hostilities under three heads, according to the degree of mental organization they involve ; namely, as 1. Primary, immediate, or animal. 2. Social, sympathetic, imaginative, or personal, of a comparatively direct sort, that is, without reference to any standard of justice. 3. Rational or ethical ; similar to the last but in- volving reference to a standard of justice and the sanction of conscience. 239 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER The function of hostility is, no doubt, to awaken a fighting energy, to contribute an emotional motive force to activities of self-preservation or aggrandize- ment. In its immediate or animal form this is obvious enough. The wave of passion that possesses a fight- ing dog stimulates and concentrates his energy upon a few moments of struggle in which success or failure may be life or death ; and the simple, violent anger of children and impulsive adults is evidently much the same thing. Yital force explodes in a flash of aggression ; the mind has no room for anything but the fierce instinct. It is clear that hostility of this uncontrolled sort is proper to a very simple state of society and of warfare, and is likely to be a source of disturbance and weakness in that organized state which calls for corresponding organization in the individual mind. There is a transition by imperceptible degrees from the blind anger that thinks of nothing to the imaginative anger that thinks of persons, and pursues the personal idea into all possible degrees of subtlety and variety. The passion itself, . the way we feel when we are angry, does not seem to change much, except, perhaps, in intensity, the change being mostly in the idea that awakens it. It is as if anger were a strong and peculiar flavor which might be taken with the simplest food or the most elaborate, might be used alone, strong and plain, or in the most curious and recondite combinations with other flavors. 240 HOSTILITY While it is evident enough that animal anger is one of those instincts that are readily explained as con- ducive to self-preservation, it is not, perhaps, so obvious that socialized anger has any such justifica- tion. I think, however, that, though very liable to be excessive and unmanageable, and tending con- tinually to be economized as the race progresses, so that most forms of it are properly regarded as wrong, it nevertheless plays an indispensable part in life. The mass of mankind are sluggish and need some resentment as a stimulant ; this is its function on the higher plane of life as it is on the lower. Surround a man with soothing, flattering circumstances, and in nine cases out of ten he will fail to do anything worthy, but will lapse into some form of sensualism or dilettanteism. There is no tonic, to a nature sub- stantial enough to bear it, like chagrin " erquickender Verdruss," as Goethe says. Life without opposition is Capua. No matter what the part one is fitted to play in it, he can make progress in his path only by a vigorous assault upon the obstacles, and to be vigorous the assault must be supported by passion of some sort. With most of us the requisite intensity of passion is not forthcoming without an element of resentment ; and common-sense and careful observa- tion will, I believe, confirm the opinion that few peo- ple who amount to much are without a good capacity for hostile feeling, upon which they draw freely when they need it. This would be more readily admitted 241 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER if many people were not without the habit of pene- trating observation, either of themselves or others, in such matters, and so are enabled to believe that anger, which is conventionally held to be wrong, has no place in the motives of moral persons. I have in mind a man who is remarkable for a cer- tain kind of aggressive, tenacious and successful pur- suit of the right. He does the things that everyone else agrees ought to be done but does not do especially things involving personal antagonism. While the other people deplore the corruption of politics, but have no stomach to amend it, he is the man to beard the corrupt official in his ward, or expose him in the courts or the public press all at much pains and cost to himself and without prospect of honor or any other recompense. If one considers how he differs from other conscientious people of equal ability and opportunity, it appears to be largely in having more bile in him. He has a natural fund of animosity, and instead of spending it blindly and harmfully, he directs it upon that which is hateful to the general good, thus gratifying his native turn for resentment in a moral and fruitful way. Evidently if there were more men of this stamp it would be of benefit to the moral condition of the country. Contemporary conditions seem to tend somewhat to dissipate that righteous wrath against evil whicl}, intelligently directed, is a main instrument of prog- ress. Thomas Huxley, to take a name known to all, was 242 HOSTILITY a man in whom there was much fruitful hostility. He did not seek controversy, but when the enemies of truth offered battle he felt no inclination to refuse ; and he avowed perhaps with a certain zest in con- travening conventional teaching that he loved his friends and hated his enemies.* His hatred was of a noble sort, and the reader of his Life and Letters can hardly doubt that he was a good as well as a great man, or that his pugnacity helped him to be such. Indeed I do not think that science or letters could do without the spirit of opposition, although much energy is dissipated and much thought clouded by it. Even men like Darwin or Emerson, who seem to wish nothing more than to live at peace with everyone, may be observed to develop their views with unusual fulness and vigor where they are most in opposition to authority. There is something anal- ogous to political parties in all intellectual activity ; opinion divides, more or less definitely, into oppos- ing groups, and each side is stimulated by the oppo- sition of the other to define, corroborate, and amend its views, with the purpose of justifying itself before the constituency to which it appeals. What we need is not that controversy should disappear, but that it should be carried on with sincere and absolute defer- ence to the standard of truth. A just resentment is not only a needful stimulus to aggressive righteousness, but has also a wholesome effect upon the mind of the person against whom it is * See his Life and Letters, vol. ii., p. 192. 243 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER directed, by awakening a feeling of the importance of the sentiments he has trangressed. On the higher planes of life an imaginative sense that there is re- sentment in the minds of other persons performs the same function that physical resistance does upon the lower.* It is an attack upon my mental self, and as a sympathetic and imaginative being I feel it more than I would a mere blow ; it forces me to consider the other's view, and either to accept it or to bear it down by the stronger claims of a different one. Thus it enters potently into our moral judgments. " Let such pure hate still underprop Our love that we may be Each other's conscience." t I think that no one's character and aims can be respected unless he is perceived to be capable of some sort of resentment. We feel that if he is really in earnest about anything he should feel hostile emotion if it is attacked, and if he gives no sign of this, either at the moment of attack or later, he and what he represents become despised. No teacher, for instance, can maintain discipline unless his scholars feel that he will in some manner resent a breach of it. Thus we seldom feel keenly that our acts are wrong until we perceive that they arouse some sort * Compare Professor Simon N. Patten's Theory of Social Forces, p. 135. fThoreau, A Week, etc., p. 304. 244 HOSTILITY of resentment in others, and whatever selfish aggres- sion we can practise without arousing resistance, we presently come to look upon as a matter of course. Judging the matter from my own consciousness and experience, I have no belief in the theory that non- resistance has, as a rule, a mollifying influence upon the aggressor. I do not wish people to turn me the other cheek when I smite them, because, in most cases, that has a bad effect upon me. I am soon used to submission and may come to think no more of the unresisting sufferer than I do of the sheep whose flesh I eat at dinner. Neither, on the other hand, am I helped by extravagant and accusatory opposition ; that is likely to put me into a state of unreasoning anger. But it is good for us that every- one should maintain his rights, and the rights of others with whom he sympathizes, exhibiting a just and firm resentment against any attempt to tread upon them. A consciousness, based on experience, that the transgression of moral standards will arouse resentment in the minds of those whose opinion we respect, is a main force in the upholding of such standards. But the doctrine of non-resistance, like all ideas that have appealed to good minds, has a truth wrapped up in it, notwithstanding what appears to be its flagrant absurdity. What the doctrine really means, as taught in the New Testament and by many individuals and societies in our own day, is perhaps no more than this, that we should discard the coarser 245 HUMAN NATUKE AND THE SOCIAL ORDEK weapons of resistance for the finer, and threaten a moral resentment instead of blows or lawsuits. It is quite true that we can best combat what we regard as evil in another person of ordinary sensibility by attacking the higher phases of his self rather than the lower. If a man appears to be about to do something brutal or dishonest, we may either encounter him on his present low plane of life by knocking him down or calling a policeman, or we may try to work upon his higher consciousness by giving him to under- stand that we feel sure a person of his self-respect and good repute will not degrade himself, but that if anything so improbable and untoward should occur, he must, of course, expect the disappointment and contempt of those who before thought well of him. In other words, we threaten, as courteously as pos- sible, his social self. This method is often much more efficient than the other, is morally edifying in- stead of degrading, and is practised by men of ad- dress who make no claim to unusual virtue. This seems to be what is meant by non-resistance ; but the name is misleading. It is resistance, and di- rected at what is believed to be the enemy's weakest point. As a matter of strategy it is an attack upon his flank, aggression upon an unprotected part of his position. Its justification, in the long run, is in its success. If we do not succeed in making our way into the other man's mind and changing his point of view by substituting our own, the Avhole manoeuvre falls flat, the injury is done, the ill doer is confirmed 246 HOSTILITY in his courses, and you would better have knocked him down. It is good to appeal to the highest motives we can arouse, and to exercise a good deal of faith as to what can be aroused, but real non- resistance to what we believe to be wrong is mere pusillanimity. There is perhaps no important sect or teacher that roally inculcates such a doctrine, the name non-resistance being given to attacks upon the higher self under the somewhat crude impression that resistance is not such unless it takes some obvious material form, and probably all teachers would be found to vary their tactics some- what according to the sort of people with whom they are dealing. Although Christ taught the turning of the other cheek to the smiter, and that the coat should follow the cloak, it does not appear that he suggested to those who were desecrating the Temple that they should double their transactions, but, ap- parently regarding them as beyond the reach of moral suasion, he " went into the Temple, and began to cast out them that sold and bought in the Temple, and overthrew the tables of the money-changers and the seats of them that sold doves." It seems that he even used a scourge on this occasion. I cannot see much in the question regarding non-resistance beyond a vague use of terms and a difference of opinion as to what kind of resistance is most effective in certain cases. It is easy and not uncommon to state too exclu- sively the pre-eminence of affection in human ideals. 247 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER No one, I suppose, believes that the life of Fra An- gelico's angels, such as we see them in his " Last Judgment," circling on the flowery sward of Paradise, would long content any normal human creature. If it appears beautiful and desirable at times, this is perhaps because our world is one in which the supply of amity and peace mostly falls short of the demand for them. Many of us have seen times of heat and thirst when it seemed as if a bit of shade and a draught of cold water would appease all earthly wants. But when we had the shade and the water we pres- ently began to think about something else. So with these ideals of unbroken peace and affection. Even for those sensitive spirits that most cherish them, they would hardly suffice as a continuity. An indiscrimi- nate and unvarying amity is, after all, disgusting. Human ideals and human nature must develop together, and we cannot foresee what either may become ; but for the present it would seem that an honest and reasonable idealism must look rather to the organization and control of all passions with reference to some conception of right, than to the ex- pulsion of some passions by others. I doubt whether any healthy and productive love can exist which is not resentment on its obverse side. How can we rightly care for anything without in some way resent- ing attacks upon it ? Apparently, the higher function of hostility is to put down wrong ; and to fulfil this function it must 248 HOSTILITY be rationally controlled with a view to ideals of justice. In so far as a man has a sound and active social imagination, he will feel the need of this con- trol, and will tend with more or less energy, accord- ing to the vigor of his mind, to limit his resentment to that which his judgment tells him is really unjust or wrong. Imagination presents us with all sorts of conflicting views, which reason, whose essence is organization, tries to arrange and control in accord- ance with some unifying principle, some standard of equity : moral principles result from the mind's instinctive need to achieve unity of view. All special impulses, and hostile feeling among them, are brought to the bar of conscience and judged by such stand- ards as the mind has worked out. If declared right or justifiable, resentment is endorsed and enforced by the will ; we think of it as righteous and perhaps take credit with ourselves for it. But if it appears grounded on no broad and unifying principle, our larger thought disowns it, and tends with such energy as it may have to ignore and suppress it. Thus we overlook accidental injury, we control or avoid mere antipathy, but we act upon indignation. The latter is enduring and powerful because consistent with cool thought ; while impulsive, unreasoning anger, getting no re-enforcement from such thought, has little lasting force. Suppose, for illustration, one goes with a request to some person in authority, and meets a curt refusal. The first feeling is doubtless one of blind, unthinking 249 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER anger at the rebuff. Immediately after that the mind busies itself more deeply with the matter, imagining motives, ascribing feelings and the like ; and anger takes a more bitter and personal form, it rankles where at first it only stung. But if one is a fairly reasonable man, accustomed to refer things to standards of right, one presently grows calmer and, continuing the imaginative process in a broader way, endeavors to put himself at the other person's point of view and see what justification, if any, there is for the latter's conduct. Possibly he is one subject to constant solicitation, with whom coldness and abruptness are necessary to the despatch of business and so on. If the explanation seems insufficient, so that his rudeness still appears to be mere insolence, our resentment against him lasts, reappearing when- ever we think of him, so that we are likely to thwart him somehow if we get a chance, and justify our action to ourselves and others on grounds of moral disapproval. Or suppose one has to stand in line at the post- office, with a crowd of other people, waiting to get his mail. There are delay and discomfort to be borne ; but these he will take with composure because he sees that they are a part of the necessary conditions of the situation, which all must submit to alike. Suppose, however, that while patiently waiting his turn he notices someone else, who has come in later, edging into the line ahead of him. Then he will certainly be angry. The delay threatened is only a matter of a 250 HOSTILITY few seconds ; but here is a question of justice, a case for indignation, a chance for anger to come forth with the sanction of thought. Another phase of the transformation of hostility by reason and imagination, is that it tends to become more discriminating or selective as regards its relation to the idea of the person against whom it is directed. In a sense the higher hostility is less personal than the lower ; that is, in the sense that it is no longer aimed blindly at persons as wholes, but distinguishes in some measure between phases or tendencies of them that are obnoxious and others that are not. It is not the mere thought of X's countenance, or other symbol, that arouses resentment, but the thought of him as exhibiting insincerity, or arrogance, or what- ever else it may be that we do not like ; while we may preserve a liking for him as exhibiting other traits. Generally speaking, all persons have much in them which, if imagined, must appear amiable ; so that if we feel only animosity toward a man it must be be- cause we have apprehended him only in a partial aspect. An undisciplined anger, like any other un- disciplined emotion, always tends to produce these partial and indiscriminate notions, because it over- whelms symmetrical thought and permits us to see only that which agrees with itself. But a more chast- ened sentiment allows a juster view, so that it becomes conceivable that we should love our enemies as well as antagonize the faults of our friends. A just parent or teacher will resent the insubordinate behavior of a 251 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER child or pupil without letting go of affection, and the same principle holds good as regards criminals, and all proper objects of hostility. The attitude of society toward its delinquent members should be stem, yet sympathetic, like that of a father toward a disobedient child. It is the tendency of modern life, by educating the imagination and rendering all sorts of people con- ceivable, to discredit the sweeping conclusions of impulsive thought as, for instance, that all who commit violence or theft are hateful ill-doers, and nothing more and to make us feel the fundamental likeness of human nature wherever found. Resent- ment against ill-doing should by no means disappear ; but while continuing to suppress wrong by whatever means proves most efficacious, we shall perhaps see more and more clearly that the people who are guilty of it are very much like ourselves, and are acting from motives to which we also are subject. It is often asserted or assumed that hostile feeling is in its very nature obnoxious and painful to the human mind, and persists in spite of us, as it were, because it is forced upon us by the competitive con- ditions of existence. This view seems to me hardly sound. I should rather say that the mental and social harmfulness of anger, in common experience, is due not so much to its peculiar character as hostile feeling, as to the fact that, like lust, it is so sur- charged with instinctive energy as to be difficult to 252 HOSTILITY control and limit to its proper function ; while, if not properly disciplined, it of course introduces disorder and pain into the mental life. To a person in robust condition, with plenty of energy to spare, a thorough-going anger, far from being painful, is an expansive, I might say glorious, experience, ivhile the Jit is on and has full control. A. man in a rage does not want to get out of it, but has a full sense of life which he impulsively seeks to con- tinue by repelling suggestions tending to calm him. It is only when it has begun to pall upon him that he is really willing to be appeased. This may be seen by observing the behavior of impulsive children, and also of adults whose passions are undisci- plined. An enduring hatred may also be a source of satis- faction to some minds, though this I believe to be unusual in these days, and becoming more so. One who reads Hazlitt's powerful and sincere, though per- haps unhealthy, essay on the Pleasure of Hating, will see that the thing is possible. In most cases remorse and distress set in so soon as the fit of anger begins to abate, and its destructive incompatibility with the established order and harmony of the mind begins to be felt. There is a conviction of sin, the pain of a shattered ideal, just as there is after yield- ing to any other unchastened passion. The cause of the pain seems to be not so much the peculiar char- acter of the feeling as its exorbitant intensity. Any simple and violent passion is likely to be felt // 253 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER as painful and wrong in its after-effects because it destroys that harmony or synthesis that reason and conscience strive to produce ; and this effect is prob- ably more and more felt as the race advances and mental life becomes more complex. The conditions of civilization require of us so extensive and continu- ous an expenditure of psychical force, that we no longer have the superabundance of emotional energy that makes a violent outlet agreeable. Habits and prin- ciples of self-control naturally arise along with the increasing need for economy and rational guidance of emotion ; and whatever breaks through them causes exhaustion and remorse. Any gross passion comes to be felt as "the expense of spirit in a waste of shame." Spasms of violent feeling properly belong with a somewhat apathetic habit of life, whose accu- mulating energies they help to dissipate, and are as much out of place to-day as the hard-drinking habits of our Saxon ancestors. The sort of men that most feel the need of hostility as a spur to exertion are, I imagine, those of super- abundant vitality and somewhat sluggish tempera- ment, like Goethe and Bismarck, both of whom de- clared that it was essential to them. There is also a great deal of old-fashioned personal hatred in re- mote and quiet places, like the mountains of North Carolina, and probably among all classes who do not much feel the stress of civilization. But to most of those who share fully in the life of the time, intense personal animosities are painful and de- 254 HOSTILITY structive, and many fine spirits are ruined by failure to inhibit them. The kind of man most characteristic of these times, I take it, does not allow himself to be drawn into the tangle of merely personal hatred, but, Cultivating a tolerance for all sorts of men, he yet maintains a sober and determined antagonism toward all tenden- cies or purposes that conflict with his true self, with whatever he has most intimately appropriated and identified with his character. He is always courte- ous, cherishes as much as possible those kindly senti- ments which are not only pleasant and soothing but do much to oil the machinery of his enterprises, and by wasting no energy on futile passion is enabled to think all the more clearly and act the more inflexibly when he finds antagonism necessary. A man of the world of the modern type is hardly ever dramatic in the style of Shakespeare's heroes. He usually ex- presses himself in the most economical manner pos- sible, and if he has to threaten, for instance, knows how to do it by a movement of the lips, or the turn of a phrase in a polite note. If cruder and more violent tactics are necessary, to impress vulgar minds, he is very likely to depute this rough work to a sub- ordinate. A foreman of track hands may have to be a loud-voiced, strong-armed, palpably aggressive person ; but the president of the road is commonly quiet and mild-mannered. The mind is greatly aided in the control of ani mosity by the existence of ready-made and socially 255 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER accepted standards of right. Suffering from his own angry passions and from those of others, one looks out for some criterion, some rule of what is just and fair among persons, which he may hold himself and others to, and moderate antagonism by removing the sense of peculiar injury. Opposition itself, with- in certain limits, comes to be regarded as part of the reasonable order of things. In this view the function of moral standards is the same as that of courts of justice in grosser conflicts. All good citizens want the laws to be definite and vigorously enforced, in order to avoid the uncertainty, waste, and destruction of a lawless condition. In the same way right-minded people want definite moral standards, enforced by general opinion, in order to save the mental wear and tear of uuguided feeling. It is a great relief to a I person harassed by hostile emotion to find a point of view from which this emotion appears wrong or irra- tional, so that he can proceed definitely and with the sanction of his reason to put it down. The next best thing, perhaps, is to have the hostility definitely ap- proved by reason, so that he may indulge it without further doubt. The unsettled condition is worst of all. This control of hostility by a sense of common allegiance to rule is well illustrated by athletic games. When properly conducted they proceed upon a defi- nite understanding of what is fair, and no lasting anger is felt for any hurts inflicted, so long as this standard of fairness is maintained. It is the same 256 HOSTILITY in war : soldiers do not necessarily feel any anger at other soldiers who are trying to shoot them to death. That is thought of as within the rules of the game. As Admiral Cervera's chief of staff is reported to have said to Admiral Sampson, " You know there is nothing personal in this." But if the white flag is used treacherously, explosive bullets employed, or the moral standard otherwise transgressed, there is hard feeling. It is very much the same with the multiform conflicts of purpose in modern industrial life. It is not clear that competition as such, apart from the question of fairness or unfairness, has any tendency to increase hostility. Competition and the clash of purposes are inseparable from ac- tivity, and are felt to be so. Ill-feeling flourishes no more in an active, stirring state of society than in a stagnant state. The trouble with our industrial re- lations is not the mere extent of competition, but the partial lack of established laws, rules, and cus- toms, to determine what is right and fair in it. This partial lack of standards is connected with the rapid changes in industry and industrial relations among men, with which the development of law and of moral criteria has by no means kept pace. Hence there arises great uncertainty as to what some persons and classes may rightly and fairly require of other persons and classes; and this uncertainty lets loose angry imaginations. It will be evident that I do not look upon affec- tion, or anger, or any other particular mode of feeling, 25? HUMAN NATUEE AND THE SOCIAL OEDER as in itself good or bad, social or anti-social, progres- sive or retrogressive. It seems to me that the essen- tially good, social, or progressive thing, in this regard, is the organization and discipline of all emotions by the aid of reason, in harmony with a developing gen- eral life, which is summed up for us in conscience. That this development of the general life is such as to tend ultimately to do away with hostile feeling altogether, is not clear. The actively good people, the just men, reformers, and prophets, not excepting him who drove the money-changers from the Temple, have been and are, for the most part, people who feel the spur of resentment ; and it is not evident that this can cease to be the case. The diversity of human minds and endeavors seems to be an essen- tial part of the general plan of things, and shows no tendency to diminish. This diversity involves a con- flict of ideas and purposes, which, in those who take it earnestly, is likely to occasion hostile feeling. This feeling should become less wayward, violent, bitter, or personal, in a narrow sense, and more dis- ciplined, rational, discriminating, and quietly persist- ent. That it ought to disappear is certainly not ap- parent. Something similar to what has been said of anger will hold true of any well-marked type of instinctive emotion. If we take fear, for instance, and try to recall our experience of it from early childhood on, it seems clear that, while the emotion itself may 258 HOSTILITY change but little, the ideas, occasions, suggestions that excite it depend upon the state of our intellect- ual and social development, and so undergo great al- teration. The feeling does not tend to disappear, but to become less violent and spasmodic, more and more social as regards the objects that excite it, and more and more subject, in the best minds, to the dis- cipline of reason. The fears of little children * are largely excited by immediate sensible experiences darkness, solitude, sharp noises, and so on. Sensitive persons often remain throughout life subject to irrational fears of this sort, and it is well known that they play a con- spicuous part in hysteria, insanity, and other weak or morbid conditions. But for the most part the healthy adult mind becomes accustomed and indifferent to these simple phenomena, and transfers its emotional sensibility to more complex interests. These inter- ests are for the most part sympathetic, involving our social rather than our material self our standing in the minds of other people, the well-being of those we care for, and so on. Yet these fears fear of stand- ing alone, of losing one's place in the flow of human action and sympathy, fear for the character and suc- cess of those near to us have often the very quality of childish fear. A man cast out of his regular occu- pation and secure place in the system of the world feels a terror like that of the child in the dark ; just as * Compare G. Stanley Hall's study of Fear in the American Journal of Psychology, viii., p. 147. 259 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER impulsive, perhaps just as purposeless and paralyz- ing. The main difference seems to be that the latter fear is stimulated by a complex idea, implying a socially imaginative habit of mind. Social fear, of a sort perhaps somewhat morbid, is vividly depicted by Rousseau in the passage of his Confessions where he describes the feeling that led him falsely to accuse a maid-servant of a theft which he had himself committed. " When she appeared my heart was agonized, but the presence of so many people was more powerful than my compunction. I did not fear punishment, but I dreaded shame : I dreaded it more than death, more than the crime, more than all the world. I would have buried, hid my- self in the centre of the earth : invincible shame bore down every other sentiment ; shame alone caused all my impudence, and in proportion as I became crimi- nal the fear of discovery rendered me intrepid. I felt no dread but that of being detected, of being publicly and to my face declared a thief, liar, and calumniator. . . ."* So also we might distinguish, as in the case of anger, a higher form of social fear, one that is not narrowly personal, but relates to some socially derived ideal of good or right. For instance, in a soldier the terror of roaring guns and singing bullets * The terrors of our dreams are caused largely by social imagina- tions. Thus Stevenson, in one of his letters, speaks of " my usual dreams of social miseries and misunderstandings and all sorts of crucifixions of the spirit." Letters of Robert Louis Stevenson, i., p. 79. 260 HOSTILITY would be a fear of the lowest or animal type. Dread of the disgrace to follow running away would be a social fear, yet not of the highest sort, because the thing dreaded is not wrong but shame a compara- tively simple and non-rational idea. People often do what they know is wrong under the influence of such fear, as did Rousseau in the incident quoted above. But, supposing the soldier's highest ideal to be the success of his army and his country, a fear for that, overcoming all lower and cruder fears selfish fears as they would ordinarily be called would be moral or ethical. 261 CHAPTER VHI EMULATION CONFORMITY NON-CONFORMITY THE Two VIEWED AS COMPLE- MENTARY PHASES OF LIFE RIVALRY HERO-WORSHIP. IT will be convenient to distinguish three sorts of emulation conformity, rivalry^ and hero-worship. Conformity may be defined as the endeavor T;o maintain a standard set by a group. It is a volun- tary imitation of prevalent modes of action, distin- guished from rivalry and other aggressive phases of emulation by being comparatively passive, aiming to keep up rather than to excel, and concerning itself for the most part with what is outward and formal. On the other hand, it is distinguished from involun- tary imitation by being intentional instead of me- chanical. Thus it is not conformity, for most of us, to speak the English language, because we have practically no choice in the matter, but we might choose to conform to particular pronunciations or turns of speech used by those with whom we wish to associate. The ordinary motive to conformity is a sense, more or less vivid, of the pains and inconveniences of non- conformity. Most people find it painful to go to an evening company in any other than the customary 262 EMULATION dress ; the source of the pain appearing to be a vague sense of the depreciatory curiosity which one imagines that he will excite. His social self-feeling is hurt by an unfavorable view of himself that he attributes to others. This example is typical of the way the group coerces each of its members in all matters concerning which he has no strong and defi- nite private purpose. The world constrains us with- out any definite intention to do so, merely through the impulse, common to all, to despise peculiarity for which no reason is perceived. " Nothing in the world more subtle," says George Eliot, speaking of the decay of higher aims in certain people, "than the process of their gradual change! In the beginning they inhaled it unknowingly ; you and I may have sent some of our breath toward infecting them, when we uttered our conforming falsities or drew our silly conclusions : or perhaps it came with the vibrations from a woman's glance." " Solitude is fearsome and heavy-hearted," and non-conformity condemns us to it by causing gene, if not dislike, in others, and so inter- rupting that relaxation and spontaneity of attitude that is required for the easy flow of sympathy and communication. Thus it is hard to be at ease with one who is conspicuously worse or better dressed than we are, or whose manners are notably different ; no matter how little store our philosophy may set by such things. On the other hand, a likeness in small things that enables them to be forgotten gives people a prima facie at-homeness with each other highly 263 favorable to sympathy ; and so we all wish to have it with people we care for. It would seem that the repression of non-conform- ity is a native impulse, and that tolerance always requires some moral exertion. We all cherish our habitual system of thought, and anything that breaks in upon it in a seemingly wanton manner, is annoy- ing to us and likely to cause resentment. So our first tendency is to suppress the peculiar, and we learn to endure it only when we must, either because it is shown to be reasonable or because it proves refrac- tory to our opposition. The innovator is nearly as apt as anyone else to put down innovation in others. Words denoting singularity usually carry some re- proach with them ; and it would perhaps be found that the more settled the social system is, the severer is the implied condemnation. In periods of disor- ganization and change, such as ours is in many re- spects, people are educated to comparative toler- ance by unavoidable familiarity with conflicting views as religious toleration, for instance, is the outcome of the continued spectacle of competing creeds. Sir Henry Maine, in discussing the forces that controlled the legal decisions of a Eoman praetor, remarks that he " was kept within the narrowest bounds by the prepossessions imbibed from early training and by the strong restraints of professional opinion, restraints of which the stringency can only be appreciated by those who have personally expe- 264 EMULATION rienced them."* In the same way every profession, trade or handicraft, every church, circle, fraternity or clique, has its more or less definite standards, con- formity to which it tends to impose on all its mem- bers. It is not at all essential that there should be any deliberate purpose to set up these standards, or any special machinery for enforcing them. They spring up spontaneously, as it were, by an uncon- scious process of assimilation, and are enforced by the mere inertia of the minds constituting the group. Thus every variant idea of conduct has to fight its way : as soon as anyone attempts to do anything un- expected the world begins to cry, " Get in the rut ! Get in the rut ! Get in the rut ! " and shoves, stares, coaxes, and sneers until he does so or until he makes good his position, and so, by altering the standard in a measure, establishes a new basis of conformity. There are no people who are alto- gether non-conformers, or who are completely toler- ant of non-conformity in others. Mr. Lowell, who wrote some of the most stirring lines in literature in defence of non-conformity, was himself conventional and an upholder of conventions in letters and social intercourse. Either to be exceptional or to appreci- ate the exceptional requires a considerable expendi- ture of energy, and no one can afford this in many directions. There are many persons who take pains to keep their minds open ; and there are groups, countries, and periods which are compara- * Maine, Ancient Law, p. 62. 265 HUMAN NATUKE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER trvnely favorable to open-mindedness and variation; but conformity is always the rule and non-conform- ity the exception. Conformity is a sort of co-operation: one of its functions is to economize energy. The standards which it presses upon the individual are often elabo- rate and valuable products of cumulative thought and experience, and whatever imperfections they may have they are, as a whole, an indispensable foundation for life : it is inconceivable that anyone should dis- pense with them. If I imitate the dress, the manners, the household arrangements of other people, I save so much mental energy for other purposes. It is best that each should originate where he is specially fitted to do so, and follow others where they are better qualified to lead. It is said with truth that con- formity is a drag upon genius ; but it is equally true and important that its general action upon human nature is elevating. We get by it the selected and systematized outcome of the past, and to be brought up to its standards is a brief recapitulation of social development: it sometimes levels down but more generally levels up. It may be well for purposes of incitement to goad our individuality by the abuse of conformity; but statements made with this in view lack accuracy. It is good for the young and aspiring to read Emerson's praise of self-reliance, in order that they may have courage to fight for their ideas ; but we may also sympathize with Goethe when he says that " nothing more exposes us to madness than 266 EMULATION distinguishing us from others, and nothing more con- tributes to maintaining our common-sense than living in the universal way with multitudes of men." * There are two^aspects of non- conformity : first, a re- bellious impulse or " contrary suggestion " leading to an avoidance of accepted standards in a spirit of oppo- sition, without necessary reference to any other stand- ards ; and, second, an appeal from present andjgom- monpjace standards to~tE6se that are comparatively remote and unusual. These two usually work to- gether. One is led to a mode of life different from that of the people about him, partly by intrinsic con- trariness, and partly by fixing his imagination on the ideas and practices of other people whose mode of life he finds more congenial. But the essence of non-conformity as a personal attitude consists in contrary suggestion or the spirit ^of opposition^ People of natural energy take pleasure in that enhanced feeling of self that comes from consciously not doing that T?hich is suggested or en- joined upon them by circumstances and by other persons. There is joy in the sense of self-assertion : it is sweet to do one's own things ; and if others are against him one feels sure they are his own. To brave the disapproval of men is tonic ; it is like climbing along a mountain path in the teeth of the wind ; one feels himself as a cause, and knows the distinctive efficacy of his being. Thus self-feeling which, if *Wilhelm Meister's Apprenticeship, v., 16, Carlyle's Transla- tion. 267 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER somewhat languid and on the defensive, causes us to avoid peculiarity, may, when in a more energetic con- dition, cause us to seek it ; just as we rejoice at one time to brave the cold, and at another to cower over the fire, according to the vigor of our circulation. This may easily be observed in vigorous children : each in his way will be found to attach himself to methods of doing things which he regards as peculi- arly his own, and to delight in asserting these methods against opposition. It is also the basis of some of the deepest and most significant differences between races and individuals. Controlled by intellect and \ purpose this passion for differentiation becomes self- S reliance, self-discipline, and immutable persistence in ' a private aim : qualities which more than any others make the greater power of superior persons and races. It is a source of enterprise, exploration, and endur- ance in all kinds of undertakings, and of fierce de- fence of private rights. How much of Anglo-Saxon history is rooted in the intrinsic cantankerousness of the race ! It is largely this that makes the world- winning pioneer, who keeps pushing on because he wants a place all to himself, and hates to be bothered by other people over whom he has no control. On the frontier a common man defines himself better as a cause. He looks round at his clearing, his cabin, his growing crops, his wife, his children, his dogs, horses, and cattle, and says, I did it: they are mine. All that he sees recalls the glorious sense of things won by his own hand. 268 EMULATION Who does not feel that it is a noble thing to stand alone, to steer due west into an unknown universe, like Columbus, or, like Nansen, ground the ship upon the ice-pack and drift for the North Pole ? " Adhere to your own act," says Emerson, " and congratulate yourself if you have done something strange and extravagant, and broken the monotony of a decorous age." We like that epigram, Victrix causa diis placuit, sed victa Catoni, because we like the thought that a man stood out alone against the gods them- selves, and set his back against the course of nature. The ' ' souls that stood alone, While the men they agonized for hurled the contumelious stone," are not to be thought of as victims of self-sacrifice. Many of them rejoiced in just that isolation, and dar- ing, and persistence ; so that it was not self-sacrifice but self-realization. Conflict is a necessity of the active soul, and if a social order could be created from which it were absent, that order would perish as uncongenial to human nature. " To be a man is to be a non-conformer." I think that people go into all sorts of enterprises, for instance into novel and unaccredited sorts of philanthropy, with a spirit of adventure not far re- moved from the spirit that seeks the North Pole. It is neither true nor wholesome to think of the " good " as actuated by motives radically different in kind from those of ordinary human nature ; and I imagine 269 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDEE the best of them are far from wishing to be thus thought of. Undertakings of reform and philanthropy appeal to the mind in a double aspect. There is, of course, the desire to accomplish some worthy end, to effectuate some cherished sentiment which the world appears to ignore, to benefit the oppressed, to advance human knowledge, or the like. But behind that is the vague need of self-expression, of creation, of a momentous experience, so that one may know that one has really lived. And the finer imaginations are likely to find this career of novelty and daring, not in the somewhat outworn paths of war and exploration, but in new and precarious kinds of social activity. So one may sometimes meet in social settlements and charity organization bureaus the very sort of people that led the Crusades into Palestine. I do not speak at random, but have several persons in mind who seem to me to be of this sort. In its second aspect non-conformity may be re- garded as a remoter conformity. The rebellion against social influence is only partial and apparent ; and the one who seems to be out of step with the procession is really keeping time to another music. As Thoreau said, he hears a different drummer. If a boy refuses the occupation his parents and friends think best for him, and persists in working at some- thing strange and fantastic, like art or science, it is sure to be the case that his most vivid life is not with those about him at all, but with the masters he has known through books, or perhaps seen and heard for 270 EMULATION a few moments. Environment, in the sense of social influence actually at work, is far from the definite and obvious thing it is often assumed to be. Our real environment consists of those images which are most present to pur thoughts^ and in the case of a vigorous, growing mind, these are likely to be some- thing quite different from what is most present to the sensejL, The group to which we give allegiance, and to whose standards we try to conform,- is determined by our own selective affinity, choosing "among all the personal miluences accessible to us; and so far as we select with any independence of our palpable companions, we have the appearance of non-con- formity. All non-conformity that is affirmative or con- structive must act by this selection of remoter rela- tions ; opposition, by itself, being sterile, and mean- ing nothing beyond personal peculiarity. There is, therefore, no definite line between conformity and non- conformity ; there is simply a more or less charac- teristic and unusual way of selecting and combining accessible influences. It is much the same question as that of invention versus imitation. As Professor Baldwin points out, there is no radical separation between these two aspects of human thought and action. There is no imitation that is absolutely mechanical and uninventive a man cannot repeat an act without putting something of his idiosyncrasy into it neither is there any invention that is not imitative in the sense that it is made up of elements 271 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER suggested by observation and experience. What the mind does, in any case, is to reorganize and repro- duce the suggested materials in accordance with its own structure and tendency ; and we judge the result as imitative or inventive, original or commonplace, according as it does or does not strike us as a new and fruitful employment of the common material.* A just view of the matter should embrace the whole of it at once, aiul see conformity and non- conformity as normal and complementary phases of human activity. In their quieter moods men have a pleasure in social agreement and the easy flow of sympathy, which makes non-conformity uncomfort- able. But when their energy is full and demanding * In reading studies of a particular aspect of life, like M. Tarde's brilliant work, Les Lois de 1'Imitation, it is well to remember that there are many such aspects, any of which, if expounded at length and in an interesting manner, might appear for the time to be of more importance than any other. I think that other phases of social activity, such, for instance, as communication, competition, differentiation, adaptation, idealization, have as good claims as imitation to be regarded as the social process, and that a book similar in character to M. Tarde's might, perhaps, be written upon any one of them. The truth is that the real process is a multiform thing of which these are glimpses. They are good so long as we recognize that they are glimpses and use them to help out our per- ception of that many-sided whole which life is ; but if they become doctrines they are objectionable. The Struggle for Existence is another of these glimpses of life which just now seems to many the dominating fact of the universe i chiefly because attention has been fixed upon it by copious and in- teresting exposition. As it has had many predecessors in this place of importance, so doubtless it will have many successors. 272 EMULATION an outlet through the instincts, it can only be ap- peased by something which gives the feeling of self- assertion. They are agitated by a " creative impa- tience," an outburst of the primal need to act; like the Norsemen, of whom Gibbon says : " Impatient of a bleak climate and narrow limits, they started from the banquet, sounded their horn, ascended their vessels, and explored every coast that promised either spoil or settlement." * In social intercourse this ac- tive spirit finds its expression largely in resisting the will of others ; and the spirit of opposition and self- differentiation thus arising is the principal direct stimulus to non-conformity. This spirit, however, has no power of absolute creation, and is forced to seek for suggestions and materials in the minds of others ; so that the independence is only relative to the more immediate and obvious environment, and never constitutes a real revolt from the social order. Naturally non-conformity is characteristic of the more energetic states of the human mind. Men of great vigor are sure to be non-conformers in some important respect ; youth glories in non-conformity, while age usually comes back to the general point of view. " Men are conservatives when they are least vigorous, or when they are most luxurious. They are conservatives after dinner, or before taking their rest ; when they are sick or aged. In the morning, or when their intellect or their conscience has been * Decline and Fall, vol. vii., p. 82; Milman-Sniith edition. 273 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER aroused, when they hear music, or when they read poetry, they are radicals."* The rational attitude of the individual toward the question of conformity or non-conformity in his own life, would seem to be : assert your individuality in matters which you deem important ; conform in those you deem unimportant. To have a conspicuously in- dividual way of doing everything is impossible to a sane person, and to attempt it would be to do one's self a gratuitous injury, by closing the channels of sympathy through which we partake of the life around us. We should save our strength for matters in re- gard to which persistent conviction impels us to in- sist upon our own way. Society, like every living, advancing whole, requires a just union of stability and change, uniformity and differentiation. Conformity is the phase of stability and uniformity, while non- conformity is the phase of differentiation and change. The latter cannot intro- duce anything wholly new, but it can and does effect such a reorganization of existing material as con- stantly to transform and renew human life. I mean by rivalry a competitive striving urged on by the desire to win. It resembles conformity in that the impelling idea is usually a sense of what other people are doing and thinking, and especially of what they are thinking of us : it differs from it chiefly in being more aggressive. Conformity aims * Emerson, address on New~En~gIan3 Reformers. 274 EMULATION to keep up with the procession, rivalry to get ahead of it. The former is moved by a sense of the pains and inconveniences of differing from other people, the latter by an eagerness to compel their admira- tion. Winning, to the social self, usually means conspicuous success in making some desired impres- sion upon other minds, as in becoming distinguished for power, wealth, skill, culture, beneficence, or the like. On the other hand, rivalry may be distinguished from finer sorts of emulation by being more simple, crude, and direct. It implies no very subtle mental activity, no elaborate or refined ideal. If a spirited horse hears another overtaking him from behind, he pricks up his ears, quickens his steps, and does his best to keep ahead. And human rivalry appears to have much of this instinctive element in it ; to be- come aware of life and striving going on about us seems to act immediately upon the nerves, quicken- ing an impulse to live and strive in like manner. An eager person will not hear or read of vivid action of any sort without feeling some impulse to get into it ; just as he cannot mingle in a hurrying, excited crowd without sharing in the excitement and hurry, wheth- er he knows what it is all about or not. The genesis of ambition is often something as follows : one min- gles with men, his self-feeling is vaguely aroused, and he wishes to be something to them. He sees, perhaps, that he cannot excel in just what they are doing, and so he takes refuge in his imagination, 275 HUMAN NATUEE AND THE SOCIAL OEDER thinking what he can do which is admirable, and de- termining to do it. Thus he goes home nursing se- cret ambitions. The motive of rivalry, then, is a strong sense that there is a race going on, and an impulsive eagerness to be in it. It is rather imitative than in- yentive ; the idea being not so much to achieve an object for its own sake, because it is reflectively judged to be worthy, as to get what the rest are af- ter. There is conformity in ideals combined with a thirst for personal distinction. It has little tendency toward innovation, notwithstanding the element of antagonism in it ; but takes its color and character from the prevalent social life, accepting and pursuing the existing ideal of success, and whatever special quality it has depends upon the quality of that ideal. There is, for instance, nothing so gross or painful that it may not become an object of pursuit through emulation. Charles Booth, who has studied so mi- nutely the slums of London, says that " among the poor, men drink on and on from a perverted pride," and among another class a similar sentiment leads women to inflict surprising deformities of the trunk upon themselves. Professor William James suggests that rivalry [does nine-tenths of the world's work.* Certainly no motive is so generally powerful among active, efficient men of the ordinary type, the type that keeps the ball moving all over the world. Intellectual initi- * Psychology, vol. ii. , p. 409. 276 EMULATIOK ative, high and persistent idealism, are rare. The great majority of able men are ambitious, without having intrinsic traits that definitely direct their am- bition to any particular object. They feel their way about among the careers which their time, their country, their early surroundings and training, make accessible to them, and, selecting the one which seems to promise the best chance of success, they throw themselves into the pursuit of the things that conduce to that success. If the career is law, they strive to win cases and gain wealth and prestige, accepting the moral code and other standards that they find in actual use ; and it is the same, mutatis mutandis, in commerce, politics, the ministry, the various handicrafts, and so on. There is thus nothing morally distinctive about \ rivalry ; it is harmful or beneficent according to the objects and standards with reference to which it acts. All depends upon the particular game in which one takes a hand. It may be said in a broad way, how- ever, that rivalry supplies a stimulus wholesome and needful to the great majority of men, and that it is, on the whole, a chief progressive force, utilizing the tremendous power of ambition, and controlling it to the furtherance of ends that are socialty approved. The greaJL mass ,of what we Jud^e to be evil Js of a negative rather than a positive character, arising not from misdirected ambition but from apathy or sen- quality, from a. falling short of that active, socialTiu-' manity which ambition implies. * _^--^, _._.,., ..." JL- " -swvw, 277 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER By hero-worship is here meant an emulation that strives to imitate some admired character, in a spirit not of rivalry or opposition, but of loyal enthusiasm. It is higher than rivalry, in the sense that it involves a superior grade of mental activity though, of course, there is no sharp line of separation between them. While the other is a rather gross and simple impulse, common to all men and to the higher animals, the hero-worshipper is an idealist, imaginative; the ob- ject that arouses his enthusiasm and his endeavor does so because it bears a certain relation to his aspi- rations, to his constructive thought. Hero-worship is thus more selective, more significant of the special character and tendencies of the individual, in every way more highly organized than rivalry. It has a great place in all active, aspiring lives, especially in the plastic period of youth. We feed our characters, while they are forming, upon the vision of admired models ; an ardent sympathy dwells upon the traits through which their personality is communicated to us facial expression, voice, sig- nificant movements, and so on. In this way those tendencies in us that are toward them are literally fed ; are stimulated, organized, made habitual and familiar. As already pointed out, sympathy appears to be an act of growth ; and this is especially true of the sort of sympathy we call hero-worship. All auto- biographies which deal with youth show that the early development of character is through a series of admirations and enthusiasms, which pass away, to be 278 EMULATION sure, but leave character the richer for their exist- ence. They begin in the nursery, flourish with great vigor in the school-yard, attain a passionate intensity during adolescence, and though they abate rapidly in adult life, do not altogether cease until the power of growth is lost. All will find, I imagine, if they recall their own experience, that times of mental progress were times when the mind found or created heroes to worship, often owning allegiance to several at the same time, each representing a particular need of development. The active tendencies of the school- boy lead to admiration of the strongest and boldest of his companions ; or perhaps, more imaginative, he fixes his thoughts on some famous fighter or explorer ; later it is possibly a hero of statesmanship or liter- ature who attracts him. Whatever the tendency, it is sure to have its complementary hero. Even science often begins in hero-worship. " This work," says Darwin of Humboldt's " Personal Narrative," "stirred up in me a burning zeal to add even the most humble contribution to the noble structure of Natural Science." * We easily forget this varied and im- passioned idealism of early life ; but " the thoughts of youth are long, long thoughts," and it is precisely then and in this way that the most rapid develop- ment of character takes place. J. A. Symonds, speak- ing of Professor Jowett's early influence upon him says, " Obscurely but vividly I felt my soul grow by his contact, as it had never grown before ; " and Goethe * See Darwin's Life and Letters, by his son, vol. i., p. 47. 279 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER remarks that " vicinity to tlie master, like an element, lifts one and bears him on." I If youth is the period of hero-worship, so also is it ' true that hero-worship, more than anything else, per- haps, gives one the sense of youth. To admire, to expand one's self, to forget the rut, to have a sense of newness and life and hope, is to feel young at any time of life. "Whilst we converse with what is above us we do not grow old but grow young " ; and that is what hero-worship means. To have no heroes is to have no aspiration, to live on the momentum of the past, to be thrown back upon routine, sensuality, and the narrow self. As hero-worship becomes more imaginative, it merges insensibly into that devotion to ideal persons that is called religious. It has often been pointed out that the feeling men have toward a visible leader and master like Lincoln, Lee, Napoleon, or Garibaldi, is psychologically much the same thing as the wor- ship of the ideal persons of religion. Hero-worship is a kind of religion, and religion, in so far as it con- ceives persons, is a kind of hero-worship. Both are expressions of that intrinsically social or communi- cative nature of human thought and sentiment which was insisted upon in a previous chapter. That the personality toward which the feeling is directed is ideal evidently affords no fundamental distinction. All persons are ideal, in a true sense, and those whom we admire and reverence are peculiarly so. That is to say, the idea of a person, whether his 280 EMULATION body be present to our senses or not, is imaginative, a synthesis, an interpretation of many elements, rest- ing upon our whole experience of human life, not merely upon our acquaintance with this particular person ; and the more our admiration and reverence are awakened the more actively ideal and imagina- tive does our conception of the person become. Of course we never see a person ; we see a few visible traits which stimulate our imaginations to the con- struction of a personal idea in the mind. The ideal persons of religion are not fundamentally different, psychologically or sociologically, from other persons ; they are personal ideas built up in the mind out of the material at its disposal, and serving to appease its need for a sort of intercourse that will give scope to reverence, submission, trust, and self-expanding en- thusiasm . So far as they are present to thought and emotion, and so work upon life, they are real, with that immediate social reality discussed in the third chapter. The fact that they have attached to them no visible or tangible material body, similar to that of other persons, is indeed an important fact, but rather of physiological than of psychological or so- cial interest. Perhaps it is not going too far to say that the idea of God is specially mysterious only from a physiological point of view ; mentally and socially regarded it is of one sort with other personal ideas, no less a verifiable fact, and no more or less inscru- table. It must be obvious to anyone who reflects upon the matter, I should think, that our conceptions 281 HUMAN NATUKE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER of personality, from the simple and sensuous notions a little child has of those about him, up to the noblest and fullest idea of deity that man can achieve, are one in kind, as being imaginative interpretations of experience, and form a series in which there are no breaks, no gap between human and divine. All is human, and all, if you please, divine. If there are any who hold that nothing is real ex- cept what can be seen and touched, they will neces- sarily forego the study of persons and of society; because these things are essentially intangible and invisible. The bodily presence furnishes important assistance in the forming of personal ideas, but is not essential. I never saw Shakespeare, and have no lively notion of how he looked. His reality, his presence to my mind, consists in a characteristic im- pression made upon me by his recorded words, an imaginative interpretation or inference from a book. In a manner equally natural and simple the religious mind comes to the idea of personal deity by a spon- taneous interpretation of life as a whole. The two ideas are equally real, equally incapable of verifica- tion to the senses. 282 CHAPTER IX LEADERSHIP OR PERSONAL ASCENDENCY LEADERSHIP DEFINES AND ORGANIZES VAGUE TENDENCY POWER AS BASED UPON THE MENTAL STATE OF THE ONE SUBJECT TO IT THE MENTAL TRAITS OF A LEADER : SIGNIFICANCE AND BREADTH WHY THE FAME AND POWER OF A MAN OFTEN TRANSCEND HIS REAL CHARACTER ASCENDENCY OF BELIEF AND HOPE MYSTERY GOOD FAITH AND IMPOSTURE DOES THE LEADER REALLY LEAD? BUT ho\v do we choose our heroes ? What is it that gives leadership to some and denies it to others ? Can we make out anything like a rationale of personal ascendency? We can hardly hope for a complete answer to these questions, which probe the very heart of life and tendency, but at least the attempt to an- swer them, so far as possible, will bring us into an interesting line of thought. It is plain that the theory of ascendency in- volves the question of the mind's relative valuation _^ j _ rr ^^ M _^A^^*"* l ***^^^i^^^^^a**^^'^ i> ^*^*" of the suggestions coming to^ it .from other minds; leadership depending upon the efficacy of a personal impression to awaken feeling, thought, action, and so to become a cause of life. While there are some men who seem but to add one to the population, there are others whom we cannot help thinking about ; they lend arguments to their neighbors' creeds, so that the life of their contemporaries, and 283 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER perhaps of following generations, is notably different because they have lived. The immediate reason for this difference is evidently that in the one case there is something seminal or generative in the relation between the personal impression a man makes and the mind that receives it, which is lacking in the other case. If we could go farther than this and discover Avhat it is that makes certain suggestions seminal or generative, we should throw much light on leader- ship, and through that on all questions of social tendency. We are born with what may be roughly described as a vaguely differentiated mass of mental tendency, vast and potent, but unformed and needing direction informe, ingens, cui lumen ademptum. This instinc- tive material is believed to be the outcome of age-long social development in the race, and hence to be, in a general way, expressive of that development and func- tional in its continuance. The process of evolution has established a probability that a man will find himself at home in the world into which he comes, and prepared to share in its activities. Besides the tendency to various sorts of emotion, we have the thinking instinct, the intelligence, which seems to be fairly distinct from emotion and whose function in- cludes the co-ordination and organization of other instinctive material with reference to the situations which life offers. At any particular stage of individual existence, these elements, together with the suggestions from 284 LEADERSHIP OR PERSONAL ASCENDENCY the world without, are found more or less per- fectly organized into a living, growing whole, a person, a man. Obscurely locked within him, in- scrutable to himself as to others, is the soul of the whole past, his portion of the energy, the passion, the tendency, of human life. Its existence creates a vague need to live, to feel, to act ; but he cannot ful- fil this need, at least not in a normal way, without incitement from outside to loosen and direct his in- stinctive aptitude. There is explosive material stored up in him, but it cannot go off unless the right spark reaches it, and that spark is usually some sort of a personal suggestion, some living trait that sets life free and turns restlessness into power. It must be evident that we can look for no cut-and- dried theory of this life-imparting force, no algebraic formula for leadership. We know but little of the depths of human tendency; and those who know most are possibly the poets, whose knowledge is little available for precise uses. Moreover, the problem varies incalculably with sex, age, race, inherited idio- syncrasy, and previous personal development. The general notions of evolution, however, lead us to expect that what awakens life and so gives ascendency will be something important or functional in the past life of the race, something appealing to instincts which have survived because they had a part to perform ; and this, generally speaking, appears to be the case. The prime condition of ascendency is the presence 285 THE SOCIAL ORDER of undirected energy in the person over whom it is to b exercised ; it is not so much forced upon us from without as demanded from within. The mind, hav- ing energy, must work, and requires a guide, a form of thought, to facilitate its working. All views of life are fallacious which do not recognize the fact that the primary need is the need to do. Every healthy organism evolves energy, and this must have an outlet. In the human mind, during its expanding period, the excess of life takes the form of a reaching out beyond all present and familiar things after an unknown good ; no matter what the present and familiar may be, the fact that it is such is enough to make it inadequate. So we have a vague onward impulse, which is the unorganized material, the un- differentiated protoplasm, so to speak, of all prog- ress; and this, as we have seen, makes the eager- ness of hero-worship in the young, imaginative and aspiring. So long as our minds and hearts are open and capable of progress, there are persons that have a glamour for us, of whom we think with reverence and aspiration ; and although the glamour may pass from them and leave them commonplace, it will have fixed itself somewhere else. In youth the mind, eager, searching, forward looking, stands at what Professor Baldwin calls the alter pole of the socius, peering forth in search of new life. And the idealist at any age needs superiority in others and is always in quest of it. " Dear to us are those who love us, . . . but dearer are those who reject us as un- 286 LEADEKSHIP OR PERSONAL ASCENDENCY worthy, for they add another life; they build a heaven before us whereof we had not dreamed, and thereby supply to us new powers out of the recesses of the spirit, and urge us to new and unattempted performances." * To cease to admire is a proof of deterioration. Most people will be able to recall vague yet in- tensely vivid personal impressions that they have received from faces perhaps from a single glance of a countenance that they have never seen before or since or perhaps from a voice; and these im- pressions often remain and grow and become an important factor in life. The explanation is perhaps something like this: When we receive these mys- terious influences we are usually in a peculiarly im- pressionable state, with nervous energy itching to be worked off. There is pressure in the obscure reser- voirs of hereditary passion. In some way, which we can hardly expect to define, this energy is tapped, an instinct is disengaged, the personal suggestion con- veyed in the glance is felt as the symbol, the master- key that can unlock hidden tendency. It is much the same as when electricity stored and inert in a jar is loosed by a chance contact of wires that completes the circuit ; the mind holds fast the life-imparting suggestion ; cannot, in fact, let go of it. " all night long his face before her lived, Dark-splendid, speaking in the silence, full Of noble things, and held her from her sleep." * Emerson, New England Reformers. 287 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER It is true of races, as of individuals, that the more vitality and onwardness they have, the more they need ideals and a leadership that gives form to them. A strenuous people like the Anglo-Saxon must have something to look forward and up to, since without faith of some sort they must fall into dissipation or despair; they can never be content with that calm and symmetrical enjoyment of the present which is thought to have been characteristic of the ancient Greeks. To be sure it is said, and no doubt with truth, that the people of Northern Europe are less hero-worshippers than those of the South, in the sense that they are less given to blind enthusiasm for popular idols ; but this, I take it, only means that the former, having more constructive power in build- ing up ideals from various personal sources, and more persistence in adhering to them when thus built up, are more sober and independent in their judgment of particular persons, and less liable to extravagant ad- miration of the hero of the moment. But their ideal- ism is all the more potent for this, and at bottom is just as dependent upon personal suggestion for its definition. Thus it is likely that all leadership will be found to be such by virtue of defining the possi- bilities of the mind. " If we survey the field of history," says Professor William James, " and ask what feature all great periods of revival, of expansion of the human mind, display in common, we shall find, I think, simply this ; that each and all of them have said to the human being, ' the inmost nature of 288 LEADERSHIP OR PERSONAL ASCENDENCY the reality is congenial to powers which you pos- sess ' " ; * and the same principle evidently applies to personal leadership. We are born to action ; and whatever is capable of suggesting and guiding action has power over us from the first. The attention of the new-born child is fixed by whatever exercises the senses, through motion, noise, touch, or color. Persons and animals interest him primarily because they offer a greater amount and variety of sensible stimulus than other objects. They move, talk, laugh, coax, fondle, bring food and so on. The prestige they thus acquire over the child's mind is shared with such other stimulating phenomena as cars, engines, windmills, patches of sunlight and bright-colored garments. A little later, when he begins to acquire some control over his activities, he welcomes eagerly whatever can partici- pate in and so stimulate and guide them. The playthings he cares for are those that go, or that he can do something with carts, fire-engines, blocks, and the like. Persons, especially those that share his interests, maintain and increase their ascendency, and other children, preferably a little older and of more varied resources than himself, are particularly wel- come. Among grown-ups he admires most those who do something that he can understand, whom he can appreciate as actors and producers such as the car- penter, the gardener, the maid in the kitchen. B. invented the happy word " thinger " to describe this * Psychology, voL ii., p. 314. 289 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL OEDER sort of people, and while performing similar feats would proudly proclaim himself a thinger. It will be observed that at this stage a child has learned to reflect upon action and to discriminate that which is purposeful and effective from mere motion ; he has gained the notion of power. Himself constantly trying to do things, he learns to admire those who can do things better than himself, or who can suggest new things to do. His father sitting at his desk probably seems an inert and unattractive phenomenon, but the man who can make shavings or dig a deep hole is a hero ; and the seemingly per- verse admiration which children at a later age show for circus men and for the pirates and desperadoes they read about, is to be explained in a similar man- ner. What they want is evident power. The scholar may possibly be as worthy of admiration as the acro- bat or the policeman ; but the boy of ten will seldom see the matter in that light. Thus the idea of power and the types of personality which, as standing for that idea, have ascendency over us, are a function of our own changing character. At one stage of their growth nearly all imaginative boys look upon some famous soldier as the ideal man. He holds this place as symbol and focus for the aggressive, contending, dominating impulses of vigor- ous boyhood ; to admire and sympathize with him is to gratify, imaginatively, these impulses. In this country some notable speaker and party leader often succeeds the soldier as a boyish ideal ; his career is 290 LEADERSHIP OR PERSONAL ASCENDENCY almost equally dominating and splendid, and, in time of peace, not quite so remote from reasonable aspira- tion. In later life these simple ideals are likely to yield somewhat to others of a more special character, depending upon the particular pursuit into which one's energies are directed. Every occupation which is followed with enthusiasm has its heroes, men who stand for the idea of power or efficient action as understood by persons of a particular training and habit. The world of commerce and industry is full of hero-worship, and men who have made great fortunes are admired, not unjustly, for the personal prowess such success implies ; while people of a finer intellectual development have their notion of power correspondingly refined, and to them the artist, the poet, the man of science, the philanthropist, may stand for the highest sort of successful action. It should be observed, however, that the simpler and more dramatic or visually imaginable kinds of power have a permanent advantage as regards general ascendency. Only a few can appreciate the power of Darwin, and those few only when the higher faculties of their minds are fully awake; there is nothing dramatic, nothing appealing to the visual imagina- tion, in his secluded career. But we can all see Grant or Nelson or Moltke at the head-quarters of their armies, or on the decks of their ships, and hear the roar of their cannons. They hold one by the eye and by the swelling of an emotion felt to be common to a vast multitude of people. There is always sorne- 291 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER thing of the intoxication of the crowd in the submis- sion to this sort of ascendency. However alone our bodies may be, our imaginations are in the throng ; and for my part whenever I think of any occasion when a man played a great part before the eyes of mankind, I feel a thrill of irrational enthusiasm. I should imagine, for instance, that scarcely anyone could read such a thing as " Sheridan's Ride " without strong feeling. He witnesses the disorder, uncertainty, and dismay of the losing battle, the anxious officers trying to stay the retreat, and longing for the commander who has always led to victory. Then he follows the ride from "Winchester twenty miles away," and shares the enthusiasm of the army when the valiant and beloved leader rides forth upon the field at last, rene wing every heart by his presence and making victory out of defeat. In comparison with this other kinds of power seem obscure and separate. It is the drama of visible courage, danger, and success, and the sense of being one of a throng to behold it, that makes the difference. This need of a dramatic or visually imaginable presentation of power is no doubt more imperative in the childlike peoples of Southern Europe than it is in the sedater and more abstractly imaginative Teu- tons ; but it is strong in every people, and is shared by the most intellectual classes in their emotional moods. Consequently these heroes of the popular imagination, especially those of war, are enabled to serve as the instigators of a common emotion in 292 great masses of people, and thus to produce in large groups a sense of comradeship and solidarity. The admiration and worship of such heroes is probably the chief feeling that people have in common in all early stages of civilization, and the main bond of social groups. Even in our own time this is more the case than is understood. It was easy to see, dur- ing the Spanish- American War, that the eager interest of the whole American people in the military opera- tions, and the general and enthusiastic admiration of every trait of heroism, was bringing about a fresh sense of community throughout the country and so renewing and consolidating the collective life of the nation. If we ask what are the mental traits that distinguish a leader, the only answer seems to be that he must, in one way or another, be a great deal of a man, or at least appear to be. He must stand for something to which men incline, and so take his place by right as a focus of their thought. Evidently he must be the best of his kind avail- able. It is impossible that he should stand forth as an archetype, unless he is conceived as superior, in some respect, to all others within range of the imagina- tion. Nothing that is seen to be second-rate can be an ideal ; if a character does not bound the horizon at some point we will look over it to what we can see beyond. The object of admiration may be Caesar Borgia, or Napoleon, or Jesse James the train-robber, 293 HUMAN NATUEE AND THE SOCIAL OEDER but he must be typical, must stand for something. No matter how bad the leader may be, he will always be found to owe his leadership to something strong^ affirmative, and superior, something that appeals to onward instinct. To be a great deal of a man, and hence a leader, involves, on the one hand, a significant individuality, and, on the other, breadth of sympathy, the two being different phases of personal calibre, rather than sep- arate traits. It is because a man cannot stand for anything ex- cept as he has a significant individuality, that self- reliance is so essential a trait in leadership : except as a person trusts and cherishes his own special ten- dency, different from that of other people and usually opposed by them in its inception, he can never de- velop anything of peculiar value. He has to free himself from the domination of purposes already de- fined and urged upon him by others, and bring up something fresh out of the vague under-world of subconsciousness ; and this means an intense self, a militant, gloating "I." Emerson's essay on self- reliance only formulates what has always been the creed of significant persons. On the other hand, success in unfolding a special tendency and giving vogue to it, depends upon being in touch, through sympathy, with the current of human life. All leadership takes place through the communication of ideas to the minds of others, and unless the ideas are so presented as to be congenial 294 LEADERSHIP OR PERSONAL ASCENDENCY to those other minds, they will evidently be rejected. It is because the novelty is not alien to us, but is seen to be ourself in a fresh guise, that we wel- come it. It has frequently been noticed that personal ascend- ency is not necessarily dependent upon any palpable deed in which power is manifested, but that there is often a conviction of power and an expectation of success that go before the deed and control the minds of men without apparent reason. There is something fascinating about this immediate and seemingly causeless personal efficacy, and many writers of in- sight lay great stress upon it. Emerson, for exam- ple, is fond of pointing out that the highest sort of greatness is self-evident, without particular works. Most men of executive force possess something of this direct ascendency, and some, like Napoleon, Cromwell, Bismarck, and Andrew Jackson, have had it in pre-eminent measure. It is not confined to any class, however, but exists in an infinite variety of kinds and degrees ; and men of thought may have it as well as men of action. Dante, Milton, Goethe, and their like, bear the authority to dominate the minds of others like a visible mantle upon their shoulders, inspiring a sense of reverence and a tendency to believe and follow in all the impressionable people they meet. Such men are only striking examples of what we are all familiar with in daily life, most per- sons of decided character having something imposing about them at times. Indeed, there is hardly any- 295 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER one so insignificant that lie does not seem imposing to someone at some time. Notwithstanding the mystery that is often made of this, it appears to be simply a matter of impulsive personal judgment, an impression of power and a sense of yielding due to interpretation of the visible or audible symbols of personality, discussed in a previous chapter. Another may impress us with his power, and so exercise ascendency over us, either by grossly performing the act, or by exhibiting traits of personality which convince our imaginations that he can and will do the act if he wishes to. It is in this latter way, through imaginative inference, that people mostly work upon us in ordinary social intercourse. It would puzzle us, in many cases, to tell just how we know that a man is determined, dauntless, magnanimous, intrinsically powerful, or the reverse. Of course reputation and past record count for much ; but we judge readily enough with- out them, and if, like Orlando in " As You Like It," he " looks successfully," we believe in him. The im- agination is a sort of clearing-house through which great forces operate by convenient symbols and with a minimum of trouble. The man of action who, like Napoleon, can domi- nate the minds of others in a crisis, must have the general traits of leadership developed with special reference to the promptness of their action. His in- dividual significance must take the form of a palpable decision and self-confidence ; and breadth of sym- 296 LEADERSHIP OR PERSONAL ASCENDENCY pathy becomes a quick tact to grasp the mental state of those with whom he deals, so that he may know how to plant the dominating suggestion. Into the vagueness and confusion that most of us feel in the face of a strange situation, such a man injects a clear- cut idea. There is a definiteness about him which makes us feel that he will not leave us drifting, but will set a course, will substitute action for doubt, and give our energies an outlet. Again, his aggressive confidence is transmitted by suggestion, and acts directly upon our minds as a sanction of his leader- ship. And if he adds to this the tact to awaken no opposition, to make us feel that he is of our sort, that his suggestions are quite in our line, in a word that we are safe in his hands ; he can hardly be resisted. In face-to-face relations, then, the natural leader is one who always has the appearance of being master of the situation. He includes other people and ex- tends beyond them, and so is in a position to point out what they must do next. Intellectually his sug- gestion seems to embrace what is best in the views of others, and to embody the inevitable conclusion ; it is the timely, the fit, and so the prevalent. Emotion- ally his belief is the strongest force present, and so draws other beliefs into it. Yet, while he imposes himself upon others, he feels the other selves as part of the situation, and so adapts himself to them that no opposition is awakened ; or possibly he may take the violent method, and browbeat and humiliate a weak mind : there are various ways of establishing 297 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER superiority, but in one way or another the consum- mate leader always accomplishes it. Take Bismarck as an example of almost irresistible personal ascendency in face-to-face relations. He had the advantage, which, however, many men of equal power have done without, of an imposing bulk and stature ; but much more than this were the mental and moral traits which made him appear the natural master in an assembly of the chief diplomats of Europe. "No idea can be formed," says M. de Blowitz,* " of the ascendency exercised by the German Chan- cellor over the eminent diplomatists attending the Congress. Prince Gortchakoff alone, eclipsed by his rival's greatness, tried to struggle against him." His "great and scornful pride," the absolute, contempt- uous assurance of superiority which was evident in every pose, tone, and gesture, accompanied, as is pos- sible only to one perfectly sure of himself, by a frankness, good-humor, and cordial insight into others which seemed to make them one with himself, par- ticipators in his domination ; together with a pene- trating intelligence, a unique and striking way of expressing himself, and a perfect clearness of pur- pose at all times, were among the elements of the effect he produced. He conciliated those whom he thought it worth while to conciliate, and browbeat, ignored, or ridiculed the rest. There was nothing a rival could say or do but Bismarck, if he chose, would say or do something which made it appear a failure. * In Harper's Magazine, vol. 78, p. 870. 298 LEADERSHIP OR PERSONAL ASCENDENCY General Grant was a man whose personal presence had none of the splendor of Prince Bismarck, and who even appeared insignificant to the undiscerning. It is related that when he went to take command of his first regiment soon after the outbreak of the Civil War, the officer whom he was to succeed paid no at- tention to him at first, and would not believe that he was Grant until he showed his papers. An early acquaintance said of him, " He hadn't the push of a business man." "He was always a gentleman, and everybody loved him, for he was so gentle and con- siderate ; but we didn't see what he could do in the world." * Yet over the finer sort of men he exercised a great ascendency, and no commander was more will- ingty obeyed by his subordinates, or inspired more general confidence. In his way he manifested the essential traits of decision, self-confidence, and tact in great measure. He never appeared dubious, ner- vous, or unsettled ; and though he often talked over his plans with trusted officers, he only once, I be- lieve, summoned a council of war, and then rejected its decision. He was nearly or quite alone in his faith in the plan by which Vicksburg was taken, and it is well known that General Sherman, convinced that it would fail, addressed him a formal remon- strance, which Grant quietly put in his pocket and later returned to its author. " His pride in his own mature opinion," says General Schofield, " was very * Reminiscences quoted by Garland in McClure's Magazine, April, 1897. 299 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER great ; in that he was as far as possible from being a modest man. This absolute confidence in his own judgment upon any subject he had mastered, and the moral courage to take upon himself alone the highest responsibility, and to demand full authority and free- dom to act according to his own judgment, without interference from anybody, added to his accurate estimate of his own ability, and his clear perception of the necessity for undivided authority and respon- sibility in the conduct of military operations, and in all that concerns the efficiency of armies in time of war, constituted the foundation of that very great character."* He was also a man of great tact and insight. He always felt the personal situation ; di- vining the character and aims of his antagonists, and making his own officers feel that he understood them and appreciated whatever in them was worthy. In spite of the fact that a boastful spirit is attrib- uted to Americans, the complete renunciation of ex- ternal display so noticeable in General Grant is con- genial to the American mind, and characteristic of a large proportion of our most successful and admired men. Undoubtedly our typical hero is the man who is capable of anything, but thinks it unbecoming to obtrude the fact. Possibly it is our self-reliant, dem- ocratic mode of life, which, since it offers a constant and varied test of the realities, as distinct from the appearances, gives rise to a contempt of the latter, * From a letter published in the newspapers at the time of the dedication of the Grant Monument, in April, 1897. 300 LEADEKSHIP OR PERSONAL ASCENDENCY and of those arts of pretence which impose upon a less sophisticated people. The truth about us is so accessible that cant becomes comparatively transpar- ent and ridiculous.* There is no better phenomenon in which to ob- serve personal ascendency than public speaking. When a man takes the floor in an assembly, all eyes are fixed upon him, all imaginations set to work to divine his personality and significance. If he looks like a true and steadfast man, of a spirit kindred with our own, we incline to him before he speaks, and believe that what he says will be congenial and right. We have all, probably, seen one arise in the midst of an audience strange to him, and by his mere attitude and expression of countenance create a subtle sense of community and expectation of consent. An- other, on the contrary, will at once impress us as self- conceited, insincere, over-excited, cold, narrow, or in some other way out of touch with us, and not likely to say anything that will suit us. As our first speaker proceeds, he continues to create a sense that he feels the situation ; we are at home and comfortable with him, because he seems to be of our sort, having similar views and not likely to lead us wrong ; it is like the ease and relaxation that one feels among old friends. There can be no perfect eloquence that does not cre- ate this sense of personal congeniality. But this def- * Mr. Howells remarks that " in Europe life is histrionic and dram- atized, and that in America, except when it is trying to be European, it is direct and sincere." "Their Silver Wedding Journey," Harper's Magazine, September, 1899. 301 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER erence to our character and mood is only the basis for exerting power over us ; he is what we are, but is much more ; is decided where we were vacillating, clear where we were vague, warm where we were cold. He offers something affirmative and onward, and gives it the momentum of his own belief. A man may lack everything but tact and conviction and still be a forcible speaker ; but without these noth- ing will avail. " Speak only what you do know and believe, and are personally in it, and are answerable for every word." In comparison with these traits of mind and character, fluency, grace, logical order, and the like, are merely the decorative surface of oratory, which is well enough in its subordinate place, but can easily be dispensed with. Bismarck was not the less a great orator because he spoke " with difficulty and an appearance of struggle," and Cromwell's rude elo- quence would hardly have been improved by lessons in elocution. Burke is an example of a man who appears to have had all the attributes of a great speaker except tact, and was conspicuously contrasted in this respect with Fox, whose genial nature never failed to keep touch with the situation. A man whose rising makes peo- ple think of going to dinner is not distinctively a great orator, even though his speeches are an im- mortal contribution to literature. The well-known anecdote of the dagger illustrates the unhappy re- sults of losing touch with the situation. In the midst of one of his great discourses on the French 302 LEADEESHIP OR PERSONAL ASCENDENCY Revolution, intending to impress upon his hearers the bloody character of that movement, Burke drew from his bosom a dagger and cast it on the floor. It so happened, however, that the Members of Parlia- ment present were not just then in the mood to be duly impressed by this exhibition, which produced only astonishment and ridicule. Fox could never have done a thing of this sort. With all Burke's greatness, it would seem that there must have been something narrow, strenuous, and at times even re- pellent, in his personality and manner, some lack of ready fellow-feeling, allowing him to lose that sense of the situation without which there can hardly be any face-to-face ascendency. The ascendency which an author exercises over us by means of the written page is the same in essence as that of the man of action or the orator. The me- dium of communication is different ; visible or audi- ble traits give place to subtler indications. There is also more time for reflection, and reader or writer can choose the mood most fit to exert power or to feel it ; so that there is no need for that constant prepared- ness and aggressiveness of voice and manner which the man of action requires. But these are, after all, incidental differences; and the underlying traits of personality, the essential relationship between leader and follower, are much the same as in the other cases. The reader should feel that the author's mind and purpose are congenial with his own, though in the present direction they go farther, that the thought 303 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER communicated is not at all alien, but so truly his that it offers an opportunity to expand to a wider circle, and become a completer edition of himself. In short, if an author is to establish and maintain the power to interest us and, in his province, to lead our thought, he must exhibit personal significance and tact, in a form appropriate to this mode of expres- sion. He must have a humanity so broad that, in certain of our moods at least, it gives a sense of con- geniality and at-homeness. He must also make a novel and characteristic impression of some sort, a fresh and authentic contribution to our life; and must, moreover, be wholly himself, " stand united with his thought," have that " truth to its type of the given force " of which Walter Pater speaks. He must possess belief in something, and simplicity and boldness in expressing it. Take Darwin again for example, all the better be- cause it is sometimes imagined that personality is unimportant in scientific writing. Probably few thoughtful and open-minded persons can read the " Origin of Species " without becoming Darwinists, yielding willingly, for the time at least, to his ascend- ency, and feeling him as a master. If we consider the traits that give him this authority, it will be found that they are of the same general nature as those already pointed out. As we read his chapters, and begin to build him up in our imaginations out of the subtle suggestions of style, we find ourselves think- ing of him as, first of all, a true and simple man, 304 LEADEESHIP OE PEESONAL ASCENDENCY a patient, sagacious seeker after the real. This makes us, so far as we are also simple seekers after the real, feel at home with him, forget suspicion, and incline to believe as he believes, even if we fail to un- derstand his reasons though no man leaves us less excuse for such failure. His aim is our aim the truth, and as he is far more competent to achieve it in this field than we are, both because of natural aptitude and a lifetime of special research, we readily yield him the reins, the more so because he never for an instant demands it, but seems to appeal solely to facts. How many writers are there, even of much ability, who fail, primarily and irretrievably, because they do not make this favorable personal impression; because we divine something insincere, something im- patient, some private aim that is not truth, which keeps us uncomfortably on our guard and makes us reluctant to follow them even when they appear most incontrovertible. Mr. Huxley suggested that Darwin harmed his case by excessive and unnecessary defer- ence to the suggestions of his opponents ; but it may well be that in the long run, and with the highest tri- bunal, this trait has added to his power. Many men have been convinced by the character of Darwin, by his obvious disinterestedness and lack of all contro- versial bias, who would never have followed Huxley. I have had occasion to notice that there is no way of making converts to the idea of evolution so effectual as to set people reading the "Origin of Species." 305 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER Spencerism comes and goes, but Darwinism is an abiding condition. Darwin's intellectual significance no one will ques- tion ; and his self-confidence or faith was equally remarkable, and not at all inconsistent with his modesty. In his case it seems a faith in truth it- self, so wholly is the self we find in his books identi- fied with the striving after truth. As an act of faith his twenty years of collecting and brooding over the facts bearing upon the principle he had divined, was an exploit of the same nature as that of Columbus, sail- ing westward for months into an unknown ocean, to a goal which no one else could see. And with what simple confidence does he take his stand upon the truth thus won, and apply it to the geological his- tory of the globe, or the rise of the human body and mind. A good illustration of his faith is his assertion, in the face of ridicule, that the existence of an orchid with a narrow neck eleven inches long proved the existence of a moth with a tongue of equal length. The moth, at that time unknown, was subsequently discovered.* To illustrate the same principles in a wholly dif- ferent phase of thought, we might take Charles Lamb. Lamb, too, attracts us first of all by a human and congenial personality. We feel that in the kinds of sentiment with which he deals he is at home and adequate, is ourselves and more than we, with a deeper pathos, a richer, more audacious humor, a * Related by W. H. Gibson, in Harper's Magazine for May, 1897. 306 LEADERSHIP OR PERSONAL ASCENDENCY truer sensibility. He, too, enlarges life by access to novel and acceptable modes of being ; and he is al- ways boldly and simply himself. It is a poor notion of Lamb that does not recognize that he was, in his way, a man of character, conviction, and faith. A similar analysis might be applied to great writers of other sorts poets, historians, and moralists ; also to painters, sculptors, actors, singers, to every potent personality after its kind. While there is infinite variety in leadership according to the characters of the persons concerned, the points at which they come in contact, the means of communication between them, and so on there is, nevertheless, a likeness of principle everywhere present. There is no such radical and complete divergence of the conditions of power in the various fields of activity as is some- times imagined. While there are great differences, they may be looked upon as specific rather than gen- eric. We may always expect to find a human nature suificiently broad and sound at least in those phases most apparent in the special means of expression chosen to be felt as representative ; also some time- ly contribution added to the range of thought or feeling, and faith in or loyalty to this peculiar con- tribution. It is a very natural result of the principles already noted that the fame and power of a man often tran- scend the man himself : that is to say, the personal m **~*-'v***.* T * v < f ~-*'~'' lP *~"' m ""*' '- - ' ~~ '' idea associated by the world with a particular name 307 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER and presence has often little basis in the mind be- hind that name and presence, as it appears to cool and impartial study. The reason is that the function of the great and famous man is to be a symbol, and the real question in other minds is not so much, What are you ? as, What can I believe that you are ? What can you help me to feel and be ? How far can I use you as a symbol in the development of my instinctive tendency? The scientific historian may insist on asking, What are you ? because the in- stinct he is trying to gratify is the need to make things consistent to the intelligence. But few per- sons have this need strongly developed, in compari- son with those of a more emotional character ; and so most will care more for the other questions. The scientific point of view can never be that of the most of mankind, and science, it seems to me, can hardly be more than the critic and chastener of pop- ular faith, not its leader. Thus we may say of all famous and admired char- acters that, as personal ideas, they partake of the nat- ure of gods, in that the thought entertained of them is a constructive effort of the idealizing imagination seeking to create a personal symbol of its own ten- dency. Perhaps there is no more striking illustration of this than that offered by the mediaeval history of the papacy. It is notorious that the idea of the pope, as it was entertained by the religious world, and the pope himself, as he appeared to his intimates, were 308 LEADERSHIP OK PERSONAL ASCENDENCY things having for the most part no close relation to each other. The visible pope was often and for long periods at a time a depraved or insignificant man ; but during these very periods the ideal pope, the pope of Europe's thought, might and often did flour- ish and grow in temporal and spiritual power. The former was only a symbol for the better definition of what the world needed to believe, a lay figure for gar- ments woven by the co-operative imagination of relig- ious men. The world needed to believe in a spirit- ual authority as a young girl needs to be in love, and it took up with the papacy as the most available framework for that belief, just as the young girl is likely to give her love to the least repugnant of those who solicit it. The same is true in a large meas- ure of the other great mediaeval authority, the em- peror, as Mr. Bryce so clearly shows in his history of the Holy Roman Empire ; and it holds true in some degree of all those clothed with royalty or other great offices. Fame may or may not represent what men were ; but it always ,. represents what humanity needs them to have been. It is also true that when there is a real personal superiority, ascendency is seldom confined to the traits in which this is manifested, but, once estab- lished in regard to these traits, it tends to envelop the leader as a whole, and to produce allegiance to him as a concrete person. This comes, of course, from the difficulty of breaking up and sifting that which presents itself to the senses, and through them 309 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL OKDER to the mind, as a single living whole. And as the faults and weaknesses of a great man are commonly much easier to imitate than his excellences, it often happens, as in the case of Michelangelo, that the former are much more conspicuous in his followers than the latter. Another phase of the same truth is t'lie ascendency that persons_of._belief and hope ., always exercise as against those who may be superior in every other re- spect, but who lack these traits. The onward and aggressive portion of the world, the people who do things, the young and all having surplus energy, need to hope and strive for an imaginative object, and they will follow no one who does not encourage this tendency. The first requisite of a leader is, not to be right, but to lead, to show a way. The idealist's programme of political or economic reform may be impracticable, absurd, demonstrably ridiculous ; but it can never be successfully opposed merely by point- ing out that this is the case. A negative opposition cannot be wholly effectual : there must be a compet- ing idealism ; something must be offered that is not only less objectionable but more desirable, that af- fords occupation to progressive instinct. This holds true, for instance, in the case of teachers. One may sometimes observe two men of whom one has a sounder judgment, a clearer head, a more steadfast character, and is more a master of his subject, than the other ; yet is hopelessly inferior in influence, be- 310 LEADERSHIP OR PERSONAL ASCENDENCY cause the other has a streak of contagious idealism which he lacks. One has all the virtues except hope ; the other has that and all the power. It has been well said that when a man ceases to learn to be open and forward-looking he should also cease to teach. It would be easy to multiply illustrations of this simple but important truth. All vigorous minds, I think, love books and persons that are mentally en- franchising and onward-looking, that seem to over- throw the high board fences of conventional thought and show a distance with purple hills ; while it would be possible to mention powerful minds that have quickly lost influence by giving too much the impres- sion of finality, as if they thought their system was the last. They only build another board fence a little beyond the old one. Perhaps the most admi- rable and original thing about Emerson is the invinci- ble openness and renewal that seem to be in him, and some of us find his best expression in that address on the " Method of Nature " in which, even more than elsewhere, he makes us feel that what is achieved is ever transitory, and that there is everything to ex- pect from the future. In like manner, to take perhaps the most remarkable example of all, the early Chris- tians found in their belief organized hope, in con- trast to the organized ennui of the Roman system of thought, and this, it would seem, must have been its most direct and potent appeal to most minds.* * The fact that the Koman system meant organized ennui in thought, the impossibility of entertaining large and hopeful views 311 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER It is also because of this ideal and imaginative character in personal ascendency that mystery enters so largely into it. Our allegiance is accompanied by a mental enlargement and renewal through generative suggestions ; we are passing from the familiar to the strange, are being drawn we know not whither by forces never before experienced ; the very essence of the matter is novelty, insecurity, and that excitement in the presence of dim possibilities that constitutes mystery. It has often been remarked that to one in love the beloved person appears as a mystery, envel- oped, as it were, in a sort of purple cloud. This is doubtless because the lover is undergoing strange alteration in his own mind ; fresh vague passions are rising into consciousness out of the dark storehouse of hereditary instinct ; he is cast loose from his old anchorage and does not know whither he is driven. The consequent feeling of a power and a strangeness upon him he associates, of course, with the person commonplace enough, perhaps, to others who is the symbol and occasion of the experience. Goethe seems to mean something of this sort when he uses the ex- pression das ewig Weibliche to suggest the general mystery and allurement of new life. And it is much the same no matter what sort of as- of life, is strikingly brought out by the aid of contemporary docu- ments in Dill's Roman Society. Prisoners of a shrinking system, the later Romans had no outlook except toward the past. Anything onward and open in thought was inconceivable by them. 313 LEADEESHIP OE PEESONAL ASCENDENCY ceudency is exercised over us; there is always ex- citemeut and a feeling of newness and uncertainty, imagination is awakened and busies itself with the fascinating personality ; his slightest word or action is eagerly interpreted and works upon us. In short, mystery and idealism are so inseparable that a sense of power in others seems to involve a sense of their inscrutability ; and, on the other hand, so soon as a person becomes plain, he ceases to stimulate the im- agination ; we have seen all around him, so that he no longer appears an open door to new life, but has begun to be commonplace and stale. It is even true that inscrutability in itself, having perhaps nothing important back of it, plays a consid- erable part in personal ascendency. The hero is always a product of constructive imagination ; and just as some imaginative painters find that the too detailed observation of sensible objects cumbers the inner vision and impedes production, so the hero- worshipper is likely at times to reject altogether the persons he knows in favor of some sort of mask or lay figure, whose very blankness or inertness insures to it the great advantage that it cannot actively repudiate the qualities attributed to it : it offers carte blanche to the imagination. As already suggested, the vital question in ascendency is not, primarily, What are you ? but, What do you enable me to be ? What self- developing ideas do you enable me to form ? and the power of mere inscrutability arises from the fact that it gives a vague stimulus to thought and then leaves 313 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER it to work out the details to suit itself. To recur to the matter of falling in love: the young girl who, like Gwendolen in "Daniel Deronda," or Isabel in the " Portrait of a Lady," fixes her passion upon some self- contained and to her inscrutable person, in preference to others who are worthier but less mysterious, is a common character in life as well as in fiction. Many other illustrations of the same principle might be given. Thus the fact, instances of which are collected by Mr. Tylor in his work on " Primitive Culture," that the insane, the idiotic, and the epileptic are reverenced by primitive peoples, may be inter- preted in a similar manner.* Those who are mentally abnormal present in a striking form the inscrutable in personality ; they seem to be men, but are not such men as we ; our imaginations are alarmed and baffled, so that it is not unnatural that before science has shown us definite relations between these persons and ourselves, they should serve as one of the points about which crystallize our imaginations of unknown power. In the same way a strange and somewhat impassive physiognomy is often, perhaps, an advantage to an orator, or leader of any sort, because it helps to fix the eye and fascinate the mind. Such a countenance as that of Savonarola may have counted for much toward the effect he produced. Another instance of the prestige of the inscrutable is the fascination of silence, when power is imagined to lie behind it. The very name of William the Silent gives one a sort of * See Primitive Culture, by E. B. Tylor, chap. xiv. 314 LEADEKSHIP OK PERSONAL ASCENDENCY thrill, whether he knows anything of that distin- guished character or not. One seems to see a man darkly potent, mysteriously dispensing with the ordi- nary channel of self-assertion, and attaining his ends without evident means. It is the same with Von Moltke, "silent in seven languages," whose genius humbled France and Austria in two brief campaigns. And General Grant's taciturnity undoubtedly fasci- nated the imagination of the people after his earlier successes had shown that there was really something in him and helped to secure to him a trust and au- thority much beyond that of any other of the Federal generals. It is the same with personal reserve in every form : one who always appears to be his own master and does not too readily reveal his deeper feelings, is so much the more likely to create an im- pression of power. He is formidable because incal- culable. And accordingly we see that many people deliberately assume, or try to assume, an appearance of inscrutability, " And do a wilful stillness entertain, With purpose to be dressed in an opinion Of wisdom, gravity, profound conceit ;" Disraeli, it is said, " was a mystery man by instinct and policy," and we all know others in our own circle of acquaintances. So with the expression of personality in literature. A book which is perfectly clear at the first cursory reading is by that fact condemned as commonplace. 315 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER If there were anything vital in it, it would appear at least a little strange, and would not be fully under- stood until it had been for some time inwardly di- gested. At the end of that time it would have done its best service for us and its ascendency would have waned. It is always thus, I imagine, with writers who strongly move us ; there is first mystery and a sense of unexplored life, then a period of assimilative excitement, and after that chastened affection, or per- haps revulsion or distrust. A person of mature years and ripe development, who is expecting nothing from literature but the corroboration and renewal of past ideas, may find satisfaction in a lucidity so complete as to occasion no imaginative excitement, but young and ambitious students are not content with it. They seek the excitement because they are capable of the growth that it accompanies. It was a maxim of Goethe that where there is no mystery there is no power ; and something of the perennial vitality of his writ- ings may be attributed to the fact that he did not trouble himself too much with the question whether people would understand him, but set down his in- most experiences as adequately as he could, and left the rest to time. The same may be said of Browning, and of many other great writers. Something similar holds true of power in plastic art. The sort of mystery most proper and legitimate in art, however, is not an intellectual mystery though some artists have had a great deal of that, like Leonardo, who " conquered by the magnetism of an 316 LEADEESHIP OE PEESONAL ASCENDENCY incalculable personality " * but rather a sensuous mystery, that is to say a vague and subtle appeal to recondite sources of sensuous impression, an awaken- ing of hitherto unconscious capacity for harmonious sensuous life, like the feeling we get from the first mild weather in the spring. In this way, it seems to me, there is an effect of mystery, of congenial strange- ness, in all powerful art. Probably everyone would recognize this as true of music, even if all do not feel its applicability to painting, sculpture and archi- tecture. The well-known fact that mystery is inseparable ___je--. * - : 1 ~~ ,,.., from higher religious idealism may be regarded as a larger expression of this same necessity of associat- ing inscrutability with personal power. If the imag- ination cannot be content with the definite in lesser instances, it evidently cannot when it comes to form the completest image of personality that it can em- brace. Although ascendency depends upon what we think about a man rather than what he is, it is nevertheless true that an impression of his reality and good faith is of the first importance, and this impression can hardly outlast close scrutiny unless it corresponds to the fact. Hence, as a rule, the man who is to exercise enduring power over others must believe in that for * J. A. Symonds, History of the Renaissance in Italy, The Fine Arts, p. 329. Hamerton has some interesting observations on mystery in art in his life of Turner, p. 352 ; also Kuskin in Modern Painters, part v., chaps. 4 and 5. 317 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER which he stands. Such belief operates as a potent suggestion upon the minds of others. " While thus he spake, his eye, dwelling on mine, Drew ine, with power upon me, till I grew One with him, to believe as he believed." * If we divine a discrepancy between a man's words and his character, the whole impression of him be- comes broken and painful ; he revolts the imagination by his lack of unity, and even the good in him is hardly accepted. Nothing, therefore, is more fatal to ascendency than perceived insincerity or doubt, and in immediate intercourse it is hard to conceal them. When Luther came to Rome and saw what kind of a man the Pope was, the papacy was shaken. How far it is possible for a man to work upon others through a false idea of himself depends upon a variety of circumstances. As already pointed out, the man himself may be a mere incident with no def- inite relation to the idea of him, the latter being a separate product of the imagination. This can hardly be except where there is no immediate contact be- tween leader and follower, and partly explains why authority, especially if it covers intrinsic personal weakness, has always a tendency to surround itself with forms and artificial mystery, whose object is to prevent familiar contact and so give the imagination a chance to idealize. Among a self-reliant, practical people like ours, with much shrewdness and little * Tennyson, The Holy Grail. 318 LEADERSHIP OR PERSONAL ASCENDENCY traditional reverence, the power of .forms is dimin- ished; but it is always great. The discipline of armies and navies, for instance, very distinctly recog- nizes the necessity of those forms which separate superior from inferior, and so help to establish an unscrutinized ascendency in the former. In the same way manners, as Professor Ross remarks in his work on " Social Control," * are largely used by men of the world as a means of self-concealment, and this self- concealment serves, among other purposes, that of preserving a sort of ascendency over the unsophisti- cated. As regards intentional imposture, it may be said in general that all men are subject to be duped in mat- ters of which they have no working knowledge and which appeal strongly to the emotions. The applica- tion of this principle to quack medicine, to commer- cial swindles, and to the ever-reappearing impostures relating to supposed communication with spirits, is too plain to be enlarged upon. While it is an ad- vantage, even to a charlatan, to believe in himself, the susceptibility of a large part of us to be duped by quacks of one sort or another is obvious enough, and shows that the work of free institutions in de- veloping shrewdness is by no means complete. Probably a close and candid consideration of the matter would lead to the conclusion that everyone is something of an impostor, that we all pose more or less, under the impulse to produce a desired im- * See p. 248. 319 HUMAN NATUKE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER pression upon others. As social and imaginative beings we must set store by our appearance ; and it is hardly possible to do so without in some degree adapting that appearance to the impression we wish to make. It is only when this adaptation takes the form of deliberate and injurious deceit that much fault can be found with it. " We all," says Stevenson in his essay on Pepys, " whether we write or speak, must somewhat drape ourselves when we address our fellows ; at a given moment we apprehend our charac- ter and acts by some particular side ; we are merry with one, grave with another, as befits the nature and demands of the relation." If we never tried to seem a little better than we are, how could we improve or " train ourselves from the outside inward " ? And the same impulse to show the world a better or idealized aspect of ourselves finds an organized expression in the various professions and classes, each of which has to some extent a cant or pose, which its members assume unconsciously, for the most part, but which has the effect of a conspiracy to work upon the cre- dulity of the rest of the world. There is a cant not only of theology and of philanthropy, but also of law, medicine, teaching, even of science perhaps espe- cially of science, just now, since the more a particular kind of merit is recognized and admired, the more it is likely to be assumed by the unworthy. As theology goes down and science comes up, the affectation of dis- interestedness and of exactness in method tends to supplant the affectation of piety. 320 LEADERSHIP OR PERSONAL ASCENDENCY In general it may be said that imposture is of con- siderable but always secondary importance ; it is a sort of parasite upon human idealism and thrives only by the impulse to believe. A correct intuition on the part of mankind in the choice of their leaders is the only guaranty of the effectual organization of life in any or every sphere ; and in the long run and on a large scale this correctness seems to exist. On the whole, the great men of history were real men, not shams, their characters were genuinely representative of the deeper needs and tendencies of human nature, so that in following them men were truly expressing themselves. We have seen that all leadership has an aspect of sympathy and conformity, as well as one of individu- ality and self- will, so that every leader must also be a follower, in the sense that he shares the general current of life. He leads by appealing to our own tendency, not by imposing something external upon us. Great men are therefore the symbols or exr. pressions, in a sense, of the social conditions, under which they work, and if these conditions were not favorable the career of the great man would be im- possible. Does the leader, then, really lead, in the sense that the course of history would have been essentially different if he had not lived? Is the individual a true cause, or would things have gone on about the same if the famous men had been cut off in infancy ? 321 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER Is not general tendency the great thing, and is it not bound to find expression independently of particular persons? Certainly many people have the impres- sion that in an evolutionary view of life single indi- viduals become insignificant, and that all great movements must be regarded as the outcome of vast, impersonal tendencies. If one accepts the view of the relation between par- ticular individuals and society as a whole already stated in various connections, the answer to these questions must be that the individual is a cause, as independent as a cause can be which is part of a living whole, that the leader does lead, and that the course of history must have been notably different if a few great men had been withdrawn from it. As to general tendency, it is false to set it over against individuals, as if it were a separate thing ; it is only through individuals that general tendency begins or persists. "Impersonal tendency" in so- ciety is a mere abstraction ; there is no such thing. Whether idiosyncrasy is such as we all have in some measure, or whether it takes the form of conspicuous originality or genius, it is a variant element in life having always some tendency to innovation. Of course, if we believe in the prevalence of continuity and law, we cannot regard it as a new creation out of nothing ; it must be a reorganization of hereditary and social forces. But however this may be, the person as a whole is always more or less novel or innovating. Not one of us floats quite inert upon 322 the general stream of tendency ; we leave the world somewhat different from what it would have been if we had been carried off by the croup. Now in the case of a man of genius, this variant tendency may be so potent as to reorganize a large part of the general life in its image, and give it a form and direction which it could not have had other- wise. How anyone can look at the facts and doubt the truth of this it is hard to see. Would the life we receive from the last century have been the same if, say, Darwin, Lincoln, and Bismarck had not lived? Take the case of Darwin. No doubt his greatness depended upon his representing and fulfilling an ex- isting tendency, and this tendency entered into him from his environment, that is from other individuals. But it came out of him no longer the vague drift toward evolutionary theory and experiment that it was before, but concrete, common-sense, matter-of- fact knowledge, thoroughly Darwinized, and so ac- credited by his character and labors that the world accepts it as it could not have done if he had not lived. We may apply the same idea to the author of Christianity. Whatever we may or may not believe regarding the nature of Christ's spiritual leadership, there is, I take it, nothing necessarily at variance with a sound social science in the Christian theory that the course of history has been transformed by his life. The vague instincts which it is the function of the leader to define, stimulate and organize, might have 323 HUMAN NATUKE AND THE SOCIAL OKDEK remained latent and ineffectual, or might have devel- oped in a totally different manner, if he had not lived. No one can guess what the period following the French Revolution, or any period of French history since then, might have been without Napoleon ; but it is apparent that all would have been very different. It is true that the leader is always a symbol, and can work only by using existing elements of life ; but in the peculiar way in which he uses those elements is causation, is creation, in the only sense, perhaps, in which creation is definitely conceivable. To deny its importance is as absurd as to say that the marble as it comes from the quarry and the marble after Michelangelo is through with it, are one and the same thing. Most, if not all, of our confusion regarding such points as these arises from the almost invincible habit of thinking of " society," or " historical ten- dency," as a distinct entity from "individuals," instead of remembering that these general and particular terms merely express different aspects of the same concrete fact human life. In studying leadership we may examine the human army one by one, and in- quire why certain persons stand out from the rest as captains, colonels, or generals, and what, in particu- lar, it is that they have to do ; or, in studying social tendency, we may disregard individuality and look at the movements of the army, or of its divisions and regiments, as if they were impersonal wholes. But there is no separation in fact : the leader is always 324 LEADERSHIP OR PERSONAL ASCENDENCY the nucleus of a tendency, and, on the other hand, all social movement, closely examined, will be found to consist of tendencies having such nuclei. It is never the case that mankind move in any direction with an even front, but there are always those who go before and show the way. I need hardly add that leadership is not & final ex- planation of anything; but is simply one of many aspects in which human life, always inscrutable, may be studied. In these days we no longer look for final explanations, but are well content if we can get a glimpse of things in process, not expecting to know how they began or where they are to end. The leader is a cause, but, like all causes we know of, he is also an effect. His being, however original, is rooted in the past of the race, and doubtless as susceptible of explanation as anything else, if we could only get at the facts. 325 CHAPTEE X THE SOCIAL ASPECT OF CONSCIENCE THE RIGHT As THE RATIONAL SIGNIFICANCE OF THIS VIEW THE RIGHT AS THE ONWARD THE RIGHT AS HABIT RIGHT is NOT THE SOCIAL AS AGAINST THE INDIVIDUAL IT IS, IN A SENSE, THE SOCIAL AS AGAINST THE SENSUAL THE RlGHT AS A SYN- THESIS OF PERSONAL INFLUENCES PERSONAL AUTHORITY CONFESSION, PRATER, PUBLICITY TRUTH DEPENDENCE OF RIGHT UPON IMAGINATION CONSCIENCE REFLECTS A SOCIAL GROUP IDEAL PERSONS AS FACTORS IN CONSCIENCE. I AGREE with those moralists who hold that what we judge to be the right is simply the rational, in a large sense of that word. The mind is tbe theatre of conflict for an infinite number of impulses, variously originating, among which it is ever striving to pro- duce some sort of unification or harmony. This endeavor to harmonize or assimilate includes deliber- ate reasoning, but is something much more general and continuous than that. It is mostly an uncon- scious or subconscious manipulation of the materials presented, an unremitting comparison and rearrange- ment of them, which ever tends to organize them into some sort of a whole. The right, then, is that which stands this test; the sanction of conscience attaches to those thoughts which, in the long run, rniainlaurilieir places as part of that orderly whole 326 THE SOCIAL ASPECT OF CONSCIENCE which the mental instinct calls for, and which it is ever working with more or less success to build up. That is right which presents itself, after the mind has done its full work upon the matter, as the men- tally necessary, which we cannot gainsay without breaking up our mental integrity. According to this view of the matter, judgments of right and wrong are in no way isolated or radically different in kind from other judgments. Such pe- culiarity as they have seems to come chiefly from the unusual intensity of the mental conflict that precedes them. The slightest scrutiny of experience shows, it seems to me, that the sharp and absolute distinc- tion often assumed to exist between conscience and other mental activities does not hold good in life. There are gradual transitions from judgments which no one thinks of as peculiarly moral, through others which some would regard as moral and others would not, to those which are universally so regarded ; and likewise moral feeling or sentiment varies a good deal in different individuals, and in the same individual under different conditions. The class of judgments which everyone considers as moral is perhaps limited to such as follow an ex- citing and somewhat protracted mental struggle, in- volving an imaginative weighing of conflicting per- sonal ideas. A line of conduct has to be chosen ; alternatives present themselves, each of which is backed by strong impulses, among which are some, at least, of sympathetic origin ; the mind is intensely, 327 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER even painfully, aroused, and when a decision is reached, it is accompanied by a somewhat peculiar sort of feeling called the sense of obligation, duty, or right. There would be little agreement, however, as to what sort of situations evoke this feeling. We are apt to feel that any question in regard to which we are much in earnest is a question of right and wrong. To the artist a consciously false stroke of brush or chisel is a moral wrong, a sin ; and a good carpenter will suffer remorse if he lets a bad joint go uncorrected. The fact that the judgment of right is likely to present itself to people of emotional temperament as an imagined voice, admonishing them what they ought to do, is an illustration of that essentially so- cial or interlocutory character of thought, spoken of in an earlier chapter. Our thoughts are always, in some sort, imaginary conversations ; and when vividly felt they are likely to become quite distinctly so. On the other hand, people whose moral life is calm per- ceive little or no distinction, in this regard, between the conclusions of conscience and other judgments. Of course, the view that the right is the rational would be untrue, if by rational were meant merely the result of formal reasoning. The judgment of right and the conclusion of formal thought are fre- quently opposed to each other, because, I take it, the latter is a comparatively narrow, partial, and conven- tional product of the mind. The former is rational and mentally authoritative in a larger sense ; its 328 THE SOCIAL ASPECT OF CONSCIENCE premises are immeasurably richer ; it deals with the whole content of life, with instincts freighted with the inarticulate conclusions of a remote past, and with the unformulated inductions of individual experience. To set the product of a superficial ratiocination over the final output, in conscience, of our whole mental being, is a kind of pedantry. I do not mean to im- ply that there is usually an opposition between the two they should work harmoniously together but only to assert that when there is, conscience must be regarded as of a profounder rationality. On the other hand, the wrong, the immoral, is, in a similar sense, the irrational. It is that which, after the mind has done its full work upon the matter, presents itself as the mentally isolated, the inharmonious, that which we cannot follow without having, in our more collected moods, a sense of having been untrue to our- selves, of having done ourselves a harm. The mind in its fullest activity is denied and desecrated ; we are split in two. To violate conscience is to act under the control of an incomplete and fragmentary state of mind ; and so to become less a person, to begin to disintegrate and go to pieces. An unjust or inconti- nent deed produces remorse, apparently because the thought of it will not lie still in the mind, but is of such a nature that there is no comfortable place for it in the system of thought already established there. The question of right and wrong, as it presents it- self to any particular mind, is, then, a question of the completest practicable organization of the impulses 329 HUMAN NATUEE AND THE SOCIAL OEDER with which that mind finds itself compelled to deal. The working out of the right conclusion may be com- pared to the process by which a deliberative body comes to a conclusion upon some momentous pub- lic measure. Time must be given for all the more important passions, prejudices, traditions, interests, and the like, to be urged upon the members with such cogency as their advocates can give them, and for attempts to harmonize these conflicting forces so that a measure can be framed which the body can be induced to pass. And when a decision is finally reached there is a sense of relief, the greater in pro- portion as the struggle has been severe, and a ten- dency, even on the part of the opposition, to regard the matter as settled. Those people who cannot achieve moral unity, but have always a sense of two personalities warring within them, may be compared to certain countries in whose assemblies political par- ties are so embittered that they never come to an understanding with one another. The mental process is, of course, only the proxi- mate source of the idea of right, the conflict by which the competitive strength of the various impulses is measured, and some combination of them achieved ; behind it is the whole history of the race and of the individual, in which impulses are rooted. Instinc- tive passions, like love, ambition, and revenge ; the momentum of habit, the need of change, personal as- cendencies, and the like, all have their bearing upon the final synthesis, and must either be conciliated or 330 THE SOCIAL ASPECT OF CONSCIENCE suppressed. Thus in case of a strong passion, like revenge let us say, one of two things is pretty sure to happen ; either it will succeed in getting its revenge- ful impulse, more or less disguised perhaps, judged as right ; or, if opposing ideas prove stronger, re- venge will be kept under by the rise of an intense feeling of wrong that associates itself with it. If one observes that a person has a very vivid sense of the wrong of some particular impulse, one may usually infer that he has had in some way to contend with it ; either as a temptation in his own mind, or as inju- riously manifested in the conduct of others. The natural way to solve a moral question, when immediate action is not required, is to let it lie in the mind, turning it over from time to time as attention is directed to it. In this manner the new situation gradually relates itself to all the mental forces having pertinency to it. The less violent but more persist- ent tendencies connect themselves quietly but firmly to recalcitrant impulse, enwrapping it like the filaments of a spider's web, and bringing it under discipline. Something of this sort is implied in the rule of con- duct suggested by Mr. H. R. Marshall, in his excellent work, " Instinct and Reason " : " Act to restrain the impulses which demand immediate reaction, in order that the impulse order determined by the existence of impulses of less strength, but of wider significance, may have full weight in the guidance of your life." * It occurs to me, however, that there is no absolute * See his Instinct and Reason, p. 569. 331 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER rule that the right is the deliberate. It is usually so, because the danger of irrationality and disintegra- tion comes, in most cases, from the temporary sway of some active impulse, like that to strike or use injurious words in anger. But rationality involves decision as well as deliberation ; and there are per- sons in whom the impulse to meditate and ponder so much outweighs the impulse to decide and act, as itself to endanger the unity of life. Such a person may well come to feel that the right is the decisive. It seems likely that in most minds the larger ration- ality, which gives the sense of right, is the sequel of much pondering, but is definitely achieved in mo- ments of vivid insight. The main significance of the view that the right is the rational is to deny that there is any sharp dis- tinction in kind between the question of right and wrong and other mental questions ; the conclusion of conscience being held to be simply a more comprehen- sive judgment, reached by the same process as other judgments. It still leaves untouched the remoter problems, mental and social, underlying all judg- ments ; as, for instance, of the nature of impulses, of what determines their relative intensity and persist- ence, of the character of that process of competition and assimilation among them of which judgments are the outcome ; and of the social order as determining impulses both indirectly, through its action upon heredity, and directly through suggestion. 332 THE SOCIAL ASPECT OF CONSCIENCE And behind these is that problem of problems, to which all the roads of thought lead, that question of organization or vital process, of which all special questions of society or of the mind are phases. From whatever point of view we look at life, we can see something going on which it is convenient to call or- ganization, development, or the like; but I suppose that all who have thought much about the matter feel that we have only a vague notion of what the fact is that lies behind these words. I mention these things merely to disclaim any pres- ent attempt to fathom them, and to point out that the aim of this chapter is limited to some observa- tions on the working of social or personal factors in the particular sort of organization which we call con- science or moral judgment. It is useless to look for any other or higher cri- terion of right than conscience. What is felt to be right is right ; that is what the word means. Any theory of right that should turn out to be irrecon- cilable with the sense of right must evidently be judged as false. And when it is urged that con- science is variable, we can only answer that, for this very reason, the right cannot be reduced to a uni- versal, and conclusive formula. Like life in all its phases, it is a progressive revelation out of depths we do not penetrate. For the individual considering his own conduct, his conscience is the only possible moral guide, and though it differ from that of everyone else, it is the 333 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER only right there is for him ; to violate it is to commit moral suicide. Speculating more largely on con- duct in general he may find the right in some col- lective aspect of conscience, in which his own con- science appears as member of a larger whole ; and with reference to which certain particular consciences, at variance with his own, like those of certain sorts of criminals, may appear as degenerate or wrong and this will not surprise him, because science teaches us to expect degenerate variations in all forms of life. But, however broad a view he takes, he cannot do otherwise than refer the matter to his conscience ; so that what / think, or to generalize it what we think, must, in one form or another, be the arbiter of right and wrong, so far as there can be any. Other tests become valid only in so far as conscience adopts them. It would seem that any scientific study of the mat- ter must consist essentially in investigating the con- ditions and relations of concrete right the when, where, and why of what people do think is right. So- cial or moral science can never be a final source or test of morality ; though it can reveal facts and rela- tions which may help conscience in making its au- thoritative judgment. The view that the right is the rational is quite con- sistent with the fact that, for those who have surplus energy, the right is the onward. The impulse to act, to become, to let out the life that rises within from 334 THE SOCIAL ASPECT OF CONSCIENCE obscure springs of power, is the need of needs, un- derlying all more special impulses ; and this onward Trieb must always count in our judgments of right : it is one of the things conscience has to make room for. There can be no harmony in a mental life which denies expression to this most persistent and funda- mental of all instinctive tendencies : and consequently the equilibrium which the active mind seeks, and a sense of which is one with the sense of right, is never a state of rest, but an equilibrium mobile. Our situa- tion may be said to resemble that of an acrobat bal- ancing himself upon a rolling sphere, and enabled to stand upright only on condition of moving contin- ually forward. The right never remains precisely the same two days in succession ; but as soon as any par- ticular state of right is achieved, the mental centre of gravity begins to move onward and away from it, so that we can hold our ground only by effecting a new adjustment. Hence the merely negative can never be the right to a vigorous person, or to a vigorous so- ciety, because the mind will not be content with any- thing so inadequate to its own nature. The good self must be what Emerson calls a " crescive self," and the right must mark a track across the " waste abyss of possibility " and lead out the energies to congenial exertioD. This idea is nowhere, perhaps, more cogently stated and illustrated than in M. Guyau's penetrating work, " A Sketch of Morality." He holds that the sense of duty is, in one aspect, a sense of a power to do things, 335 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER and that this power tends in itself to create a sense of obligation. We can, therefore we must. " Obli- gation is an internal expansion a need to complete our ideas by converting them into action." * Even pain may be sought as part of that larger life which the growing mind requires. "Leopardi, Heine, or Lenau would probably not have exchanged those hours of anguish in which they composed their finest songs for the greatest possible enjoy- ment. Dante suffered. . . . Which of us would not undergo a similar suffering ? Some heart-aches are infinitely sweet." t And so with benevolence and what is called self-sacrifice. "... charity is but one with overflowing fecundity; it is like a maternity too large to be confined within the family. The mother's breast needs life eager to empty it ; the heart of the truly humane creature needs to be gentle and helpful to all." t " The young man is full of en- thusiasm ; he is ready for every sacrifice because, in point of fact, it is necessary that he should sacrifice something of himself that he should diminish him- self to a certain extent ; he is too full of life to live only for himself." The right, then, is not merely the repressive dis- cipline with which we sometimes identify it, but is also something warm, fresh and outward-looking. That which we somewhat vaguely and coldly call * M. J. Guyau, Esquisse d'une Morale sans Obligation ni Sanc- tion, English translation, p. 93. t Idem, p. 149. J Idem, p. 87. Idem, p. 82. 336 THE SOCIAL ASPECT OF CONSCIENCE mental development is, when at its best, the revela- tion of an expanding, variegating, and beautiful whole, of which the right act is a harmonious member. When, on the other hand, we say that right is largely determined by habit, we only emphasize the other aspect of that progressive mingling of continuity with change, which we see in mental life in all its phases. Habit, we know, makes lines of less resist- ance in thought, feeling, and action ; and the existence of these tracks must always count in the formation of a judgment of right, as of any other judgment. It ought not, apparently, to be set over against novel impulses as a contrary principle, but rather thought of as a phase of all impulses, since novelty always consists, from one point of view, in a fresh combina- tion of habits. It is much the same question as that of suggestion and choice, or of invention and imita- tion. The concrete fact, the real thing, in each case, is not one of these as against the other, or one modi- fied by the other, but a single, vital act of which these are aspects, having no separate existence. Whether a person's life, in its moral or any other aspect, is obviously changeful, or, on the contrary, appears to be merely repetitive or habitual, depends upon whether the state of his mind, and of the condi- tions about it, are favorable to rapid changes in the system of his thought. Thus if he is young and vig- orous, and if he has a natural open-mindedness and keenness of sensibility, he will be so much the more 337 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER likely, other things equal, to incorporate fresh ele- ments of thought and make a new synthesis, instead of running on habit. Variety of life in the past, preventing excessive deepening of the mental ruts, and contact with strong and novel influences in the present, have the same tendency. The rigidly habitual or traditionary morality of savages is apparently a reflection of the restriction and sameness of their social life ; and a similar type of morals is found even in a complex society, as in China, when the social system has become rigid by the equilibration of competing ideas. On the other hand, the stir and change of the more active parts of our society make control by mere habit impossible. There are no simple dominant habits; tendencies are mixed and conflicting, so that the person must either be intelligently moral or else degenerate. He must either make a fresh synthesis or have no syn- thesis at all. What is called principle appears to be simply a habit of conscience, a rule formed originally by a synthesis of various impulses, but become somewhat mechanical and independent of its origin as it is the nature of habit to do. As the mind hardens and matures there is a growing inaptitude to take in novel and powerful personal impressions, and a cor- responding ascendency of habit and system ; social sentiment, the flesh and blood of conduct, partly falls away, exposing a skeleton of moral principles. The sense of duty presents itself less and less as a vivid 338 THE SOCIAL ASPECT OF CONSCIENCE sympathetic impulse, and more and more as a sense of the economy and restfulness of a definite standard of conduct. When one has come to accept a certain course as duty he has a pleasant sense of relief and of lifted responsibility, even if the course involves pain and renunciation. It is like obedience to some external authority ; any clear way, though it lead to death, is mentally preferable to the tangle of un- certainty. Actions that appear memorable or heroic are sel- dom achieved at the moment of decisive choice, but are more likely to come after the habit of thought which produces the action has become somewhat me- chanical and involuntary. It is probably a mistake to imagine that the soldier who braves death in bat- tle, the fireman who enters the burning building, the brakeman who pursues his duty along the icy top of a moving train, or the fisherman who rows away from his vessel into the storm and mist, is usually in an acute state of heroism. It is all in the day's work ; the act is part of a system of thought and conduct which has become habitual and would be painful to break. Death is not imagined in all its terrors and compared with social obligation ; the case is far sim- pler. As a rule there is no time in a crisis for com- plicated mental operations, and whether the choice is heroic or cowardly it is sure to be simple. If there is any conflict of suggestions it is brief, and the one that gains ascendency is likely to be followed mechanically, without calculation of the future. 339 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER One who studies the " sense of oughtness " in chil- dren will have no difficulty in seeing that it springs largely from a reluctance to break habits, an indispo- sition, that is, to get out of mental ruts. It is in the nature of the mind to seek a principle or unifying thought the mind is a rule -demanding instinct and in great part this need is met by a habit of thought, inculcated perhaps by some older person who proclaims and enforces the rule, or perhaps by the unintended pressure of conditions which empha- size one suggestion and shut out others. However the rule originates, it meets a mental want, and, if not too strongly opposed by other impulses, is likely to be adopted and felt as obligatory just because it is a consistent way of thinking. As Mr. Sully says, " The truth is that children have a tremendous belief in law." * The books on child-study give many instances of the surprising allegiance which children often give to rule, merely as rule, and even an intermittent ob- server will be sure to corroborate them. Thus a child five years old, when on a visit, was invited to " open his mouth and shut his eyes," and upon his doing so a piece of candy was put into the former. When he tasted it he pulled it out and exclaimed, " Mamma don't want me to have candy." Now this did not seem to be affectation, nor was the child other than fond of sweets, nor afraid of punishment or blame ; he was simply under the control of a need * Studies of Childhood, p. 284. 340 THE SOCIAL ASPECT OF CONSCIENCE for mental consistency. The no-candy rule had been promulgated and enforced at home ; he had adopted it as part of his system of thought, and, when it was broken, his moral sense, otherwise the harmony of his mind, was shocked to a degree that the sweet taste of the candy could not overcome. Again, R. was sub- jected nearly every evening for several years to a somewhat painful operation called " bending his foot," intended to correct a slight deformity. After becoming accustomed to this he would sometimes protest and even cry if it were proposed to omit it. I thought I could see that moral allegiance to a rule, merely as such, weakened as he grew older; and the explanation of this I took to be that the increas- ing competition of suggestions and conflict of pre- cepts made this simple, mechanical unity impossible, and so forced the mind, still striving for harmony, to exert its higher organizing activity and attempt a larger sort of unification. It is the same principle as that which prevents the civilized man from retaining the simple allegiance to rule and habit that the sav- age has ; his complex life cannot be unified in this way, any more than his accounts can be notched on a stick ; and he is forced, if he is to achieve any unity of life, to seek it in some more elaborate standard of behavior. Under uniform conditions the habitual is the rational, and therefore the moral ; but under complex conditions this ceases to be the case. Of course this way of looking at the matter does not do away with all the difficulties involved in it, 341 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER but does, it seems to me, put habitual and other mo- rality on the common ground of rationality, and show the apparently sharp division between them to be an illusion. Those who think as I do will reject the opinion that the right is, in any general sense, the social as opposed to the individual. As already stated, I look upon this antithesis as false when used to imply a radical opposition. All our human thought and ac- tivity is either individual or social, according to how you look at it, the two being no more than phases of the same thing, which common thought, always in- clined to confuse words with things, attempts to sep- arate. This is as true in the ethical field as in any other. The consideration of other persons usually enters largely into questions of right and wrong ; but the ethical decision is distinctly an assertion of a pri- vate, individualized view of the matter. Surely there is no sound general principle in accordance with which the right is represented by the suggestions of the social environment, and the wrong by our more private impulses. The right is always a private impulse, always a self-assertion, with no prejudice, however, to its social character. The " ethical self " is not less a self for being ethical, but if anything more of a self, because it is a fuller, more highly organized expression of personality. All will recognize, I imagine, that a strong sense of duty involves self-feeling, so that we 342 THE SOCIAL ASPECT OF CONSCIENCE say to ourselves emphatically / ought. It would be no sense of duty at all if we did not feel that there was something about it peculiar to us and antithetical to some of the influences acting upon us. It is im- portant for many purposes to emphasize the fact that the ethical self is always a public self; but it is equally true and important that it is always a private self. In short, ethical thinking and feeling, like all our higher life, has its individual and social aspects, with no peculiar emphasis on either. If the social aspect is here at its highest, so also is the individual aspect. The same objection applies to any form of the antithesis self versus other, considered as a general statement of moral situations. It is a fallacious one, involving vague and material notions of what per- sonality is vague because material, for we cannot, I think, reflect closely upon the facts of personality without seeing that they are primarily mental or spiritual, and by no means even analogous to the more obvious aspects of the physical. As a matter of fact, ego and alter, self and sympathy, are correla- tive, and always mingled in ethical judgments, which are not distinguished by having less self and more other in them, but by being a completer synthesis of all pertinent impulses. : The characteristic of a sense of right is not ego or alter, individual or social, but mental unification, and the peculiar feeling that ac- companies it. 343 HUMAN NATUKE AND THE SOCIAL OKDER Egoism can be identified with wrong only when we mean by it some narrow or unstable phase of the self; and altruism, if we take it to mean suscepti- bility to be impressed by other people, is equally wrong when it, in turn, becomes narrow or unstable, as we see it in hysterical persons. As I have al- ready said, I hold altruism, when used, as it seems to be ordinarily, to denote a supposed peculiar class of impulses, separate from another supposed class called egoistic, to be a mere fiction, engendered by the vaguely material idea of personality just men- tioned. Most higher kinds of thought are altruistic, in the sense that they involve a more or less distinct reference to other persons ; but when intensely con- ceived, these same kinds of thought are usually, if not always, self-thoughts, or egoistic, as well. The question whether a man shall keep his dollar or give it to a beggar, for example, looks at first sight like a question of ego versus alter, because there are two physical bodies present and visibly associated with the conflicting impulses. In this merely physi- cal sense, of referring to one material body rather than another, it is in fact such a question, but not necessarily in any properly mental, social, or moral sense. Let us look at the matter a moment with reference to various possible meanings of the words altruism and altruistic. Taking the latter word as the most convenient for our purpose, I can think of three mean- ings, any one of which would answer well enough to 344 THE SOCIAL ASPECT OF CONSCIENCE the vague current usage of it : first, that which is suggested by another person, that is by his appear- ance, words, or other symbols; second, that which is for the benefit of another ; third, good or moral. In the first sense, which carries no moral impli- cation at all, it is altruistic to give to the beggar, but the word is also applicable to the greater part of our actions, since most of them are suggested by others in some way. And, of course, many of the actions included are what are generally called selfish ones. To strike a man with whom we are angry, to steal from one of whom we are envious, to take liberties with an attractive woman, and all sorts of reprehen- sible proceedings suggested by the sight of another person, would be altruistic in this sense, which I sup- pose, therefore, cannot be the one intended by those who use the word as the antithesis to egoistic. If we use the word in the second sense, that of being for the benefit of another, to give to the beggar may or may not be altruistic ; thoughtful philanthropy is inclined to say that it is usually for his harm. It may, perhaps, be said that we at least intend to ben- efit or please him, that this is the main thing, and that it is a question whether the action has an I-ref- erence or a you- reference in the mind of the actor. As to this I would again call attention to what was said of the nature of I and you as personal ideas in Chapter III., and of the nature of egotism in Chapter VI. Our impulses regarding persons cannot, in my opinion, be classified in this way. What could be 345 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER more selfish than the action of a mother who cannot refuse her child indigestible sweetmeats ? She gives them both to please the child and to gratify a shal- low self which is identified with him. To refuse the money to the beggar may be as altruistic, in the sense of springing from the desire to benefit others, as to give it. The self for which one wishes to keep the dollar is doubtless a social self of some sort, and very possibly has better social claims upon him than the beggar : he may wish to buy flowers for a sick child. I need hardly add that to give the money is not necessarily the moral course. The attempt to iden- tify the good with what refers to others as against what refers to one's self is hopelessly confusing and false, both theoretically and in practical appli- cation. In short it is hard to discover, in the word altru- ism, any definite moral significance. I The individual and the group are related in respect ' to moral thought quite as they are everywhere else ; individual consciences and the social conscience are not separate things, but aspects of one thing, namely, the moral Life, which may be regarded as individual by fixing our attention upon a particular conscience in artificial isolation, or as general, by attending to some collective phase, like public opinion upon a moral question. Suppose, for instance, one were a member of the Congress that voted the measure which brought on the war with Spain. The question 346 THE SOCIAL ASPECT OF CONSCIENCE how he should vote on this measure would be, in its individual aspect, a matter of private conscience ; and so with all other members. But taking the vote as a whole, as a synthesis, showing the moral drift of the group, it appears as an expression of a social con- science. The separation is purely artificial, every judgment of an individual conscience being social in that it involves a synthesis of social influences, and every social conscience being a collective view of in- dividual consciences. The concrete thing, the moral Life, is a whole made up of differentiated members. If this is at all hard to grasp, it is only because the fact is a large one. We certainly cannot get far un- less we can learn to see organization, since all our facts present it. The idea that the right is the social as opposed to the sensual is, it seems to me, a sound one, if _we mean by it that the mentally higher, more personal or imaginative impulses have on the whole far more weight in conscience than the more sensual. The immediate reason for this seems to be that the mind of one who shares the higher life is so thronged with vivid personal or social sentiments, that the merely sensual cannot be the rational except where it is al- lied with these, or at any rate not opposed to them. It is for the psychologist to explain the mental proc- esses involved, but apparently the social interests prevail in conscience over the sensual because they are the major force ; that is, they are, on the whole, so 347 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER much more numerous, vivid, and persistent, that they determine the general system of thought, of which conscience is the fullest expression. We may, perhaps, represent the matter nearly enough for our purpose by comparing the higher and lower kinds of thought to the human race and the in- ferior animals. The former is so much more powerful, on the whole, though not always so individually, that it determines, in all settled countries, the general or- ganization of life, erecting cities and railroads, clear- ing forests, and the like, to suit itself, and with only incidental regard to other animals. The latter are preserved within the system only in so far as they are useful, or at any rate not very troublesome, to man- kind. So all sensual impulses are judged by their relation to a system of thought dominated by social sentiment. The pleasures of eating, harmless in them- selves, begin to be judged wrong so soon as they are indulged in such a way as to blunt the higher facul- ties, or to violate justice, decency, or the like. A ship- wrecked man, it is felt, should rather perish of hunger than kill and eat another man, because the latter action violates the whole system of social thought. And in like manner it is held that a soldier, or indeed any man, should prefer honor and duty to life itself. The working of personal influence upon our judg- ments of right is not different in kind from its work- ing upon other judgments : it simply introduces vivid impulses, which affect the moral synthesis something 348 in the way that picking up a weight will change one's centre of gravity and force him to alter his footing. As was suggested above, the morality of mere rule and habit becomes the less conspicuous in the life of children the more they are subjected to fresh per- sonal influences. If their sympathies are somewhat dull, or if they are secluded, their minds naturally become grooved ; and all children, perhaps, become much bound to habit in matters where personal in- fluence is not likely to interfere. But in most chil- dren, and in most matters, it will be found that the moral judgment and feeling are, from the very earliest, intensely sympathetic and personal, charged with shame, affection, anger, jealousy, and desire to please. The mind has already to struggle for harmony among vivid emotions, aroused by the appeals of life to hereditary instinct, each giving intensity to certain ideas of conduct, and tending to sway the judgment of right in their sense. If the boy who refused the candy, as mentioned above, had possessed a vivid imagination of personal attitudes, which he did not, his situation might have been much more intricate. He might have been drawn to accept it not only by the sweet taste but by a de- sire to please the friends who offered it ; and on the other hand he might have been deterred by a vision of the reproving face and voice of his mother. Thus M., nearly sixteen months old, had been frowned at and called naughty in a severe tone of voice when she tried to claw her brother's face. Shortly after, 349 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER while sitting with him on the bed, her mother being at a distance, she was observed to repeat the offence and then, without further cause or suggestion, to bow her head and look abashed and guilty. Apparently she had a sense of wrong, a conviction of sin, per- haps consisting only in a reminiscence of the shame she had previously felt when similar behavior was fol- lowed by rebuke. Here, then, we have a simple manifestation of a moral force that acts upon every one of us in count- less ways, and every day of his life the imagined approval or disapproval of others, appealing to in- stinctive emotion, and giving the force of that emotion to certain views of conduct. The behavior that con- nects itself with such social sentiment as we like and feel the impulse to continue, is so much the more likely to be judged as right ; but if the sentiment is one from which we are averse, the behavior is the more likely to be judged as wrong. The child's moral sense, says Perez, " begins as soon as he understands the signification of certain intonations of the voice, of certain attitudes, of a certain expression of coun- tenance, intended to reprimand him for what he has done or to warn him against something he was on the point of doing. This penal and remunerative sanction gives rise by degrees to a clear distinction of concrete good and evil." * A child who is not sensitive to praise or blame, but whose interests are chiefly impersonal, or at any rate *See his First Three Years of Childhood, p. 287. 350 THE SOCIAL ASPECT OF CONSCIENCE only indirectly personal, sometimes appears to have no moral sense at all, to be without the conviction of sin or any notion of personal wrong. He has little experience of those peculiarly acute and trying mental crises which result from the conflict of impulses of sympathetic origin with one another or with animal appetites. This was much the case with B. in his earliest years. Living in quiet surroundings, some- what isolated from other children, with no violent or particularly mischievous impulses, occupied all day long with blocks, sand-pile, and other impersonal interests, not sensitive to blame nor inclined to take it seriously, he gave the impression of being non-moral, an unfallen spirit. M. was the very opposite of all this. From the first week she was visibly impulsive, contentious, sensitive, sympathetic ; laying traps for approval, rebelling against criticism, sudden and quick to anger, sinning, repenting, rejoicing; living almost altogether in a vivid personal world. A character of the latter sort has an intenser moral life, because the variety of strong impulses introduced by a sensitive and personally imaginative tempera- ment are sure to make crises for the mind to wrestle with. The ethics of personal feeling which it has to work out seems widely apart from the ethics of rule and habit, as in fact it is, so far as regards the mate- rials that enter into the moral synthesis. The color and content, all the concrete elements of the moral life, are as different as are the different characters of people : the idea of right is not a fraction of thought 351 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER alike in all minds, but a comprehensive, integrating state of mind, characteristic of the personality of which it is an expression. The idea of justice is, of course, a phase of the idea of right, and arises out of the mental attempt to rec- oncile conflicting impulses. As Professor Baldwin points out, the child is puzzled by contradictions between his simpler impulses, such as those to ap- propriate food and playthings, and other impulses of more imaginative or sympathetic origin. Needing to allay this conflict he readily grasps the notion of a tertium quid, a reconciling rule or law which helps him to do so. Our mature life is not radically distinguished from childhood as regards the working of personal influence upon our moral thought. If there is progress it is in the way of fulness of experience and better organiza- tion: the mental life may become richer in those sympathetic or imaginative impulses which we derive from healthy intercourse with the world, and without a good store of which our judgments of right must be narrow and distorted ; there may at the same time be a completer ordering and discipline of these ma- terials, a greater power to construct the right, the unifying thought, out of diverse elements, a quicker recognition of it when achieved, and a steadier dis- position to act upon it. In most cases, perhaps, a person after thirty years of age gains something in the promptness and steadfastness of his moral judgment, and loses something in the imaginative 352 THE SOCIAL ASPECT OF CONSCIENCE breadth of his premises. But the process remains the same, and our view of right is still a sort of micro- cosm of our whole character. Whatever characteristic passions we have will in some way be represented in it, and until we stiffen into mental rigidity and de- cline, it will change more or less with every impor- tant change in our social surroundings. To a very large class of minds, perhaps to the largest class, the notion of right presents itself chiefly as a matter of personal authority. That is, what we feel we ought to do is simply what we imagine our guide or master would do, or would wish us to do. This, for instance, is the idea very largely inculcated and practised by the Christian Church. It is not anything opposed to or different from the right as a ^mental synthesis, but simply means that admiration, reverence, or some other strong sentiment, gives such overwhelming force to the suggestions of a certain example, that they more or less completely dominate the mind. The authority works through conscience and not outside of it. Moreover the relation is not so one-sided as it would seem, since our guide is al- ways, in one point of view, the creation of our own imaginations, which are sure to interpret him in a manner congenial to our native tendency. Thus the Christ of Fra Angelico is one thing, and the Christ of Michelangelo, directing the ruin of the damned, is quite another. The ascendency of personal authority is usually 353 HUMAN NATUKE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER greater in proportion as the mind is of a simple, visually imaginative, rather than reflective turn. Peo- ple of the sort commonly called " emotional," with ready and vivid personal feeling but little construc- tive power, are likely to yield to an ascendent influ- ence as a whole, with little selection or reconstruc- tion. Their individuality is expressed chiefly in the choice of a master ; having chosen, they are all his. If they change masters they change morals at the same time. The mental unity of which they, like all the rest of us, are in search, is found in allegiance to a concrete personality, which saves them the impos- sible task of abstract thought. Such people, however, usually feel an attraction toward stability in others, and secure it for themselves by selecting a steadfast personality to anchor their imaginations to. This, of course, is possible or congenial only to those who lack the mental vigor to make in a more intellectual manner that synthesis of which moral judgment is the expression. Those who have this vigor make use of many examples, and if they ac- knowledge the pre-eminence of anyone, he is likely to be vaguely conceived and to be in reality no more than the symbol of their own moral conclusions. The immediate power of personal images or influ- ences over our sense of right is probably greater in all of us than we realize. " It is wonderful," says George Eliot in " Middlemarch," " how much uglier things will look when we only think we are blamed for them . . . and, on the other hand, it is aston- 354 THE SOCIAL ASPECT OF CONSCIENCE ishing how pleasantly conscience takes our encroach- ments on those who never complain, or have nobody to complain for them." That is to say, other per- sons, by awaking social self-feeling in us, give life and power to certain sentiments of approval or dis- approval regarding our own actions. The rule, al- ready suggested, that the self of a sensitive person, in the presence of an ascendent personality, tends to become his interpretation of what the other thinks of him, is a prime factor in determining the moral judg- ments of all of us. Everyone must have felt the moral renewal that comes with the mere presence of one who is vigorously good, whose being enlivens our aspiration and shames our backsliding, who makes us really feel the desirability of the higher life and the baseness and dulness of the lower. In one of Mr. Theodore Child's papers on French art he relates that Dagnan said after the death of Bastien-Lepage, " With every new picture I paint in future I shall try to think if he would have been satisfied with it." Almost the same has been said by an American author with reference to Robert Louis Stevenson. And these instances are typical of the general fact that our higher selves, our dis- tinctively right views and choices, are dependent upon imaginative realization of the points of view of other persons. There is, I think, no possibility of being good without living, imaginatively of course, in good company ; and those who uphold the moral power of personal example, as against that of ab- 355 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER stract thought are certainly in the right. A mental crisis, by its very difficulty, is likely to call up the thought of some person we have been used to look to as a guide, and the confronting of the two ideas, that of the person and that of the problem, compels us to answer the question What would he have thought of it ? The guide we appeal to may be a person in the room, or a distant friend, or an author whom we have never seen, or an ideal person of religion. The strong, good men we have once imagined live in our minds and fortify there the idea of worthiness. They were free and noble and make us unhappy to be less. Of course the influence of other persons often goes by contraries. The thought of one who is repug- nant to us often brings a strong sense of the wrong of that for which he stands, and our conviction of the hatefulness of any ill trait is much enlivened by intimate contact with one who exhibits it. The moral potency of confession, and of all sorts of publicity, rests upon the same basis. In opening ourselves to another we are impelled to imagine how our conduct appears to him ; we take an outside view of ourselves. It makes a great difference to whom we confess : the higher the character of the person whose mind we imagine, the more enlighten- ing and elevating is the view of ourselves that we get. Even to write our thoughts in a diary, and so to confess, not to a particular person, but to that 356 THE SOCIAL ASPECT OF CONSCIENCE vague image of an interlocutor that connects itself with all articulate expression, makes things look different. It is, perhaps, much the same with prayer. To pray, in a higher sense, is to confront our moral perplexities with the highest personal ideal we can form, and so to be unconsciously integrating the two, straightening out the one in accordance with the other. It would seem that social psychology strongly corroborates the idea that prayer is an essential aspect of the higher life ; by showing, I mean, that thought, and especially vivid thought, is interlocutory in its very nature, and that aspiration almost neces- sarily takes, more or less distinctly, the form of in- tercourse with an ideal being. Whatever publishes our conduct introduces new and strong factors into conscience ; but whether this publicity is wholesome or otherwise depends upon the character of the public ; or, more definitely, upon whether the idea of ourselves that we impute to this public is edifying or degrading. In many cases, for instance, it is ruinous to a person's character to be publicly disgraced, because he, or she, presently ac- cepts the degrading self that seems to exist in the minds of others. There are some people to whom we should be ashamed to confess our sins, and others, perhaps, to whom we should not like to own our virtues. Certainly it should not be assumed that it is good for us to have our acts displayed before the generality of persons: while this may be a good 357 thing as regards matters, like the tax-roll, that relate to our obvious duty to the immediate community, it has in most things a somewhat vulgarizing effect, tending to promote conformity rather than a dis- tinctive life. If the scholar's study were on the mar- ket-place, so that the industrious townspeople could see how many hours of the day he spends in apparent idleness, he might lack courage to pursue his vocation. In short, we need privacy as against influences that are not edifying, and communion with those that are. Even telling the truth does not result so much from a need of mental accuracy, though this is strong in some minds, as from a sense of the unfairness of deceiving people of our own sort, and of the shame of being detected in so doing. Consequently the maxim, " Truth for friends and lies for enemies," is very generally followed, not only by savages and children, but, more or less openly, by civilized peo- ple. Most persons feel reluctant to tell a lie in so many words, but few have any compunctions in de- ceiving by manner, and the like, persons toward whom they feel no obligation. We all know business men who will boast of their success in deceiving rivals; and probably few of us hold ourselves to quite the same standard of honor in dealing with one we believe to be tricky and ill-disposed toward us, that we would if we thought him honest and well meaning. " Conscience is born of love " in this as in many matters. A thoughtful observer will easily 358 THE SOCIAL ASPECT OF CONSCIENCE see that injustice and not untruth is the essence of lying, as popularly conceived. It is because of our need to recall vanished per- sons, that all goodness and justice, all right of any large sort, depend upon an active imagination. Without it we are the prisoners of the immediate environment and of the suggestions of the lower or- ganism. It is only this that enables us to live with the best our lives have afforded, and maintain higher suggestions to compete with the baser ones that assail us. Let us hear Professor James again : " When for motives of honor and conscience I brave the con- demnation of my own family, club and ' set ' ; when as a Protestant I turn Catholic ; as a Catholic, free- thinker; as a 'regular practitioner,' homeopath, or what not, I am always inwardly strengthened in my course, and steeled against the loss of my actual social self by the thought of other and better possible social judges than those whose verdict goes against me now. The ideal social self which I thus seek in appealing to their decision may be very remote ; it may be represented as barely possible. I may not hope for its realization during my lifetime; I may even expect the future generations, which would ap- prove me if they knew me, to know nothing about me when I am dead and gone." * As regards the nearness or remoteness of the companion it would perhaps be sufficient to say that if imagined he is * Psychology, Tol. i., p. 315. 359 HUMAN NATUBE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER actually present, so far as our mental and moral life are concerned, and except as affecting the vividness of our idea of him, it makes no immediate difference whether we ever saw him or whether he ever had any corporeal existence at all. The alteration of conscience due to the advent in thought of a new person is often so marked that one view of duty is quite evidently supplanted by a fresh one, due to the fresh suggestion. Thus, to take an example probably familiar to all who are used to mental application, it sometimes happens that a student is fagged and yet feels that he must think out his problem ; there is a strong sense of oughtness backing this view, which, so long as it is unopposed, holds its ground as the call of duty. But now a friend may come in and suggest to him that he ought to stop, that if he goes on he will harm himself and do poor work. Here is another view of right, and the mind must now make a fresh synthesis and come, perhaps, to feel that its du f .y is to leave off. Because of its dependence upon personal sug- gestion, the right always reflects a social group ; there is always a circle of persons, more or less extended, whom we really imagine, and who thus work upon our impulses and our conscience ; while people out- side of this have not a truly personal existence for us. The extent of this circle depends upon many circumstances, as for instance upon the vigor of our imaginations, and the reach of the means of communi- 360 THE SOCIAL ASPECT OF CONSCIENCE cation through which personal symbols are impressed upon them. In these days of general literacy, many get their most potent impressions from books, and some, find- ing this sort of society more select and stimulating than any other, cultivate it to the neglect of palpable persons. This kind of people often have a very ten- der conscience regarding the moral problems pre- sented in novels, but a rather dull one for those of the flesh-and-blood life about them. In fact, a large part of the sentiments of imaginative persons are purely literary, created and nourished by intercourse with books, and only indirectly connected with what is commonly called experience. Nor should it be as- sumed that these literary sentiments are necessarily a mere dissipation. Our highest ideals of life come to us largely in this way, since they depend upon imaginative converse with people we do not have a chance to know in the flesh. Indeed, the expansion of conscience that is so conspicuous a fact of recent years, the rise of moral sentiment regarding inter- national relations, alien races and social and indus- trial classes other than our own, could not have taken place without the aid of cheap printing and rapid communication. Such understanding and sense of obligation as we have regarding the populace of great cities, for instance, is due chiefly to writers who, like the author of " How the Other Half Lives," de- scribe the life of such people in a vivid, personal way, and so cause us to imagine it. 361 HUMAN NATTJKE AND THE SOCIAL OKDEK Not to pursue this line of thought too far, it is enough for our purpose to note that conscience is always a group conscience, however the group may be formed, so that our moral sentiment always reflects our time, our country, and our special field of per- sonal imagination. On the other hand, our sense of right ignores those whom we do not, through sym- pathy, feel as part of ourselves, no matter how close their physical contiguity. To the Norman conqueror the Saxon was an inferior animal, whose sentiments he no more admitted to his imagination, I suppose, than a farmer does those of his cattle, and toward whom, accordingly, he did not feel human obligation. It was the same with the slaveholder and the slave, and so it sometimes is with employer and wage- earner. The behavior of the Europeans toward the Chinese during the recent invasion of China showed in a striking manner how completely moral obligation breaks down in dealing with people who are not felt to be of kindred humanity with ourselves. In minds capable of constructive imagination the social factor in conscience may take the form of ideal persons, whose traits are used as a standard of be- havior. Idealization, of this or any other sort, is not to be thought of as sharply marked off from experience and memory. It seems probable that the mind is never indifferent to the elements presented to it, but that its very nature is to select, arrange, harmonize, 362 THE SOCIAL ASPECT OF CONSCIENCE idealize. That is, the whole is always acting upon the parts, tending to make them one with itself. What we call distinctively an ideal is only a relatively complex and finished product of this activity. The past, as it lives in our minds, is never a mere repe- tition of old experience, but is always colored by our present feeling, is always idealized in some sense ; and it is the same with our anticipation of the future, so that to wholesome thought expectation is hope. Thus the mind is ever an artist, re-creating things in a manner congenial to itself, and special arts are only a more deliberate expression of a general ten- dency. An ideal, then, is a somewhat definite and felicitous product of imagination, a harmonious and congenial reconstruction of the elements of experience. And a personal ideal is such a harmonious and congenial re- construction of our experience of persons. Its active function is to symbolize and define the desirable, and by so doing to make it the object of definite endeavor. The ideal of goodness is only the next step beyond the good man of experience, and performs the same energizing office. Indeed, as I have already pointed out, there is no separation between actual and ideal persons, only a more or less definite connection of personal ideas with material bodies. There are all degrees of vagueness or definition in our personal ideals. They may be no more than scattered imaginings of traits which we have met in experience and felt to be worthy ; or they may 363 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER assume such fulness and cohesion as to be distinct ideal persons. There may even be several personal ideals ; one may cherish one ideal of himself and a different one for each of his intimate friends ; or his imagination may project several ideals of himself, to correspond to various phases of his development. Probably the phrase "ideal person" suggests something more unified and consistent than is actually present in the minds of most people when they con- ceive the desirable or good in personal character. Is it not rather ideal traits or sentiments, fragments of personal experience, phases of past intercourse re- turning in the imagination with a new emphasis in the presence of new situations ? We have at times divined in other people courage, generosity, patience and justice, and judged them to be good. Now, when we find ourselves in a situation where these traits are called for, we are likely to be reminded by that very fact of our previous experience of them ; and the memory of it brings these sentiments more vividly to life and gives them more authority in conscience. Thus a person hesitating whether to smuggle in duti- able goods is likely to think in his perplexity of some one whom he has come to regard as honorable in such matters, and of how that one would feel and act under like conditions. This building up of higher personal conceptions does not lend itself to precise description. It is mostly subconscious ; the mind is continually at work ordering and bettering its past and present experi- 364 THE SOCIAL ASPECT OF CONSCIENCE ences, working them up in accordance with its own instinctive need for consistency and pleasantness; ever idealizing, but rarely producing clean-cut ideals. It finds its materials both in immediate personal in- tercourse and through books and other durable media of expression. "Books, monuments, pictures, con- versation, are portraits in which he finds the linea- ments he is forming." "All that is said of the wise man . . . describes to each reader his own idea, describes his unattained but attainable self." * "A few anecdotes, a few traits of character, manners, face, a few incidents, have an emphasis in your mem- ory out of all proportion to their apparent signifi- cance, if you measure them by the ordinary standards. They relate to your gift. Let them have their weight, and do not reject them and cast about for illustra- tions more usual in literature. What your heart thinks great is great. The soul's emphasis is always right." f Idealism in this vague form has neither first, second, nor third person. It is simply an impression of the desirable in personality, and is impulsively applied to your conduct, my conduct, or his conduct, as the case may be. The sentiment occurs to us, and the con- nection in which it occurs determines its moral appli- cation. We sometimes speak as if it required an un- usual effort of virtue to apply the same standards to ourselves as to others ; and so it does, in one sense ; but in another it is easier and more common to do * Emerson, History. f Idem, Spiritual Laws. 365 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER this than not to do it. The simplest thing, as regards the mental process concerned, is to take ideas of con- duct as they come, without thinking specially where they come from, and judge them by the standard that conscience presents to us. Injustice and personal wrong of all sorts, as between one's self and others, commonly consist, not in imagining the other man's point of view and refusing to give it weight ; but in not imagining it, not admitting him to the tribunal at all. It is in exerting the imagination that the effort of virtue comes in. One who entertains the thought and feeling of others can hardly refuse them justice ; he has made them a part of himself. There is, as we have seen, no first or second person about a senti- ment ; if it is alive in the mind that is all there is to the matter. It is perhaps the case, however, that almost every person of imagination has at times a special and somewhat definite ideal self, concerning which he has the " my " feeling, and which he would not use in judging others. It is, like all ideals, a product of constructive imagination working upon experience. It represents what we should like to see ourselves, and has an especially vigorous and varied life in early youth, when the imagination projects models to match each new aspiration that gains power over it. In a study of the "Continued Stories" of children, by Mabel W. Learoyd, many interesting facts are given illustrating sustained self-idealization. These con- tinued stories are somewhat consecutive series of 366 THE SOCIAL ASPECT OF CONSCIENCE imaginations on the part of the young, recalled and described at a later period. Two-thirds are said to embody an ideal, and the author, in an idealized form, is the hero of many of them.* An instance of this same process continued into old age is the fact mentioned by Mr. E. W. Emerson in his "Emerson in Concord,"f that the poet's diary contains fre- quent allusion to one Osman, who stands for an ideal self, a more perfect Emerson of his aspiration. It would always be found, I think, that our ideal self is constructed chiefly out of ideas about us attributed to other people. We can hardly get any distinct view of ourselves except in this way, that is by placing ourselves at the standpoint of someone else. The impressions thus gained are worked over and over, like other mental material, and, according to the imaginative vigor of the mind, more or less re- organized, and projected as an ideal. With some this ideal is quite definite and visible before the eye of the mind. I have heard the expres- sion " seeing yourself " applied to it. Thus one woman .says of another " She always sees herself in evening dress," meaning that her ideal of herself is one of social propriety or distinction, and that it takes the form of an image of her visible person as it appears to others in a shape expressing these traits. This is, of course, a phase of the reflected self, discussed in the fifth chapter. Some people " see themselves " so * Amer. Jour, of Psychology, vol. 7, p. 86. t See pp. 101, 210, 226. 367 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER constantly, and strive so obviously to live up to the image, that they give a curious impression of always acting a part, as if one should compose a drama with himself as chief personage, and then spend his life playing it. Perhaps something of this sort is inevi- table with persons of vivid imagination. Once formed and familiarized the ideal self serves, like any ideal only more directly, as an incitement to growth in its direction, and a punishment to retro- gression. A man who has become used to imagining himself as noble, beneficent and respected has a real picture in his mind, a fair product of aspiring thought, a work of art. If his conduct violates this imagination he has a sense of ugliness and shame ; there is a rent in the picture, a rude, shapeless hole, shattering its beauty, and calling for painful and tedious repairs before it can be even tolerable to look upon. Repentance is the pain of this spectacle ; and the clearer and more firmly conceived the ideal, the greater the pain. The ideal person or persons of an ethical religion are the highest expression of this creative outreach- ing of the mind after the admirable in personality. It can hardly be supposed, by anyone who is willing to go into the psychology of the matter at all, that they are radically different from other ideal persons, or in any way sharply divided from the mass of per- sonal thought. Any comparative study of idealism, among nations in various stages of civilization, among persons of different intellectual power, among the 368 THE SOCIAL ASPECT OF CONSCIENCE various periods of development in one individual, can hardly fail, I should say, to leave a conviction that all hangs together, that there is no chasm anywhere, that the most rudimentary idealizing impulse of the savage or the child is of a piece with the highest religious conceptions. The tendency of such a view, of course, is not to drag down the exalted, but to show all as part of a common life. All ideals of personality are derived from inter- course, and all that attain any general acceptance have a social organization and history. Each histori- cal epoch or nation has its somewhat distinctive per- sonal ideals, which are instilled into the individual from the general store of thought. It is especially true that the persons of religion have this character. They are communal and cumulative, are gradually built up and become in some degree an institution. In this way they may acquire richness, clearness, sanctity, and authority, and may finally be inculcated as something above and outside of the human mind. The latter is certain to happen if they are made the basis of a discipline to be applied to all sorts of people. The dogma that they are extra-human serves, like the forms and ceremonies of a court, to secure to them the prestige of distance and inaccessibility. It is a chief function of religious organization to make the moral synthesis more readily attainable, by establishing a spiritual discipline, or system of in- fluences and principles, which shall constantly stim- ulate one's higher sentiments, and furnish a sort of 369 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER outline or scaffolding of suggestions to aid him in organizing his thought. In doing this its main agent is the inculcation of personal ideals, although the teaching of creeds is also, perhaps, important to the same purpose. It is apparently part of the legitimate function of organized moral thought to enter the vaguer fields of speculation about conduct and in- culcate provisional ideas, relating for instance to the origin and meaning of life matters which the mind must and will explore, with or without a guide. To have suggested to them definite ways of thinking re- garding such matters helps to make mental unity pos- sible, and to save men from the aimless and distract- ing wanderings that often end in despair. Of course these ideas must be in harmony with the general state of thought, consistent, for example, with the estab- lished results of science. Otherwise they only in- crease the distraction. But a credible creed is an excellent thing, and the lack of it is a real moral deficiency. Now in times of intellectual unsettlement, like the present, the ideal may become disorganized and scat- tered, the face of God blurred to the view, like the reflection of the sun in troubled waters. And at the same time the creeds become incredible, so that, until new ones can be worked out and diffused, each man must either make one for himself a task to which few are equal or undergo distraction, or cease to think about such matters, if he can. This state of things involves some measure of demoralization, al- 370 THE SOCIAL ASPECT OF CONSCIENCE though it may be part of a movement generally be- neficent. Mankind needs the highest vision of per- sonality, and needs it clear and vivid, and in the lack of it will suffer a lack in the clearness and cogency of moral thought. It is the natural apex to the pyra- mid of personal imagination, and when it is wanting there will be an unremitting and eventually more or less successful striving to replace it. When it re- appears it will, of course, express in all its lineaments a new era of thought ; but the opinion that it is gone to stay, which is entertained by some, seems very ill grounded. 371 CHAPTEE XI PERSONAL DEGENERACY Is A PHASE OF THE QUESTION OF EIGHT AND WRONG RELATION TO THE IDEA OF DEVELOPMENT JUSTIFICATION AND MEANING OF THE PHRASE " PERSONAL DEGENERACY " HEREDITARY AND SOCIAL FACTORS IN PERSONAL DEGENERACY DEGENERACY AS A MENTAL TRAIT CONSCIENCE IN DEGENERACY CRIME, INSAN- ITY, AND RESPONSIBILITY GENERAL AIMS IN THE TREATMENT OF DEGENERACY. I WISH to touch upon this subject only in so far as to suggest a general way of conceiving it in accord with the views set forth in the preceding chapters. The question of personal degeneracy is a phase of the question of right or wrong and is ultimately de- termined by conscience. A degenerate might be de- fined as one whose personality falls distinctly short of a standard set by the dominant moral thought of a group. It is the nature of the mind to form stand- ards of better or worse in all matters toward which its selective activity is directed ; and this has its col- lective as well as its individual aspect, so that not only every man but every group has its preferences and aversions, its good and bad. The selective, or- ganizing processes which all life, and notably the life of the mind, presents, involve this distinction ; it is simply a formulation of the universal fact of prefer- 372 PERSONAL DEGENERACY ence. We cannot view things in which we are inter- ested without liking some and disliking others ; and somewhat in proportion to our interest is our ten- dency to express these likes and dislikes by good and bad or similar words. And since there is nothing that interests us so much as persons, judgments of right and wrong regarding them have always been felt and expressed with peculiar zest and emphasis. The righteous and the wicked, the virtuous and the vicious, the good and bad under a hundred names, have been sharply and earnestly discriminated in every age and country. Although this distinction between personal good and bad has always been a fact of human thought, a broader view of it is reached, in these days, through the idea of evolution. The method of nature being everywhere selective, growth is seen to take place not by making a like use of the elements already existing, but by the fostering of some to the comparative neg- lect or suppression of others. Or, if this statement gives too much the idea of a presiding intelligence outside the process itself, we may simply say that the functions of existing elements in contributing to further growth are extremely different, so much so that some of them usually appear to have no impor- tant function at all, or even to impede the growth, while others appear to be the very heart of the on- ward or crescent life. This idea is applicable to physiological processes, such as go on within our 373 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER bodies, to the development of species, as illustrated with such convincing detail by Darwin, and to all the processes of thought and of society ; so that the forces that are observed in the present, if viewed with reference to function or tendency, never appear to be on the same level of value, but are strung along at different levels, some below a mean, some above it. Thus we not only have the actual discrimination of good and bad in persons, but a philosophy which shows it as an incident of evolution, a reflection in thought of the general movement of nature. Or, to regard the process of evolution in more de- tail, we find degeneracy or inferiority implied in that idea of variation which is the starting-point of Dar- winism. All forms of life, it seems, exhibit varia- tion; that is, the individuals are not quite alike but differ from one another and from the parents in a somewhat random manner, so that some are better adapted to the actual conditions of life, and some worse. The change or development of a species takes place by the cumulative survival and multipli- cation, generation after generation, of fit or fortunate variations. The very process that produces the fit- test evidently implies the existence of the unfit ; and the distinctly unfit individuals of any species may be regarded as the degenerate. It will not do to transfer these ideas too crudely to the mental and social life of mankind ; but it will hardly be disputed that the character of persons ex- hibits variations which are partly at least incalculable, 374 PERSONAL DEGENERACY and which produce on the one hand leadership and genius and on the other weakness and degeneracy. We probably cannot have the one without having something, at least, of the other, though I believe that the variations of personality are capable, to a great degree, of being brought under rational con- trol. This truth that all forms of deficient humanity have a common philosophical aspect is one reason for giving them some common name, like degeneracy. Another is that the detailed study of fact more and more forces the conclusion that such things as crime, pauperism, idiocy, insanity, and drunkenness have, in great measure, a common causation, and so form, practically, parts of a whole. We see this in the study of heredity, which shows that the transmitted taint commonly manifests itself in several or all of these forms in different generations or individuals of the same family ; and we see it in the study of social con- ditions, in the fact that where these conditions are bad, as in the slums of great cities, all the forms be- come more prevalent. A third reason for the use of a special term is that it is desirable that the matter receive more dispassionate study than formerly, and this may possibly be promoted by the use of words free, so far as possible, from irrelevant implications. Many of the words in common use, such as badness, wickedness, crime and the like, reflect particular views of the facts, such as the religious view of them 375 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER as righteousness or sin, and the legal view as crimi- nal or innocent, while degeneracy suggests the disin- terestedness of science. I do not much care to justify the particular word degeneracy in this connection, further than to say that I know of none more convenient or less objec- tionable. It conies, of course, from de and genus through degenerare, and seems to mean primarily the state of having fallen from a type. It is not uncom- mon in English literature, usually meaning inferiority to the standard set by ancestors, as when we say a degenerate age, a degenerate son, etc. ; and recently it has come into use to describe any kind of marked and enduring mental defect or inferiority. I see no objection to this usage unless it be that it is doubtful whether the mentally or morally inferior person can in all cases be said to have fallen from a higher state. This might be plausibly argued on both sides, but it does not seem worth while. I use the phrase personal degeneracy, then, to de- scribe the state of persons whose character and con- duct fall distinctly below the type or standard re- garded as normal by the dominant sentiment of the group. Although it must be admitted that this defi- nition is a vague one, it is not more so, perhaps, than most definitions of mental or social phenomena. There is no sharp criterion of what is mentally and socially up to par and what is not, but there are large and important classes whose inferiority is evi- dent, such as idiots, imbeciles, the insane, drunk- 376 PERSONAL DEGENERACY ards and criminals; and no one will question the importance of studying the whole of which these are parts. It is altogether a social matter at bottom ; that is to say, degeneracy exists only in a certain relation between a person and the rest of a group. In so far as any mental or physical traits constitute it they do so because they involve unfitness for a normal social career, in which alone the essence of the matter is found. The only palpable test of it and this an uncertain one is found in the actual career of the person, and especially in the attitude toward him of the organized thought of the group. We agree fairly well upon the degeneracy of the criminal, largely because his abnormality is of so obvious and trouble- some a kind that something in particular has to be done about it, and so he becomes definitely and for- mally stigmatized by the organs of social judgment. Yet even from this decisive verdict an appeal is successfully made in some cases to the wider and maturer thought of mankind, so that many have been executed as felons who, like John Brown, are now revered as heroes. In short, the idea of wrong, of which the idea of degeneracy is a phase, partakes of the same uncer- tainty that belongs to its antithesis, the idea of right. Both are expressions of an ever-developing, always selective life, and share in the indeterminateness that necessarily goes with growth. They assume forms definite enough for the performance of their momen- 377 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER tous practical functions, but always remain essentially plastic and variable. Concerning the causation of degeneracy, we may say, as of every aspect of personality, that its roots are to be looked for somewhere in the mingling of hereditary and social factors from which the individ- ual life springs. Both of these factors exhibit marked variation ; men differ in their natural traits very much as other animals do, and they also find themselves subject to the varying influences of a diversified social order. The actual divergences of character and con- duct which they exhibit are due to the composition of these two variables into a third variable, the man himself. In some cases the hereditary factor is so clearly defi- cient as to make it natural and justifiable to regard heredity as the cause ; in a much larger number of cases there is good reason to think that social con- ditions are more particularly to blame, and that the original hereditary outfit was fairly good. In a third class, the largest, perhaps, of all, it is practically impossible to discriminate between them. Indeed, it is always a loose way of speaking to set heredity and environment over against each other as separable forces, or to say that either one is the cause of char- acter or of any personal trait. They have no sepa- rate existence after personal development is under way ; each reacts upon the other, and every trait is due to their intimate union and co-operation. All 378 PERSONAL DEGENERACY we are justified in saying is that one or the other may be so aberrant as to demand our special atten- tion. Congenital idiocy is regarded as hereditary de- generacy, because it is obvious that no social environ- ment can make the individual other than deficient, and we must work upon heredity if we wish to prevent it. On the other hand, when we find that certain con- ditions, like residence in crowded parts of a city, are accompanied by the appearance of a large per cent, of criminality, among a population whom there is no reason to suppose naturally deficient, we are justified in saying that the causes of this degeneracy are social rather than hereditary. The fact probably is, in the latter case, that the criminality is due to the con- junction of degrading surroundings with a degree of hereditary deficiency that a better training would have rendered harmless, or at least inconspicuous ; but, practically, if we wish to diminish this sort of degeneracy, we must work upon social conditions. A sound mental heredity consists essentially in / teachability, a capacity to learn the things required by the social order ; and the congenital idiot is de- generate by the hereditary factor alone, because he is incapable of learning these things. But a sound ' heredity is no safeguard against personal degener- acy ; if we have teachability all turns upon what is taught, and this depends upon the social environ- ment. The very faculties that lead a child to become good or moral in a good environment may cause him 379 HUMAN NATUEE AND THE SOCIAL OEDER to become criminal in a criminal environment ; it is all a question of what he finds to learn. It may be said, then, that of the four possible combinations between good and bad heredity and good and bad environ- ment, three bad heredity with bad or good environ- ment, and good heredity with bad environment lead to degeneracy. Only when both elements are favora- ble can we have a good result. Of course, by bad environment in this connection must be understood bad in its action upon this particular individual, not as judged by some other standard. As the social surroundings of a person can be changed, and his hereditary bias cannot, it is expe- dient, in that vast majority of cases in which causa- tion is obscure, to assume as a working hypothesis that the social factor is at fault, and to try by altering it to alter the person. This is more and more coming to be done in all intelligent treatment of degeneracy. As a mental trait, marking a person off as, in some sense, worse than others in the same social group, degeneracy appears to consist in some lack in the higher organization of thought. It is not that one has the normal mental outfit plus something addi- tional, called wrong, crime, sin, madness, or the like, but that he is in some way deficient in the mental activity by which sympathy is created and by which all impulses are unified with reference to a general life. The criminal impulses, rage, fear, lust, pride, vanity, covetousness, and so on, are the same in gen- 380 PERSONAL DEGENERACY eral type as those of the normal person ; the main difference is that the criminal lacks, in one way or another, the higher mental organization a phase of the social organization to which these impulses should be subordinate. It would not be very diffi- cult to take the seven deadly sins Pride, Envy, Anger, Sloth, Covetousness, Gluttony, and Lust and show that each may be regarded as the undisciplined manifestation of a normal or functional tendency. Indeed, as regards anger this was attempted in a pre- vious chapter. " To describe in detail the different varieties of degeneracy that are met with," says Dr. Maudsley, "would be an endless and barren labor. It would be as tedious as to attempt to describe particularly the exact character of the ruins of each house in a city that had been destroyed by an earthquake : in one place a great part of the house may be left stand- ing, in another place a wall or two, and in another the ruin is so great that scarcely one stone is left upon another." * In the lowest phases mental organization can hardly be said to exist at all : an idiot has no charac- ter, no consistent or effective individuality. There is no unification, and so no self-control or stable will ; action simply reflects the particular animal impulse that is ascendent. Hunger, sexual lust, rage, dread, and, in somewhat higher grades, a crude, naive kind- liness, are each felt and expressed in the simplest * The Pathology of Mind, p. 425. 381 HUMAN NATUKE AND THE SOCIAL OKDER manner possible. There can, of course, be little or no true sympathy, and the unconsciousness of what is going on in the minds of other persons prevents any sense of decency or attempt to conform to social standards. In the higher grades we may make the distinction, already suggested in speaking of egotism, between the unstable and the rigid varieties. Indeed, as was intimated, selfishness and degeneracy are of the same general character ; both being defined socially by a falling short of accepted standards of conduct, and mentally by some lack in the scope and organi- zation of the mind. There is, then, one sort of persons in whom the most conspicuous and troublesome trait is mere men- tal inconsistency and lack of character, and another who possess a fair degree, at least, of consistency and unity of purpose, but whose mental scope or reach of sympathy is so small that they have no adequate re- lation to the life about them. An outgrowing, impressionable sort of mind, if deficient in the power to work up its material, is necessarily unstable and lacking in momentum and definite direction : and in the more marked cases we have people of the hysterical type, unstable forms of dementia and insanity, and impulsive crime. "The fundamental defect in the hysterical brain," says Dr. Dana, " is that it is circumscribed in its associative functions ; the field of consciousness is limited just as is the field of vision. The mental activity is cou- 382 PERSONAL DEGENERACY fined to personal feelings, which are not regulated by connotation of past experiences, hence they flow over too easily into emotional outbursts or motor parox- ysms. The hysterical person cannot think." * It is evident that something similar might be said of all manifestations of instability. On the other hand, an ingrowing sort of mind, whose tendency is rather to work over and over its cherished thoughts than to open out to new ones, may have a marked deficiency of sensibility and breadth of perception. If so, the person is likely to exhibit some form of gross and persistent egotism, such as sensuality, avaiice, narrow and ruthless am- bition, fanaticism, of a hard, cold sort, delusion of greatness, or those kinds of crime that result from habitual insensibility to social standards rather than from transient impulse. As conscience is simply the completest product of mental organization, it will of course share in what- ever defect there may be in the mental life as a whole. In the lower grades of idiocy we may assume that there is no system in the mind from which a conscience could spring. In a higher degenerate of the unstable type, there is a conscience, but it is vacil- lating in its judgments, transient in duration and in- effectual in control, proportionally to the mental dis- integration which it reflects. We all, probably, can think of people conspicuously lacking in self-control, * C. L. Dana, Nervous Diseases, p. 425. 383 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER and it will perhaps be evident, when we reflect upon them, that their consciences are of this sort. The voice of conscience, with them, is certain to be chiefly an echo of temporary emotions, because a synthesis embracing long periods of time is beyond their range ; it is frequently inaudible, on account of their being engrossed by passing impulses, and their con- duct is largely without any rational control at all. They are likely to suffer sharp and frequent attacks of remorse, on account of failure to live up to their standards, but it would seem that the wounds do not go very deep as a rule, but share in the general su- perficiality of their lives. People of this sort, if not too far gone in weakness, are probably the ones who profit most by punishment, because they are helped by the sharp and definite pain which it associates with acts that they recognize as wrong, but cannot keep from doing without a vivid emotional deterrent. They are also the ones who, in their eagerness to es- cape from the pains of fluctuation and inconsistency, are most prone to submit blindly to some external and dogmatic authority. Unable to rule themselves, they crave a master, and if he only is a master, that is, one capable of grasping and dominating the emo- tions by which they are swayed, they will often cleave to him and kiss the rod. With those whose defect is rigidity rather than in- stability, conscience may exist and may control the life ; the trouble with it is, that it is not in key with the consciences of other people. There is an original 384 PERSONAL DEGENERACY poverty of the impulses that extends to any result that can be worked out of them. It may appear startling to some to assert that conscience may dic- tate the wrong, but such is quite clearly the fact, if we identify the right with some standard of conduct accepted among people of broad sympathies. Con- science is the only possible moral guide any exter- nal authority can work morally upon us only through conscience but it always partakes of the limitations of one's character, and so far as that is degenerate the idea of right is degenerate also. As a matter of fact, the very worst men of the hard, narrow, fanatical, or brutal sorts, often live at peace with their con- sciences. I feel sure that anyone who reflects imagi- natively upon the characters of people he has known of this sort will agree that such is the case. A bad conscience implies mental division, inconsistency be- tween thought and deed, and men of this sort are often quite at one with themselves. The usurer who grinds the faces of the poor, the unscrupulous specu- lator who causes the ruin of innocent investors to ag- grandize himself, the fanatical anarchist who stabs a king or shoots a president, the Kentucky mountain- eer who regards murderous revenge as a duty, the assaulter who causes pictures commemorative of his crimes to be tattooed on his skin, are diverse examples of wrong-doers whose consciences not only do not punish, but often instigate their ill deeds. The idea, cherished by some, that crime or wrong of any sort is invariably pursued by remorse, arises 385 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER from the natural but mistaken assumption that all other people have consciences similar to our own. The man of sensitive temperament and refined habit of thought feels that he would suffer remorse if he had done the deed, and supposes that the same must be the case with the perpetrator. On the contrary, it seems likely that only a very small proportion of those whom the higher moral senti- ment regards as wrong-doers suffer much from the pricks of conscience. If the general tenor of a man's life is high, and the act is the fearful out- come of a moment of passion, as is often the case with unpremeditated murder, he will suffer, but if his life is all of a piece, he will not. All authorities agree that the mass of criminals, and the same is clearly true of ill- doers within the law, have a habit of mind of which the ill deed is the logical outcome, so that there is nothing sudden or catastrophic about it. Of course, if we apply the word conscience only to the mental synthesis of a mind rich in higher senti- ments, then such people have no consciences, but it seems a broader view of the matter to say that they Jiave a conscience, in so far as they have mental unity, but that it reflects the general narrowness and perver- sion of their lives. In fact, people of this description usually, if not always, have standards of their own, some sort of honor among thieves, which they will not transgress, or which, if transgressed, cause re- morse. It is impossible that mental organization should not produce a moral synthesis of some sort. 386 PERSONAL DEGENERACY There is nothing in this way of conceiving degen- eracy which tends to break down the practical dis- tinctions among the various forms of it, as, for in- stance, that between crime and insanity. Though the line between these two is arbitrary and uncertain, as must always be the case in the classification of mental facts, and as is confessed by the existence of a class called the criminal insane, yet the distinction itself and the difference in treatment associated with it are sound enough in a general way. The contrast between our attitudes toward crime and toward insanity is primarily a matter of personal idea and impulse. We understand the criminal act, or think we do, and we feel toward it resentment, or hostile sympathy ; while we do not understand the insane act, and so do not resent it, but regard it with pity, curiosity, or disgust. If one man strikes down another to rob him, or in revenge, we can imagine the offender's state of mind, his motive lives in our thought and is condemned by conscience precisely as if we thought of doing the act ourselves. Indeed, to understand an act is to think of doing it ourselves. But, if it is done for no reason that we can compre- hend, we do not imagine, do not get a personal im- pression of the case at all, but have to think of it as merely mechanical. It is the same sort of difference as that between a person who injures us accidentally and one who does it " on purpose." Secondarily, it is a matter of expediency. We feel that the act which we can imagine ourselves doing 387 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER ought to be punished, because we perceive by our own sympathy with it that more of this sort of thing is likely to take place if it is not put down. We want the house-breaker to be stigmatized, disgraced, and imprisoned, because we feel that, if this is not done, he and others will be encouraged to more house- breaking; but we feel only pity for the man who thinks he is Julius Caesar, because we suppose there is nothing to be feared either from him or his exam- ple. This practical basis of the distinction expresses itself in the general, and I think justifiable, reluc- tance to apply the name and treatment of insanity to behavior which seems likely to be imitated. It is felt that whatever may be the mental state of the man who commits an act of violence or fraud, it is wholesome that people in general, who draw no fine distinctions, but judge others by themselves, should be taught by example that such conduct is followed by moral and legal penalties. On the other hand, when the behavior is so evidently remote from ordi- nary habits of thought that it can be a matter only of pity or curiosity, there is no occasion to do any- thing more than the good of the person affected seems to require. The same analysis applies to the whole question of responsibility or irresponsibility. It is a matter of imaginative contact and personal idea. To hold a man responsible, is to imagine him as a man like ourselves, having similar impulses but failing to con- trol them as we do, or at least as we feel we ought to 388 PERSONAL DEGENERACY do. We think of doing as he does, find it Avrong, and impute the wrong to him. The irresponsible person is one who is looked upon as a different sort of being, not human with reference to the conduct in question, not imaginable, not near enough to us to be the object of hostile sentiment. We blame the for- mer ; that is, we visit him with a sympathetic resent- ment ; we condemn that part of ourselves that we find in him. But in the latter we do not find our- selves at all It is worth noting in this connection, that we could not altogether cease to blame others without ceasing to blame ourselves, which would mean moral apathy. It is sometimes thought that the cool analysis of such questions as this tends toward indifferentism ; but I do not see that this is the case. The social psychol- ogist finds in moral sentiment a central and momen- tous fact of human life, and if perchance he does not himself feel it very vividly, he should have the candor to confess himself so much the less a man. Indeed, if there is such a thing as an indifferentist, in the sense of one who does not feel any cogency in moral sentiment, he must be quite unsuited to the pursuit of social or moral science, because he lacks power to sympathize with, and so observe, the facts upon which this sort of science must be based. I do not purpose to give this discussion a practical turn by entering into the details of the treatment of various forms of degeneracy; but it may help to 389 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER show the bearing of our general view, if I point out in brief the line of procedure which common-sense would seem to call for. This procedure naturally divides itself into prevention, reform or cure, and isolation, according to the stage of development which the evil has reached. Everything which acts in a favorable manner upon either the hereditary or the social factor in life is more or less preventive of degeneracy, and of course influences of this general sort are of far more impor- tance as a whole than any more particular measures. Under the head of prevention would also come pun- ishment, disgrace, and the like everything in the treatment of criminals, paupers, and other special classes which is designed to impress the minds of the rest of the people, and to check the degenerate tendencies possibly existing among them. Although it is now thought that the efficacy of these deterrent influences, in the case of crime at least, is less than was formerly supposed, still it is by no means desirable that the attempt to exert them should be abandoned. If degenerate tendencies actually manifest them- selves, the main thing to be done is to take note of them as early in the individual's life as possible, and to attempt to counteract them by a suitable change in the social environment. I need hardly point out that it is now believed that such counteraction is much more practicable than was formerly supposed, or mention that many beneficent institutions and other enterprises exist which aim to secure it. 390 PERSONAL DEGENERACY And if, as must always be the fact in a consider- able proportion of cases, the person remains so dis- tinctly and persistently below the standard of char- acter and conduct that it is clearly inexpedient to leave him at large, the rational treatment of him is evidently a decent isolation, which shall prevent him from propagating his degenerate traits through either heredity or social influence. 391 CHAPTER XII FREEDOM THE MEANING OF FREEDOM FREEDOM AND DISCIPLINE FREEDOM AS A PHASE OF THE SOCIAL ORDER FREEDOM INVOLVES INCI- DENTAL STRAIN AND DEGENERACY. GOETHE remarks in his Autobiography * that the word freedom has so fair a sound that we cannot do without it even though it designate an error. Certainly it is a word inseparable from our higher sentiments, and if, in its popular use at the present day, it has no precise meaning, there is so much the more reason why we should try to give it one, and to continue its use as a symbol of something that man- kind cherishes and strives for. The common notion of freedom is negative, that is, it is a notion of the absence of constraint. Starting with the popular individualistic view of things, the social order is thought of as something apart from, and more or less a hinderance to, a man's natural de- velopment. There is an assumption that an ordi- nary person is self-sufficient in most respects, and will do very well if he is only left alone. But there is, of course, no such thing as the absence of re- straint, in the sense of social limitations ; man has no * Aus Meinem Leben, Book XI. 392 FKEEDOM existence apart from a social order, and can develop his personality only through the social order, and in the same degree that it is developed. A freedom consisting in the removal of limiting conditions is inconceivable. If the word is to have any definite meaning in sociology, it must therefore be separated from the idea of a fundamental opposition between society and the individual, and made to signify some- thing that is both individual and social. To do this it is not necessary to do any great violence to ac- cepted ideas of a practical sort ; since it is rather in theory than in application that the popular view is objectionable. A sociological interpretation of free- dom should take away nothing worth keeping froM our traditional conception of it, and may add some- thing in the way of breadth, clearness, and produc- tiveness. The definition of freedom naturally arising from the chapters that have gone before is perhaps this : that it is opportunity for right development, for de- , velopment in accordance with the progressive ideal of life that we have in conscience. A child comes into the world with an outfit of vague tendencies, for all definite unfolding of which he is dependent upon social conditions. If cast away alone on a desert island he would, supposing that he succeeded in liv- ing at all, never attain a real humanity, would never know speech, or social sentiment, or any complex thought. On the other hand, if all his surroundings are from the first such as to favor the enlargement 393 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER and enrichment of his life, he may attain the fullest development possible to him in the actual state of the world. In so far as the social conditions have this favoring action upon him he may be said to be free. And so every person, at every stage of his growth, is free or unfree in proportion as he does or does not find himself in the midst of conditions con- ducive to full and harmonious personal development. Thinking in this way we do not regard the individual as separable from the social order as a whole, but we do regard him as capable of occupying any one of an indefinite number of positions within that order, some of them more suitable to him than others. No doubt there are elements of vagueness in this conception. What is full and harmonious personal development ? What is the right, the opportunity to achieve which is freedom ? The possibilities of development are infinitely various, and unimaginable until they begin to be realized, so that it would ap- pear that our notion gives us nothing definite to go by after all. This is largely true : development can- not be defined, either for the race or for individuals, but is and must remain an ideal, of which we can get only partial and shifting glimpses. In fact, we should cease to think of freedom as something definite and final, that can be grasped and held fast once for all, and learn to regard it as a line of advance, something progressively appearing out of the invisible and de- fining itself, like the forms of a mountain up which one is climbing in a mist. This vagueness and in- 394 FREEDOM completeness are only what we meet in every direc- tion when we attempt to define our ideals. What is progress ? What is right ? What is beauty ? What is truth ? The endeavor to produce unmistakable and final definitions of these things is now, I suppose, given up, and we have come to recognize that the good, in all its forms, is evolved rather than achieved, is a process rather than a state. The best definition of freedom is perhaps nothing other than the most helpful way of thinking about it ; and it seems to me that the most helpful way of thinking about it is to regard it in the light of the contrast between what a man is and what he might be, as our experience of life enables us to imagine the two states. Ideas of this sort are suggested by defining freedom as opportunity, and their tendency is to stimulate and direct practical endeavor. If the word helps us to realize, for instance, that it is pos- sible to make healthy, intelligent, and hopeful chil- dren out of those that are now sickly, dull, and un- happy, so much the better. On the other hand, the definition of it as letting people alone, well enough suited, perhaps, to an over-governed state of society, does not seem especially pertinent to our time and country. We have always been taught by philosophy that the various forms of the good were merely different views of the same thing, and this idea is certainly applicable to such notions as those of freedom, prog- ress, and right. Thus freedom may be regarded as 395 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER merely the individual aspect of progress, the two be- ing related as the individual and the social order were asserted to be in the first chapter, and no more distinct or separable. If instead of contrasting what a particular man is with what he might be, we do the same for mankind as a whole, we have the notion of progress. Progress which does not involve liberation is evidently no progress at all; and, on the other hand, a freedom that is not part of the general on- ward movement of society is not free in the largest sense. Again, any practicable idea of freedom must connect it with some standard of right, in which, like opposing claims in a clearing-house, the divergent tendencies of each person, and of different persons, are disciplined and reconciled. The wrong is the unfree ; it is that which tends, on the whole, to re- strict personal development. It is no contribution to freedom to turn loose the insane or the criminal, or to allow children to run on the streets instead of going to school. The only test of all these things of right, freedom, progress, and the like is the in- structed conscience ; just as the only test of beauty is a trained aesthetic sense, which is a mental con- clusion of much the same sort as conscience. So far as discipline is concerned, freedom means not its absence but the use of higher and more rational forms as contrasted with those that are lower or less rational. A free discipline controls the in- dividual by appealing to his reason and conscience, 396 FREEDOM and therefore to his self-respect; while an unfree control works upon some lower phase of the mind, and so tends to degrade him. It is freedom to be disciplined in as rational a manner as you are fit for. Thus freedom is relative to the particular persons and states who are to enjoy it, some individuals within any society, and some societies as wholes, being capable of a higher sort of response than others. In the family, it implies the substitution, so far as practicable, of familiarity and moral suasion for distance and the rod ; in government the growth of public opinion and education as compared with autoc- racy and the military and police functions; in the church, the decline of dogma, form, the fear of hell and hypnotic conversion, relatively to intelligence, sym- pathy, and good works. But any relaxation of lower forms of discipline which is not supplied by higher, which tends, on the whole, to confusion rather than reorganization, is not in the way of real freedom. The question what this is is always one that is relative to the actual situation, never one that can be absolutely or abstractly answered. Freedom can be increased only in connection with the increase of sympathy, intelligence, and self-control in individuals. The social order is antithetical to freedom only in so far as it is a bad one. Freedom can exist only in and through a social order, and must be increased by all the healthy growth of the latter. It is only in a large and complex social system that any advanced 397 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER degree of it is possible, because nothing else can supply the multifarious opportunities by means of which all sorts of persons can work out a congenial development through the choice of influences. In so far as we have freedom in the United States at the present time, in what does it consist ? Evidently, it seems to me, in the access to a great number and variety of influences by whose progressive selection and assimilation a child may become, within vague limits set by the general state of our society, the best that he is naturally fitted to become. It consists, to begin with infancy, in a good family life, in intel- ligent nurture and training, adapted to the special traits of character which every child manifests from the first week of life. Then it involves good schooling, admitting the child through books and teachers to a rich selection from the accumulated influences of the best minds of the past. Free technical and profes- sional education, so far as it exists, contributes to it, also the facility of travel, bringing him in contact with significant persons from all over the world ; public libraries, magazines, good newspapers, and so on. Whatever enlarges his field of selection without permanently confusing him adds to his liberty. In fact, institutions government, churches, industries, and the like have properly no other function than to contribute to human freedom ; and in so far as they fail, on the whole, to perform this function, they are wrong and need reconstruction. Although a high degree of freedom can exist only 398 FKEEDOM through a complex social order, it by no means fol- lows that every complex social order is free. On the contrary, it has more often been true in the past that very large and intricately organized states, like the Roman Empire, were constructed on a comparatively mechanical or unfree principle. And in our own time a vast and complex empire, like Russia or China, may be less free than the simplest English-speaking col- ony. There are serious objections to identifying progress, as Herbert Spencer sometimes appears to do, with the mere differentiation and co-ordination of social functions. But the example of the United States, which is perhaps on the whole the most in- tricately differentiated and co-ordinated state that ever existed, shows that complexity is not inconsist- ent with freedom. To enter fully into this matter would require a more careful examination of the institutional aspect of life than I wish to undertake at present ; but I hold that the possibility of organ- izing large and complex societies on a free principle depends upon the quickness and facility of communi- cation, and so has come to exist only in recent times. The great states of earlier history were necessarily somewhat mechanical in structure. It happens from time to time in every complex and active society, that certain persons feel the com- plexity and insistence as a tangle, and seek freedom in retirement, as Thoreau sought it at Walden Pond. They do not, however, in this manner escape from the social institutions of their time, nor do they 399 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL OKDER really mean to do so ; what they gain, if they are suc- cessful, is a saner relation to them. Thoreau in his hut remained as truly a member of society, as de- pendent for suggestion upon his books, his friends, and his personal memories, and upon verbal expres- sion for his sense of self, as did Emerson in Concord or Lowell in Cambridge ; and I imagine that if he had cared to discuss the matter he would have ad- mitted that this was the case. Indeed, the idea of Thoreau as a recluse was not, I think, his own idea, but has been attached to him by superficial observers of his life. Although he was a dissenter from the state and the church of his time, his career would have been impossible without those institutions, without Harvard College, for instance, which was a joint product of the two. He worked out his personal development through congenial influences selected from the life of his time, very much as others do. He simply had peculiar tendencies which he developed in a peculiar way, especially by avoiding a gregarious mode of life unsuited to his tempera- ment. He was free through the social order, not outside of it, and the same may be said of Edward Fitzgerald and other seclusive spirits. No doubt the commonplace life of the day is a sort of slavery for many sensitive minds that have not, like these, the resolution to escape from it into a calmer and broader atmosphere. Since freedom is not a fixed thing that can be grasped and held once for all, but a growth, any par- 400 FREEDOM ticular society, such as our own, always appears partly free and partly unfree. In so far as it favors, in every child, the development of his highest possibili- ties, it is free, but where it falls short of this it is not. So far as children are ill-nurtured or ill-taught, as family training is bad, the schools inefficient, the local government ill-administered, public libraries lacking, or private associations for various sorts of culture deficient, in so far the people are unfree. A child born in a slum, brought up in a demoralized family, and put at some confining and mentally deadening work when ten or twelve years old, is no more free to be healthy, wise, and moral than a Chi- nese child is free to read Shakespeare. Every social ill involves the enslavement of individuals. This idea of freedom is quite in accord with a gen- eral, though vague, sentiment among us ; it is an idea of fair play, of giving everyone a chance ; and nothing arouses more general and active indignation among our people than the belief that someone or some class is not getting a fair chance. There seems, how- ever, to be too great complacency in the way in which the present state of things is interpreted, a tendency to assume that freedom has been achieved once for all by the Declaration of Independence and popular suffrage, and that little remains but to let each person realize the general blessing to the best of his ability. It is well to recognize that the freedom which we nominally worship is never more than partly achieved, and is every day threatened by new encroachments, 401 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER that the right to vote is only one phase of it, and possibly, under present conditions, not the most im- portant phase, and that we can maintain and increase it only by a sober and determined application of our best thought and endeavor. Those lines of Lowell's " Commemoration Ode " are always applicable : " the soft Ideal that we wooed Confronts us fiercely, foe-beset, pursued, And cries reproachful : Was it then my praise, And not myself was loved ? Prove now thy truth. I claim of thee the promise of thy youth." In our view of freedom we have a right to survey all times and countries and from them form for our own social order an ideal condition, which shall offer to each individual all the encouragements to growth and culture that the world has ever or anywhere en- joyed. Any narrowness or lack of symmetry in life in general is reflected in the contraction or warping of personal development, and so constitutes a lack of freedom. The social order should not exaggerate one or a few aspects of human nature at the expense of others, but extend its invitations to all our higher tendencies. Thus the excessive preoccupation of the nineteenth century with material production and physical science may be regarded as a partial enslave- ment of the spiritual and aesthetic sides of humanity, from which we are now struggling to escape. The freedom of the future must, it would seem, call more and more for a various, rich, and tolerant environ- ment, in which all sorts of persons may build them- 402 FREEDOM selves up by selective development. The clay for any sort of dogmatism and coercive uniformity appears to be past, and it will be practicable to leave people more and more to control by a conscience reflecting the moral opinion of the group to which their incli- nation and capacity attach them. The substitution of higher forms of control for lower, the offering more alternatives and trusting the mind to make a right selection, involves, of course, an increased moral strain upon individuals. Now this increase of moral strain is not in all cases exactly proportioned to the ability to bear it well ; and when it is not well borne the effect upon character is more or less destructive, so that something in the way of degeneracy results. Consequently every general increase of freedom is accompanied by some degeneracy, attributable to the same causes as the freedom. This is very plainly to be seen at the present time, which is one, on the whole, of rapid increase of freedom. Family life and the condition of women and children have been growing freer and better, but along with this we have the increase of divorce and of spoiled children. Democracy in the state has its own peculiar evils, as we all know ; and in the church the decay of dog- matism and unreasoning faith, a moral advance on the whole, has nevertheless caused a good many moral failures. In much the same way the enfran- chisement of the negroes is believed to have caused 403 HUMAN NATURE AND THE SOCIAL ORDER an increase of insanity among them, and the growth of suicide in all countries seems to be due in part to the strain of a more complex society. It is not true, exactly, that freedom itself causes degeneracy, be- cause if one is subjected to more strain than is good for him his real freedom is rather contracted than enlarged, but it should rather be said that any move- ment which has increase of freedom for its general effect can never be so regulated as to have only this effect, but is sura to act upon some in an opposite manner. Nor is it reasonable to sit back and say that this incidental demoralization is inevitable, a fixed price of progress. On the contrary, although it can never be altogether dispensed with, it can be indefinitely reduced, and every social institution or influence that tends to adapt the stress of civilization to the strength of the individual does reduce it in some measure. 404 INDEX ADOLESCENCE, the self in, 169 Affectation, 173 ff, 330 Altruism, 4, 90 ; in relation to ego- ism, 92 ff, 115, 188 ff, 344 ff Ambition, 275 f Americanism, unconscious, 36 Anger, development of, 233 ff ; ani- mal, 240 Anglo-Saxons,cantankerousnessof, 268 ; idealism of, 288 Antipathy, 233 ff Appreciation, necessary to produc- tion, 59 Art, creative impulse in, 57 ; per- sonal symbols in, 71 ff ; mental life a work of, 123 f ; plastic, mystery in, 316 f ; as idealization, 363 Ascendency, personal, 283-325 Asceticism, 154, 223 Augustine, St., 218 Aurelius, Marcus, on freedom of thought, 35 ; self -feeling of, 218 Author, an, as leader, 303 ff Authority, personal, in morals, 353 ff, 384. See also Leadership BALDWIN, PROF. J. M. , 15 ; on social persons, 90 ; 176, 271, 286 Bastien-Lepage, 355 Belief, ascendency of, 310 f, 317 f Beowulf, on honor, 209 f Bismarck, 254 ; ascendency of, 298, 302 Blame, nature of, 289 Blowitz, M. de, 298 Body, relation of, to the self, 144 f, 163 Booth, Charles, 276 Brotherhood, extension of the sense of, 114 f Brown, John, 377 Browning, 316 Bryant, Sophie, on antipathy, 335 Bryce, Prof. James, 38, 309 Burke, Edmund, 202, 302 f Burroughs, John, on the physiog- nomy of works of genius, 74 CJBSAK, as a personal idea, 99 Cant, 320 Casaubon, Mr., 224 f Chagrin, 241 Charity, 238, 336. See also Altru- ism. Right Chicago, aspect of the crowd in, 37 Child, Theodore, 355 Child, a, unlovable at birth, 45 Children, imitation in, 19 ff; socia- bility of, 45 ff; imaginary con- versation of, 52 ff ; study of expression by, 62 ff; growth of sentiment in, 79 ff; development of self in, 142, 146 ; use of " I " by, 157ff ; reflected self in, 164 ff; anger of, 232 f ; hero-worship of, 279 ; ascendency over, 289 f ; ha- bitual morality in, 340 f; moral growth of, 349 ff; causes of de- generacy in, 378 ff; what consti- tutes freedom for, 393 f, 398, 401 ; spoiled, 403 405 INDEX China, organization of, 399 Chinese, European lack of moral sense regarding, 362 Choice, in relation to suggestion, 11 11 ; as an organization of so- cial relations, 16 f ; practical lim- itations of, 31 ff ; is exhausting, 33f Christ, self -feeling of, 142 ; indig- nation felt by, 247; as leader, 323 ; as moral authority, 353 ' ' Christian's Secret of a Happy Life," 34 Church, inculcation of personal authority in the, 353 ; freedom in the, 398, 403 City life, effect upon sympathy, 112f Classification of minds as stable or unstable, 186 f, 200 ff, 382 f Collectivism, 4 Columbus, 269, 306 Communicate, the impulse to, 56 ff Communication, of sentiment,104f ; effect of modern, 114 ; influence of means of, 361, 365, 399 Communion,as an aspect of society, 102-135 Competition, 252, 256 f Confession, 54, 356 f Conformity, 262 ff Conscience, 12, 180, 202, 239, 249, 258; social aspect of, 326-371; voice of, 328 ; individual and so- cial aspects of, 346 f ; in de- generacy, 383 ff; is the test of freedom, etc., 396. See also Right Conservatism, 273 " Continued Stories," 366 f Controversy, 243 Conversation, imaginary, 52 ff, 359, 361 Country life, effect upon sympathy; 112 Creeds, the nature and use of, 370 Crime, 252; as degeneracy, 379, 385 ff; and insanity, 387 ff Criminal impulses, nature of, 380 f Cromwell, 302 Crowds, suggestibility of, 40 Crowd-feeling, 291 f Culture,relation of ,to social organi- zation, 117 f DAGNAN, 355 Dante, 31 f, 188 Darwin, 'Charles, 66, 68, 165, 177, 190, 243, 279 ; power as a writer, 304 ; 323, 374 "Das ewig Weibliche," 171, 312 Degeneracy, from too much choice, 39, 125; self -feeling in, 229 ff; personal, 372-391 ; incidental to freedom, 403 f Delusions of greatness and of perse- cution, 229 f Democracy of sentiment, 114 Descartes, seclusion of, 197 Determinism, 4 Dialogue, composing in, 55 f Diaries, as intercourse, 57 ; moral effect of, 356 f Dill's " Roman Society," 312 Discipline, in relation to freedom, 396 f Disraeli, B., 219, 315 Divorce, increase of, incidental to freedom, 403 Double causation theory of society, 9f Dreams, as imaginary conversa- tion, 54 Duplicity, 234 Duty, sense of, 338 f , 343, 360 EDUCATION, culture in, 117 f ; as freedom, 398, 401. See also Chil- dren Ego, the empirical, 136 ; the meta- 406 INDEX physical, 13(5, 163 ; and alter in morals, 343 ff Egoism,4 ; and altruism, 93 ff,188ff, 344 ff Egotism, 92, 179 ff; as a mental trait, 186 ff; varieties of, 186 ff; as degeneracy, 382 f Element of society, 134 Eliot, George, 178, 224, 263, 314, 354 Eloquence, 301 ff Emerson, E. W.,367 Emerson, R. W., 6, 57, 120, 138, 174, 211, 243, 266, 269, 287, 294, 295, 335, 365, 367 Emulation, 262-282 Endogenous minds, 200 f , 383 Environment, 271 ; and heredity, 378 f . See also Suggestion Equilibrium mobile of conscience, 335 Ethics, physiological theories of, 208 f . See also Conscience, Right Evolution, 9, 13, 18, 145 ; in rela- tion to leadership, 322; to de- generacy, 373 ff Exhaustion, causes suggestibility, 41 Exogenous minds, 200 f, 382 Experience, social, is imaginative, 105 f Expression, facial, 62 ff ; vocal, 66 f ; interpretation of, 68 f; sugges- tion of, in literature and art, 71 ff Eye, expressiveness of, 62 f ; in literature, 73 PACE. See Expression Fame, often transcends the man, 307 f Family, freedom in the, 403 Fear, of animals, 66 ; social, 258 ff Feeling. See Sentiment Fitzgerald, Edward, seclusiveness of, 400 Forms, used to maintain ascen- dency, 319 Fox, Charles, 302 f Fra Angelico, 248, 353 Francis, St. , 47 Free-will, 4, 18 ff, 32 Freedom, 392-404; definition of, 393, 395 Friendship, 120 f Frith 1 s " Autobiography," 76 GAMES, athletic, 256 Genius, 11, 106, 169, 188 ; disorders of self incident to, 228 f; 237, 266, 321 ff. See also Leadership Gibbon, Edward, 273 Gibson, W. H., 306 Giddings, Prof. F. H., on imita- tion, 27 Gloating, 143 God, as love, 126 f; appropriated, 155; as ideal self, 214; idea of, 281 f , 370 f . See also Religion Gods, famous persons partake of the nature of, 308 Goethe, on individuality in art, 33 ; on the composition of " Wer- ther," 55; personality in his style 75 ; 121, 122, 132, 150, 194, 196, 204, 211, 241, 254, 266, 279, 312, 316, 392 Gothic architecture, rise of, 37 Grant, General, 41, 76; ascen' dency of, 299 f , 315 Gummere, F. B.,210 Guyau, on the onward self, 335 f HABIT, limits suggestibility, 42? in relation to the self, 155 ; to the sense of right, 337 ff, 348 Hall, President G. Stanley, 73 ; on the self, 163 ; 259 Hamerton, P. G., 196, 317 Hamlet, use of "I" in, 145 Hatred, 253 407 INDEX Hazlitt,W.,253 Hedonizing, instinctive, 61 Herbert, George, 155 Hereditary element in sociability, 50 Hereditary tendency, 284 ff Heredity, as a cause of degener- acy, 375, 378 ff Hero-worship, 213, 278ff,286f, Heroism, 339 Honor, 207 ff Hope, ascendency of, 310 f Hostility, 232-261 Howells, W. D., 301 Hugo, Victor, 229 Humility, 212 ff Huxley, Thomas, 242 f, 305 Hysterical temperament, 344, 382 f " I," in relation to love, 129 ff; the reflected or looking-glass, 153 f, 164 ff, 175, 178, 211, 216 f, 349 ff; meaning of, 136-178 ; existswith- in the general life, 147 ff; as re- lated to the rest of thought, 150 f , 156 ; is rooted in the social order, 153 ff; how children learn the meaning of, 157 ff; various phases of, 179-231 ; use of in literature and conversation, 190 ff; in self- reverence, 211 ; in leadership, 294 Ideal persons, as factors in con- science, 362 ff; of religion, 280 ff, 368 ff Idealism, ascendency of, 310 Idealization, 272, 362 ff Ideas, personal. See Personal ideas Idiocy, congenital, 379 ; as mental degeneracy, 381 f Idiots, kindliness of, 51 f, 125 Imaginary conversation, of chil- dren, 52 f ; all thought is, 53 ff Imaginary playmate, 52 f Imagination, in relation to personal ideas, 81 ff, 98 ff; the locus of society, 100; social, a requisite to power, 107 ; narrowness of, in egotism, 183 ; essential to good- ness, 359 Imitation, 14 ff ; in children, 19 ff; not mechanical, 23 ff ; by parents, 25 ; in relation to smiling, 47 f ; 64, 71, 262, 266, 271 ; the doctrine of objectionable, 272 ; 310, 337 Imitative instinct, the supposed, 25ff Immortality, self -feeling in the idea of, 155 Imposture, 318 ff Indifferentism, 389 Indignation, 239, 249 ff Individual, the, in relation to so- ciety, 1-13, 324 f, 393 ; as a cause, 321 ff ; and social, in morals, 342 ff Individualism, 4 ff, 8, 10 Individuality, Goethe's view of, in art, 33 Industrial system, effect of upon the individual, 118 f Insane, reverence for the, 314 Insanity, in relation to sympathy, 110 ; the self in, 229 f ; and crime, 387 ff Instincts, whether divisible into social and unsocial, 12 f Institution, ideal persons may be- come an, 369 Institutions, in relation to sym- pathy, 133 Intercourse, relation to thought, 61 Interlocutor, imaginary, drawn from the environment, 59 f Invention, 271 f, 337. See also Imitation Involuntary, the, why ignored, 30 f . See also Will Isolation of degenerates, 391 408 IKDEX JAMES, HENRY, 183, 236, 314 James, Prof. William, on social persons, 90 ; on the self, 138 ; 143, 27(5, 288, 359 Jerome, St., 154 Jowett, Prof. , 279 Justice, the sentiment of, 91 ; based on sympathy, 108 ; relation to love, 127 ; 236, 352, 366 KEMPIS, THOMAS A, 34, 128, 155, 214, 218, 220, 226 LAMB, CHARLES, 76, 192 ; literary power of, 306 Language involves an interlocutor, 56. See also Expression Leader, mental traits of a, 293 ff; does he really lead ? 321 Leadership, 108, 175, 283-325 Learoyd, Mabel W., 366 Lecky, W. H., 223 Leonardo, mystery of, 316 Likeness and difference in sympa- thy, 120 f Lincoln, 83 Literature, creative impulse in, 57 ; personal symbols in, 73 ff ; self - feeling in, 194 ; ascendency in, 303 ff ; mystery in, 315 Lombroso, Prof. Cesare, 229 Love, of the sexes, 121 f ; and sympathy, 124 ff; scope of, 126 f ; nature of, 127 ff ; Thomas a Kern- pis and Emerson on, 128 ; two kinds of, 129 ff; and self, 129 ff; 155 ff, 195 ; as a social ideal, 247 f; of enemies, 251; 309, 312 Lowell, J. R., 141 f, 265, 269, 402 Luther, Martin, 180 f, 318 Lying, in relation to sympathy, 110, 358 f M., a child of the author, 24, 27, 49,62ff, 157ff,166f,349ff Macaulay, physiognomy in his style, 77 Machinery, effect of, upon the work- man, 118 f Maine, Sir Henry, 264 Man of the world, traits of the con- temporary, 255 Manners, conformity in, 263 ; as an aid to ascendency, 319 Marshall, H.R, 331 Material bent of our civilization, 37, 402 Maudsley, Dr., on degeneracy, 381 Meredith, George, 182 Michelangelo, 76, 310, 353 Middle Ages, suggestibility in the, 36 Milieu, power of the, 34 ff Milton, 73 Moltke, silence of, 315 Monasti cism, in relation to the self, 222 f, 227 f Montaigne, on the need to com- municate, 56 ; 76, 191, 192 Moore, K. C., on the smiling of infants, 46 Morality, traditionary, 338 ff. See also Conscience, Right Motley, J. L.,73f Murder, 386 Music, sensuous mystery of, 317 Mystery, a factor in ascendency, 312 ff NANSEN, 269 Napoleon, how we know him, 86 ; ascendency of, 296 ; place in his- tory, 324 New Testament, 142, 215, 245 Nirvana, the ideal of disinterested love, 130 Non-conformity, 262 ff Non-resistance, doctrine of, 245 ff Norsemen, motive of, 273 Norton, Prof. C. E., 37 409 INDEX " ONE," use of , compared with "I," 192 f Onward, right as the, 334 ff Opposition, personal, its nature, 95 f; spirit of, 367 ff Oratory, ascendency in, 301 ff Organization, of personal thought, 51 ; effect of upon the individual, 115 ff ; or vital process, problem of, 333 Originality, 322 ff. See also Genius, Leadership, Invention Other-worldism, 222 PAINTING, personal symbols in, 72. See also Art, Expression Papacy, symbolic character of, 308 f Particularism, 4 Pascal, 218, 222 Passion, why a cause of pain, 253 f ; influence upon idea of right, 330 f Pater, Walter, 304 Patten, Prof. Simon N., 244 Paul, St., 218 Perez, Dr. B., 46 ; on the eye, 62 f.; 232,350 Personal authority, influence upon sense of right, 353 ff Personal character, interpretation of, 67, 70 Personal ideas, 62 ff ; sensuous nu- cleus of, 69 ff; sentiment their chief content, 81 ff, 104 ; com- pared to a system of lights, 97 f ; affect the physical organism,99 f ; affect the sense of right, 348 ff Personal symbols in art and litera- ture, 71 ff Persons, real and imaginary, in- separable, 60 f; incorporeal, t.heir social reality, 88 ; social, inter- penetrate one another, 90 ff ; ideal, as factors in conscience, 362 ff; ideal, of religion, 280 ff, 368ff Philanthropy, motive of, 269 f Pioneer, self -feeling of the, 268 Pity, is it altruism ? 94 f ; relation to sympathy, 102 f; 238 Power, based on sympathy, 107 f ; idea of, 290 ; advantage of visible forms of, 291 f. See also Ascen- dency Prayer, as personal intercourse, 357 Pretence, contempt of, in America, 300 Prevention of degeneracy, 390 f Preyer, W., 27, 46 Pride, 199 ff Primitive individualism, 10 Principle, moral, 338 f Process, social, imitation, etc., as, 272 ; vital, problem of, 333 Processes, social, reflected in sym- pathy, 119 ff Progress, relation of, to freedom, 396 Publicity, moral effect of, 356 ff Punishment, 252, 384, 390 B., a child of the author, 21 ff, 28, 49 f, 51, 53, 158 ff, 341, 351 Rational, right as the, 326 ff Recapitulation theory of mental development, 21 Refinement, as affecting hostility, 237 Religion, suggestibility in, 42, 43 ; self-feeling of founders of, 181 ; self -discipline in, 214f,219ff; as hero-worship, 280 ff; mediaeval, 309 ; mystery hi, 317 ; ideal per- sons of, 368 ff Remorse, 253, 329, 368, 385 f Repentance, 368 Resentment, 199, 212, 237 ff Resistance, imaginative, 245 ff Responsibility, in crime, etc., 388 t Right, baaed on sympathy, 108 ff; relation to egotism, 184 ; to the 410 INDEX self in general, 189 ; social stand- ards of, as affecting hostility, 356 ff; as the rational, 326 ff; conscience the final test of, 333 f ; as the onward, 334 ff; as habit, 337 ff, 348 ; as a phase of the self, 342 f ; the social as opposed to the sensual, 347 f ; action of per- sonal ideas in forming the sense of, 348 ff; as a microcosm of character, 353; reflects a social group, 360 ff; and wrong, 372 ff; idea of, 377 ; freedom as, 393 ff Riis, Jacob A., 361 Rivalry, 274 ff Roget's " Thesaurus," 198 Roman Empire, 312, 399 Rousseau, 237, 260 Rule of conduct, Marshall's, 331 Ruskin, 317 Russia, 399 SAKITY, based on sympathy, 110 Savonarola, physiognomy of, 314 Schiller, 113, 121 Science, and faith, 308; cant of, 320 ; moral, limits of, 334 ; physi- cal, 402 Sculpture, personal symbols in, 72 f Seclusion, moral effect of, 358 Secretiveness, 59, 196 '' Seeing yourself," 367 f Selection, in sympathy, 122 ff Selective method of nature, 373 f Self, in relation to other personal ideas, 91 ff, 98 ; antithesis with "other," 115, 188 ff; in morals, 365 f; in relation to love, 129ff, 155 ff, 195 ; social, 136-231 ; ob- servation of in children, 157 ff; the narrow or egotistical, 185 ; every cherished idea is a, 185 ; reflected or looking-glass, 152 f, 164 ff, 175, 178, 211, 216 f ; influ- ence of upon conscience, 349 ff ; maladies of the social, 215 ff; transformation of, 224 ff; effect of uncongenial environment upon, 227 ff; 245,320; crescive, 335 ; ethical, 342 f; ideal social, 359, 366 ff Self-control, 254 Self- feeling, 137 ff; quotations illus- trating, 141 f ; of reformers, etc. , 181; intense, essential to produc- tion, 193 ff; control of, 217 ff; in mental disorder, etc. , 239 f ; in non-conformity, 267 Self-image as a work of art, 207 Self -neglecting, 195 Self-reliance, 294 ff Self-respect, 205 ff, 238 Self -reverence, 211 ff Self-sacrifice, 190, 836. See also Humility, Altruism Selfishness, nature of, 179 ff ; as a mental trait, 186 ff " Sense of other persons," 176 Sensual, as opposed to the social, 347 f Sensuality, 182 Sentiment, personal, genesis of, 79 ff ; is differentiated emotion, 80 ; in personal ideas, 81 ff ; rela- tion to persons, 83 ; more com- municable than sensation, 104 f ; moral, 327 ff; 389 Sentiments, as related to selfish- ness, 182 ; literary, 361 Seven deadly sins, 381 Sex, in sympathy, 121 f ; in the self, 171 ff Shakespeare, 11, 73, 76; on the genesis of sentiment, 80 f; 103, 106, 141, 145, 148, 188, 195, 210, 255, 282 Shame, fear of, 260 f ; sense of, 350 " Sheridan's Ride," 292 Sherman, General, 299 411 INDEX Shinn, Miss, 167 Sidis, Dr. R, 36 Sidney, Sir Philip. 83 Silence, fascination of, 314 f Simplicity, 174 Sin, 376, 381 Sincerity in leadership, 317 ff Slums, 379 Smiles, earliest, 45 ff ; interpreta- tionof, 64 f Sociability and personal ideas, 45- 101 " Social," meanings of the word, 3f Social faculty view, 11 f Social groups, sensible basis of the idea of, 77; relation of to the individual, 114 Social order, reflected in sympathy, 111 ff ; freedom in relation to, 397 ff Social reality, the immediate is the personal idea, 84 Socialism, 4 ff, 90 Society, and the individual, 1-13, 134 f , 324 f ; in morals, 342 ff, 393: is primarily a mental fact, 84 ; is a relation among personal ideas, 84 ; each mind an aspect of, 84 f ; the idea of, 85 ; must be stud- ied in the imagination, 86 ff; is the collective aspect of personal thought, 100 ; a phase, not a sep- arable thing, 101 Sociology, too much based on ma- terial notions, 85, 89 f, 98 ff; must observe personal ideas, 87 ff ; deals with personal intercourse in primary and secondary as- pects, 101 Solitude, apparent, 57 f Sophocles, 142 Spanish-American war, consoli- dating effect of, 293 Specialization, effect of, 115 ff Spencer, Herbert, on egoism and altruism, 92 ; nature of his sys- tem, 92 ; on progress, 399 Spencerism, 306 Stability and instability in the self, 200 ff Stable and unstable types of mind, 186 ff, 200ff,382f Stanley, Prof. H. M., 27, 138, 201, 214 Sterne, L., 194 Stevenson, R. L. , physiognomy in his style, 77 ; 88, 95, 192, 195, 260, 320,355 Strain of the present age, 112 Struggle for existence, as a view of life, 272 Style, the personal idea in, 73 ff ; what it is, 74 ; personal ascen- dency in, 303 ff Suger, the Abbot, 37 Suggestibility, 39 ff Suggestion, and choice, 1444 ; definition of, 14 ; in children, 19 ff; contrary, 23, 267; scope of in life, 29 ff Superficiality of the time, 112, 198 Symbols, personal, 69 ff ; in art and literature, 71 ff Symonds, J. A., 155, 169 f, 279, 317 Sympathy, or communion as an as- pect of society, 102-135 ; mean- ing of, 102 ff; as compassion, ' 103 ; a measure of personality, 106 ff; universal, 113 f; reflects social processes, 119 ff; selective, 122 ff ; and love, 124 ff ; a particu- lar expression of society, 133 ff; hostile, 160, 234 ff ; in leadership, 294 ff ; lack of, in degeneracy, 382; with criminal acts a test of re- sponsibility, 387 ff Sympathies, reflect the social or- der, 111 ff 412 INDEX TACT, 183 f ; in ascendency, 297 f Tarde, G., 15, 272 " Tasso," quoted, 122, 150 Tennyson, 129, 210, 287, 318 Thackeray, 76, 192 Thoreau, H. D., his relation to society, 57 f, 399 f; 157, 192, 195, 197, 235, 244, 270 Toleration, 264 Truth, motive for telling, 358 f Tylor, E. B., 42, 314 VANITY, 199, 203 ff Variation, degeneracy as, 374 f YOUTH, sense of, 128, 280 WAGNER, RICHARD, 76 War, hostile feeling in, 257; dra- matic power of leadership in, 291 f Washington, 83 Whitman, Walt, 192 Will, free, 4 ; individual and social, 17 ; popular view of, 18 ; is it externally determined ? 18 f , 32 f ; activity of, reflects society, 38 f William the Silent, 314 Withdrawal, physical, 219 ; imagi- native, 220 ff Wrong, as the irrational, 329 ; emphasized by example, 356; degeneracy as, 372 ff; idea of, 377 ; not always opposed by conscience, 385 f ; the unfree, 396 Wundt. on " Ich," 138 413 University of California SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY Return this material to the library from which it was borrowed. OCT017990 ocr ? '91 JAN 2> 1 WEEK LO UC SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY A 000175870 5