UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 
 AT LOS ANGELES


 
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 . 21. 17 pi
 
 ESSAYS 
 
 O N T H E 
 
 LIVES AND WRITINGS 
 
 O F 
 
 FLETCHER OF SALTOUN 
 
 AND THE 
 
 POET THOMSON: 
 
 BIOGRAPHICAL, CRITICAL, AND POLITICAL. 
 
 With fome Pieces -of ,'TfjoivjsoN's neve- befcre publiflied. 
 
 BY D. S. EARL F i B U C HA N. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 PRINTED FOR J. I? E B R E T T , 
 OPPOSITE BURLINGTON-HOUSE, PICCADILLY. 
 
 MDCCXCII.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 C5 
 
 INTRODUCTION, containing an mjioricai 
 1 1 
 
 >-3 of Liberty in Scotland. 
 
 The Life of Andrew Fletcher of Saltoun p. i 5s 
 
 s 
 
 Notes relating to the Family, and explanntory oftlx 
 t* Life of Fletcher p. 65 69 
 
 V- 
 
 Speeches of Mr. Fletcher en the Quejlion for the Set- 
 tlement of the Scottijh Croiun, delivered in the Scottijb 
 o^ Parliament, 1703 p. 71 174 
 
 /^^ Genius, Character, and Writings of 
 L "_. 'James Thomfon, the Poet : intended as a Bajis for 
 writing properly the Life of that truly excellent Man : 
 'with a poetical Addrefs to the Shade of Thomfon, by 
 David tuart, Earl of Buchan p. 175 280 
 
 > 
 
 j An Elegy ofThomfon's on the Death of his Mother : 
 
 M 
 
 ** from an Original, in the Poet's oivn Hand-writing t in 
 
 E the Collection of the Earl of Buchan 187 190 
 
 6 
 
 -^ 7 TZornfon's 

 
 vi CONTENTS. 
 
 Thomfon's Elegy on the Death of AJiman y the 
 Painter t from a MS. of the Author's own Hand-writ- 
 ingy in the Collection of the Earl of Buchan : with 
 Notes by the Earl -p. 190 193 
 
 A Song written by Thomfon in his early Tears; and 
 afterwards JJjaped for his Amanda^ from a MS. in the 
 Collection of the Earl of Buchan p. 193 
 
 A poetical Addrefs by Thomfon to Dr. de la Cour in 
 Ireland^ on his ProfpecJ of Poetry p. 194 
 
 A Letter from Thomfon to Mr. George Rofs, from 
 ^ mn Original in Lord Enchants CollecJion p. 198 2OO 
 
 From the Same to the Same - p. 200 203 
 
 A Letter from Thomfon to Mr. Lyttelton, after- 
 wards Lord Lyttelton p. 203 205 
 
 A Letter from Thomfcn to his Sjfter t Mrs. yean 
 Thomfon y at Lanark 206 2 1 3 
 
 A Letter from Thomfon to Mr. Paterfon, of the 
 Leeward I/lands . p. 128 234 
 
 An
 
 CONTENTS. vii 
 
 An Ode on the Death of Thomfon, by Mr. Collins. 
 The Scene on the Thames near Richmond p. 235 237 
 
 An Addrefs to the Shade of Thomfon, by the Rev. 
 Mr. William Thomfon, fometime of >ueen's College, 
 Oxford p. 238 
 
 Anniverfary of Thomfon 1 s Birth-day p. 239 
 
 Mr. Burns, the Air/hire Sard's Apology for not at- 
 tending the Anniverfary Meeting ; and his Addrefs to 
 the Shade of Thomfon p. 244 248 
 
 The Earl ofBuckan's Invitation to Sir 'John Sinclair, 
 of Ulbfter, to be prefent at the Feftival of Thomfon 
 
 p. 249250 
 
 Eulogy of Thomfcn, the Poet^ delivered by the Earl of 
 Buchan, on Ednam Hill y 'when he croiuned the Firjl 
 Edition cf the Seafons with a wreath of Bays, on the 
 22d of September, 1791 p. 251 260 
 
 A Letter from Tlomfon to the Sifter of his Amanda, 
 at Baih p. 260266 
 
 A flu*
 
 vizi CONTENTS. 
 
 A Humorous Epijlle of Thomfon's to a Friend on 
 Its Travels p. 267 273 
 
 A Letter from Thomfon to Mrs. R. the Sifter of 
 Amanda p. 273 278 
 
 A Poetical Parnphrafe on the following Verfe from 
 the Song of Solomon , " Turn away thine Eyes from me t 
 for they have overcome me" p. 277 278 
 
 Verfes addrefled to Mifs Young p. 279 280 
 
 N. B. THE Four laft Articles were received by 
 the Printer after all the others had gone to Prefs : 
 otherwife the Earl of Buchan's Eulogy on Thom- 
 fon, according to a natural Arrangement, would 
 have been introduced in the Conclufion of this 
 Volume.
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 ALTHOUGH I am fenfible 
 that the very found and fight 
 of the word LIBERTY has be- 
 come difagreeable, if not terri- 
 ble, to the fafhionable world in 
 Britain ; yet it is neceflary that 
 I ihould introduce the Memoirs 
 of Fletcher and Thomfon with 
 refle&ions on the principles, 
 manners, and temper, of the 
 times and countries in which 
 B they
 
 ii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 they lived, and of thofe that 
 preceded their appearance. It 
 is my purpofe to treat this fub- 
 je6l very briefly. 
 
 It naturally divides itfelf into 
 three parts; the Gothic, Puri- 
 tanical, and Philofophical ages: 
 under which three heads, with- 
 *out once mentioning the formi- 
 dable and profcribed vocable, I 
 ftiall endeavour to make it clear 
 and convincing to the meaneft 
 and moft obdurate capacity, that 
 political energy and fentiment 
 were never wholly fupprefled 
 in my native country. 
 
 i ift.
 
 INTRODUCTION, ill 
 
 ift. Political energy and fen- 
 timent eminently appeared in 
 the Gothic, by which I literally 
 denominate that age which was 
 coeval with the formation of mi- 
 litary governments on a feudal 
 bafis, by the nations or people : 
 that over-ran Europe in ages faf 
 beyond the aera of genuine hif- 
 tory, formed the ftates of Greece 
 and Italy, and afterwards in a 
 more barbarous ftate overfpred 
 and overpowered the Roman 
 empire, which had fprung from 
 the fame original. 
 
 But the fyftem of Gothic go- 
 B 2 vernment
 
 h INTRODUCTION. 
 
 vernment was permanent, and 
 we have it accurately delineated 
 by the mafterly hand of Tacitus, 
 in his Treatife on the Situation, 
 Cuftoms, and People of Ger- 
 many. 
 
 In this aera, which is of im- 
 menfe duration, I obferve po- 
 litical energy and fentiment ex- 
 emplified every where in the 
 equal rights of the holders of 
 the foil. 
 
 In countries and ages where 
 lands were cultivated by flaves 
 taken in war, or brought in- 
 to bondage by conqueft, there 
 could be no other citizens.
 
 .INTRODUCTION. v 
 
 Trade and manufaftures were 
 hot. 
 
 In fuch a pofture of fociety 
 fciences and arts could not 
 exift. 
 
 The proprietors of the foil 
 could not prote6l themfelves 
 without government; and go- 
 vernment requires a prince ei- 
 ther fmgle or complex, eleftivq 
 or hereditary. 
 
 Governments were therefore 
 formed varioufly, as contingency 
 or neceffity occafioned or re- 
 quired. Scotland, the country 
 to which my fubjeft directs me, 
 B 3 was
 
 vi INTRODUCTION, 
 
 was planted and governed in this 
 manner from the beginning. 
 
 The miferable natives who 
 preceded the Goths or Scythians, 
 were treated like the natives of 
 North and South America by 
 the Europeans; and, after fkulk- 
 ing and fcalping for ages in their 
 faftnefles, muft have atlaft yield- 
 ed to neceffity or reafon in their 
 obedience to the laws of the 
 ftrongeft. 
 
 In England, after the derelic- 
 tion of the Roman provinces 
 by the legions, the enervated 
 flaves of imperial Rome became 
 
 an
 
 INTRODUCTION. vii 
 
 an eafy prey to every hardy in- 
 vader. Veni, vidi, vici, is a 
 boaft no way honourable or 
 peculiar to Caefar, 
 
 The Saxons and Danes, to go 
 no farther, exemplified the motto 
 with a vengeance; and I (hall 
 allow the baftard of Normandy 
 to have been a King William, 
 and to have come over to 
 fave the miferable Englifh from 
 Dane -gelt, flavery, and arbitrary 
 power. 
 
 Great and big books have 
 been written to ftiew that En- 
 glifh law and liberty are as old 
 B 4 as
 
 viii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 as the country. I diflike big 
 books, and leave Lord Lyttelton 
 in porTeffion of the field. 
 
 If conftitutions of government 
 could be juftly held to admit of 
 no radical amendments, accord- 
 ing to the political gofpel of 
 Edmund, then the Gothic con^- 
 ftitution was as perfeft as pof- 
 fible. 
 
 But the rapid improvement 
 of fociety foon rendered it odi" 
 ous, unjuft, and ridiculous. 
 
 To overthrow it, however, 
 there was no people ; for the 
 king and the flaves were, in 
 
 fa6h
 
 INTRODUCTION. ix 
 
 faft, the only people, and the 
 nobility was the prince. 
 
 The king, therefore, with the 
 Haves, ajfumed the ftation of 
 the people, and crufhed more or 
 lefs in different ages and coun- 
 tries the prince, combined and 
 compofed of the great proprie- 
 tors of the foil. 
 
 This was accomplifhed by 
 exciting and quelling impotent 
 rebellions, by leaguing with the 
 clergy, eftablifhing free towns 
 and corporations, and by en- 
 pouraging trade and navigation. 
 
 James I. King of Scots, 
 
 was
 
 x INTRODUCTION. 
 
 was far advanced in this plan 
 when he was aflaffinated by the 
 Earl of Athol. He had gone fo 
 far to form a popular govern- 
 ment by encouraging the leffer 
 barons and the boroughs of 
 Scotland, and by the attainder 
 of the great earls, that he ufed 
 to joke with his Queen (the 
 great grand-daughter of Edward 
 III.) faying, " My dear, I hope 
 the day is not far diftant when 
 I may have the pleafure of 
 finding you in bed with all the 
 nobility of Scotland!" a brave 
 projeft for a patriot prince, and 
 
 worthy
 
 INTRODUCTION. xl 
 
 worthy of a more fortunate 
 iffue ! 
 
 A rich and powerful nobility 
 
 (alias an oligarchy) mujl foon de- 
 
 Jlroy the liberties of any people 
 
 among whom they are Juffered to 
 
 domineer, 
 
 It is neceflary to explain what 
 the King of Scots meant by all 
 the nobility of Scotland. 
 
 They were the Earls and 
 Lords of Regality. 
 
 Scotland never knew fuch a 
 monftrous order of men as Lords 
 of Parliament. 
 
 The Earls had no right to fit 
 
 in
 
 XH INTRODUCTION. 
 
 In the Parliament but by their 
 lands; but being chief magi* 
 flrates and judges in their coun- 
 ties, with regal powers, thefe, 
 with their territorial advantages 
 fpringing from the feudal fyftem, 
 rendered them truly formidable 
 both to the king and to the 
 commonwealth. 
 
 James faw the advantages 
 reaped in England by the crown, 
 in confequence of the formation 
 of a peers houfe of parliament, 
 and the power of calling up great 
 commoners by writ of fummons 
 to that houfe of parliament, and 
 
 wifhed
 
 INTRODUCTION. xlii 
 
 wifhed to adopt fo crafty an 
 example. 
 
 On the trial of Murdoch, 
 Duke of Albany, he eftablifhed 
 a precedent for what were 
 called Barons of Baron-rent, 
 to be called Lords and Nobles, 
 and to fit with precedence in 
 the parliament by royal charter 
 of lands, ere&ing eftates into 
 earldoms or baronies, uncon- 
 nefted with the ancient earl- 
 doms or county palatines of 
 the kingdom ; and, then, by the 
 eleflion of certain members of 
 parliament, for preparing the 
 
 laws
 
 *iv INTRODUCTION. 
 
 laws or als, who were called the 
 Lords of the Articles, chofen from 
 the earls, barons of baron-rent, 
 and the great officers of the ftate, 
 he contrived to quaih or pre* 
 vent motions that were adverfe 
 to the intereft of the crown *. 
 
 I blufh to repeat the ABC 
 of the political hiftory of Bri- 
 tain ; but as I have not met with 
 a fhort efience of it in any of 
 our modern novels, I hope I 
 may be excufed, at leaft, by 
 ladies and gentlemen who fel^ 
 dom turn over unwieldy vo* 
 
 * See Burners Hiftory of his Own Times. 
 
 lumes.
 
 INTRODUCTION. XT 
 
 lumes. Thvis the creation of a 
 tiers etat, or, of the weight of the 
 people in the political balance, 
 as is well obferved in Captain 
 Newte's admirable Tour in Scot- 
 land, was not the work of pa- 
 triots, but of kings. In Sir Wil- 
 liam Wallace, the Tell of Scot- 
 land, we have a precious unique 
 in the Gothic age of Scottiih 
 political energy and fentiment 
 and had Scotland belonged by 
 hereditary claims to England or 
 France, he would probably have 
 engaged his countrymen to have 
 formed a republic like the Swifs. 
 
 He
 
 xvi INTRODUCTION. 
 
 He was envied and hated by thef 
 earls and great barons of Scot- 
 land; and by their treachery he 
 fell a martyr to the independen- 
 cy and liberties of his country. 
 It is in vain to fearch for the 
 moral and rational principles 
 of government in the military 
 Gothic age: in thofe wretched 
 times men had no civic union, 
 no proper interchange of poli- 
 tical fentiment* Fixed, or rather 
 chained as they were to the foil 
 of their matters, the people were 
 without collifion of fentiment; 
 had no organized focieties for 
 
 the
 
 INTRODUCTION, 
 
 the contemplation of common 
 interefts; no high roads, no pofts, 
 no printing-preffes ! What is man 
 in fuch a fituation, but the ma- 
 chine of regal or princely am- 
 bition and luxury! 
 
 II. I come now to confider 
 the puritanical age of political 
 energy and fentiment* Nothing 
 could have been more fortunate 
 for mankind, than the deftruc- 
 tion of the degraded Greek em- 
 pire by the Turks, fo foon after 
 the diflemination of the doc- 
 trines of Wickliffe, and the re- 
 formers of the church of Rome. 
 C It
 
 xviii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 It gave Europe philofopherSj 
 and teacherSj and men of learn-* 
 ing, Greek, and fenfe, and fpirit- 
 Human genius and fentiment 
 are always moft agreeably ex- 
 cited by the contemplation of 
 misfortunes. We naturally attach 
 ourfelves to the fide of the lofer 
 of a cortteft. The ftruggles for 
 liberty in Greece and Italy, re-* 
 corded fo eloquently by the 
 Greek and Roman daffies, im- 
 bued the minds of youth, and 
 excited the feelings of the aged 
 with the ardour of political fen- 
 timent. The people then began 
 
 to
 
 INTRODUCTION, xix 
 
 to know truly what it is to be 
 a member of a free common- 
 wealth, to be a citizen: delight- 
 ful name ! beft of inheritances^ 
 bell of rights, not to be fur- 
 rendered, but with the life that 
 accompanies it! With thefe fub- 
 lime and heart-engaging affec- 
 tions, the ftudy of the Scriptures 
 of Mofes and the Evangelifts 
 in the living languages of Eu- 
 rope, and the confolation of 
 free agency in the choice of reli- 
 gious opinions, remarkably con- 
 tributed to the creation of new 
 political energy among all ranks 
 C 2 of
 
 xx INTRODUCTION. 
 
 of men, but particularly among 
 the middling and lower claries 
 of the people^ who by religious 
 controverfy were made, as it 
 were, artificial members of fo- 
 ciety, and felt the inexpreflible 
 and captivating delight of think- 
 ing and afting for themfelves, 
 and of touching and affefting 
 general fociety. The clergy, 
 irritated to madnefs by the dif- 
 folution of their magic fuperfli- 
 tion, and looking forward to the 
 total deftruclion of their profit- 
 able fable of the church, perfe- 
 cuted the thinking and reform- 
 ing
 
 INTRQDUCTION. xxi 
 
 mg people; and this laid the 
 foundation of that perception of 
 religious liberty, which imme- 
 diately conne6led itfelf with po- 
 litical liberty in Scotland fo ear- 
 ly as the reign of James V. and 
 in England towards the end of 
 the reign of Queen Elizabeth, 
 
 Buchanan arofe in Scotland 
 like the morning ftar, to an- 
 nounce the approach of philo-* 
 fophical day. 
 
 He was the father of whig- 
 
 gery as afyftem in Britain, if not 
 
 in Europe ; the Lord Bacon or 
 
 Newton of political fciencq and 
 
 C 3 fenti*
 
 xxii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 fentiment, by far the greateft man 
 of his age, as Napier was of his. 
 country, in invention : in as much 
 as political fcience is above all 
 others in real importance, with 
 refpeft to which we may fairly 
 fet down every other with an 
 adjeft of a " haud fimile aut fe-? 
 cundum." To women, fome how 
 or other, we have been indebted 
 from the beginning for fortunate 
 revolutions, faving in the cafe of 
 Lady Adam, and even that is 
 not carbonified by the ftrileft 
 theologians. 
 
 To the beauty, gaiety, and
 
 INTRODUCTION, xxiit 
 
 imprudence of Mary Stuart, the 
 daughter of James V. we are in^ 
 debted for the prefent Hate of 
 Britain, fuch as it is. Had Mary 
 been prudent, Scotland might 
 have become a Popifh monar^ 
 chy, England at beft would have 
 been under its old monarchy 
 (with proper addrefs), under the 
 Stuarts; and we fhould not have 
 had occafion to deprecate Gal- 
 lic freedom with the monftrous 
 infanity of modern Englifhmen; 
 but to deplore the want of it. 
 
 It were needlefs and fuper^ 
 
 fluous for me in this Iketch to 
 
 C 4 deli*
 
 xxiv INTRODUCTION. 
 
 delineate the minute progrefs of 
 puritanical patriotifm, from the 
 depofition of Mary Queen of 
 Scots, to that of her great grand ^ 
 fon James the Seventh of Scot^ 
 land, and Second of England. 
 
 In Scotland, even down to the 
 period of the union of the king- 
 doms and parliaments, the peo- 
 ple had no nerves for feeling 
 political fentiment) fave through 
 the medium of religion or iu- 
 perftition. 
 
 Give Sawney his Sunday's 
 minifter to his liking, and he 
 not who were minifters 
 
 of
 
 INTRODUCTION, xxv 
 
 of ftate. Even during the long 
 paper as well as cartridge war 
 in the laft century, we hear and 
 fee little in their afts or writings 
 that favoured in the leaft of 
 moral or political liberty. Every- 
 thing fmelt of the fcarlet lady 
 of Rome. There were Scottilh 
 Hampdens, but no Sidneys, Bu- 
 chanan and Fletcher alone were 
 elevated above the ages in which 
 they lived, and fhed a luftre to-< 
 wards thofe that were to fucceed 3 
 which will continue to mine 
 more and more unto the perfeft 
 clay. I glory in being the attire-^ 
 
 man
 
 xxvi INTRODUCTION. 
 
 man of the characters of fuch 
 figurative princes, and rejoice to 
 think that even in that humble 
 connection my name may be 
 handed down to diftant pofte-* 
 rity ! My anceftor Marr was a 
 favourite pupil of Buchanan's, 
 imbibed his fcienee and princi^ 
 pies, emd handed them down to 
 the race of the Stuart Erfkines. 
 I glory alfo, therefore 3 in pay^ 
 ing this family tribute to that 
 glorious pedagogue, 
 
 III. I proceed now with plea-' 
 
 fure to the age of philofophical 
 
 politics, which Thomfon, my 
 
 i favourite
 
 INTRODUCTION, xxvii 
 
 favourite bard, and the bard of 
 liberty, faw before his death, like 
 another prophet from Pi%ah, 
 faw and rejoiced ! 
 
 The al of parliament which 
 put an end to the heretable ju- 
 rifdiftions in Scotland, together 
 with the wife and prudent ad-? 
 miniftration of Archibald Duke 
 of Argyl, and Lord Milton, gave 
 Scotland a free avenue tp poli- 
 tical and civil exertion: the 
 land was fallow, and cultivated 
 by honeft and aftive hufband- 
 men, it prefently bore abundant 
 harvefts. It would be invidious in 
 
 my
 
 xxviii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 my own times to felecT; names for 
 enumeration and eulogy. They 
 whom I have formerly named 
 and celebrated will not be faved 
 from oblivion by my feeble ef-^ 
 forts. They would have lived 
 withcfut my encomium. Yet I 
 arrogate tc^myMf fome degree 
 of praife that I was taught, and 
 that I learnt how to difcriminate 
 tinfel from gold. Hume, and 
 Napier, and Fletcher, and Bu- 
 chanan, and Thomfon, will live 
 for ever. Can I enough regret 
 that Hume was a tory, and a 
 foolifh enthufiaft in fcepticifm ? 
 
 Yet
 
 INTRODUCTION, xxhc 
 
 Yet I will not attempt to touch 
 his immortality ; my {hafts would 
 but rebound from his feven-fold 
 fhield. To the divine influence 
 of the printing-prefs is the world 
 indebted for the reign of philo- 
 ibphy ; and to philofophy it owes 
 the principles of legiflation. 
 
 It is with infinite regret that I 
 cannot pretend to produce from 
 Scotland, during this halcyon 
 reign of philofophy, any great 
 chara&er fmce the death of Flet- 
 cher; for Thomfon was a retired 
 man, and quite out of the walk 
 of political eminence. 
 
 What
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 What could be expeled front 
 a country, where the hereditary 
 members of parliament were im* 
 potent, and fearfully quefiioned 
 each other on the diflblution of 
 a parliament, who were named 
 to be of the lixteeri reprefenta- 
 tives of the nobility of the coun- 
 try and nation? I beheld this in- 
 famous degradation of gentle* 
 men, for I will not fpeak of 
 noblemen, with difgufL I called 
 upon the electors to roufe from 
 their baneful lethargy; and they 
 thought I was about to raife a 
 third rebellion. Yet I perfe* 
 
 VerecL
 
 INTRODUCTION, xxxi 
 
 vered. By and by they began 
 to leap the fold: they found 
 their account in it; and they 
 alfo perfevered. But I will fay 
 no more about them : liberty, 
 and Buchanan, and Fletcher, and 
 Thomfon, are better themes, or 
 at leaft better fuited to my hum- 
 ble genius, 
 
 I flop rather to enquire con- 
 cerning the comparative ftate of 
 Britainj in this philofophical 
 age of political fentiment, with 
 France and other countries, that 
 have had inferior advantages. 
 
 Who but a clerk of the trea- 
 
 fury,
 
 xxxii INTRODUCTION, 
 
 fury, or a lord of the king's bed- 
 chamber, can contemplate this 
 parallel without regret? 
 
 It was in the laft war of 
 George II. that Great Britain 
 laid herfelf under the neceffity 
 of defending her wide-extended 
 dominion; and of aflerting her 
 claim to be the firft nation upon 
 earth. The conteft was bloody 
 and expenfive, but the end was 
 glorious The enemy proftrate 
 and breathlefs, empire extended, 
 honour maintained, peace eftab- 
 lifhed, and, like the fun rifing 
 after a ftorm, a young and na- 
 tive
 
 INTRODUCTION, xxxiii 
 
 live monarch holding the fcep- 
 tre, and afcending the throne, 
 amidft the acclamations of the 
 freeft and happieft people on the 
 globe. 
 
 Thefe acclamations are heard 
 no more. A fyftem of corrup- 
 tion, eftablifhed and digefted 
 early in 'this reign by a baneful 
 ariflocracy, has pervaded every 
 rank and order of men, till the 
 fpirit of the conftitution has 
 fled, and left only the caput 
 mortuum behind. The forms of 
 our government have out-lafted 
 the ends for which they were 
 D infti-
 
 xxxiv INTRODUCTION. 
 
 inftituted, and have become a 
 mere mockery of the people 
 for whofe benefit they mould 
 operate. 
 
 The prophecy of Montef- 
 quieu is fulfilled ; and nothing 
 can fave the country but the 
 fulfilment of the prophecy of 
 Franklin. What that prophecy 
 was, what this prophecy is, I 
 leave to the curious to learn. 
 What I have written, I have 
 written : futurity will determine 
 the truth of my own particular 
 predictions, and whether I am 
 to be remembered as a captious. 
 
 Cynic,
 
 INTRODUCTION, xxxv 
 
 Cynic, or a wife and Pythonic 
 politician. 
 
 To conclude : As I think 
 it unneceflary to delineate the 
 fpirit of the times in Europe 
 with refpeft to government, fo 
 I think it to be indifpenfably 
 required at my hands, that I 
 mould, with refpeft to Scotland, 
 deprecate the refufal of a militia 
 to my country, the neceffity for 
 which was fo eloquently fet 
 forth by my favourite Fletcher. 
 
 That I mould mark with my 
 
 blackeft coal the game licence 
 
 a6l, which is an infidious and 
 
 D 2 dan-
 
 xxxvi INTRODUCTION. 
 
 dangerous difarming of the 
 commons. 
 
 That I mould exprefs my ut- 
 ter deteftation and abhorrence 
 of the conduft of a firft mi- 
 nifter, who calling himfelf the 
 minifter of the crown, with 
 a treafonable audacity mould 
 dare to advife the diffolution 
 of a parliament, againft the 
 fenfe of a houfe of commons, 
 the only legal organ of the 
 voice of the people, let that 
 houfe be ever fo ill conftrufted. 
 and demand ever fo much re- 
 formation. 
 
 That
 
 INTRODUCTION, xxxvii 
 
 That I fhould loudly pro- 
 teft, that a parliament ought to 
 be allowed to die a natural 
 death. And, 
 
 That if a parliament, contem- 
 plating the foreboding, the omi- 
 nous imperfeftions of the con- 
 ftitution, mould on its death- 
 bed provide for a remedy by the 
 equalization of the reprefenta- 
 tion of the people, it would 
 prevent the dangerous concuf- 
 fion which muft undoubtedly 
 arife, and that quickly, from 
 their political franchifes being 
 brought to the level of fur- 
 D 3 round-
 
 xxxviii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 rounding nations with a violent 
 jerk. Let us not (faid my ad- 
 mirable preceptor and friend, 
 Adam Smith, author of the Ef- 
 fay on the Wealth of Natipns) 
 rafhry believe that Great Bri- 
 tain is capable of fupporting 
 any burden. 
 
 Let us confider what hold 
 we have now of the two Indies, 
 of Canada, and our other lu- 
 crative dependencies. A blow 
 may be ftruck, a blow will be 
 ftruck, that mall reach the vi- 
 tals of public credit, and it is 
 an event which nothing but 
 
 poli-
 
 INTRODUCTION, xxxix 
 
 political infanity can induce 
 public minifters not to provide 
 againft. But no provifion can 
 be made againft this event, ex- 
 cept that which has been point- 
 ed out by the finger of the 
 genius of Britain's welfare. 
 
 I will not offer incenfe to 
 the living, but to the dead : I 
 infcribe this and the following 
 fheets to the memory of Sir 
 GEORGE SAVILE, of Rufford 
 Hall, Member of Parliament 
 for the County of York. 
 
 D 4
 
 THE 
 
 L IF E 
 
 O F 
 
 ANDREW FLETCHER 
 
 OF SALTOUN. 
 
 Br D. S. EARL OF B U C H A N. 
 
 Among innumerable falfe, unmoved, 
 
 Unfhaken, unfeduc'd, unterrify'd, 
 
 Nor number, nor example with him wrought 
 
 To fwerve from truth, or change his conftant mind, 
 
 Though fingle. 
 
 PARADISE LOJT, b. v.
 
 J H E 
 
 L I F E 
 
 O F 
 
 ANDREW FLETCHER 
 
 DF SALTOUN. 
 
 WHEN I did myfelf the honour, 
 with the affiftance of the learned pro/- 
 feflbr Minto, to offer to the public an 
 account of the life, writings, and difcove- 
 rie$ of the inventor of the logarithms, I 
 pledged myfelf to attempt the biography 
 of Fletcher of Saltoun, and of John Law 
 of Lauriefton : but when I fet myfelf to 
 the work, I found it much more difficult 
 than I had imagined. 
 
 I confefs
 
 4 LIFE OF ANDREW FLETCHER, 
 
 I co-nfefs that ! am ambitious of perma- 
 nent reputation., and "loath to hazard even 
 the little I may have obtained in pro- 
 moting that of others, by obtruding on 
 the world what might be brought forward 
 by men of fuperior abilities. But, feveral 
 years having elapfed without my having 
 any profpedt of being anticipated, I have 
 yielded to the impulfe of my efteem for 
 the character of Fletcher. 
 
 I am afraid, however, that this monu- 
 ment which I endeavour to raife to the 
 memory of my patriotic countryman may 
 induce me to write too freely upon the 
 fubjects which excited my defire to per- 
 petuate his name : but whether I may 
 pleafe or offend the prefent little world 
 of the day, when I decently exprefs the 
 feelings of my heart, or the refult of my 
 reflections, it will give me little concern. 
 
 I am
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW FLETCHER* 5 
 
 I am the creature of a day, but not the 
 creature of the times. 
 
 In politics I would be a Diogenes; and 
 if patronifed by the great Alexander of 
 modern politics, whoever may affect that 
 character, I (hould defire him, as my only 
 requeft, that he would ftand out of my 
 light, that I might behold the beautiful 
 fabric of a free conftitution, undazzled by 
 the fplendour of power, and unintoxi- 
 cated by the opinion of the people. 
 
 Andrew Fletcher of Saltoun was the 
 fon of Sir Robert Fletcher of Saltoun 
 and Innerpeffer, by Catharine Bruce, 
 daughter of Sir Henry Bruce of Clack- 
 mannan. By his paternal defcent he was 
 of a family truly honourable, and by his 
 maternal, of the royal race of Bruce ; the 
 patriarch of the family of Clackmannan 
 having been the third fon of Robert de 
 Bruce, lord of Annandale, grandfather of 
 
 6 Robert
 
 6 LIFE OF ANDREW FLETCHER. 
 
 Robert de Bruce, king of the Scots* His 
 father was the fifth in lineal defcent from 
 Sir Bernard Fletcher of the county of 
 York*. He married Catharine Bruce in 
 the year 1 65 1 ; and his eldeft fon Andrew, 
 the fubjedt of my enquiry, was born in 
 the year 1653 t- 
 
 When he had the misfortune to lole 
 his father, he was but in his early youth, 
 and was deftined by his father, on his 
 death-bed, to the care of Dr. Burnet, 
 redlor of the parifh of Saltoun, after- 
 xvards bilhop of Salifbury, well known 
 
 * Sir Robert's father Andrew was one of the 
 fenators of the College of Juflice in Scotland, by the 
 ftyle of Lord Innerpefter. He was one of thofe 
 feven truly magnanimous Scots who, with David 
 Lord Cardrofs, protefted againft the delivery of 
 King Charles I. at Newcaftle, to the Englifh Par- 
 liament. He died 1650. MS. hift. of the family 
 J n my pofleflion. 
 
 f MS. hift. ut fupra. 
 
 by
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW FLETCHER. 7 
 
 by his political zeal and interefting writ- 
 ings. From Burnet he received, as might 
 have been expected, a very pious and 
 learned education, and was ftrongly im- 
 bued with erudition and the principles of 
 a free government, which were con- 
 genial to the family of Fletcher, and ef- 
 poufed by his mother, and by thofe who 
 had, with her, the charge of his nur- 
 ture *. 
 
 When he had completed his courfe of 
 elementary ftudies in Scotland, under the 
 care of his excellent preceptor, he was 
 fent to travel on the continent. 
 
 He was from his infancy of a very 
 fiery and uncontroulable temper ; but his 
 difpofitions were noble and generous f. 
 
 * MS. hift. ut fupra. 
 
 f MS. hift. ut fupra ; from which, where not dif- 
 tingifhed by other reference, I fhall draw all my 
 authorities. 
 
 He
 
 8 LIFE OF ANDREW FLETCHER. 
 
 He became firft known as a public 
 fpeaker and a man of political energy, 
 being commiflioner in the Scotch par- 
 liament for the fhire of Eaft Lothian^ 
 when the Duke of York was lord com- 
 miffioner, connecting himfelf with the 
 Earl of Argyll in oppofition to the t)uke 
 of Lauderdale's adminiftration, and the 
 arbitrary defigns of the court, which 
 obliged him to retire firft into England 
 to confult with Dr. Burnet, and afterwards, 
 by his advice, into Holland. He was 
 fummoned to appear before the Lords of 
 the Council at Edinburgh, which he not 
 thinking it prudent for him to do, he was 
 outlawed, and his eftate confifcated. 
 
 In the year 1683 ne > witn Robert 
 Baillie of Jervifwood, came into England 
 in order to concert meafures with the 
 friends of freedom in that country ; and
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW FLETCHER. 9 
 
 they, I believe, were the only Scotchmen 
 who were admitted into the fecrets of 
 Lord Ruflel's Council of Six. They were 
 like wife the only perfons in whom the 
 Earl of Argyll confided in Holland the 
 common meafures of the two countries, 
 which were then concerted with much 
 fecrecy and danger, for the recovery of 
 the conftitution and liberties of the Britifh 
 kingdoms. 
 
 Fletcher managed his part of the ne- 
 gociation with fo much addrefs and pru- 
 dence, that Adminiftration, though in no 
 refpect delicate as to the means of reaching 
 the objects of their jealoufy or refentment, 
 could find no pretext for feizing him, nor 
 could they fix upon him any of the ar- 
 ticles of impeachment for which Mr. 
 Baillie of Jerviiwood was condemned 
 and fuffered capital punifhment. Mr. 
 E Baillie
 
 ID LIFE OF AND.REW FLETCHER. 
 
 Bail lie was offered his pardon on condition 
 of impeaching his friend Fletcher ; but he 
 perfifled to the gallows in rejecting the 
 propofal with indignation. O noble, ex- 
 cellent, and truly worthy Scot ! May your 
 defcendants and your countrymen ever 
 remember and imitate your example ! 
 
 On Fletcher's return to the continent, 
 rinding no profpecT: of his fafe return to 
 Britain, he dedicated his leifure to foreign 
 travel, and to the ftudy of public law and 
 politics ; during which period of his life 
 I have fruitlefsly fought for letters that 
 might not only have traced him In his 
 various fituations, but furnilhed agreeable 
 and ufeful materials for his biography. 
 
 In the beginning of the year 1685 
 Fletcher came to the Hague, to affift at 
 the deliberations of the exiles from Bri- 
 tain, and particularly with thofe of his 
 4 own
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW FLETCHER. it 
 
 own country, with a view to promote the 
 caufe of oppofition to the arbitrary mea- 
 fures of James II : but it does not appear 
 that he poflefled much of the confidence 
 of the party. He was unaccommodating, 
 and ran extravagantly on the project of 
 fetting up a commonwealth in Scotland, 
 or at leaft a monarchy fo limited as 
 hardly to bear any refemblance to a king- 
 dom. His foul was fired with the re- 
 collection of the great fpirits that had been 
 raifed by the Greek republics, and, like 
 all men of great abilities, he wifhed for 
 that ftate of things which might mark 
 the fuperiority of his own talents, and 
 give full exercife to his popular powers. 
 Argyll's expedition concerted at that time 
 with Monmouth and the party was the 
 moft inviting to Fletcher ; but being dif- 
 fatisfied with the plan of operations, and 
 2 his
 
 li LIFE of ANDREXV FLETCHER. 
 
 his countrymen, who enjoyed Mori- 
 mouth's confidence, he went with the 
 Duke, who was the dupe of the ambition^ 
 and crafty Prince of Orange *. 
 
 Burner^ 
 
 * The ambitious and crafty Prince of Orange.] 
 It is with reluftance that I affix fuch epithets to a 
 prince who fcems to be, as it were, the idol of 
 whigs, who, in hyperbolifmg the immortal memory 
 of Old Glorious, feem to forget that he was a man, 
 and a politician. My grandfather and great-grand- 
 father came over with him at the Revolution ; and 
 I know that I am net without partiality to a- charac- 
 ter connected with the eftablifliment of what wd 
 call the Conftitution of the country, and with the 
 illuftnuiou of iny own family : but I cannot be blind 
 Jo his faults, nor do I think it would be conducire to 
 the eftablimrnent of a real conflitution of freedom 
 in the Britifh nation, that fuch blind neJ's fhould 
 
 continue among the people who wifh to arrange 
 
 themfelves under the banners of Britilh liberty. 
 
 That he was ambitious in the difngreeuble 'applf- 
 
 ' cation
 
 LIFE F ANDREW FLETCHER. 13 
 
 Burnet, in the Hiftoiy of his Own 
 
 Times, informs us that Fletcher had told 
 
 him, 
 
 cation of that epithet appears from his lulling the 
 {lumbers of royal fecimty in England, when he was 
 fanning the flames of infurreclion againft his father- 
 in-law in Holland : from his encouraging the mad 
 projecl of Monmouth to get him out of the way to 
 the throne, while he was giving good advice to 
 Tames that the invafion might be defeated. That 
 he was craftily ambitious, appears not only from 
 this double plot, but from his forcing his way to the 
 throne, inftead of accepting the regency, by intimi- 
 dating the chiefs who hai invited him over, with a 
 threat of returning to Holland, and leaving them 
 in the hands of an enraged bigoted monarch. That 
 lie was ambitious, crafty, and machiavelian, appears 
 from his having given inftruclions to take care of 
 King James, if he fliould remain at Rochefter, and 
 not be difpofed to leave the kingdom. Of the 
 wretched device to make the confidence of the 
 people with refpeft to the Queen's pregnancy, and 
 the Prince of Wales's birth, I (hall lay nothing. It
 
 14 LIFE OF ANDREW FLETCHER. 
 
 him, that Monmouth, though a weak 
 young man, was fenfible of the impru- 
 dence of his adventure, and hefitated till 
 he was urged by the party, moft of 
 whom were certainly in concert with the 
 Prince of Orange, and confidered him as 
 the only probable inflrument for dethron- 
 
 is the difgrace of the party, and ought to be buried, 
 if poflible, in oblivion. It is a dangerous as well 
 as a wicked thing for a prince to take fuch methods 
 of infuring fuccefs, as William himfelf afterwards 
 found, by the intrigues of the Princefs Sophia to 
 turn him out : the proofs of which intrigues King 
 William tied up together in a bundle, which was 
 found in his cabinet. They were feen in Lord 
 Rochford's hands while fecretary of ftate, were 
 afterwards in other hands that need not be men- 
 tioned, and were probably treated as heretics were 
 formerly, and as republicans are now wifhed to be 
 by fome other kings. The bundle was docketted 
 by William's own hand " Letters of the Princefs 
 Sophia to lurn me out,"
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW FLETCHER. 15 
 ing the king, and fupplanting William in 
 his views, if the attempt were delayed till 
 the Englifh nation ihould become defpe- 
 rate enough to overlook the doubts that 
 . Charles II. had confirmed by his declara- 
 .tion in council of the legitimacy of the 
 Duke of Monmouth*. So well was this 
 plot laid, that few of the party in Holland 
 joined in thefe expeditions, but waited 
 either in or out of the fecret, till they 
 hould fee the effects of the explofion that 
 was to bury poor Monmouth under its 
 
 * Thofe men urged Kim on to war and danger, 
 ty an appeal to his perfonal courage. They wiflied 
 in this manner to remove a dangerous rival out of 
 the way of the prince's arribition ; well-knowing that 
 if the people of England mould become defperate, 
 jhey might be induced to overlook the doubts of 
 Monmouth's legitimacy, which had been confirmed 
 by the public declaration of Charles II. 
 
 E 4 ruins.
 
 i6 LIFE OF ANDREW FLETCHER. 
 
 ruins. But Fletcher of Saltoun had neither 
 coolnefs nor fufficient political fubtlety to 
 conduct himfelf with a view to his own 
 private emolument. Fired by the hopes 
 of a revolution that, from the infignifi- 
 cancy of Monmouth, and the circum- 
 ftances of his birth, might produce a con- 
 ftitution of government in which his re- 
 publican talents might have full fcope, he 
 at firft fell in warmly with the fcheme of 
 Monmouth' s landing ; but afterwards, fuf- 
 pecYmg probably the intrigue of the Prince 
 of Orange, he wifhed it to be laid afide. 
 He told Bilhop Burnet (which fupports this 
 conjedure), that Monmouth was pufhed 
 on to it againft his own fenfe and rea- 
 fon, and was picqued upon the point 
 of honour in hazarding his perfon with 
 his friends. Monmouth landed at Lime 
 in Dorfetmire. Soon after their landing, 
 7 Lord
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW FLETCHER. 17 
 Lord Grey was fent with a final! party to 
 difperfe a few of the militia, and ran for 
 it ; but his men flood, and the militia re- 
 treated. Lord Grey brought back a falfe 
 report, which was foon contradicted by 
 the men, whom their leader had aban- 
 doned, coming back to quarters in good 
 order. The unfortunate Duke of Mon- 
 mouth was ftruck with this (fays Burnet), 
 when he found that the perfon on whom 
 he depended moft, and for whom he de- 
 figned the command of the cavalry, had 
 already made himfelf infamous by his 
 cowardice. He intended to join Fletcher 
 with him in that command * : but Flet- 
 cher having been fent out on another 
 party, engaged in a fcuffle, in which he 
 had the misfortune to kill the mayor of 
 
 * Burnet. 
 
 Lynn
 
 iS LIFE OF ANDREW FLETCHER. 
 
 Lynn againft the laws of war, in the fud- 
 den heat of paffion, on account of con- 
 tumelious language ufed to him by the 
 mayor, on reclaiming a horfe of his that 
 had been imprefled by Fletcher's party. 
 This unguarded, unfoldierly, and unjufti- 
 fiable at of violence, mufl have rendered 
 his future fervices on the expedition of 
 little confideration to Monmouth ; but it 
 was not the caufe of his leaving the little 
 army. The account given by Fletcher 
 himfelf of his general condud at. this 
 time to the late Earl Marihall of Scotland, 
 was, that he had been induced to join the 
 Duke of Monmouth, on the principles of 
 the Duke's manifeftoes in England and 
 Scotland, particularly by the laws pro- 
 mifed for the permanent fecurity of civil 
 and political liberty, and of the proteftant 
 religion, and the calling of a general con- 
 
 grefs
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW FLETCHER. 19 
 
 grefs of delegates from the people at large, 
 to form a free conftitution of government, 
 and not to pretend to the throne upon 
 any claim, except the free choice of the 
 reprefentatives of the people. That, when 
 Monmouth was proclaimed king at Taun- 
 ton, he faw his deception, and refolved 
 to proceed no farther in his engage- 
 ments, which he confidered from that 
 moment as treafon againft the juft rights 
 of the nation, and treachery on the part of 
 Monmouth. That, finding himfelf there- 
 fore no longer capable of being ufeful, he 
 left Taunton, and embarked on board a 
 veflel for Spain. That foon after his land- 
 ing he was committed to prifon ; and, on 
 the application of the Englim minifter at 
 Madrid, he was ordered to be delivered 
 up, and tranfmitted to London in a Spanilh 
 veflel, which was named for that purpofe. 
 
 That
 
 so LIFE OF ANDREW FLETCHER. 
 That one morning, as he was looking pen- 
 fively through the bar of his dungeon, he 
 was accofted by a venerable perfon, who 
 made fign to fpeak to him, Fletcher, look- 
 ing if any paffage could be found for his 
 efcape, difcovered a door open, at which he 
 was met by his deliverer, with whom he 
 pafled unmolefted through three guards 
 of foldiers, who were faft afleep ; and, 
 without being permitted to return thanks 
 to his guide, he profecuted his efcape 
 with the aid of a perfon who feemed to 
 have been fent for that purpofe, concern- 
 ing whom he never could obtain any in-^ 
 formation. That difguifed he proceeded 
 in fafety through Spain, where, when he 
 found himfelf out of all apparent danger, 
 he lingered, and amufed himfelf with the 
 view of the country, and with ftudy in 
 the conventual libraries j and having pri- 
 vately
 
 LI?E oii ANDREW FLETCHER. 21 
 
 vately obtained credit by bills upon Am- 
 fterdam, he bought many rare and curious 
 books, fome of which are preferred in the 
 library at Saltoun, in the county of Had- 
 dinton. That he had made feveral very 
 narrow efcapes of being detected and 
 feized in the coiirfe of his peregrinations 
 through Spain, particularly in the neigh- 
 bourhood of a town (the name of which 
 Lord Marfhall had forgotten), where he in- 
 tended to have pafled the night; but in the 
 fkirts of a wood a few miles diftant from 
 thence, upon entering a road to the right, 
 he was warned by a woman of a very re'- 
 fpe&able appearance, to take the left-hand 
 road, as there would be danger in the other 
 direction. Upon his arrival he found the 
 citizens alarmed by the news of a robbery 
 and murder on the road againft which he 
 had been cautioned. Some time after this 
 
 efcape.
 
 22 LIFE OF ANDREW FLETCHER. 
 
 efcape, Fletcher's active genius led him to 
 ferve as a volunteer in the Hungarian 
 war *, where he diftinguifhed himfelf by 
 his gallantry and military talents. But 
 the glory which he might have acquired 
 in arms, had he ferved long enough to 
 have obtained a command, he cheerfully 
 facrificed to the fafety of his country* 
 
 "Perfuaded that the liberties of Britain, 
 if not of all Europe, hung upon the ifTue 
 of the defign then in contemplation at the 
 Hague for a revolution in England, and 
 having learned that it had already attain- 
 ed a confiderable degree of maturity, he 
 haftened to Holland, and joined himfelf to 
 the groupe of his countrymen who were 
 attached to the interefts of the Prince of 
 Orange, moft of whom were refugees 
 from England or Scotland. Lord Stair, 
 
 * MS. ut fupra. 
 
 Lord
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW FLETCHER* 23 
 
 Lord Melville* Sir Patrick Hume of Pol- 
 warth, Lord Cardrofs, Sir Robert Steuart 
 of Coltnefs, Dr. Burnet, Mr. James Stuart, 
 afterwards lord advocate of Scotland, and 
 Mr. Cunningham, the editor of Horace, 
 and author of a Latin Hiftory of Great 
 Britain, which has been lately tranflated 
 by Dr. W. Thomfon, continuator of princi- 
 pal Watfon's Hiftory of Spain, and author 
 of feveral Philofophical Romances, &c. &c. 
 and publifhed by Dr. Hollingberry, one of 
 the prefent king's chaplains, were the Scots 
 with whom he was in the greateft habits 
 of intimacy *. With thefe gentlemen Flet- 
 cher 
 
 * Though I hold in fovereign contempt the infig- 
 nificance of modern anecdote, I fhall fet down in 
 this place fome particulars relating to thefe men, 
 that are chara&eriftic of their times and hiftorics, 
 that may not be unacceptable to the public. Sir 
 Patrick Hume of Polwarth, grandfather of the pre- 
 fent
 
 24 LIFE OF ANDREW FLETCHER. 
 
 cher aflbciated; but his political principles 
 were too high and refined, and his fenti- 
 
 ments 
 
 fcnt Earl of Marchmont, from his firfl appearance 
 in the Scotch parliament, in the year 1665, as mem- 
 ber for the county of Berwick, had diftinguifhed 
 himfelf by a noble fceal for the liberties of his coun- 
 try. He was the ableft man of the party in oppo- 
 fition to the adminiflration of the worthlefs Lauder- 
 dale \ and in the year 1675, when, according to the 
 defpotic fyftem of that fcandalous engine of the 
 court, the Scotch privy council, the houfes of perfons 
 difagreeable to adminiflration werejmade barracks of 
 for the troops, he had the fpirit ta bring a complaint 
 into the courts of juflice with refpect to the gar- 
 rifoning the houfe of Blanfe in Berwickftiire -, for the 
 exercife of which right he was brought before the 
 privy council, who declared him incapable, of all public 
 truft, committing him prifoncr to the common tol- 
 booth or jail of Edinburgh, where he underwent a 
 long and tedious imprifonment, from whence, upon 
 petition on account of ficknefs, he was conveyed to 
 the caftle of Dunbarton, and afterwards to Stirling 
 
 cattle,
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW FLETCHER. 25 
 
 ments were too Roman, or rather, as I 
 may now fay, too Gallic, and too much 
 
 in 
 
 enftle, where he remained fome years. When libe* 
 rated, he retired into England, where being in ftritl 
 habits of friendfliip with the friends of liberty, and 
 particularly with Lord Ruflcl, he found it necefiary 
 for him to go abroad on the breaking out of the 
 Rye-houfe plot, and lived fome time at Geneva, 
 from whence he went to the Hague, to concert 
 with his fellow-fufferers the meafures that were fol- 
 lowed by the expeditions of Monmouth and Argyll, 
 with the latter of whom he came over, and narrowly 
 efcaped being taken after the defeat of Argyll's 
 forces, taking flicker and lying in concealment in 
 the houfe of the Laird of Langmaw, and afterwards 
 in the aifle of the church of Polwarth, the buiial- 
 place of his family. All his food was brought t> 
 him in the night time by his eLleft daughter, then 
 only twelve years old. This place of concealment 
 liaving been difcovered, a party was fent to appre- 
 hend him. As the foldiers pafled near a gentle- 
 .-'* F man's
 
 26 LIFE OF ANDREW FLETCHER. 
 
 in the odour of philofophical politics, to 
 
 accept of the privilege granted by Jametf 
 
 the 
 
 marl's houfe in the. neighbourhood, who was friendly 
 to Sir Patrick, and to liberty, they were invited by 
 him, who knew their errand, to caroufe on his ale 
 and heft cheer j while he, aware of the danger of 
 writing, immediately fent a feather inclofed in a 
 bit of paper, as a fyrnbol of flight, to Sir Patrick ia 
 the aifle at Polwarth ; who, prcfently interpreting the 
 figure, took horfe, and fortunately efcaped and fled 
 into Holland, where he remained under the feigned 
 name of Brown, till he came over, with the Princff 
 of Orange at the Revolution. 
 
 Sir Patrick was born on the I3th of January 
 1641 ) appointed lord chancellor of Scotland May 
 2d, 16965 lord high commimoner, or lord lieutenant 
 of Scotland, 1,702. He died at Berwick on the ift 
 of Augufl 1724, in the 84th year of his age, highly 
 refpe&ed for his attachment to the liberties of his 
 country, for his virtue, religion, and learning. His 
 fon and heif Alexander, Earl of Marchmont, after 
 
 , . . a feries
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW FLETCHER. if 
 
 the Second's ad of indemnity to return 
 to his country and eftate, when under the 
 
 dominion 
 
 a feries of political fituations, not coming as one 
 does now-a-days from being a fchool-boy to be a 
 prime minifter, was our ambaflador at the congrefs 
 of Cambray in the year 1721; and his fon Hugh, 
 now Earl of Marchmont, made a brilliant figure in 
 the Houfe of Commons in oppofition to the corrupt 
 adminiftration of Sir Robert Walpole, and was after- 
 wards an ufeful member of the Houfe of Peers, yet 
 moft of all diftinguimed by his learning, and by 
 having been the friend of Pope, Swift, Atterbury, and 
 Arbuthnot. Party politics in England cannot fecure 
 permanent fame ; and I rejoice to think that my old 
 good friend, the friend of my father and grand- 
 father, has fecured his immortality by literature. 
 
 In his phiiofophic retreat at Hemel Hempfted, he 
 may perhaps deign to be flattered with my heredi- 
 tary regard. 
 
 Henry Lord Cardrofs, the fon of David Lord^ 
 
 Cardrofs of Dryburgh, &c. who protefted agajnft 
 
 F 2 he
 
 28 LIFE OF ANDREW FLETCHER. 
 dominion of difguifed defpotifm, fan&i- 
 fied by a venal parliament : fo that 
 
 when 
 
 the delivering up of King Charles I. at Newcaflfc, 
 had been trained, in the manner of his family, in. 
 the exalted principles of religion, liberty, and learn- 
 ing; and early joined himfelf to the oppofers of the 
 Duke of Lauderdale's adminiflration. For his lady's 
 hearing her own chaplain preach in her own houfe, 
 he was fined in five thoufand pounds, of which he 
 jpaid a thoufand ; and, after many months attendance 
 at court for procuring a difcharge of the overplus of 
 his fine, was finally imprifoned in the caftle of Edin- 
 burgh, where he continued four years ; while his 
 houfe of Cardrofs in Perthihire, immediately after 
 it had been repaired, and furniihed at a great ex-, 
 pence, was garrifoned to his great lofs and vexation. 
 And in June 1679, the king's forces, in their march to 
 the weft (the day before the Duke of Buccleugh came 
 to them), wheeled and went about two miles out of 
 the road, that they might quarter on Lord Cardrofs's 
 cilates of Kirkhall and Uphall, in Weft Lothian.: 
 
 After-
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW FLETCHER. 19 
 when Argyll, Sutherland, Melville, and 
 others had recovered their inheritances 
 
 in 
 
 Afterwards, having obtained his liberation, he went 
 to North America, and eftabliflied a colony in Caro- 
 lina, which was deftroyed by the Spaniards. He re- 
 turned, broken but not difpirited by misfortunes, to 
 Europe, and attached himfelf to the friends of liberty 
 in Holland. He raifed a regiment of dragoons, on 
 the Revolution, and was an ufeful commander under 
 M'JCay in Scotland, in fubduing the remains of op- 
 pofition there to the new government ; but died of 
 the effects of his fufferings, in the year 1693, ' m tne 
 43d year of his age. Concerning Sir Robert Steuart 
 of Coltnefs, there is an anecdote fo hiftorically cu- 
 rious, that I cannot pafs him over without notice, 
 though he was a perfon of no extraordinary emi- 
 nence. In the end of the year 1686, when the 
 bufinefs of the Teft was in agitation, William Penn 
 was employed at the court of the Prince of Orange, 
 "to reconcile the Stadtholder to the views of his 
 father-in-law. Penn became acquainted with mod 
 F 3 of
 
 30 LIFE OF ANDREW FLETCHER. 
 
 in the year 1686, he chofe rather to re- 
 main in exile than to accept of liberty 
 
 as 
 
 of the Scotch fugitives, and, among the reft, with 
 Sir Robert Steuart, and his brother James, who 
 wrote the famous Anfwer to Fagel's Memorial, and 
 will be mentioned more particularly hereafter : and 
 finding that the violence of their zeal readied little 
 farther than the enjoyment of their religious liberty, 
 on his return to London he advifed the meafure of 
 an indemnity and recal to the perfecuted Prefby- 
 terians, who had not been engaged in treafonable 
 afts of oppofition to the civil government. Sir 
 Thomas availed himfelf of this indemnity to return 
 to his own country ; but found his eftate and only 
 means of fubfiftence in the pofleflion of the Earl of 
 Arran, afterv/ards Duke of Hamilton. Soon after 
 his coming to London he met Penn, who congra- 
 tulated him on his being juft about to feel experi- 
 mentally the pleafure fo beautifully exprefled by 
 Horace, of the " Mihi me reddentis agelli." Coltnefa 
 fighed, and faid, " Ah, Mr. Penn ! Arran has got 
 
 my
 
 LIFE OP ANDREW FLETCHER. 31 
 
 fcs a royal favour ! Yet Alexander Cun- 
 ningham, the hiftorian, though a Whig 
 
 and 
 
 my eflate, and I fear my fituation is about -to be now 
 worfe than ever." " What do you fay, Gofpel P* (a 
 name Coltnefs had got at the Hague :) " You furprife 
 and grieve me exceedingly. Come to my houfe to- 
 morrow, and I will fet matters to rights for thee." 
 
 Penn went immediately to Arran. " What is this, 
 friend James," faid he to him, " that I hear of thee ? 
 Thou haft taken pofTeffion of Cpltnefs's eftate j thou 
 fcnoweft that it is not thine." " That eftate," replied 
 Arran, " I paid a great price for, I received no 
 other reward for my expenfive and troublefome em- 
 bafly in France except this eftate ; and I am cer- 
 tainly much out of pocket by the bargain." 
 
 " All very well, friend James," faid the Quaker ; 
 " but of this aflure thyfelf, that if thou doft not give 
 me this moment an order on thy chamberlain for 
 two hundred pounds to Coltnefs, to carry him down 
 to his native country, and a hundred a year to fub- 
 fift on till matters are adjufted, I will make it as 
 F 4 many
 
 ji LIFE OF ANDREW FLETCHER. 
 
 and friend of Fletcher, mentions this 
 conduct of Fletcher's as extravagant. It 
 was referved for this age of wonders to 
 exhibit the true principles of political 
 fentiment, unconnected with fuperftition 
 and perfonal attachment to kings or to 
 parties. 
 
 Fletcher made a manly, noble appear- 
 
 many thoufands out of thy way with the king." 
 Arrau inftantly complied, and Penn fent for Sir 
 Robert, and gave him the fecurity. After the Revo- 
 lution, Sir Thomas, with the reft, had full reftitution 
 of his eftate, and Arran was obliged to account for 
 all fhe rents he had received ; againfl which this 
 payment only was allowed to be ftated. This au- 
 thentic particular I received from my illuftrious 
 uncle, the late Sir James Steuart Denham, father 
 of the prefent worthy member for Clydefdale. It 
 ftrongly marks the keennefs of King James to facili- 
 tate his foolifli meafures in favour of his religion 
 and arbitrary power. 
 
 ance
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW FLETCHER. 33 
 ance in that convention which met in 
 Scotland, after the Revolution, for the 
 fettlement of the new government* In 
 Scotland the rights and liberties of the 
 people had been determined and fixed by 
 multiplied inftances of changing the order 
 of fucceffion, and attainting their fove- 
 Teigns for treafon againft the rights of the 
 people: and it is to Scotland and a Scotch- 
 man that the world is indebted for the 
 eftablimment of the philofophical and 
 logical principles of a free conftitution 
 both in theory and practice. George 
 Buchanan, the greateft man of his age, as 
 Well as country, eftablifhed, by irrefra- 
 gable arguments, in his treadle or dialogue 
 concerning the rights of the people of 
 .Scotland, the rights of all mankind ; was 
 the father of whiggery, and, what is 
 much .grander, the father of that fyflem 
 
 which
 
 34 I'iFE OF ANBREW FLETCHER. 
 
 which will one day verify the prophecies 
 of the Chriftian Scriptures, to the abafe- 
 irient of kings, and the deftrudion of 
 prieftcraft. 
 
 Raymond de Sebonde in France, the 
 friend of Montaigne, adopted the prin- 
 ciples of Buchanan in his Lettre fur la Ser- 
 vitude Volontaire, a beautiful little piece 
 publifhed by his friend, which being uni- 
 verfally read with the Eflays of Mon- 
 taigne, kept up the facred fire of freedom 
 in France, in the midft of folly and defpo- 
 tifm, till the progrefs of commerce, print- 
 ing, philofophy, and literature opened the 
 eyes of Frenchmen every where to difcover 
 that they were men, and ought to be 
 citizens ; that men were not born with 
 gold chains about their necks', with ftars 
 upon their breafts, or coronets upon their 
 heads ; that it is of the nature of kings 
 
 as
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW FLETCHER. 3.5 
 as hitherto conftituted, to confider their 
 interefts' as feparate from their nations, 
 and to watch continually like wolves or 
 foxes for their prey, in order to deftroy 
 the citizens committed to their charge ; 
 that it is neceflary, therefore, that they 
 ihould have only the power of obeying 
 the laws made by the people, w r ith that 
 of doing good ; but that the power of 
 doing mifchief, either by prerogative or 
 influence , ought to be taken away. Thefe 
 were the principles of Fletcher, principles 
 that feemed extravagant, difloyal, and 
 impracticable in his days ; but which are 
 now acknowledged almoft every where, 
 except in Spain, Germany, and England. 
 Thefe have ever been the principles pf 
 his biographer : but he will not ftoop to 
 examine the ravings of a fublime and 
 
 beautiful 
 4
 
 36 LIFE OF ANDREW FLETCHER. 
 
 beautiful apologift for tyranny and fuper- 
 ftition. 
 
 " A fairer perfon loft not heaven ; he feem'd 
 For dignity compos'd, and high exploit : 
 But all was falfe and hollow j though his tongue 
 Dropp'd manna, and could make the worfe appear 
 The better reafon, to perplex and dafli 
 Matureft counfels." 
 
 A man formed like Cicero for fmging 
 like a nightingale in a cage, to be kept 
 for the gratification of luxurious patricians, 
 now the friend of Pompey, and now of 
 Csefar, as it fuited the indulgence of his 
 inordinate vanity ; fond of words like a 
 fchool-mafter, and fond of trappings like 
 a filly little girl Jet out of a boarding- 
 fchool. I would indulge him with a copy 
 of verfes of my own compofition, written 
 in the ftyle of a madrigal upon my mif- 
 
 trefs's eye-brow. 
 
 " Moulding
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW FLETCHER. 37 
 
 ** Mould'ring and frail, to dufl the body tends, 
 And human greatnefs (tubborn fortune bends : 
 Fleeting and vain the ftoried urns arife, 
 And like a cloud the human vapour flies. 
 Vain are our bufts and portraits to retain 
 The foul's bright form, and light the lamp again : 
 By life alone the mimic form revives, 
 A Tully dead, a Tully yet furvives ; 
 Mortal by nature, endlefs in the kind, 
 Succeflive ages mew the kindred mind." 
 
 Fletcher ufed to fay with Cromwell 
 and Milton, that the trappings of a mo- 
 narchy and a great ariftocracy would 
 patch up a very clever little common- 
 wealth. Being in company one day with 
 the witty Dr. Pitcairn, the converfation 
 turned on a perfon of learning whofe 
 hiftory was not diftindly known. " I knew 
 the man well," faidFletcher: "he was here- 
 ditary profeflbr of divinity at Hamburgh. 5 * 
 44 ffe rcditary profeflbr !" faid Pitcairn, with 
 
 a laugh
 
 38 LIFE OF ANDREW FLETCHER. 
 a laugh of aftonilhment and derifiori. 
 "Yes, Dodor," replied Fletcher, " heredi- 
 tary profeflbr of divinity. What think 
 you of a hereditary king ?" 
 
 Having faid fo much upon the princi- 
 ples of Fletcher, I think it proper at this 
 juncture of political reform in Europe, 
 that I fliould guard my own expreffed 
 opinions againft popular misinterpretation 
 on a fubject of fuch great importance -to 
 the happinefs of my country. 
 
 I have ever thought it was a misfortune 
 to Britain that the Revolution was fol- 
 lowed by fo imperfect a fyftem of political 
 arrangement, and that it would have been 
 more conducive to the future happinefs 
 of the nation, if we had had to erect an 
 entire new fabric of a conftitution in the 
 prefent improved ftate of fociety, than to 
 clear out, patch, and buttrefs the edifice, 
 
 at
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW FLETCHER. 39 
 
 as has been partially done by the Con- 
 vention Parliament in the year 1689, by 
 the Bill of Rights, by the A<3 of Suc- 
 ceffion, by the Treaty of Union, by the 
 abolition of heritable jurifdictions and 
 feudal tenures, of perfonal flavery, the 
 confirmation and extenfion of the acl 
 of Habeas Corpus, the fecurity of the li- 
 berty of fpeech and writing, and of print- 
 ing, the fecuring private property againft 
 the claims and nullum tempus of the 
 crown, the abridgment of the powers of ; 
 the ecclefiaflical courts, the abolition of 
 perfonal flavery in Britain, the indepen- 
 dency of the falaries of the criminal and 
 civil judges and magi ftrates, by the Gren- 
 vilian law of elections, the exclufion of 
 tax-gatherers from the right of popular 
 fuffrage in elections of members of parlia- 
 ment, and finally by. the .declaration of 
 
 the
 
 40 LIFE OF ANDREW FLETCHER. 
 
 the rights of juries, as judges both of the 
 law and of the fact. 
 
 But as things are now fituated, Britain 
 mud be fatisfied to fall at lead a century 
 behind all other nations, that, like America 
 and France, have had the advantage of 
 erecting a constitution from the firft foun- 
 dations of jurisprudence, and of efcaping 
 the dangers that arife from dilapidation. 
 
 Had I a crazy old family manfion, I 
 fhould have been better pleaied that my 
 fathers had left me the taik of erecting 
 a new one, which I might have done 
 cheaper and better than patching the old ; 
 but having the manfion, I mould confider 
 well before I pulled it to the ground. 
 The conftitution of England, Scotland, 
 and Ireland admits of a great and a fafe 
 improvement, which will be foon de- 
 manded and obtained by the people, the 
 
 equalization
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW FLETCHER. 41 
 
 (equalization of the rights of election, and 
 the abolition of the rights of primogeni- 
 ture in private fucceflion. But I would 
 warn my countrymen againft every ap- 
 proach to hafty determination upon the 
 methods of repairing the old houfe, left 
 it fhould tumble about their ears. 
 
 When the fanatics, in the year 1567, 
 came to pull down the cathedral of Glaf- 
 gow, a gardener who ftood by, faid, 
 " My friends, cannot you make it a houfe 
 for ferving your God in your own way ? 
 For it would coft your country a great deal 
 to build fuch another*" The fanatics de- 
 fifted, and it is the only cathedral in 
 Scotland, that remains entire and fit for 
 fervice. Such, therefore, with refpect to 
 the Britifh conftitution, is the advice of 
 the gardener of* Dryburgh Abbey. I 
 reject the uniform as I do the principles 
 G of
 
 42, LIFE OF ANDREW FLETCHER. 
 
 of the Windfor Glub, nor will I give an^ 
 preference to that of Carleton-Houfej 
 where fenfe and reafon are out of the 
 queftion : but I unaffectedly write in fm- 
 cerity and truth, what I know to be con- 
 ducive to the tranquillity and future hap- 
 pinefs of a profperous and induftriousv 
 but corrupted and enervated people. 
 
 It was faid of Fletcher, that he wifhed 
 for a republic in which he himfelf fhould 
 rule by his popular talents ; but his temper 
 \vas unaccomodating: nor is there any 
 ground for fuppofing that his views in 
 any tranfadion were felfifh. He was 
 the contriver and mover of the act of the' 
 Scotch parliament to ftop any fettlement 
 of the crown until the conftrttition wasf 
 formed, and the rights of the people fe- 
 cured ; and his ipeeches on that occafion 
 will be found in this volume, full of 
 
 good
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW FLETCHER. 43 
 good fenfe, and of manly claflkal elo- 
 tjuence. 
 
 The Duke of Hamilton was fufpeded 
 of wifhing to embarrafs the fettlement of 
 the crown, with a view to favour the 
 -eventual pretenfions of his own family. 
 He went fecretly on board the fhip of 
 Van Aarfen Somelsdijke, the Dutch ad- 
 miral in the road of Leith, and pro- 
 pofed an union of Scotland and Holland 
 as one commonwealth* It may be guefled 
 who expected to be vice ftadtholder in 
 Scotland *. Nothing could be more na* 
 tural than the averiion the Scots felt to 
 be funk and loft in the great empire of 
 Britain ; and it was as natural for Hamil- 
 ton and Fletcher to foment this averfion 
 With different intentions, and from differ- 
 
 * Communicated by Somelsdijke to his relation 
 Lord Auchenleck, one of the fenators of the College 
 of Juftice in Scotland. 
 
 G 2 ent
 
 44 LIFE OF ANDREW FLETCHER. 
 
 ent motives. Lockhart of Carnwath, the 
 memoir writer, flattered himfelf that 
 Fletcher was a Tory, if not a Jacobite, 
 in his heart, becaufe he aflbciated with 
 Tories and Jacobites : but he did not re- 
 fled that the Tories and Jacobites were 
 then the country party j and that Fletcher 
 would hear more from them of the dig- 
 nity, independence, and intereft of his 
 country, and lefs about a king that in- 
 fpires a republican with no fentiment 
 but terror or diflike. This, I believe, 
 was the foundation for his being fufpected 
 of not being a true Whig at bottom ; for 
 Whigs and Tories were in thofe days 
 quite diftinct, diiliking and avoiding each 
 other, not mingled together as they now 
 are, to mare among themfelves the plun- 
 der of their country. 
 
 From the moft minute examination 
 
 of
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW FLETCHER. 45 
 
 of the records and memoirs of the times, 
 it fufficiently appears, that while others, 
 whether Whigs or Tories, were endea- 
 vouring to turn the Revolution in Britain 
 to the promoting of their own felfim pur- 
 pofes, Fletcher neither aiked nor ob- 
 tained' any emolument from the court; 
 but that he was continually attentive to 
 the intereft and honour of Scotland. 
 
 When an attempt was made, in the 
 year 1692,10 bring about a counter-revo- 
 lution, Fletcher's ruling principle (though 
 diflatisfied with King William) was the 
 good of his country. He ufed all his 
 influence with the Duke of Hamilton to 
 forget the eaufes of his difguft, and to 
 co-operate with the friends of a free con- 
 ftitution *. 
 
 * Vide Fletcher's Letter to the Duke. Dalrymple'* 
 
 Memoirs, 
 
 la
 
 46 LIFE OF ANDREW FLETCHER. 
 
 In every propofal for the happinefs. 
 and glory of his country, Fletcher was 
 interefted as if it tended to his own per- 
 fonal emolument and reputation. He was 
 the firft friend and patron of that extra- 
 ordinary man Paterfon, the projector of' 
 the Darien Company; to whofe merits 
 my kinfman Sir John Dalrymple has done, 
 the juftice they deferve, in the laft volume 
 of his interefting Memoirs of Great Bri- 
 tain, which, unable as I am to defcribc 
 with equal fpirit and ability the mare 
 Fletcher had in this bufinefs, I mall give 
 in Sir John's own words. 
 . " Ingenious men draw to each other 
 like iron and the loadftone : Paterfon, on 
 his return to London, formed a friend- 
 ihip with Mr. Fletcher of Saltoun, whofe 
 mind was inflamed with the love of pub- 
 i lie.
 
 LIFE QF ANDREW FLETCHER. 47 
 lie good, and all of whofe ideas to pro- 
 cure it had a fublimity in them. Fletcher 
 difliked England merely becaufe he loved 
 Scotland to excefs ; and therefore the re- 
 port common in Scotland is probably 
 true, that he was the perfon who per- 
 fuaded Paterfon to truft the fate of his 
 project to his own countrymen alone, 
 and to let them have the fole benefit, 
 glory, and danger in it ; for in its danger 
 Fletcher deemed fome of its glory to con- 
 fift. Although Fletcher had nothing to 
 hope for, and npthing to fear, becaufe he 
 had a good eftate, and no children ; and 
 though he was of the country party; yet 
 in all his fchemes for the public good, he 
 was in ufe to go as readily to the king's, 
 minifters as to his own friends, being in- 
 clifFerent who had the honour of doing 
 G 4 gpod,
 
 48 LIFE OF ANDREW FLETCHER. 
 
 good, provided it was done. His houfe 
 of Saltoun in Eaft Lothian was near to 
 that of the Marquis of Tweedale, then 
 minifter for Scotland; and they were often 
 together. Fletcher brought Paterfon down 
 to Scotland with him, prefented him to 
 the Marquis, and then, with that power 
 which a vehement fpirit always poflefles 
 over a diffident one, perfuaded the Mar- 
 quis, by arguments of public good, and 
 of the honour which would redound to 
 his adminiftration, to adopt the project. 
 Lord Stair and Mr. Johnfton, the two 
 fecretaries of ftate, patronifed thofe abili- 
 ties in Paterfon which they poflefled in 
 themfelves; and the lord advocate, Sir 
 James Steuart, the fame man who had 
 adjufted the Prince of Orange's declara- 
 tion at the Revolution, whofe^ fon was 
 
 marriedt
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW FLETCHER. 49 
 married to a niece of Lord Stair*, went 
 naturally along with his connections." 
 
 FROM this bufy period till the meet- 
 ing of the Union Parliament, Fletcher 
 
 * Anne Dalrymple, daughter of Sir Hugh Dal- 
 rymple, lord prefident of the Court of Seffion, was 
 married to Sir James Steuart of Goodtrees, baronet, 
 folicitor general for Scotland^ and by him was 
 the mother of the late learned and truly rjni- 
 nent Sir James Steuart Denham, author of the 
 Principles of Political Oeconomy ; and four daugh- 
 ters, the fecond of whom, Agnes, of elegant tafle 
 and genius., was the mother of all my father 7 ? 
 children, fome of whom inherit her abilities, the 
 ftrong natural parts and probity of the father, with 
 the tafte and brilliant imagination of the mother. 
 " Fortes creantur fortibus & bonis." If this com- 
 pliment to my brothers mail appear too ftrong, and 
 be blamed, I look for the reward of Proculeius 
 T " Notus in fratres animi paterni." 
 
 was
 
 o LIFE OF ANDREW FLETCHER. 
 \vas uniform and indefatigable in his par-. 
 Uamentary conduct, continually attentive 
 to the rights of the people, and jealous, 
 as every friend to his country ought to 
 />r, f their invafton by the king and his, 
 minifters for it is as much of the nature- 
 of kings and minifters to invade and de- 
 Jlroy the rights of the people^ as it it of 
 foxes and iveafels to rifle a poultry yard y 
 and dejlroy the poultry* AH of them 
 therefore ought to be muzzled^ 
 
 Fletcher was accordingly a flrenuous but 
 unfuccefsful advocate for a national militia. 
 His difcourfe on that important fubjed 
 written at this time, was not printed un- 
 til the year 1698. In this Difcourfe he 
 fays, what I wifli I had a voice loud 
 enough to be heard over all Britain and 
 Ireland, to rattle in the ears of the peo- 
 ple^-'' A good and effective militia is of 
 
 fuch
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW FLETCHER, 51 
 fuch importance to a nation, that it is the 
 chief part of the conftitution of any free 
 government. For though, as to other 
 things, the conftitution be ever fo flight, 
 a good militia will always preferve the 
 public liberty. But in the beft conftitu- 
 tion that ever was, as to all other parts of 
 government, if the militia be not upon a 
 right foot, the liberty of that people mufl 
 perifh. 
 
 " The Swifs," fays he, " at this day are 
 the freeft, happieft, and the people of all 
 Europe who can beft defend themfelves, 
 becaufe they have the beft militia." 
 
 * 
 
 What a reproach to the nobility, the 
 gentry, and to the people of Scotland, is 
 it not, that, attending to the dirty confi* 
 deration of pleafmg a fub-minilter of Scot- 
 land,
 
 ^a LIFE OP ANDREW FLETCHER. 
 
 land, they fhould have lately flinched 
 from forcing the Britifh legiflature to 
 make them free citizens, and to enjoy 
 the free ufe of arms in defence of their 
 own conftitution! 
 
 i Pudet hsec opprobria nobis, 
 
 Et dici potuifie, & non potuifle refelli ! 
 
 In the year 1703 we find Fletcher 
 great in the debates concerning the fix~ 
 ing the fucceffion to the crown of Scot- 
 land, in the event of Queen Anne's dying 
 without iffue; which he flrenuoufly and 
 fuccefsfully urged the parliament to deter-* 
 mine before they fhould think of granting 
 any fupplies to the crown. It was even 
 refolved, that the fucceflbr to the crown 
 after Queen Anne, fhould not be the 
 fame perfon that was King or Queen of 
 England, unlefs the jujl rights of Scotland 
 fhould be declared in parliament at Lon- 
 don, N
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW FLETCHER. 53 
 
 <km, and fully fettled independent of En* 
 glifli interefts and councils ; and what is 
 remarkable, that wife and excellent, but 
 ieemingly very ftrong rule of the French 
 conflitution, that the king or queen fliould 
 not have the power of engaging the nation 
 in war without the confent of parliament, 
 was determined upon by the parliament 
 of Scotland ; in the fupport and preparation 
 of which law, and others for the fecurity of 
 Scottifh freedom) Mr. Fletcher had a confi- 
 derable fhare, and had great influence by 
 the power of his fervent and manly elo- 
 quence. " Prejudice and opinion," faid he, 
 * govern the world, to the great diftreis 
 and ruin of mankind ; and though we 
 daily find men fo rational as to charm by 
 the difmterefted rectitude of their fenti- 
 ments in all other things, yet, when \Ve 
 touch upon any wrong opinion of theirs 
 
 with
 
 54 LIFE OF ANDREW FLETCHER; 
 with which they have been early pre- 
 poflefled, we find them more irrational 
 than any thing in nature^ and not only 
 not to be convincedj but obftinately re- 
 folved not to hear any reafbn againft it. 
 Thefe prejudices are yet flronger when 
 they are taken up by great numbers of 
 men, who confirm each other through 
 the courfe of feveral generations, and feem 
 to have their blood tainted, or, to fpeak 
 more properly^ their animal fpirits in- 
 fluenced by them* Of thefe delufions, one 
 of the flrongeft and moft pernicious has 
 been a violent inclination in many men 
 to extend the prerogative of the prince to 
 an abiblute and unlimited power. And 
 though in limited monarchies all good 
 ineii profefs and declare themfelves ene- 
 mies to all tyrannical practices, yet many 
 even of thefe are found ready to oppofe 
 
 fuch
 
 JLiFE dp ANDREW FLETCHER. 55 
 
 liich necefiary limitations as might fecure 
 them from the tyrannical exercife of power 
 in a prince, not only fubjecT: to all the in- 
 firmities of other men, but* by the tempta- 
 tions arifing from his power, to far greater* 
 This humour* has increafed greatly in 
 the Scottifh nation, fince the union of the 
 crowns in 1603 ; and the flavifh fub- 
 miflions, which have been made neceffary 
 to procure the favours of the court, have 
 cherifhed and fomented a flavifh principle. 
 I muft put the reprefentatives of the Scots 
 in mind, that no fuch principles were 
 known in this kingdom before the union 
 of the crowns, and that 720 monarchy iti 
 Europe was more limited, nor any 
 
 * Humettrj Scoto-Gallic^ fancy, whim. An op~ 
 prefled people can never know what the Englifli 
 exhibited of humour when they *werefree. 
 
 people
 
 56 LIFE OF ANDREXV FLETCHE^. 
 
 people more jealous of liberty than the 
 
 Scots V 
 
 Fletcher 
 
 * I David Stewart, Earl of Buchan, do throw 
 this gauntlet of Fletcher's down, in the prefence of 
 all England , and if any man (hall take it up, I will 
 try my ftrength with him ; but I will not argue with 
 women or priefts, till I (hall fee them leaving their 
 trenches of petticoats and fuperflition, and meeting 
 me on the fair and manly field of hiftorical know- 
 ledge. 
 
 Hume told the people of England the truth about 
 their old conftitution, and they called him a Tory. 
 I tell them that Hume was in the right, and I defy 
 them to call me a Tory. It was no rarity for the 
 Scots to dethrone a King for attacking the liberties 
 of the people. They difmifled Baliol becaufe he 
 fold his country j they difmifled Mary becaufe flie 
 meant to govern them like the France of the Guifesj 
 they brought in Bruce as the Prince of Orange of 
 Scotland ; and for the principles and practice I refer 
 to Buchanan's Dialogue de Jure Regrli apud Scotds. 
 
 There
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW FLETCHER. 57 
 
 Fletcher was by far the moil nervous 
 and correct fpeaker in the parliament of 
 
 Scotland, 
 
 There never was fuch a thing as- a peer of Scotland. 
 There were earls indeed, but they did not fit in 
 parliament in right of their earldoms, but in right 
 of their lands ; and there they were only on a par 
 with other proprietors of fiefs. James I. of the 
 Scots indeed attempted to introduce the Englifh 
 modes, and was murdered, like Caefar, by his kinf- 
 man j and James VI. by the ftatute 1587, introduced 
 the practice of the election of reprefentatives for 
 the freeholders -, but the nobility, as they were called, 
 not the peerage of Scotland, were ijio more than the 
 barons or freeholders, barons of baron-rent, who by 
 ufage retained their privilege of fitting in parliament 
 in right of their lands, which if they fold, they loft 
 their right of fitting, along with their pofleffions. 
 
 There was but one houfe of parliment: and is. 
 this, unfortunately for Scotland, the priefls had a 
 privilege to fit in right of their lands . But the Scots 
 had no notion of fuch a monflrous organ of power 
 for their king, as a, feparate houfe for his fervants 
 H and:
 
 58 LIFE OF ANDREW FLETCHER. 
 
 Scotland, for he drew his ftyle from the 
 pure models of antiquity, and not from 
 the grofler practical oratory of his con- 
 temporaries ; fo that his fpeeches and his 
 language will bear a companion with 
 the beft fpeeches of the reign of Queen 
 Anne, the Auguftan age of Great Britain, 
 far fuperior to the meretricious, inflated, 
 metaphorical ftyle of our modern- orators; 
 from which remark I muft fet down Mr* 
 Charles Fox, member for Weftminfter 
 in the prefent parliament, as a wonderful 
 exception. In many refpects Fox re- 
 
 and chaplains, to (lop the progrefs of laws in favour 
 of the rights of the people, before they fliould come 
 to receive the royal afient. As to the idea of a 
 perfect conftitution being to confifl of -three parts, 
 this was a trinity in which the Scots did not believe j 
 and they fatisfied themfelves with holding the doc- 
 trine of the unity, the majefty, and uucontroulable 
 power of the legislative authority. 
 
 - femblcs
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW FLETCHER. 5^ 
 
 fembles Fletcher; and may he clofe his 
 career fo as to deferve an equal chara&er ! 
 
 The irafcibility of Fletcher's temper, 
 and his high fenfe of honour, made him 
 impatient of the flighteft tendency to- 
 wards an affront. Lord Stair, when fe- 
 cretary of ftate, having let fall fome ex- 
 prefix ons in parliament, that feemed to 
 glance at Fletcher, he feized Stair by the 
 robe, in his place, and gave him the reply 
 valiant. Lord Stair was called to order 
 by the Houfe, and was obliged to alk 
 his pardon publicly. 
 
 Fletcher's fpeeches on the confideration 
 of the Treaty of Union being printed in 
 the following fheets of this volume, I 
 fhall only quote a paffage of Alexander 
 Cunningham's hiftory, relating to his 
 appearances on that important occafion. 
 ct Andreas Fletferus, ut qui patriam prius 
 Ha in
 
 6o LIFE OF ANDREW FLETCHER. '. 
 
 in libertatem vindicaret, bis fe in vitai 
 difcrimen intulerat, nunc vulnus infa- 
 nabile reipublicas inferendum, et Scotiam 
 veluti funere per fuos elatam, cernens 
 hoc tempore extremo, in dicendo effer- 
 vefcit, reginaeque miniftros vehementer in- 
 fetatur, et exagitat, nihil res domefticaSj 
 licet amplas, faciens. Sum qui illius vim 
 eloquentice, etiam in inimicitiis gerendis, 
 virtutem nimium efFerbuiiTe, & caufae 
 nocuifTe dicunt ; fed quid vetat JHhim in 
 funere matrls commoveri, aut civem fortem ' 
 in efferendam funere patriam, dolore gra-; 
 viter inuri, prsefertirn is qui reipublicse 
 commoda fuis neceffitudinibus femper- 
 potiora duxerat, mortemque pro patria 
 toties oppetere non dubitaverat ? Bu^ 
 ehanise etiam comes ejufq; patruus Joannes 
 Arelkinus ftreniie pro patria contende- 
 
 bant.
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW FLETCHER. 6r 
 .bant, nibil penfi cum Gallics faftionis ho~ 
 minibus habentes" 
 
 Fletcher (fays the anonymous author 
 of his character in Thomas Rawlinfon's 
 library) was fteady in his principles, of 
 nice honour, great learning ; brave as 
 the fword he wore ; a fure friend, but an 
 jrreconcileable enemy; and would not 
 do a bafe thing to efcape death. 
 
 He would not fubmit to be called either 
 Whig or Tory, faying, thofe names were 
 given andufed to cloak the knaves of both 
 parties* 3ravo ! 
 
 He had acquired the grammatical know- 
 ledge of the Italian fo perfectly as to 
 compofe and publifh a treatife in that 
 language; yet he could not fpeak it, as he 
 found when having an interview with 
 Prince Eugene of Savoy, and being ad- 
 H 3 crefled
 
 6i LIFE OF ANDREW FLETCHER. 
 
 drefled in that language by the Prince, 
 he could not utter a fyllable to be uhder- 
 ftood. In his perfon he was of low 
 ftature, thin, of a brown complexion, 
 with piercing eyes ; and a gentle frown 
 of keen fenfibility appeared often upon 
 his countenance. 
 
 To the memory of this extraordinary 
 man I have reared this monument. The 
 bodies of men are frail and perifhing : fo 
 are their portraits and monuments : but, 
 upheld by the power of the Creator, 
 the form of the foul is eternal. This, 
 cannot be reprefe'nted by ftatues or by 
 piclures, nor oth'erwife than by a con- 
 formity of manners. May whatever 
 was 'great and truly valuable in Fletcher 
 be for ever imitated by my countrymen, 
 and may the fplendour of his virtues re-
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW FLETCHER. 63 
 fled honour upon his family, and glorify 
 his kindred throughout all generations I 
 
 Ille ego qui quondam patriae perculfus amore 
 Civijpus oppreflis Hbertati fuocurrere aufim, 
 Nunc arva paterna colo, fugioq; limina regum, 
 
 Drybttrgh Abbey^ 
 July 14, 1791, 
 
 H 4
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 CONTAINING SOME ACCOUNT OF FLET- 
 CHER'S FAMILY; AND NOTES EXPLA- 
 NATORY OF THE LIFE OF FLETCHER. 
 
 JL HE family of Fletcher of Saltoun 
 defcends from Sir Bernard Fletcher, a fon 
 of Fletcher of Hatton in the county of 
 Cumberland. Robert, his fon, eftablifhed 
 himfelf in the county of Tweedale. An- 
 drew, the fon of Robert, was a merchant 
 at Dundee, in the county of Angus or 
 Forfar. David, the fon of Andrew, pur- 
 chafed the eftate of Innerpeffer in that 
 county, and married a daughter of Ogilvie of 
 
 Pourie,
 
 66 LIFE OF ANDREW FLETCHER. 
 
 Pourie, and by her had three fons, Robert, 
 Andrew, and David. Robert died 1613, 
 leaving fix fons: Andrew; James, provofl 
 of Dundee ; Robert, laird of Bencho ; Sir 
 George Fletcher of Reftenet in Angus- 
 fhire ; and two others, who died in infancy. 
 Andrew was knighted by James I. 1620 ; 
 the fame year he fucceeded his father in 
 the eftate of InnerpefFer. He bought the 
 eftate of Saltoun in Eaft Lothian, in the 
 year 1643, which had anciently given 
 title to the Lords Abernethy of Saltoun, 
 now reprefented by the Frafers of Cowie 
 and Philorth, Lords Abernethy of Saitoun. 
 He was one of the feators of the College 
 of Juflices in Scotland, by the title of Lord 
 Innerpeffer, as has been mentioned in the 
 life of his grandfon ; as well <as his noble 
 dhTent from the furfender 'of Charles I. to 
 the Engttm army at Newcaftle, with Lor4 
 4 Cardrofs
 
 APPENDIX. 67 
 
 i 
 
 Cardrofs and others ; who thought the 
 king deferved to be puhifhed, but not by 
 thofe to whom, he had entrufted the care 
 of his protection. 
 
 Lord Innerpeffer was the father of Sir 
 Robert Fletcher of Saltoun ? who was tfyc 
 father of the patriot. 
 
 With refpeft to Fletcher's character In 
 Forfaking the Duke of Monmouth at 
 Taunton, the following teftimony of Fer- 
 gufon, in a MS. quoted by Echard, in his 
 Hiftory of England, ought to be well 
 weighed and coniidered before Fletcher 
 be charged with unallowable defertion. 
 
 u The Duke of Monmouth was very 
 fenfible of his precipitous adventure into 
 England ; but fuffered himfelf to be over- 
 ruled, contrary to both the dictates of hi$ 
 
 judgment,
 
 68 LIFE 'OF ANDREW FLETCHER. 
 judgment, and the bias of his inclina- 
 tion ; for could he have been allowed 
 to have purfued his own fentiments 
 and refolutions, he intended to have 
 ipent that fumrrier in the court of 
 Swedeland. But from this he was di- 
 verted by the importunity of the Earl of 
 Argyll, and prevailed upon by the advice 
 and intreary of the Lord Grey and Mr. 
 Wade (contrary to the deftres of Mr. plet* 
 cbcr and Captain Matthews) to liaften 
 into England. To which I can fay (faith 
 Mr. Fergufon) I had the leaft acceffion of 
 any who were about the Duke of Mon- 
 mouth. Nor would the Earl of Argyll, 
 after his own ominous hafte, fet fail for 
 Scotland, till he forced a promife from 
 the Duke of embarking for England with- 
 in fo many days after. Which the Duke ? 
 rather than fuffer his honour to be ftained, 
 
 complied
 
 APPENDIX. 69 
 
 complied with as far as weather would 
 permit ; though he found the obferving 
 his word to interfere with his intereftj as 
 well as all the principles of prudence and 
 difcretion." My tendernefs for the ad- 
 mirers of King William, and my regard 
 for the illuftrious houfe of Campbell, will 
 not allow me to exprefs what I fufpect 
 in the whole of this tranfaction in Hol- 
 land. Argyll paid the amende honor- 
 able with a vengeance. And the defcen- 
 dants of Monmouth need not regret the 
 cowardice and perjury of Charles II. nor 
 the failure of poor Monmouth's attempt. 
 It is remarkable that the heir of Mon- 
 mouth is now the eventual heir general 
 of that very Earl of Argyll, who precipi- 
 tated the ruin of his patriarch. 
 
 SPEECHES
 
 SPEECHES OF MR. FLETCHER 
 
 On the qvfesTiox for tTic 
 
 SETTLEMENT 
 
 T M * 
 
 SCOTTISH CROWN, 
 
 Delivered in the Scottish Parliament, 1703, 
 
 MY LORD CHANCELLOR, 
 
 JL AM not furprifed to find an ac~l for a 
 fupply brought into this houfe at the be- 
 ginning of a felfion. I know cuftom has, 
 for a long time, made it common. But, 
 1 think, experience might teach us, that 
 fuch acts mould be the laft of every 
 fefTion ; or lie upon the table, till all other 
 great affairs of the nation be finimed, and 
 then only granted. It is a ftrange pro- 
 
 pofition
 
 72, SPEECHES OF 
 
 pofition which is ufually made in this 
 houfe ; that if we will give money to the 
 crown, then the crown will give us good 
 laws : as if we were to buy good laws 
 of the crown, and pay money to our 
 princes, that they may do their duty, and 
 comply with their coronation oath. And 
 yet this is not the worft ; for we have 
 often had promifes of good laws, and 
 when we have given the fums demanded, 
 thofe promifes have been broken, and the 
 nation left to feek a remedy; which is 
 not to be found, unlefs we obtain the 
 laws we want, before we give a fupply. 
 And if this be a fufficient reafon at all 
 times to poftpone a money-act, can we be 
 blamed for doing fo at this time, when the 
 duty we owe to our country indifpenfably 
 obliges us to provide - for the common 
 fafety in cafe of an event, altogether out 
 
 of
 
 ANDREW FLETCHER. 73 
 
 of our power, and which muft neceflarily 
 diflblve the government, unlefs we con- 
 tinue and fecure it by new laws ; I mean 
 the death of her majefly, which God in 
 his mercy long avert? I move, therefore, 
 that the houfe would take into confidera- 
 tion what acts are neceflary to fecure our 
 religion, liberty, and trade, in cafe of the 
 faid event, before any act of fupply, or 
 other bufmefs whatever be brought into 
 deliberation. 
 
 concerning offices , sV. brought In by 
 the fame member. 
 
 JL HE eftates of parliament taking 
 4 into their confideration, that, to the 
 
 * great lofs and detriment of this nation, 
 
 * great fums of money are yearly carried 
 
 I * put
 
 74 SPEECHES &r 
 
 * out of ifj by thofe who wait and dcpeflsJ 
 '* at court, for places and preferments in 
 
 * this kingdom : and that by Scotfmen, 
 
 * employing Englifh intereft at court, in 
 ' order to obtain their feveral pretenfions^ 
 
 * this nation is in hazard of being brought 
 
 * to depend upon Englifh minifters : and 
 
 * likewife corifidering, that by reafon our 
 4 princes do no more refide amongft us, 
 
 * they cannot be rightly informed of the 
 
 * merit of perfons pretending to places* 
 
 * offices, and penfions ; therefore our fo- 
 4 vereign lady, with adviee and eonfent 
 
 * of the eftates of parliament, ftatutes and 
 4 ordains, that after the deceafe of her 
 
 * majefty, whom God long preferve, and 
 
 * heirs of her body failing, all places and 
 4 offices both civil and military, and all 
 
 "* penfions, formerly conferred by our 
 
 kings.
 
 ANDREW FLETCHER. j* 
 
 * kings, fhall ever after be given by par* 
 c liament, by way of ballot.' 
 
 (: II. 
 
 My LORD CHANCELLOR, 
 
 W HEN our kings fucceeded to the 
 crown of England, the minifters of that 
 nation took a fhort way to ruin us, by 
 concurring with their inclinations to ex- 
 tend the prerogative in Scotland ; and 
 the great places and penfions conferred 
 upon Scotfmen by that court, made therti 
 to be willing inftruments in the work. 
 From that time this nation began to give 
 away their privileges one after the other, 
 though they then ftood more in need of 
 baving them enlarged. And as the col- 
 J 2 lections
 
 76 , SPEECHES OF 
 
 lections of our laws, before the Union of 
 the Crowns, are full of ads to fecure our 
 liberty, thofe laws that have been made 
 fmce that time are dire&ed chiefly to ex- 
 tend the prerogative. And that we might 
 not know what rights and liberties were 
 (till ours, nor be excited by the memory 
 of what our anceftors enjoy edj to recover 
 thofe we had loft, in the two laft editions 
 of our a&s of parliament the moft con- 
 fiderable laws for the liberty of the fub- 
 jedt are induftrioufly and defignedly left 
 out. All our affairs fmce the Union of 
 the Crowns have been managed by the 
 advice of Englifh minifters, and the prin- 
 cipal offices of the kingdom filled with 
 fuch men as the court of England knew 
 would be fubfervient to their deiigns : by 
 which means they have had ib viiible an 
 influence upon our whole adminiftration, 
 
 that
 
 ANDREW FLETCHER. jj 
 
 that we have, .from that time, appeared 
 to the reft of the world more like a con- 
 quered province, than a free independent 
 people. The account is very mort: 
 whilft our princes are not abfolute in 
 England, they muft be influenced by that 
 nation, our minifters muft follow the 
 directions of the prince, or lofe their 
 places, and our places and pennons will 
 be diftributed according to the inclinations 
 of a king of England, fo long as a king 
 of England has the difpofai of them : 
 neither (hall any man obtain the leaft ad- 
 vancement, who refufes to vote in council 
 and parliament under that influence. So 
 that there is no way to free this country 
 from a ruinous dependance upon the 
 Englim court, unlefs by placing the power 
 of conferring offices and penfions in the 
 parliament, fo long as we (hall have the 
 I 3 fame
 
 78 SPEECHES OP 
 
 fame king with England. The ancient 
 kings of Scotland, and even thofe of 
 France, had not the power of conferring 
 the chief offices of ftate, though each of 
 them had only one kingdom to govern, 
 and that the difficulty we labour under, 
 of two kingdoms which have different 
 interefts governed by the fame king, did 
 not occur. Befides, we all know that 
 the difpofal of out places and penfions is 
 fo' Considerable a thing to a king of Eng- 
 land, that feveral of our princes, fince the 
 Union of the Crowns, have wifhed to be 
 free from the trouble of deciding between 
 the many pretenders. That which would 
 have given them eafe, will give us liberty, 
 and make us iignificant to the common 
 intereft of both nations. Without this, 
 it is impoffible to free us from a depend- 
 ence ou the English court : all other re- 
 4 medics
 
 ANBREW FLETCHER. ff 
 
 medics and conditions of government will 
 prove ineffectual, as plainly appears from 
 the nature of the thing ; for who is not 
 fenfible of the influence of places and 
 penfions upon all men and all affairs? 
 If our minifters continue to be appointed 
 by the Englilh court, ancj this nation 
 may not be permitted to difpofe of the 
 offices and places of this kingdom to ba- 
 lance the Englifh bribery, they will cor- 
 rupt every thing to that degree, that if 
 ,any of our laws ftand in their way they 
 will get them repealed. Let no man 
 iy, that it cannot be proved, that the 
 Englifh court has ever beftowed any 
 bribe in this country. For they beftow 
 all offices and penfions ; they bribe us, 
 and are mafters of us at our own coft. 
 It is nothing but an Englifh intereft in 
 this houfe, that thofe, who wifh well to 
 1 4 our
 
 8o SPEECHES OP 
 
 ouir country have to ftruggle with at this 
 time. We may, if we pleafe, dream of other 
 remedies ; but fo long as Scotfmen muft 
 go to the Englim court to obtain offices 
 of truft or profit in this kingdom, thofe 
 offices will always be managed with re- 
 gard to the court and intereft of England, 
 though to the betraying of the intereft of 
 this nation, whenever it comes in com^ 
 petition with that of England. And 
 what lefs can be expected, unlefs we re- 
 folve to expecl: miracles, and that greedy, 
 ambitious, and for the moft part neceffi- 
 tous men, involved in great debts, bur- 
 dened with great families, and having 
 great titles to fupport, will lay down their 
 places, rather than comply with an Englifh 
 intereft in obedience to the prince's com- 
 mands I Now, to find Scotfmen oppofing 
 this, and willing that Englifh minifters, 
 
 for
 
 ANDREW FLETCHER. Si 
 
 for this is the cafe, fhould have the difpofal 
 of places and penfions in Scotland, rather 
 than their own parliament, is matter of 
 great aftonimment ; but that it mould be 
 fo much as a queftion in the parliament, 
 is altogether incomprehcnfible : and if an 
 indifferent perfon were to judge, he would 
 certainly fay we were an Englifh parlia- 
 ment. Every man knows that princes 
 give places and penfions by the influence 
 of thofe who advife them. So that the 
 queftion comes to no more than, whether 
 this nation would be in a better condition, 
 if, in conferring our places and penfions, 
 the prince mould be determined by the 
 parliament of Scotland, or by the minifters 
 of a court, that make it their interefl to 
 keep us low and miferable. We all know 
 that this is the caufe of our poverty, mi- 
 fery and dependence. But we have been 
 
 for
 
 8* SPEECHES OF 
 
 for a long time fo poor, fo miferable, and 
 depending, that we have neither heart noj? 
 courage, though we want not the means, 
 to free ourfelves. 
 
 III. 
 MY LORD CHANCELLOR, 
 
 A REJUDICE and opinion govern the 
 world, to the great diftrefs and ruin of 
 mankind ; and though we daily find men 
 fo rational as to charm by the difmterefted 
 rectitude of their fentiments in all other 
 things, yet when we touch upon any 
 wrong opinion with which they have 
 been early prepoflefled, we find them 
 more irrational than any thing in nature ; 
 and not only not to be convinced, but 
 obftinately refolved not to hear any reafon 
 againft it. Thefe prejudices are yet ftronger 
 
 when
 
 ANDREW FLETCHER. 83 
 
 when they are taken up by great num- 
 bers of men, who confirm each other 
 through the courfe of ieveral generations, 
 and feem to have their blood tainted, or, 
 to fpeak more properly, their animal fpirits 
 influenced by th,em. Of thefe delufions, 
 one of the ftrongeft, and moft pernicious, 
 has been a violent inclination in many 
 men to extend the prerogative of the 
 prince to an abfolute and unlimited power. 
 And though, in limited monarchies, all 
 good men profefs and declare themfelves 
 enemies to all tyrannical practices, yet 
 many, even of thefe, are found ready to 
 gppofe fuch necefTary limitations as might 
 fecure them from the tyrannical exercile 
 of power in a prince, not only fubjecT: to 
 all the infirmities of other men, but, by 
 the temptations arifmg from his power, 
 to far greater. This humour has greatly 
 
 increaied
 
 &4 SPEECHES OF 
 
 increafed in our nation, fince the Union of 
 the Crowns; and the flavifh fubmhTions, 
 which have been made neceflary to procure 
 the favours of the court, have cherilhed and 
 fomented a flavifti principle. But I muft 
 take leave to put the reprefentatives of 
 this nation in mind, that no fuch prin- 
 ciples were in this kingdom before the 
 Union of the Crowns ; and that no mo- 
 narchy in Europe was more limited, nor 
 any people more jealous of liberty than 
 the Scots. Thefe principles were firft 
 introduced among us after the Union of 
 the Crowns, and the prerogative extended 
 to the overthrow of our ancient confli- 
 tution, chiefly by the prelatical party; 
 though the peevifh, imprudent, and de- 
 teftable conduct of the prefbyterians, who 
 oppofed thefe principles only in others, 
 drove many into them, gave them greater 
 
 force,
 
 ANDREW FLETCHER. 85 
 
 jForce, and rooted them more deeply in 
 this nation. Should we not be afhamed 
 to embrace opinions contrary to reafon, 
 and contrary to the fentiments of our an- 
 ceflors, merely upon account of the un- 
 charitable and infupportable humour and 
 ridiculous conduct of bigots of any fort,? 
 If then no fuch principles were in this 
 nation, and the conftitution of our govern- 
 ment had greatly limited the prince's 
 power before the Union of the Crowns ; 
 dare any man fay he is a Scotfman, and 
 refufe his confent to reduce the govern- 
 ment of this nation, after the expiration 
 of the intail, within the fame limits as 
 before that union ? And if, fmce the 
 Union of the Crowns, every one fees that 
 we Hand in need of more limitations j 
 will any man act in fo diret an oppo- 
 fition to his own reafon, and the un- 
 doubted
 
 86 SPEECHES OF 
 
 doubted intereft of his country, as not 
 to concur in limiting the government yet 
 more than before the Union, particularly 
 by the addition of this fo neceffary limi- 
 tation for which I am now fpeaking ? 
 My Lord, thefe are fuch clear demon- 
 flrations of what we. ought to do in fuch 
 conjunctures, that all men of common in- 
 genuity muft be afhamed of entering into 
 any other meafures. Let us not then 
 tread in the fteps of mean and fawning 
 priefts of any fort, who are always dii- 
 pofed to place an abfolute power in the 
 prince, if he on his part will gratify their 
 ambition, and by all means fupport their 
 form of church -government, to the perfe- 
 cution of all other men, who will not 
 comply with their impofitions. Let us 
 begin where our anceftors left off before 
 the Union of the Crowns, and be for the 
 
 future,
 
 ANDREW FLETCHER. 87 
 
 future, more jealous of our liberties, be* 
 caufe there is more need. But I muft 
 take upon me to fay, that he who is not 
 for fetting great limitations upon the 
 power of the prince, particularly that for 
 which I am fpeaking, in cafe we have the 
 fame king with England, can act by no 
 principle, whether he be a prefbyterian, 
 prelatical, or prerogative man, for the 
 court of St Germains, or that of Hano- 
 ver ; I fay, he can aft by no principle 
 unlefs that of being a flave to the court 
 of England for his own advantage. And 
 therefore let not thofe, who go under 
 the name of prerOgative-men, cover them- 
 felves with the pretext of principles in 
 this cafe ; for fuch men are plainly for 
 the prerogative of the Englim court over 
 this nation, becaufe this limitation is de- 
 manded
 
 83 SPEECHES 01? 
 
 manded -only in cafe we come to have 
 the fame king with England. 
 
 Aft for thefecurity of the kingdom , brought 
 in by the fame member. 
 
 JL HE eftates of parliament confider- 
 
 * ing, that when it fhall pleafe God to 
 ' afflict this nation with the death of our 
 * fovereign lady the queen (whom God of 
 
 * his infinite mercy long preferve) if the 
 
 * fame fhall happen to be without heirs 
 ' of her body, this kingdom may fall into 
 
 * great confufion and diforder before a fuc* 
 
 * ceflbr can be declared. For preventing 
 
 * thereof, our fovereign lady, with advice 
 
 * and confent of the eftates of parliament, 
 6 ftatutes and ordains, that if, at the afore- 
 
 * faid time, any parliament or convention 
 
 of
 
 ANDREW FLETCHER. 89 
 
 * of eflates fhall be aflembled, then the 
 
 * members of that parliament or conven- 
 ' tion of eflates fhall take the adminiftra- 
 c tion of the government upon them : 
 
 * excepting thofe barons and boroughs, 
 
 * who, at the aforefaid time, fhall have 
 c any place or penfion, mediately or im- 
 
 * mediately, of the crown : whofe com- 
 
 * miffions are hereby declared to be void 
 
 * and that new members fhall be choferi 
 
 * in their place : but if there be no parlra- 
 
 * ment or convention of eflates actually 1 
 
 * aflembled, then the members of the cur- 
 
 * rent parliament fhall aflemble with alfr 
 
 * poflible diligence : and if there be no 
 
 * current parliament, then the members 
 
 * of the laft diflblved parliament, or con- 
 
 * vention of eflates, fhall aflemble in likd 
 4 manner : and in taofe two laft cafes, fd 
 
 * foon as there fhall be one hundred 
 
 K * members
 
 go SPEECHES OF 
 
 4 members met, in which number the ba~ 
 
 * rons and boroughs before-mentioned are 
 
 * not to be reckoned, they mail take the 
 4 administration of the government upon 
 
 * them ;: but neither they, nor the mem- 
 c bers of parliament or convention of 
 
 * eftates, if at the time aforefaid afTem- 
 4 bled, mail proceed to the weighty affair 
 
 * of naming and declaring a fucceflbr, till 
 
 * twenty days after they have aflumed 
 
 * the adminiftration of the government : 
 4 both that there may be time for all the 
 
 * other members to come to Edinburgh, 
 
 * which is hereby declared the place of 
 4 their meeting, and for the election of 
 
 * new barons and boroughs in place above- 
 
 * mentioned. But fo foon as the twenty 
 
 * days are elapfed, then they mall proceed 
 
 * to the publishing, by proclamation, the 
 4 conditions of government, on which 
 
 4 they
 
 ANDREW FLETCHER. 91 
 
 4 they will receive the fucceflbr to the 
 
 * imperial crown of this realm ; which, 
 
 * in the cafe only of our being under the . 
 4 fame king with England, are as follow. 
 
 1. ' That elections fhall be made at 
 4 every Michaelmas head-court for a new 
 4 parliament every year : to fit the firft of 
 4 November next following, and adjourn 
 
 * themfelves from time to time, till next 
 
 * Michaelmas: that they choofe their own 
 
 * prefident, and that every thing mail be 
 
 * determined by balloting, in place of 
 1 voting. 
 
 2. 4 That fo many lefler barons mail 
 
 * be added to the parliament, as there 
 4 have been noblemen created fince the 
 4 laft augmentation of the number of the 
 4 barons ; and that in all time coming, for 
 4 every nobleman that fhall be created, 
 
 K 2 * there
 
 9* SPEECHES OF 
 
 * there mall be a baron added to the par- 
 
 * liament. 
 
 3. ' That no man have vote in par^ 
 c liameht but a riobleman or eleded 
 
 * member. 
 
 4. ' That thfe king fliall give the fane- 
 
 * tion to all laws offered by the eftates j 
 
 * and that the pfefident of the parliament 
 ' be impbwered by his majefly to give 
 c the fanclion in liis abiehce, and have 
 
 * ten pounds fterliiig a day falary* 
 
 ^; * That a committee of one and 
 
 * thirty members, of which nine to be a 
 
 * quorum, chofen out of their own num* 
 4 ber, by every parliament, mall, during 
 ' the intervals of parliament, under the 
 
 * king, have the adminiftration of th 
 
 * government, be his council, and ac- 
 4 countable to the next parliament ; with 
 
 power
 
 ANDREW FLETCHER. 93 
 
 f power on extraordinary occafions to 
 
 * call the parliament together : and that 
 
 * in the faid council, all things be deter- 
 ' mined by balloting in place of voting. 
 
 6. * That the king, without confent 
 
 * of parliament, fhall not have the power 
 
 * of making peace and war ; or that of 
 4 concluding any treaty with any other 
 e ftate or potentate. 
 
 7. * That all places and offices, both 
 
 * civil and military, and all penfions for- 
 
 * merly conferred by our kings, fhall ever 
 c after be given by parliament 
 
 8. * That no regiment or company of 
 ' horfe, foot, or dragoons, be kept on foot 
 ' in peace or war, but by confent of par- 
 
 * liament. 
 
 9. * That all the fencible men of the 
 
 * nation, betwixt fixty and fixteen, be, 
 ' with all diligence pofHbJe, armed with 
 
 K 3 bayonets,
 
 94 SPEECHES OF 
 
 1 bayonefs, and firelocks all of a caliber, 
 4 and continue always provided in fuch 
 *. arms, with ammunition fuitable. 
 
 10. c That no general indemnity, nor 
 V pardon for any tranfgreflion againft the 
 
 * public, fhall be valid without confent 
 
 * of parliament. 
 
 ii.' That the fifteen fenators of the 
 4 College of Juftice fhall be incapable of 
 
 * being members of parliament, or of any 
 4 other office, or any penfion : but the 
 4 falary that belongs to their place to be 
 
 * increafed as the parliament fhall think 
 
 * fit : that the office of prefident fhall be 
 
 * in three of their number to be named 
 
 * by parliament, and that there be no 
 
 * extraordinary lords. And alfo, that the 
 4 lords of the juftice-court fhall be diftinft 
 4 from thofe of the feffion, and under the 
 ' fame reftrictions. 
 
 12. 4 That
 
 ANDREW FLETCHER. 95 
 
 12. * That if any king break in upon any 
 
 ' of thefe conditions of government, he 
 
 * mall, by the eftates, be declared to have 
 4 forfeited the crown. 
 
 4 Which proclamation made, they are 
 4 to go on to the naming and declaring 
 
 * a fucceflbr : and when he is declared, 
 4 if prefent, are to read to him the claim 
 4 of right and conditions of government 
 4 above-mentioned, and to defire of him, 
 4 that he may accept the crown accord- 
 1 ingly ; and he accepting, they are ta 
 
 * adminifter to him the oath of corona- 
 
 * tion : but if the fucceflbr be not prefent, 
 4 they are to delegate fuch of their own 
 4 number as they fhall think fit, to fee 
 4 the fame performed, as faid is : and 
 4 are to continue in the adrniniftration 
 4 of the government, until the fuccefTor's 
 4 accepting of the crown, upon the afore- 
 
 K 4 'faid
 
 96 SPEECHES or 
 
 * faid terms, be known to them : where- 
 
 * upon having then a king at their head,. 
 
 * they {hall, by his authority, declare them- 
 
 * felves a parliament, and proceed to the 
 
 * doing of whatever ihall be thought ex- 
 
 * pedient for the welfare of the realm. And 
 4 it is likewife, by the authority aforefaid, 
 
 * declared, that if her prefent majefty 
 
 * ihall think fit, during her own time, 
 c with the advice and confent of the 
 Deflates of parliament, failing heirs of her 
 
 * body, to declare a fucceflbr, yet never- 
 
 * thelefs, after her majefty' s deceafe, the 
 
 * members of parliament or convention 
 
 * fhall, in the feveral cafes, and after the 
 4 manner above fpecified, meet and admit 
 
 * the fucceflbr to the government, in the 
 
 * terms, and after the manner, as faid is. 
 *' And it is hereby further declared, that 
 ' after the deceafe of her majefty, and 
 
 ' failing
 
 ANDREW FLETCHER. 97 
 
 * failing heirs of her body, the foremen- 
 
 * tioned manner and method (hall, in the 
 
 * feveral cafes, be that of declaring an^ 
 
 * admitting to the government all thofe 
 
 * who fhall hereafter fucceed to the im~ 
 
 * perial crown of this realm i and that it 
 < mall be high treafon for any man tQ 
 
 * own or acknowledge any perfon as king 
 
 * or queen of this realm, till they are 
 
 * declared and admitted in the above- 
 
 * mentioned manner, And laftly, it is 
 
 * hereby declared, that by the death of 
 
 * her majefty, or any of her fuccefTors, 
 ' all commiffions, both civil and military-, 
 
 * fall and are vo}d ; and that this act 
 
 * mall come in place of the feventeenth 
 4 act of the fixth feflion of king William'* 
 
 * parliament. And all ads and laws, that 
 
 * any way derogate from, this prefent act,
 
 $S SPEECHES OF 
 
 * are hereby in fo far declared void and 
 
 * abrogated.' 
 
 IV. 
 
 MY LORD CHANCELLOR, 
 
 IT is the utmoft height of human pru- 
 dence to fee and embrace every favourable 
 opportunity: and if a word fpoken in 
 feafon does, for the moft part, produce 
 wonderful effects; of what confequence 
 and advantage muft it be to a nation in 
 deliberations of the higheft moment ; in 
 occafions, when paft, for ever irretrievable, 
 to enter into the right path, and take 
 hold of the golden opportunity which 
 makes the moft arduous things eafy, and 
 without which the moft inconfiderable 
 may put a Hop to all our affairs? We 
 7 have
 
 ANDREW FLETCHER. 99 
 
 have this day an opportunity in our hands 
 which if we manage to the advantage 
 of the nation we have the honour to re- 
 prefent, we may, fo far as the viciflitude 
 and uncertainty of human affairs will 
 permit, be for many ages eafy and happy. 
 But if we defpife or neglect this occafion, 
 we have voted our perpetual dependence 
 on another nation. If men could always 
 retain thoie juft impreflions of things 
 they at fome times have upon their minds, 
 they would be much more fteady in their 
 actions. And as I may boldly fay, that 
 no man is to be found in this houfe,' 
 who, at fome time or other, has not had 
 that juft fenfe of the miferable condition 
 to which this nation is reduced by a de- 
 pendence upon the Englifh court, I mould 
 demand no more but the like impreflions 
 at this time to pafs all the limitations 
 
 mentioned
 
 ioo SPEECHES op 
 
 mentioned in the draught of an ad I have 
 already brought into this houfe ; fmce 
 they are not limitations upon any prince, 
 who fhall only be king of Scotland, nor 
 do any way tend to feparate us from 
 England; but calculated merely to this, 
 end, that fo long as we continue to be 
 under the fame prince with our neigh? 
 Ipour nation, we may be free from the 
 influence of Englifh councils and minir 
 fters; that the nation may not he im- 
 poveriflied by an expenfive attendance 
 at court, and that the force and exercife 
 of our government may be, as far as 
 is poflible, within ourfelves. By which 
 means trade, manufactures, and hufbandry 
 will flourilh, and the affairs of the nation 
 be no longer neglected, as they have been 
 hitherto. 
 
 Thefe are the ends to which all the limi- 
 tations
 
 ANDREW FLETCHER. lot 
 
 tations are directed, that Englifh councils 
 may not hinder the ads of our parlia- 
 ments from receiving the royal aflentj 
 that we may not be engaged without our 
 confent in the quarrels they may have: 
 with other nations ; that they may not 
 bbflrucl: the meeting of our parliaments, 
 hor interrupt their fitting ; that we may 
 not ftand in need of porting to London 
 for places and peniions, by which, what- 
 ever particular men may get, the nation 
 miift always be a lofer ; nor apply for the 
 remedies of our grievances to a court, 
 where, for the moft part, none are to be 
 had. On the contrary, if thefe conditions 
 of government be enacted, our conftitu- 
 tion will be amended, and our grievances 
 be eafily redrefled by a due execution of 
 our own laws, which to this day we have 
 never been able to obtain. The beft and 
 
 wifei
 
 icn SfEEC'HtS OF 
 
 wifeft men in England will be glad to 
 hear that thefe limitations are fettled by 
 us. For though the ambition of courtiers 
 lead them to defire an uncontroulable 
 power at any rate ; yet wifer men will 
 confider, that when two nations live un- 
 der the fame prince, the condition of the 
 one cannot be made intolerable, but a fe- 
 paration mufl inevitably follow, which 
 will be dangerous if not deftructive to 
 both. The fenate of Rome wifely deter- 
 mined in the bufmefs of the Privernates, 
 that all people would take hold of the firft 
 opportunity to free themfelves from a,n 
 uneafy condition ; that no peace could be 
 lafting, in which both parties did not find 
 their account ; and that no alliance was 
 ftrong enough to keep two nations in 
 amity, if the condition of either were 
 made worfe by it. For my own part, 
 
 my
 
 ANDREW FLETCHER. 103 
 
 my lord chancellor, before I will confent 
 to continue in our prefent miferable and 
 languifhing condition after the deceafe of 
 her majefty, and heirs of her body failing, 
 I fhall rather give my vote for a fe- 
 paration from England at any rate. I 
 hope no man, who is now poflefTed of 
 an office, will take umbrage at thefe con- 
 ditions of government, though fome of 
 them feem to diminifh, and others do en- 
 tirely fupprefs the place he poflefles : for 
 befides the fcandal of preferring a private 
 intereft before that of our country, thefe 
 limitations are not to take place imme- 
 diately. The queen is yet young, and by 
 the grace of God may live many years, I 
 hope longer than all thofe me has placed 
 in any truft; and fhould we not be happy, 
 if thofe who, for the future, may defign 
 to recommend themfelves for any office, 
 
 could
 
 J04 SPEECHES OF 
 
 could not do it by any other way than 
 the favour of this houfe, which they who 
 appear for thefe conditions well deferve 
 in a more eminent degree ? Would we 
 rather court an Englifh minifter for a 
 place than a parliament of Scotland ? Are 
 we afraid of being taken out of the hands 
 of Englifh courtiers, and left to govern 
 ourfelves ? And do we doubt whether an 
 Englifh miniftry or a Scots parliament 
 will be moil for the intereft of Scotland ? 
 But that which feems moft difficult in this 
 queftion, and in which if fatisfaction be 
 given, I hope no man will pretend to be 
 diflatisfied with thefe limitations, is the 
 intereft of a king of Great Britain. And 
 here I {hall take liberty to fay, that as the 
 limitations do no way affed: any prince 
 that may be king of Scotland only, fo 
 they will be found highly advantageous 
 4 to
 
 ANDREW FLETCHER. 105 
 
 to a king of Great Britain. Some of our 
 Hate kings, when they have been per- 
 plexed about the affairs of Scotland, did 
 let fall fiich expreffions as intimated they 
 thought them not worth their application. 
 And indeed we ought not to wonder if 
 princes, like other men, mould grow 
 weary of toiling where they find no .ad- 
 vantage. But to fet this affair in a true 
 light : I defire to know, whether it can be 
 more advantageous to a king of Great 
 Britain to have an .unlimited prerogative 
 over this country, in our prefent ill con- 
 dition, which turns to no account, than 
 that this nation, grown rich and powerful 
 under thefe conditions of government, 
 Ihould be able upon any emergency to 
 furnim a good body of land forces, with 
 a fquadron of fhips for war, all paid by 
 ourfelves, to aflift his majefty in the wars 
 L he
 
 106 SPEECHES OF 
 
 he may undertake for the defence of the 
 proteftant religion and liberties of Europe. 
 Now, fince I hope I have ihewn, that 
 thofe who are for the prerogative of the 
 kings of Scotland, and all thofe who are 
 poflefled of places at this time, together 
 with the whole Englifh nation, as well as 
 a king of Great Britain, have caufe to be 
 fatisfied with thefe regulations of govern^ 
 ment, I would know what difficulty can 
 remain ; unlefs that, being accuftomed tp 
 live in a dependency, and unacquainted 
 with liberty, we know not fo much as the 
 meaning of the word j nor, if that mould 
 be explained to us, can ever perfuade our- 
 felves we mail obtain the thing, though 
 we have it in our power, by a few votes, 
 to fet ourfelves and our pofterity free. To 
 fay that this will flop at the royal aflent, 
 is a fuggeftion difrefpedtful to her majefty, 
 
 and
 
 ANDREW FLETCHER. 107 
 
 and which ought neither to be mentioned 
 in parliament, nor be confidered by any 
 member of this houfe. And, were this a 
 proper time, I am confident I could fay 
 fuch things as, being reprefented to the 
 queen, would convince her, that no per- 
 ,fon can have greater intereft, nor obtain 
 more lading honour, by the enacting of 
 thefe conditions of government, than her 
 majefty. And if the nation be affifted ia 
 this exigency by the good offices of his 
 grace the high commiffioner, I {hall not 
 doubt to affirm, that in procuring this 
 bleffing to our country from her majefty, 
 he will do more for us, than all the great 
 men of that noble family, of which he is 
 defcended, ever did ; though it feeme to 
 have been their peculiar province for di- 
 vers ages, to defend the liberties of this 
 nation againft the power of the Englifh 
 L 2 and
 
 io8 SPEECHES OF 
 
 and the deceit of courtiers. What further 
 arguments can I ufe to pcrfuade this houfe 
 to enact thefe limitations, and embrace 
 this occafion, which we have fo little de- 
 ferved ? I might bring many ; but the 
 moft proper and effectual to perfuade all, 
 I take to be this : that our anccftors did 
 enjoy the moft effential liberties contained 
 in the act I propofed : and though fome 
 few of lefs moment are among them 
 which they had not, yet they were in 
 poffeflion of divers others not contained 
 in thefe articles: that they enjoyed thefe 
 privileges when they were feparated from 
 England, had their prince living among 
 them, and confequently flood not in fo 
 great need of thefe limitations. Now, 
 fince we have been under the fame prince 
 with England, and therefore ftand in the 
 greateft need of them, we have not only 
 
 neglected
 
 ANDREW FLETCHER* 169 
 
 neglected to make a due provifion of that 
 kind, but in divers parliaments have given 
 away our liberties, and upon the matter 
 fubje&ed this crown to the court of Eng- 
 land ; and are become fo accuftomed to 
 depend on them, that we feem to doubt 
 whether we fhall lay hold of this happy 
 opportunity to refume our freedom. If 
 nothing elf* will move us, at leaft let us 
 not ad in oppofition to the light of our 
 -own reafon and confcience, which daily 
 reprefents to us the ill conftkution of our 
 government, the low condition into which 
 we are funk, and the extreme poverty, dif- 
 trefs, and mifery of our people. Let us 
 confider whether we will have the nation 
 continue in thefe deplorable circumftances, 
 and lofe this opportunity of bringing free- 
 dom and plenty among us. Sure the heart 
 of every honeft man muft bleed daily, to 
 L 3 fee
 
 no SPEECHES OF 
 
 fee the milery in which our commons-, 
 and even many of our gentry, live ; which 
 has no other caufe but the ill conflitution 
 of our government, and our bad govern* 
 ment no other root but our dependence 
 upon the court of England. If our king* 
 lived among us, it would not be ftrange 
 to find thefe limitations rejected. It is 
 not the prerogative of a king^of Scotland 
 I would diminifh, but the prerogative of 
 Englifh minifters over this nation. To 
 conclude, thefe conditions of government 
 being either fuch as our anceftors enjoyed, 
 or principally directed to cut off our de- 
 pendence on art Englifh court, and not to 
 take place during the life of the queen ; 
 he who refufes his confent to them, what- 
 ever he may be by birth, cannot fure be a 
 Scotfman by affection. This will be a true 
 teft to diftinguifh, not whig from tory, 
 7 prefby-
 
 ANDREW FLETCHER. in 
 
 prefbyterian from epifcopal, Hanover from 
 St. Germains, nor yet a courtier from a 
 man out of place ; but a proper teft to 
 diftinguim a friend from an enemy to his 
 country. And indeed we are fplit into fo 
 many parties, and cover ourfelves with fo 
 many falfe pretexts, that fuch a teft feems 
 neceflary to bring us into the light, and 
 mew every man in his own colours. In 
 a word, my lord chancellor, we are* to 
 confider, that though we fuffer under 
 many grievances, yet our dependence up- 
 on the court of England is the caufe of 
 all, comprehends them all, and is the band 
 that ties up the bundle. If we break this, 
 they will all drop and fall to the ground : 
 if not, this band will ftraiten us more and 
 more, till we mail be no longer a people. 
 I therefore humbly propofe, that, for 
 the fecurity of our religion, liberty, and 
 L 4 trade,
 
 i 12 SPEECHES or 
 
 trade, thefe limitations be declared, by a? 
 refolution of this houfe, to be the con- 
 ditions, upon which the nation will re- 
 ceive a fucceffor to the crown of this 
 realm, after the deceafe of her prefent ma- 
 jefty, and failing heirs of her body, in 
 cafe the faid fucceffor {hall be alfo king or 
 queen of England. 
 
 V. 
 
 LORD CHANCELLOR,. 
 
 L AM forry to hear what has been juft 
 now ipoken from the throne. I know the 
 stuty I owe to her majefty, and the re- 
 fped that is due to her commiffi oner; and 
 therefore fhall fpeak with a juft regard tx> 
 both. Bin: the duty I oxve to iny country 
 obliges me to ,iay, that what we have now 
 heard from the throne, mull of neceffity 
 5 proceed?
 
 ANDREW FLETCHER. 115 
 
 proceed from Englifh councils. If we had 
 demanded, that thefe limitations ihould 
 take place during the life of her majefty, 
 or of the heirs of her body, perhaps we 
 might have no great reafon to complain, 
 though they mould be refufed. But that 
 her majefty mould prefer the prerogative 
 of me knows not who, to the happinefs 
 of the whole people of Scotland ; that me 
 mould deny her aflent to fuch conditions 
 of government as are not limitations upon 
 the crown of Scotland, but only fuch as 
 are abfolutely neceflary to relieve us from 
 a fubjedion to the court of England, muft 
 proceed from Englifh councils; as well 
 becaufe there is no Scots minifter now at 
 London, as becaufe I have had an ac- 
 count, which I believe to be too well 
 grounded, that a letter to this effect has 
 been fent down hither by the lord trea- 
 
 furer
 
 H4 SPEECHES OF . 
 
 furer of England, not many days ago* 
 Befides, all men who have lately been at 
 London well know, that nothing has been 
 more common, than to fee Scotfmen of 
 the feveral parties addreffing themfelves 
 to Englifh miniflers about Scots affairs ; 
 and even to fome ladies of that court, 
 whom, for the refped I bear to their re- 
 lations, I mall not name. Now, whether 
 we mall continue under the influence and 
 fubjedion of the Englilh court ; or whe- 
 ther it be not high time to lay before her 
 majefty, by a vote of this houfe, the con- 
 ditions of government upon which we 
 will receive a fuccefibr, I leave to the 
 wifdom of the parliament. This I muft 
 fay, that to tell us any thing of her ma- 
 jefty's intentions in this affair, before we 
 have prefented any ad to that purpofe for 
 the royal aflent, is to prejudge the caufe, 
 
 and
 
 ANDREW FLETCHER. 115 
 
 and altogether unparliamentary. I will 
 add, that nothing has ever ihewn the 
 power and force of Englifh councils upon 
 our affairs in a~more eminent manner at 
 any time^ fmce the union of the crowns. 
 No man in this houfe is more convinced 
 of the great advantage of that peace which 
 both nations enjoy by living under one 
 prince. But as, on the one hand, fome 
 men, for private ends, and in order to get 
 into offices, have either neglected or be- 
 trayed the intereft of this nation, by a 
 mean compliance with the Englifh court ; 
 fo on the other fide it cannot be denied, 
 that we have been but indifferently ufed 
 by the Englifh nation. I fhall not infift 
 upon the affair of Darien, in which, by 
 their means and influence chiefly, we fuf- 
 fered fo great a lofs both in men and 
 money, as to put us almoft beyond hope 
 
 of
 
 u6 SPEECHES OF 
 
 of ever having any confiderable trade; artd 
 this contrary to their own true intereft, 
 which now appears but too vifibly. I 
 fhall not go about to enumerate inftances 
 of a provoking nature in other matters, 
 but keep myfelf precifely to the thing we 
 are upon. The Englifh nation did, fome 
 time paft, take into confideration the no- 
 mination of a fucceflbr to that crown ; an 
 affair of the higheft importance, and, one 
 would think, of common concernment to 
 both kingdoms. Did they ever require 
 our concurrence ? Did they ever defire 
 the late king to caufe the parliament of 
 Scotland to meet, in order to take our 
 advice and confent ? Was not this to tell 
 us plainly, that we ought to be concluded 
 by their determinations, and were not 
 worthy to be confulted in the matter? 
 Indeed, my lord chancellor, confidering 
 
 their
 
 ANDREW FLETCHER. 117 
 
 their whole carriage in this affair, and the 
 broad inlmuations we have now heard, 
 that we are not to expect her majefty's 
 aflent to any limitations on a fucceflbr 
 (which muft proceed from Englim coun- 
 cils), and confidering we cannot propofe to 
 ourfelves any other relief from that fervi- 
 tilde we lie under by the influence of that 
 court ; it is my opinion, that the houfe 
 come to a refolution, That: after the de- 
 cs qfe of her majejly^ heirs of her body fall- 
 ing , iv e 'will Jepar ate our crown from that 
 of England. 
 
 VI. 
 
 My LORD CHANCELLOR, 
 
 T- 
 HAT there fhould be limitations on 
 
 a fucceflbr, in order to take away our de- 
 pendence on the court of England, if both 
 
 nations
 
 ii$ SPEECHES OF 
 
 nations mould have the fame king, no 
 man here feems to oppofe. And I think 
 very few will be of opinion, that fuch 
 limitations fhould be deferred till the meet- 
 Ing of the nation's reprefentatives upon 
 the deceafe of her majefty. For if the 
 fucceflbr be not named before that time, 
 every one will be fo earneft to promote 
 the pretenfions of the perfon he moft 
 affects, that new conditions will be alto- 
 gether forgotten. So that thofe who are 
 Onry in appearance for thefe limitations, 
 and in reality againft them, endeavour for 
 their laft refuge to miflead well-meaning 
 men, by telling them, that it is not ad- 
 vifable to put them into the act of fecurity, 
 as well for fear of lofing all, as becaufe 
 they will be more conveniently placed in 
 a feparate acl:. My lord chancellor, I 
 would fain know if any thing can be 
 
 more
 
 ANDREW FLETCHER. 119 
 
 more proper in an act which appoints the 
 naming and manner of admitting a fuc- 
 ceffor, than the conditions on which we 
 agree to receive him. I would know, if 
 the deferring of any thing, at a time when 
 naturally it mould take place, be not to 
 put a flur upon it, and an endeavour to 
 defeat it. And if the limitations in quef- 
 tion are pretended to be fuch a burden in 
 the act, as to hazard the lofs of the whole, 
 can we expect to obtain them when fe- 
 parated from the ad ? Is there any com- 
 mon fenfe in this ? Let us not deceive om> 
 felves, and imagine that the act of 1696 
 does not expire immediately after the 
 queen and heirs of her body ; for in all 
 that act, the heirs and fucceflbrs of his late 
 majefty king William are always reftrained 
 and fpecirled by thefe exprefs words, ' ac- 
 * cording to the declaration of the eftates, 
 
 * dated
 
 i2o SPEECHES or 
 
 * dated the nth of April 1689.' So that, 
 unlefs we make a due provifion by fome 
 new law, a difTolution of the government 
 will enfue immediately upon the death of 
 her majefty, failing heirs of her body. 
 Such an at therefore being of abfolute 
 and indifpenfable neceflity, I am of opi- 
 nion, that the limitations ought to be in- 
 ferted therein as the only proper place 
 for them, and fureft way to obtain them : 
 and that whoever would feparate them, 
 does not fo much defire we mould obtain 
 the aft, as that we fhould lofe the limi- 
 tations. 
 
 VII. 
 MY LORD CHANCELLOR, 
 
 1 HOPE I need not inform this honour- 
 able houfe, that all ads which can be pro- 
 
 pofed
 
 ANDREW FLETCHER. 121 
 
 poled for the fecurity of this kingdom, 
 are vain and empty proportions, imlefs 
 they are fupported by arms ; and that to 
 rely upon any law, without fuch a fecu~ 
 rity, is to lean upon a madow. We had 
 better never paf* this act : for then we ihall 
 not imagine we have done any thing for 
 our fecurity ; and if we think we can do 
 any thing effectual without that provifion, 
 we deceive ourfelves, and are in a moft 
 dangerous condition. Such an act cannot 
 be faid to be an aft for the fecurity of 
 any thing, in which the moft neceflary 
 claufe is wanting, and without which all 
 the reft is of no force : neither can any 
 'kingdom be really fecured but by arming 
 the people. Let np man pretend that we 
 have ftanding forces to fupport this law ; 
 and that, if their numbers be not fufficient, 
 we may raife more. It is very well known 
 M
 
 122 SPEECHES OP 
 
 this nation cannot maintain fo many {land- 
 ing forces as would be neceflary for our 
 defence, though we could entirely rely 
 upon their fidelity. The pofleffion of arms 
 is the diftincliion of a freeman from a 
 flave. He who has nothing, and belongs 
 to another, muft be defended by him, and 
 needs no arms : but he who thinks he is 
 his own mafter, and has any thing he 
 may call his own, ought to have arms to 
 defend himfelf and what he poflefFes, or 
 elfe he lives precarioufly and at difcretion. 
 And though for a while thofe who have 
 the fword in their power abflain from 
 doing him injuries ; yet, by degrees, he 
 will be awed into a fubmiffion to every ar- 
 bitrary command. Our anceftors, by being 
 always armed,; and frequently in action, 
 defended thcmfclvcs againft the Romans, 
 Danes, and Englifli ; and maintained their 
 
 liberty
 
 ANDREW FLETCHER. 123 
 
 liberty againft the incroachments of their 
 own princes. If we are not rich enough 
 to pay a fufficient number of ftanding 
 forces, we have at leaft this advantage, 
 that arms in our own hands ferve no lefs 
 to maintain our liberty at home, than to 
 defend us from enemies abroad. Other 
 nations, if they think they can trull ftand- 
 ing forces, may, by their means, defend 
 themfelves againft foreign enemies, But 
 we, who have not wealth fufficient to pay 
 fuch forces, mould pot, of all nations un- 
 der heaven, be unarmed. For us then to 
 continue without arms, is to be directly 
 in the condition of flaves : to be found 
 unarmed, in the event of her majefty's 
 death, would be to have no manner of 
 fecurity for our liberty a property, or the 
 independence of this kingdom. By being 
 unarmed, we every day run the rifk of our 
 M 2 all
 
 124 SPEECHES OF 
 
 dl, fmce we know not how foon that 
 event may overtake us : to continue ftill 
 unarmed, when, by this very adl now 
 under deliberation, we have put a cafe, 
 which happening may feparate us from 
 England, would be the grpfleft of all fol- 
 lies. And if we do not provide for. arm- 
 ing the kingdom in fuch an exigency, we 
 mail become a jeft and a proverb to the; 
 world. 
 
 VIII. 
 MY LORD CHANCELLOR, 
 
 J.F in the fad event of her majefty's de-.. 
 ceafe without heirs of her body, any con- 
 fiderable military force mould be in the 
 hands of one or more men, who might 
 have an understanding together, we are 
 not very fure what ufe they would make. 
 
 of
 
 ANDREW FLETCHER. 125 
 
 of them in fo nice arid critical a conjunc- 
 ture. We know, that as the moft juft and 
 honourable enterprifes, when they fail, 
 are accounted in the number of rebellions; 
 fo all attempts, however unjuft, if they 
 fucceed, always purge themfelves of all 
 guilt and imputation. If a man prefume 
 he mall have fuccefs, and obtain the utmoft 
 of his hopes, he will not too nicely exa- 
 mine the point of right, nor balance too 
 fcrupuloufly the injury he does to his 
 country. I would not have any man take 
 this for a reflection upon thofe honour- 
 able perfons, who have at prefent the 
 c.ommand of our troops. For, befides 
 that we are not certain who fhall be in 
 thofe commands at the time of fuch an 
 event, we are to know that all men ,are 
 frail, and the wicked and mean-fpirited 
 world has paid too much honour to many, 
 M 3 who
 
 X26 SPEECHES OP 
 
 who have fubverted the liberties of theif 
 country. We fee a great difpofition at this 
 time in fome men, not to confent to any 
 limitations on a fucceflbr, though we 
 fhould name the fame with England. 
 And therefore fmce this is probably the 
 lad opportunity we {hall ever have of 
 freeing ourfelves from our dependence on- 
 the Englifli court, we ought to manage it 
 with the utmoft jealoufy and diffidence 
 of fuch men. for though we have or- 
 dered the nation to be armed and exer-* 
 cifed, wjhich will be a fufficient defence 
 when done; yet we know not but the 
 event, which God avert, may happen be- 
 fore this can be effected. And we may 
 eafily imagine, what a few bold men, at 
 the head of a fmall number of regular 
 troops, might do, when all things are in 
 confufion and fufpenfe. So that we ought 
 t to
 
 ANDREW FLETCHER. 127 
 
 to make effectual provifion, with the ut* 
 moft circumfpection, that all fuch forces 
 may be fubfervient to the government 
 and intereft of this nation, and not to the 
 private ambition of their commanders. I 
 therefore move> that immediately upon 
 the deceafe of her majefty, all military 
 eommiffions above that of a captain be 
 hull and void. 
 
 IX. 
 
 MY LORD CHANCELLOR, 
 
 1 KNOW it is the undoubted preroga- 
 tive of her majefty, that no act of this 
 houfe fhall have the force of a law with- 
 out her royal aflent. And as I am confident 
 his grace the high commiffioner is fuffi- 
 ciently inftructed, to give that aflent to 
 M 4 every
 
 128 SPEECHES OF 
 
 every act which mall be laid before him ; 
 fo more particularly to the act for the fe- 
 curity of the kingdom, which has already 
 puffed this houfe : an act that preferves us 
 from anarchy : an act that arms a de- 
 fencelefs people : an act that has coll the 
 reprefentatives of this kingdom much time 
 and labour to frame, and the nation a very 
 great expence : an act that has paffed by a 
 great majority : and above all, an act that 
 contains a caution of the higheft import- 
 ance for the amendment of our conftitu- 
 tion. I did not prefume the other day, 
 immediately after this act was voted, to 
 defire the royal aflent ; I thought it a juft 
 deference to the high commifTioner, not 
 to mention it at that time. Neither would 
 I now, but only that I may have an oppor- 
 tunity to reprefent to his grace, that as he 
 who gives readily doubles the gift j fo his 
 
 grace
 
 ANDREW FLETCHER. *2<j 
 
 grace has now in his hands the moft glo- 
 rious and honourable occafion, that any 
 perfon of this nation ever had, of making 
 himfelf acceptable, and his memory for 
 ever grateful to the people of this king- 
 dom : fince the honour of giving the royal 
 aiTent to a law, which lays a lafling foun- 
 dation for their liberties, has been referved 
 to him. 
 
 X. 
 
 MY LORD CHANCELLOR, 
 
 the day that the aft for the fecurity 
 of the kingdom pafled in this houfe, I did 
 not prefume to move for the royal aflent. 
 The next day of our meeting, I men- 
 tioned it with all imaginable refpecl: and 
 deference, for his grace the high com- 
 
 miflioner,
 
 139 SPEECHES OF^ 
 
 miflioner, and divers honourable peffons 
 feconded me. If now> after the noble 
 lord who fpoke laft\ I infill upon it, I 
 think I am no way to be blamed. I fhall 
 not endeavour to mew the neceflity of 
 this act, in which the whole fecurity of 
 the nation now lies, having fpoken to 
 that point the Other day ; but mall take 
 occafion to fay fomething concerning the 
 delay of giving the royal aflent to acts 
 paffed in this houfe ; for which I could 
 never hear a good reafon, except that a 
 commiflioner was not fufficiently in- 
 ftructed. But that cannot be the true 
 reafon at this timCj becaufe feveral aU 
 have lain long for the royal aflent : in 
 particular, that to ratify a former act* 
 fdr turning the convention into a parlia- 
 ment, and fencing the claim of right, 
 which no man doubts his grace is fuffi- 
 ciently
 
 ANDREW FLETCHER. 131 
 
 ciently inftni&ed to pafs. We muft 
 therefore look elfewhere for the reafon 
 of this delay j and ought to be excufed 
 in doing this ; fince fo little regard is had, 
 and fo little fatisfaction given to the re- 
 prefentatives of this nation^ who have for 
 more than three months employed them- 
 felves with the greateft afliduity in the fer- 
 vice of their country, and yet have not feen 
 the leaft fruit of their labours crowned with 
 the royal afTent. Only one act has been 
 touched, for recognizing her majefty's 
 juft right, which is a thing of courfe. 
 This gives but too good reafon to thofe 
 who fpeak freely, to fay that the royal 
 aflent is induflrioufly fufpended, in order 
 to oblige fome men to vote, as-fhall be 
 moft expedient to a certain intereft ; and 
 that this feffion of parliament is continued 
 fo long, chiefly to make men uneafy, who 
 
 have
 
 iji SPEECHES OF 
 
 liave neither places nor penfions to bear 
 their charges ; that by this means ads 
 for money, importation of French wine, 
 and the like, may pafs in a thin houfe, 
 which will not fail immediately to re- 
 ceive the royal affent, whilft the acts that 
 concern the welfare, and perhaps the 
 very being of the nation, remain un- 
 touched. 
 
 XL 
 
 MY LORD CHANCELLOR, 
 
 .IJEING under fome apprehenfions that 
 her majefty may receive ill advice in this 
 affair, from minifters who frequently mif- 
 take former had practices for good pre- 
 cedents, I defire that the third act of the 
 firft fefjion of the lirfl parliament of king 
 Charles the Second may be read. 
 
 Act
 
 ANDREW FLETCHER. 133 
 
 4ft the third of the frft fejjlon^ Par. /, 
 Car. II. 
 
 Act ajferting his majeftys royal prerogative^ 
 in calling and diffolving of' parliaments , 
 and making of laws ^ 
 
 i HE eftates of parliament, now con- 
 
 * vened by his majefty's fpecial authority, 
 ' confidering that the quietnefs, inability, 
 ' and happinefs of the people, do depend 
 
 * upon the fafety of the king's majefty's 
 
 * facred perfon, and the maintenance of 
 
 * his fovereign authority, princely power, 
 6 and prerogative royal ; and conceiving 
 1 themfelves obliged in confcience, and 
 
 * in difcharge of their duties to almighty 
 
 * God, to the king's majefty, and to their 
 
 * native country, to make a due acknow- 
 
 * ledgment thereof at this time, do there- 
 
 * |bre unanimoufly declare, that they will, 
 
 4 with
 
 134 SPEECHES OF 
 
 * with their lives and fortunes, maintain 
 
 * and defend the fame. And they do 
 
 * hereby acknowledge, that the power of 
 c calling, holding, proroguing, and di- 
 
 * folving of parliaments, and all conven* 
 ' tions and meetings of the eftates does 
 c folely refide in the king's majefty, his 
 
 * heirs and fucceflbrs. And that as no 
 
 * parliament can be lawfully kept, without 
 
 * the fpecial warrant and prefence of the 
 
 * king's majefty, or his commiffioner; 
 
 * fo no acts, fentences or ftatutes, to be 
 ' palTed in parliament, can be binding 
 '* upon the people, or have the authority 
 
 * and force of laws, without the fpecial 
 
 * authority and approbation of the king's 
 
 * majefty, or his commiffioner interponed 
 
 * thereto, at the making thereof. And 
 4 therefore the king's majefty, with ad- 
 
 * vice and confent of his eftates of parlia- 
 
 ' mcnt,
 
 ANDREW FLETCHER. 135 
 
 < ment, doth hereby refcind and annul all 
 ' laws, ads, ftatutes, or practices that have 
 
 * been, or upon any pretext whatfoever 
 
 * may be, or feem contrary to, or incony 
 
 * fiftent with, his majefty's juft power 
 4 and prerogative above-mentioned ; an4 
 
 * declares the fame to have been unlawr 
 
 * ful, and to be void and null In all 
 
 * time coming. And to the end that 
 
 * this act and acknowledgment, which 
 ' the eftates of parliament, from the fenfe 
 
 * of their humble duty and certain know- 
 
 * ledge, have hereby made, may receive 
 
 * the more exact obedience in time coming; 
 
 * it is by his majefty, with advice afore- 
 4 faid, ftatute and ordained, that the punc- 
 ' tual obfervance thereof be Specially re- 
 
 * garded by all his majefty's fubjects, and 
 6 that none of them, upon any pretext 
 
 * whatfoever, offer to call in queftion, im-
 
 136 SPEECHES OF 
 
 * pugn, or do any deed to the contrary 
 
 * hereof, under pain of treafon.' 
 
 MY LORD CHANCELLOR, 
 THE queftions concerning the king's 
 prerogative and the people's privileges are 
 nice and difficult. Mr. William Golvin, 
 who was one of the wifefl men this na- 
 tion ever had, ufed to fay concerning de- 
 fenfive arms, that he wifhed all princes 
 thought them lawful, and the people un- 
 lawful. And indeed I heartily wifh, that 
 fomething like thefe moderate fentiments 
 might always determine all matters in 
 queftion between both. By the confti- 
 tution of this kingdom, no act of the 
 eflates had the force of a law, unlefs 
 touched by the king's fceptre, which was 
 his undoubted prerogative. The touch of 
 his fceptre gave authority to our laws, as 
 
 his
 
 ANDREW FLETCHER. 137 
 
 his (lamp did a currency to our coin : but 
 he had no right to refufe or with-hold 
 either. It is pretended by fome men, that, 
 in virtue of this ad, the king may refufe 
 the royal affent to acts patted by the 
 eftates of the kingdom. But it ought to 
 be confidered, that this law is only an 
 acknowledgment and declaration of the 
 king's prerogative, and confequently gives 
 nothing new to the prince. The act ac- 
 knowledges this to be the prerogative of 
 the king, that whatever is pafTed in this 
 houfe, cannot have the force of a law 
 without the royal aflent, and makes it 
 high treafon to queftion this prerogative 5 
 becaufe the parliament, during the civil 
 war, had ufurped a power of impofmg 
 their own votes upon the people fop law, 
 though neither the king, nor any perfon 
 commiflionated by him were prefent : and 
 N thi
 
 138 SPEECHES OF 
 
 this new law was wholly and fimply di- 
 rected to abolifh and refcind that ufurpa- 
 tion, as appears by the tenour and expreis 
 words of the ad: ; which does neither ac- 
 knowledge nor declare, that the prince 
 has a' power to refufe the royal aflent to 
 any act prefented by the parliament. If 
 any one fhould fay, that the lawgivers 
 defigned no lefs, and that the principal 
 contrivers and promoters of the act fre- 
 quently boailed they had obtained the 
 negative, as they call it, for the crown ; I 
 defire to know how they will make that 
 appear, fmce no words are to be found in 
 the act, that ihew any fuch defign ; efpe- 
 cially if we confider that this law was 
 made by a parliament that {poke the moft 
 plainly, leaft equivocally, and moft fully 
 of all others concerning the prerogative. 
 And if thofe who promoted the paffing of 
 
 this
 
 ANDREW FLETCHER. 139 
 
 this act were under fo flrong a delufion, 
 to think they had obtained a new and 
 great prerogative to the crown by a de- 
 claratory law, in which there is not one 
 word to that purpofe, it was the hand of 
 Heaven that defeated their defign of de- 
 ftroying the liberty of their country. I 
 know our princes have refufed their aflent 
 to fome acts fmce the making of this law: 
 but a practice introduced in arbitrary times 
 can deferve no confideration. For my 
 own part, I am far from pufhing things 
 to extremity on either hand : I heartily 
 enter into the fentiments of the wife man 
 I mentioned before, and think the people 
 of this nation might have been happy in 
 miftaking the meaning of this law, if fuch 
 men, as have had the greateft credit with 
 our princes, would have let them into the 
 true fenfe of it. And therefore thofe, 
 N 2
 
 140 SPEECHES OF 
 
 who have the honour to advife her ma- 
 jefty, fhould beware of inducing her to a 
 refufal of the royal aflent to the aft for 
 the fecurity of the kingdom^ becaufe tho- 
 unwarrantable cuftom of rejecting adrs 
 was introduced in arbitrary times- 
 
 XII. 
 MY LORD CHANCELLOR, 
 
 IT is often faid in this houfe, that par- 
 liaments, and efpecially long feflions of 
 parliament, are a heavy tax and burden 
 to this nation : I fuppofe they mean as 
 things are ufually managed : otherwife I 
 fhould think it a great reflection on the 
 wifdom of the nation, and a maxim very 
 pernicious to our government. But in- 
 deed in the prefent ftate of things, they 
 are a very great burden to us, Our par- 
 - * liament
 
 ANDREW FLETCHER. 141 
 
 liament feldom meets in winter, when the 
 feafon of the year, and our own private 
 affairs, bring us to town. We are called to- 
 gether for the moft part in fummer, when 
 our country bufmefs, and the goodnefs of 
 the feafon, make us live in town with re- 
 gret. Our parliaments are fitting both in 
 feed time and harvelt, and we are made to 
 toil the whole year. We meet one day in 
 three ; though no reafon can be given why 
 we mould not meet every day, unlefs fuch 
 a one as I am unwilling to name, left 
 thereby occafion mould be taken to men- 
 tion it elfewhere to the reproach of the 
 nation. The expences of our commif- 
 iioners are now become greater than thofe 
 of our kings formerly were : and a great 
 part of this money is laid out upop. equi- 
 page, and other things of foreign manu- 
 fa&ure, to the great damage of the king- 
 N 3 dom.
 
 141 SPEECHES OF 
 
 dom. We meet in this place in the after- 
 noon, after a great dinner, which I think 
 is not the time of doing bufmefs ; and are 
 ;n fuch confufion after the candles are 
 lighted, that very often the debate of one 
 fmgle point cannot be finifhed ; but muft 
 be put off to another day. Parliaments 
 are forced to fubmit to the conveniences 
 of the lords of the feffion, and meetings 
 of the boroughs ; though no good reafon 
 can be given, why either a lord of the 
 feffion, or any one deputed to the meet- 
 ings of the boroughs, mould be a member 
 of this houfe ; but, on the contrary, ex- 
 perience has taught us the inconvenience 
 of both. When members of parliament, 
 to perform the duty they owe to their 
 country, have left the moft important af- 
 fairs, and quitted their friends many times 
 in the utmoft extremity, to be prefent at 
 
 this
 
 ANDREW FLETCHER. 143 
 
 this place, they are told they may return 
 again ; as we were the other day called 
 together only in order to be difmifled. 
 We have been for feveral days adjourned 
 in this time of harveft, when we had the 
 moft important affairs under deliberation ; 
 that as well thofe, who have neither place 
 nor penfion, might grow weary of their at- 
 tendance, as thofe whofe ill ftate- of health 
 makes the fervice of their country as dan- 
 gerous, though no lefs honourable than if 
 they ferved in the field. Do not thefe 
 things fhew us the neceffity of thofe limi- 
 tations I had the honour to offer to this 
 houfe ? and particularly of that for lodging 
 the power of adjournments in the parlia- 
 ment ; that for meetings of parliament to 
 be in winter; that for impowering the 
 prefident to give the royal aflent, and af- 
 certaining his fakry ; with that for ex- 
 N 4 eluding
 
 J44 SPEECHES OF 
 
 eluding all lords of the feffion from being 
 members of parliament? Could one imagine 
 that in this parliament, in which we have 
 had the firft opportunity of amending our 
 conftitution by new conditions of govern* 
 ment, occafion mould be given by reiterat- 
 ing former abufes, to convince all men of 
 the neceffity of farther limitations upon a 
 fucceflbr ? Or is not this rather to be at- 
 tributed to a peculiar providence, that 
 thofe who are the great oppofers of limir 
 tations, mould, by their conduct, give the 
 beft reafon for them ? But I hope no 
 member of this houfe will be difcouraged 
 either by delay or oppofition ; becaufe the 
 liberties of a people are not to be main- 
 tained without pailing through great dif- 
 ficulties, and that no toil and labours ought 
 to be declined to preferve a nation from 
 flayery, 
 
 XIII.
 
 ANDREW FLETCHER. 145 
 
 XIII. 
 MY LORD CHANCELLOR, 
 
 1 HAVE waited long and with great 
 patience for the refult of this feflion, to 
 fee if I could difcover a real and fmcere 
 intention in the members of this houfe, to 
 reftore the freedom of our country in this 
 great and, perhaps, only opportunity. I 
 know there are many different views 
 among us, and all men pretead the good 
 of the nation. But every man here is 
 obliged carefully to examine the things 
 before us, and to acl: according to his 
 knowledge and confcience, without re- 
 gard to the views of other men, what- 
 ever charity he may have for them : I fay, 
 every man in this place is obliged, by the 
 
 oath
 
 146 SPEECHES OF 
 
 oath he has taken, to give fuch advice 
 as he thinks mofl expedient for the good 
 of his country. The principal bufmefs 
 of this feflion has been the forming of 
 an act for the fecurity of the kingdom, 
 upon the expiration of the prefent entail 
 of the crown. And though one would 
 have thought, that the moft eflential 
 thing which could have entered into fuch 
 an act, had been to afcertain the condi-t 
 tions on which the nation would receive 
 a fuccefTor, yet this has been entirely 
 waved and over-ruled by the houfe. Only 
 there is a caution inferted in the act, that 
 the fucceffor mall not be the fame perfon 
 who is to fucceed in England, unlefs fuch 
 conditions of government be iirft enacted, 
 as may fecure the freedom of this nation. 
 But this is a general and indefinite claufe, 
 and liable to the dangerous inconveniency 
 4 of
 
 ANDREW FLETCHER. 147 
 
 of being declared to be fulfilled by giving 
 us two or three inconfiderable laws. So 
 that this feffion of parliament, in which 
 we have had fo great an opportunity of 
 making ourfelves for ever a free people, 
 is like to terminate without any real fe- 
 curity for our liberties, or any eflential 
 amendant of our conftitution. And now, 
 when we ought to come to particulars, and 
 enact fuch limitations as may fully fatisfy 
 the general claufe, we muft amufe our- 
 felves with things of little fignificancy, 
 and hardly mention any limitation of mo- 
 ment or confequence. But inftead of this, 
 acts are brought in for regulations to take 
 place during the life of the queen, which 
 we are not to expect:, and quite draw us 
 off from the bufmefs we mould attend. 
 By thefe methods divers well-meaning 
 men have been deluded, whilil others 
 
 have
 
 148 SPEECHES OP 
 
 have propofed a prefent nomination of a 
 fucceflbr under limitations. But I fear the 
 far greater part have defigned to make 
 their court either to her majefty, the 
 houfe of Hanover, or thofe of St. Ger- 
 mains, by maintaining the prerogative in 
 Scotland as high as ever, to the perpetual 
 enflaving of this nation to the minifters 
 of England. Therefore I, who have never 
 made court to any prince, and I hope 
 never mall, at the rate of the leaft pre- 
 judice to my country, think myfelf obliged, 
 in difcharge of my confcience, and the 
 duty of my oath in parliament, to offer 
 fuch limitations as may anfwer the general 
 claufe in the at for the fecurity of the 
 kingdom. And this I dp in two draughts, 
 the one containing the limitations by 
 themfelves ; the other with the fame limi- 
 tations, and a blank for inferting the name 
 
 of
 
 ANDREW FLETCHER. 149 
 
 of a fucceflbr. If the houfe fhall think fit 
 to take into confideration that draught 
 which has no blank, and enact the limita- 
 tions, I fhall reft fatisfied, being as little 
 fond of naming a fucceflbr as any man. 
 Otherwife, I offer the draught with a 
 blank ; to the end that every man may 
 make his court to the perfon he moft af- 
 feds ; and hope by this means to pleafe 
 all parties : the court, in offering them an 
 opportunity to name the fucceffor of Eng- 
 land, a thing fo acceptable to her majefty 
 and that nation : thofe who may favour 
 the court of St. Germains, by giving them 
 a chance for their pretenfions ; and every 
 true Scotfman, in vindicating the liberty 
 of this nation, whoever be the fucceffor. 
 
 FIRST
 
 SPEECHES of 
 
 FIRST DRAUGHT. 
 
 * v>/UR fovereign lady, with advice and 
 
 * confent of the eftates of parliament, fta- 
 4 tutes and ordains, that after the deceafe 
 4 of her majefty, whom God long pre- 
 4 ferve, and failing heirs of her body, no 
 ' one fhall fucceed to the crown of this 
 
 * realm that is likewife fucceflbr to the 
 
 * crown of England, but under the limi- 
 4 tations following, which, together with 
 4 the oath of coronation and claim of 
 1 right, they fhall fwear to obferve. That 
 4 all places and offices, both civil and mili- 
 4 tary, and all penfions formerly conferred 
 1 by our kings, fhall ever after be given 
 4 by parliament. That a new parliament 
 4 fhall be chofen every Michaelmas head- 
 
 4 court,
 
 ANDREW FLETCHER. 151 
 
 * court, to fit the mil of November there- 
 
 * after, and adjourn themfelves from time 
 
 * to time till next Michaelmas ; and that 
 
 * they choofe their own prefident. That a 
 
 * committee of thirty-fix members, chofen 
 1 by and out of the whole parliament, 
 
 * without diftinction of eftates, mail, dur- 
 
 * ing the intervals of parliament, under the 
 
 * king, have the adminiftration of the 
 
 * government, be his council, and account* 
 
 * able to parliament; with power, in ex-, 
 ' traordinary occafions, to call the parlia- 
 
 * ment together.' 
 
 SECOND DRAUGHT. 
 
 * V-/UR fovereign lady, with advice -and 
 4 confent of the eftates of parliament, fta- 
 * tutes and ordains, that after the deceafe 
 
 4 of
 
 151 SPEECHES or 
 
 * of her majefty, whom God long pre- 
 
 * ferve, and heirs of her body failing, 
 
 ' fhall fucceed to the 
 
 * crown of this realm. But that in cafe 
 
 * the faid fucceflbr be likewife the fuc- 
 
 * ceflbr to the crown of England, the 
 ' faid fucceffor {hall be under the limita- 
 
 * tions following/ &c. 
 
 No man can be an enemy to thefe limi- 
 tations, in cafe we have the fame king 
 with England, except he who is fo fhame- 
 lefs a partifan either of the court at St. 
 Germains, or the houfe of Hanover, that 
 he would rather fee Scotland continue to 
 depend upon an Englifh miniftry, than 
 that their prerogative mould be any way 
 leflened in this kingdom. As for thofe 
 who have St. Germains in their view, and 
 are accounted the highefl of all the pre- 
 rogative-
 
 ANDREW FLETCHER. ' 153 
 
 rogative-men, I would afk them, if we 
 fhould affift them in advancing their prince 
 to the throne of Great Britain, are we, for 
 our reward, to continue ftill in our former 
 dependence on the Englifh court ? Thefe 
 limitations are the only teft to difcover a 
 lover of his country from a courtier either 
 to her majefty, Hanover, or St. Germains. 
 For prerogative men, who are for enflaving 
 this nation to the directions of another 
 court, are courtiers to any fucceflbr ; and 
 let them pretend what they will, if their 
 principles lead neceiTarily to fubjecl: this 
 nation to another, are enemies to the na- 
 tion. Thefe men are fo abfurd as to pro- 
 voke England, and yet refolve to continue 
 flaves of that court. This country muft 
 be made a field of blood, in order to ad- 
 vance a papift to the throne of Britain. 
 If we fail, we fhall be flaves by right of 
 O conqueft.
 
 154 SPEECHES OF 
 
 conqueft ; if we prevail, have the happi- 
 iiels to continue in our former flaviih de- 
 pendence. And though to break this yoke, 
 all good men would venture their all, yet 
 I believe few will be willing to lie at the 
 mercy of France and popery, and at the 
 fame time draw upon themfelves the in- 
 dignation and power of England, for the 
 fake only of meafuring our ftrength with 
 a much more powerful nation ; and to be 
 fure to continue Hill under our former de- 
 pendence, though we mould happen to 
 prevail. Now, of thofe who are for the 
 fame fucceffor with England, I would afk, 
 if in that cafe we are not alfo to continue 
 in our former dependence ; which will not 
 fail always to grow from bad to worfe, 
 and at length become more intolerable to 
 all honeft men, than death itfelf. For my 
 own part, I think, that even the moft 
 
 zealous
 
 ANDREW FLETCHER. 155 
 
 zealous proteftant in the nation, if he have 
 a true regard for his country, ought rather 
 to wifh, were it confiftent with our claim of 
 right, that a papift fhould fucceed to the 
 throne of Great Britain, under fuch limi- 
 tations as would render this nation free 
 and independent, than the moft proteftant 
 and beft prince, without any. If we may 
 live free, I little value who is king : it is 
 indifferent to me, provided the limitations 
 be enacted, to name or not name ; Ha- 
 nover, St Germains, or whom you will. 
 
 XIV. 
 
 My LORD CHANCELLOR, 
 
 AlIS grace, the high commiffioner, hav- 
 ing acquainted this houfe, that he has in- 
 ftrudions from her majefty, to give the 
 O 2 royal
 
 156 SPEECHES OF 
 
 royal affent to all ads pafled in this feflion, 
 except that for the fecurity of the king- 
 dom, it- will be highly neceflary to pro- 
 vide fome new laws for fecuring ouv 
 
 % 
 
 liberty upon the expiration of the prefent 
 entail of the crown. And therefore I mall 
 ipeak to the firft article of the limitations 
 contained in the fhort act I offered the 
 other day ; not only becaufe it is the firft 
 in order, but becaufe I perfuade myfelf 
 you all know that parliaments were for- 
 merly chofen annually ; that they had the 
 power of appointing the times of their 
 meetings and adjournments, together with 
 the nomination of committees to fuper- 
 intend the adminiftration of the govern- 
 ment during the intervals of parliament : 
 all which, if it were neceflary, might be 
 proved by a great number of public adts. 
 So that if I dcmonftrate the ufe and ne~ 
 
 ceffity
 
 ANDREW FLETCHER. 157 
 
 ceflity of the firft article, there will re- 
 main no great difficulty concerning the 
 reft 
 
 My LORD CHANCELLOR, 
 
 THE condition of^ people, however 
 unhappy, if they not only know the caufe 
 of their mifery, but have alfo the remedy 
 in their power, and yet mould refufe to 
 apply it, on-e would think, were not to be 
 pitied. And though the ctndition of good 
 men, who are concluded and opprefled by 
 a majority of the b.ad, is much to be la- 
 mented ; yet chriftianity teaches us to mew 
 a greater meafure of compaflion to thofe 
 who are knowingly and voluntarily obfti- 
 nate to ruin both themfelves and others. 
 But the regret of every wife and good 
 man muft needs be extraordinary, when 
 he fees the liberty and happinefs of hi* 
 O 3 countty
 
 "' 58 SPEECHES OF 
 
 country not only obftruded, but utterly 
 extinguifhed by the private and tranfitory 
 intereft of felf-defigning men, who indeed 
 very often meet their own ruin, but moft 
 certainly bring deftru&ion upon their pof- 
 terity by fuch courfes. Sure, if a man who 
 is intrufted by others, mould, for his own 
 private advantage, betray that truft, to the 
 perpetual and irrecoverable ruin of thofe 
 who trufled him, the livelieft fenfe and 
 deeped remorfe for fo great guilt, will un- 
 doubtedly feize and terrify the coafcience 
 of fuch a man, as often as the treacherous 
 part he has acted mall recur to his 
 thoughts ; which will moft frequently 
 happen in the times of his diftrefs, and 
 the nearer he approaches to a life in 
 which thofe reinorfes are perpetual. But 
 I hope every man in this houfe has fo 
 
 confidered thefe things, as to preferve 
 
 him
 
 ANDREW FLETCHER. 1^9 
 
 him from falling into fuch terrible cir- 
 cumftances : and (as all men are fubjedt 
 to great failings) if any perfon, placed in 
 this moft eminent truft, is confcious to 
 himfelf of having ever been wanting in 
 duty to his country, I doubt not he will 
 this day, in this weighty matter, atone for 
 all, and not blindly follow the opinion 
 of other men, becaufe he alone muft ac- 
 count for his own adions to his grea 
 Lord and Mafter. 
 
 The limitation, to which I am about 
 to fpeak, requires, that all places, offices, 
 and penfions, which have been formerly 
 given by our kings, mail, after her majefty 
 and heirs of her body, be conferred by 
 parliament, fo long as we are under the 
 fame prince with England. Without this 
 limitation, our poverty and fubjedlion to 
 the court of England will every day in- 
 O 4 creafe 5
 
 160 SPEECHES OF 
 
 creafe ; and the queftion we have now be- 
 fore us is, whether we will be freemen or 
 Haves for ever ? whether we will continue 
 to depend, or break the yoke of our de- 
 pendence ? and whether we will choofe to 
 live poor and miferable, or rich, free, and 
 happy ? Let no man think to object, that 
 this limitation takes away the whole power 
 of the prince. For the fame condition of 
 government is found in one of the moft 
 abfolute monarchies of the world. I have 
 very good authority for what I fay, from 
 all the beft authors that have treated of the 
 government of China ; but mall only cite 
 the words of an able minifter of ftate, 
 who had very well confidered whatever 
 had been written on that fubject ; I mean 
 Sir William Temple, who fays, ' That for 
 
 * the government, it is abfolute monarchy, 
 
 * there being no other laws in China, 
 
 < but
 
 ANDREW FLETCHER. 161 
 
 4 but the king's . orders and commands ; 
 
 * and it is likewife hereditary, ftill de- 
 
 * fcending to the next of blood. But all 
 
 * orders and commands of the king pro- 
 ' ceed through his councils ; and are made 
 
 * upon the recommendation or petition of 
 
 * the council proper and appointed for that 
 
 * affair : fo that all matters are debated, dc- 
 
 * termined, and concluded by the feveral 
 ' councils ; and then upon their advices 
 
 * and requefts made to the king, they are 
 
 * ratified and figned by him, and fo pals 
 
 * into laws. All great offices of ftate are 
 ' likewife conferred by the king, upon the 
 
 * fame recommendations or petitions of 
 c his feveral councils ; fo that none arc 
 4 preferred by the humour of the prince 
 e himfelf, nor by favour of any minifter, 
 by flattery or corruption, but by the 
 ' force or appearance of merit, of learn-
 
 i6i SPEECHES OF 
 
 * ing, and of virtue ; which obferved by 
 
 * the feveral councils, gain their recom- 
 
 * mendations or petitions to the king.' 
 Thefe are the exprefs words of that mi- 
 nifter. And if under the greateft abfolute 
 monarchy of the world, in a country 
 where the prince actually refides; if among 
 heathens this be accounted a necefTary part 
 of government for the encouragement of 
 virtue, mail it be denied to Chriftians liv- 
 ing under a prince who refides in another 
 nation ? Shall it be denied to a people, 
 who have a right to liberty, and yet are 
 not capable of any in their prefent circum- 
 ftances without this limitation ? But we 
 have formed to ourfelves fuch extrava- 
 gant notions of government, that even in 
 a limited monarchy nothing will pleafe, 
 which in the leaft deviates from the model 
 of France, and every thing elfe muft ftand 
 
 3 branded
 
 ANDREW FLE-TCHE&. 165 
 
 branded with the name of commonwealth. 
 Yet a great and wife people found this 
 very condition of government neceflary 
 to fupport even an abfolute monarchy. 
 If any man fay, that the empire of China 
 contains divers kingdoms ; and that the 
 care of the emperor, and his knowledge 
 of particular men, cannot extend to all : I 
 anfwer, the cafe is the fame with us ; and 
 it feems as if that wife people defigned 
 this conftitution for a remedy to the like 
 inconveniences with tliofe we labour un- 
 der at this time. 
 
 This limitation will undoubtedly enrich 
 the nation, by flopping that perpetual 
 ifTue of money to England, which has re- 
 duced this country to extreme poverty. 
 This limitation does not flatter us with 
 the hopes of riches by an uncertain pro- 
 ject j does not require fo much as the con- 
 dition
 
 164 SPEECHES OF 
 
 dition of our own induftryj but, by faving 
 great fums to the countiy, will every year 
 furnifh a ftock fufficient to carry on a 
 confiderable trade, or to eftablifh fome 
 ufeful manufacture at home, with the 
 higheft probability of fuccefs : becaufe our 
 minifters, by this rule of government, 
 would be freed from the influence of Eng- 
 Hfh councils ; and our trade be entirely in 
 our own hands, and not under the power 
 of the court, as it was in the affair of Da- 
 rien. If we do not obtain this limitation, 
 our attendance at London will continue 
 to drain this nation of all thofe fums 
 which mould be a ftock for trade. Be-r 
 fides, by frequenting that court, we not 
 only fpend our money, but learn the ex- 
 penfive modes and ways of living, of a 
 rich and luxurious nation : we lay out 
 yearly great fums in furniture and equi-
 
 ANDREW FLETCHER. 165 
 
 page, to the unfpeakable prejudice of the 
 trade and manufactures of our own coun* 
 try. Not that I think it amifs to travel 
 into England, in order to fee and learn, 
 their induftry in trade and hufbandry. But 
 at court what can we learn, except a 
 horrid corruption of manners, and an ex- 
 penfive way of living, that we may for 
 ever after be both poor and profligate ? 
 
 This limitation will fecure to us our 
 freedom and independence. It has been 
 often faid in this houfe, that our princes 
 are captives in England ; and inded one 
 would not wonder if, when our intereft 
 happens to be different from that of 
 England, our kings, who muft be fup- 
 ported by the riches and power of that 
 nation in all their undertakings, fhould 
 prefer an Englifh xntereft before that of 
 this country. It is yet lefs- ftrange, that 
 
 Englifh
 
 i66 SPEECHES of 
 
 Engliih minifters fhould advife and pro- 
 cure the advancement of fuch perfons to 
 the miniftry of Scotland, as will comply 
 with their meafures and the king's orders ; 
 and to furmount the difficulties they may 
 meet with from a true Scots intereft, 
 that places and penfions fhould be be- 
 llowed upon parliament-men and others : 
 I fay, thefe things are fo far from wonder, 
 that they are inevitable in the prefent 
 flate of our affairs. But I hope they 
 likewife fhew us, that we ought not to 
 continue any longer in this condition. 
 Now, this limitation is advantageous to 
 all. The prince will no more be put 
 upon the hardfhip of deciding between 
 an Englifh and a Scots intereft j or the 
 difficulty of reconciling what he owes 
 to each nation, in confequence of his 
 coronation oath. Even Englifh minifters 
 
 will
 
 ANDREW FLETCHER. 16.7 
 
 will no longer lie under the temptation 
 of meddling in Scots affairs : nor the 
 minifters of this kingdom, together with 
 all thofe who have places and penfions, 
 be any more fubjecl: to the worft of ail 
 flavery. But if the influences I men- 
 tioned before mail ftill continue, what 
 will any other limitation avail us ? What 
 mall we be the better for our act concern- 
 ing the power of war and peace ? fmce, 
 by the force of an Englifh intereft and 
 influence, we cannot fail of being engaged 
 in every war, and neglected in every 
 peace. 
 
 By this limitation, our parliament will 
 become the moft uncorrupted fenate of all 
 Europe. No man will be tempted to vote 
 againft the intereft of his country, when 
 his country mail have all the bribes in her 
 own hands ; offices, places, penfions. It 
 
 will
 
 168 SPEECHES OF 
 
 will be no longer necefTary to lofe one 
 half of the public cuftoms, that parlia- 
 ment-men may be made colle&ors. We 
 will not defire to exclude the officers of 
 Hate from fitting in this houfe, when the 
 country mail have the nomination of them ; 
 and our parliaments, free from corruption, 
 cannot fail to redrefs all our grievances. 
 We mall then have no caufe to fear a re- 
 fufal of the royal aflent to our ads ; for 
 we mall have no evil eounfellor, nor 
 enemy of his country, to advife it. When 
 this condition of government mail take 
 place, the royal aflent will be the orna- 
 ment of the prince, and never be refufed 
 to the defires of the people. A general 
 unanimity will be found in this houfe, 
 in every part of the government, and 
 among all ranks and conditions of men. 
 The diftinctions of court and country 
 2 party
 
 ANDREW !<LETCHR. 169 
 
 party mall no more be heard in this na- 
 tion; nor fhall the prince and people 
 any longer have a different intereft. Re- 
 wards and punifhments will be in the 
 hands of thofe who live among us, and 
 confequently beft know the merit of men; 
 by which means, virtue will be recom- 
 penfed, and vice difcouraged, and the 
 reign and government of the prince will 
 jflourim in peace and juftice. 
 
 I mould never make an end, if I mould 
 profecute all the great advantages of this 
 limitation ; which, like a divine influence, 
 turns all to good, as the want of it has 
 hitherto poifoned every thing, and brought 
 all to ruin. I fhall therefore only add 
 one particular more, in which it will be 
 of the higheft advantage to this nation. 
 We all know, that the only way of en- 
 ilaving a people is by keeping up a fland- 
 P i ing
 
 jyb- SPEECHES OF 
 
 ing army ; that by ftanding forces all 
 limited monarchies have been deftroyed ; 
 without them none; that fo long as any 
 Handing forces are allowed in a nation, 
 pretexts will never be wanting to increafe 
 them ; that princes have never fuffered 
 militias to be put upon any good foot, 
 left ftanding forces mould appear mine-- 
 ceflary. We alfo know that a good and 
 well-regulated militia is of fo great im- 
 portance to a nation, as to be the principal 
 part of the conftitution of any free govern- 
 ment. Now, by this limitation, the na- 
 tion will have a fufficient power to render 
 their militia good and effectual, by the 
 nomination of officers : and if we would 
 fend a certain proportion of our militia 
 abroad yearly, and relieve them from time 
 to time, we may make them as good as 
 thofe of Switzerland are j and much more 
 able
 
 ANDREW FLETCHER. 171 
 
 able to defend the country, than any 
 una&ive (landing forces can be. We 
 may fave every year great fums of money, 
 which are now expended! to maintain a 
 ftanding army, and, which is yet more, 
 run no hazard of lofmg our liberty by 
 them. We may employ a greater number 
 of officers in thofe detachments, than we 
 do at prefent in all our forces both at 
 home and abroad ; and make better con- 
 ditions for them in thofe countries that 
 need their affiftance. For being freed 
 from the influences of Englifh councils, 
 we ihall certainly look better than we 
 have hitherto done to the terms on which 
 we may fend them into the armies either 
 of England or Holland ; and not permit 
 them to be abufed fo many different ways, 
 as, to the great reproach of the nation, 
 they have been, in their rank, pay, cloth- 
 P 2 ing,
 
 172 SPEECHES OF 
 
 ing, arrears, levy-money, quarters, tranf- 
 
 port-fhips, and gratuities. 
 
 Having thus Ihewn fome of the great 
 advantages this limitation will bring to 
 the nation (to which every one of you 
 will be able to add many more) ; that it- 
 is not only confiftent with monarchy, 
 but even with an abfolute monarchy: 
 having demonftrated the neceffity of fuch 
 a condition in all empires, which contain 
 ieveral kingdoms ; and that without it 
 we mull for ever continue in a depend- 
 ence upon the court of England ; in the 
 name of God, what hinders us from em- 
 bracing fo great a bleffing ? Is it becaufe 
 her majefty will refufe the royal aflent 
 to this act ? If me do, fure I am, fuch a 
 refufal muft proceed from the advice of 
 Englim counfellors ; and will not that 
 be a demonftration to us, that after her 
 
 majefty,
 
 ANDREW FLETCHER. 173 
 
 iajefty, and heirs of her body, we muft 
 not, cannot any longer continue under 
 the fame prince with England ? Shall we 
 be wanting to ourfelves? Can her majefty 
 give her affent to this limitation upon a, 
 fucceflbr before you offer it to her ? Is 
 he at liberty to give us fatisfadion in 
 this point, till we have declared to Eng- 
 land, by a vote of this houfe, that unlefs 
 we obtain this condition, we will not 
 name the fucceflbr with them ? And then 
 will not her majefty, even by Englifh 
 advice, be perfuaded to give her affent ; 
 unlefs her counfellors mail think fit to 
 incur the heavy imputation, and run the 
 dangerous rifk, of dividing thefe nations 
 for ever ? If therefore either reafon, ho- 
 nour, or confcience, have any influence 
 Upon us ; if we have any regard either 
 to ourfelves or pofterity ; if there be any 
 P 3 fuck
 
 174 SPEECHES OF ANDREW FLETCHER, 
 
 fuch thing as virtue, happinefs, or repu- 
 tation in this world, or felicity in a future 
 ftate, let me adjure you by all thefe not 
 to draw upon your heads everlafting in- 
 famy, attended with the eternal reproaches 
 and anguifh of an evil confcience, by 
 making yourfelves and your pofterity 
 miferable,
 
 ESSAY 
 
 ON THE 
 
 GENIUS, CHARACTER, AND WRITINGS 
 
 O F 
 
 JAMES THOMSON 
 
 THE POET. 
 
 Intended as a Bafis for writing properly the Life of 
 that truly excellent Man. 
 
 Br DAVID STUART, EARL OF BUCHAN. 
 
 To the Shad* of Thomfon. 
 
 If Britain, palfied, cannot feel thefe lays 
 
 Warm in the heart, and burfting forth thy praifc, 
 
 Me from Boeotia let the fates convey, 
 
 Or death remove me to a brighter day ; 
 
 To fcenes exalted, where the noble fouls 
 
 Of men like thee no fervile court controuls ; 
 
 Scenes where the good no modeft worth conceals, 
 
 And where no praife the worthlefs coxcomb fleals J
 
 ESSAY, &c. 
 
 JTOETRY, that divine energy (for I 
 cannot call it art) which lifts the man of 
 clay from the dirty world he inhabits to 
 the regions of fancy, is a gift of Heaven, 
 and, like all her gifts, is inimitable, and dif- 
 ficult to be defcribed. 
 
 In the philofophical, or as I would ra- 
 ther choofe to call it, original language of 
 the Greeks, it is exprefled by a vocable 
 defcriptive of its power, which is crea- 
 tion. 
 
 In the Gothic, and all its derivatives ia 
 all languages approaching to originality, 
 the name is fynonymous. In old Englifh 
 
 and
 
 iy8 ESSAY ON THE 
 
 and Scottifh it is called making^ and poets 
 were denominated makers. 
 
 It is my purpofe in the following Eflay 
 to honour and defcribe the chief maker of 
 Scotland ; to fhew the fuperiority of his 
 genius, to do juftice to his character as 
 a ma'n, and to illuftrate his merit as 
 an author, by exhibiting examples of 
 them all. 
 
 I {hall begin with a quotation from 
 Samuel Johnfon's Preface to Thomfon's 
 Poems, becaufe k is well exprefled, and 
 will furniih a good text for illuftrating 
 the genius of the poet ; though it is evi- 
 dent from Johnfon's verfes, that he him- 
 felf was very far from being a maker. 
 
 In the counterpoint (as I may call it) 
 . f poetry he was a mafter ; but of the 
 grounds and melodies he was incapable. 
 
 What
 
 LIFE OF THOMSON, 179 
 
 What then is to/If , but the internal powers 
 A dive, and ftrong, and feelingly alive 
 To each fine impulfe ? a difcerning fenfe 
 Of decent and fublime, with quick difguft 
 From things deform'd, or disarranged, or grofa 
 In fpecies ? This, nor' gems, nor ftores of gold, 
 Nor purple (late, nor culture can beftow; 
 But God alone, when firft his active hand 
 Imprints the fecret bias of the foul. 
 
 Pleafures of the Imag. b. iii. v. 51 j. 
 
 " Thomfon's mode of thinking and of 
 expreffing his thoughts (writes Johnfon) 
 is original. His blank verfe is no 
 more the blank verfe of Milton, or of 
 any other poet, than the rhymes of 
 Prior are the rhymes of Cowley. His 
 numbers, his paufes, his di&ion, are of 
 his own growth, without tranfcription, 
 without imitation. He thinks in a pe- 
 culiar train, and he thinks always as a 
 man of genius ; he looks round on na- 
 ture and on life with the eye which na- 
 3 turc
 
 i So % ESSAY ON THE 
 
 ture beftows only on a poet; the eye 
 that diftinguimes, in every thing prefented 
 to its view, whatever there is on which 
 imagination can delight to be detained, 
 and with a mind that at once compre- 
 hends the vaft, and attends to the minute. 
 " The reader of the Seafons wonders 
 that he never faw before what Thomfon 
 mews him, and that he never yet has felt 
 what Thomfon imprefles." 
 
 It was emphatically faid by the greateft 
 of men to his audience, when he was 
 explaining the vital principles of holinefs, 
 " He that hath ears to hear, let him hear!" 
 So it is needlefs to mufter up a legion of 
 words to infufe the knowledge of what 
 conftitutes a genuine poet. The genius 
 of a poet will bear witnefs to itfelf. Po- 
 etry is the flower of fentiment, and mufic 
 is its odour ; fo that what is faid of the 
 one is proportionably applicable to the 
 
 other ;
 
 LIFE OF THOMSON. 1 8 f 
 
 other; and RoufTeau's defcription of ge- 
 nius in mufic will be found equally juft 
 in the one as in the other. " Seek not 
 to know what is genius ; if thou haft it, 
 thy feelings will tell thee what it is ; if 
 thou haft it not, thou never wilt know 
 it."& c . 
 
 Yet as the chafte enjoyment of beauty, 
 and the juft perception of the fymmetiy 
 and picturefque perfection of nature, is 
 in the higheft degree conducive to the 
 fenfe and practice of virtue, it is of high 
 jnoment to enquire what kind of culture 
 is moft friendly to the attainment of tafte, 
 which is the handmaid of genius. 
 
 May it not be rationally fuppofed, that, 
 without any predifpofmg circumftances 
 in the bodily frame, a child will receive 
 the impreflions that are moft conducive 
 to that glorious combination of them 
 6 (which,
 
 1 82 ESSAY ON THE 
 
 (which, when matured to permanent 
 thought, we call genius) in the country, 
 more readily than in towns or villages, 
 where every thing is too complex for 
 their underftanding ? 
 
 Will not an education lefs artificial, 
 and tending more to fpontaneous con- 
 templation of natural objects, be more 
 favourable to its attainment than the con- 
 trary ? And would it not be proper to 
 allow children to feed more upon their 
 own thoughts than on the thoughts and 
 inftructions of others ? 
 
 Would it not be better to have lefs 
 myftery and technical inftitution in in- 
 fancy and youth, and more natural know- 
 ledge and fentiment than we fee exhibited 
 in fchools and private tuition? And laftly, 
 would it not be better to beftow more 
 time in forming philofophers and citizens, 
 
 than
 
 LIFE OF THOMSON. 183 
 than in training up fchoolmafters and 
 milliners? But here I ftop. Thomfon 
 patted his infancy and early youth in the 
 picturefque and pafloral country of Ti- 
 viotdale in Scotland, which is full of the 
 elements of natural beauty, wood, water, 
 eminence and rock, with intermixture 
 of rich and beautiful meadow. The ho- 
 rifon was bounded by the Cheviot, a land 
 of fong and of heroic achievement ; the 
 venerable ruins of Jedburgh, Dryburgh, 
 Kelfo, and Melrofe, were at hand, to add 
 fuitable impreflions to the whole. 
 
 His mother had been well educated, 
 was a woman of uncommon fenfibility, 
 and endowed with fublime affections. 
 
 He was cherifhed by Sir William 
 Bennet, at Chefters, near Jedburgh, the 
 moft accomplifhed country gentleman in 
 that part of Scotland, Every thing un- 
 doubtedly
 
 i <5 4 ESSAY ON THE 
 
 doubtedly confpired to attune the genius 
 of Thomfon to fentiment and fong. 
 
 " He afk'd no more than fimple nature gave, 
 .*' He lov'd the mountains, and enjoy'd their ftorms; 
 " No falfe defires, no pride-created wants 
 " Difturb'd tne peaceful current of his time, 
 " And through the reftlefs, ever-tortur'd maze 
 "Of pleafure or ambition, bid it rage." 
 
 It is believed that, at Dryburgh, with 
 Mr. Kaliburton, of New-mains, a friend 
 of his father's, he firft tuned his Doric 
 reed, to which he alludes in his Autumn : 
 
 " Wafh'd lovelyfrom theTweed(pure parent ftream\ 
 " Whofe paftoral banks firft heard my Doric reed. 
 
 Sir Gilbert Elliot of Minto (too), after- 
 wards Lord Juftice Clerk, a man of ele- 
 gant tafte, was kind to young Thomforr. 
 
 Thomfon fent him a copy of the firf! 
 edition of his Seafons, which Sir Gilbert 
 
 {hewing
 
 LIFE OF THOMSON. 185 
 
 fhewing to a relation of the poet's who 
 was gardener at Minto, he took the book, 
 which was finely bound, into his hands, 
 and having turned it round and round, and 
 gazed on it for fome time, Sir Gilbert 
 faid to him, " Well, David, what do you 
 think of James Thomfon now ? There's 
 a book that will make him famous all 
 over the world, and his name immortal 1" 
 " Indeed, Sir," faid David, " that is a 
 grand book ! I did not think the lad had 
 had ingenuity enough to have done fuch 
 a neat piece of handicraft." 
 
 Striking example of the effects of fitu- 
 ation and culture upon tafte and fenti- 
 ment ! 
 
 That Thomfon's youth was refpecl:- 
 able appears from the countenance he 
 
 received
 
 1 86 ESSAY ON THE 
 
 received from Meflfrs. Riccalton and Guft- 
 hart j and the continued attentions of the 
 latter to the children of Mrs. Thomfon 
 reflect honour upon his memory, ana> 
 excite fentiments in the feeling heart 
 that deferve to be meditated and revolved: 
 and I hope I am not writing for Chinefe 
 pedlars, with fteel-yards at their button- 
 holes, but to men and women who have 
 ftill fomething in them that preceded the 
 corruption of our commonwealth ! 
 
 Thomfon, having been encouraged by 
 Lady Grizel 'Bail lie to try his fortunes 
 in London, embarked at Leith in the 
 autumn of the year 1725, bedewed with 
 the tears of his amiable and affectionate 
 mother^the heart-felt recollection of which 
 produced on her death, which happened not 
 long after, the following unpremeditated 
 
 but
 
 LIFE OF THOMSON. 187 
 
 but beautiful verfes, which, though not 
 prepared for the prefs, I have given from, 
 a copy in the author's own hand-writing. 
 
 ON THE DEATH OF HIS MOTHER *. 
 
 From an original, in ,the Poets own hand-ivriting, in 
 the collection of the Earl of Buchan. 
 
 YE fabled mufes, I your aid difclaim, 
 Your airy raptures, and your fancied flame : 
 True genuine woe my throbbing breaft infpires, 
 Love prompts my lays, and filial duty fires. ; 
 The foul fprings inftant at the warm defign, 
 And the heart dictates every flowing line. 
 See ! where the kindeft, bed of mothers lies, 
 And death has mut her ever-weeping eyes ; 
 Has lodg'd at lail peace in her weary breaft, 
 And lull'd her many piercing cares to reft. 
 No more the orphan train around her (lands, 
 While her full heart upbraids her needy hands ! 
 
 * Elizabeth Trotter, of a genteel family in the neigh- 
 bourhood of Grecnlaw io Berwickfhire. 
 
 Qj> No
 
 i88 ESSAY ON THE 
 
 No more the widow's lonely fate me feels, 
 The (hock fevere that modeft want conceals, 
 Th' oppreflbr's fcourge, the fcorn of wealthy pride, 
 And poverty's unnumber'd ills befide. 
 For fee ! attended by th' angelic throng, 
 Through yonder worlds of light flie glides along, 
 And claims the well earn'd raptures of the fky. 
 Yet fond concern recalls the mother's eye ; 
 She feeks the helplefs orphans left behind ; 
 So hardly left t fo bitterly rcfign'd ! 
 Still, ftill ! is fhe my foul's divineft theme, 
 The waking vifion, and the wailing dream : 
 Amid the ruddy fun's enliv'ning blaze 
 O'er my dark eyes her dewy image plays, 
 And in the dread dominion of the night 
 Shines out again the fadly pleafmg fight. 
 Triumphant virtue all around her darts, 
 And more than volumes ev'ry look imparts 
 Looks, foft, yet awful, melting, yet fcrene, 
 Where both the mother and the faint are feen. 
 But ah hthat night that torturing night remains j 
 May darknefs dye it with its deepeft ftains, 
 May joy on it forfake her rofy bow'rs, 
 And fcreaming forrow blaft its baleful hours, 
 
 When
 
 LIFE OF THOMSON. 189 
 
 When on the margin of the briny flood * 
 
 Chill'd with a fad prefaging damp I ftood, 
 
 Took the laft look, ne'er to behold her more, 
 
 And mix'd our murmurs with the wavy roar, 
 
 Heard the laft words fall from her pious tongue, 
 
 Then, wild into the bulging vefTel flung, 
 
 Which foon, too foon convey'd me from her fight. 
 
 Dearer than life, and liberty and light ! 
 
 Why was I then, ye powers, referv'd for this ? 
 
 Nor funk that moment in the vaft abyfs ? 
 
 Devour'd at once by the relentlefs wave, 
 
 And whelm 'd for ever in a wat'ry grave ? 
 
 Down, ye wild wimes of unruly woe ! 
 
 I fee her with immortal beauty glow, 
 
 The early wrinkle care-contracted gone, 
 
 Her tears all wiped, and all her forrows flown ; 
 
 Th' exalting voice of Heav'n I hear her breathe, 
 
 To footh her foul in agonies of death. 
 
 I fee her through the manfions bleft above, 
 
 And now me meets her dear expecting love. 
 
 Heart-cheering fight ! but yet, alas ! o'erfpread 
 
 By the damp gloom of Grief's uncheerful made, 
 
 * On the fhore of Leith, when he embarked for 
 
 London. 
 
 Come
 
 i go ESSAY ON THE 
 
 Come then of reafon the reflecting hour, 
 And let me truft the kind o'er-ruling Power, 
 Who from the right commands the fhining day, 
 The poor man's portion, and the orphan's (lay ! 
 
 THOMSON'S ELEGY ON THE DEATH OF AIKMAN, THE 
 PAINTER *. 
 
 From a MS. of the Authors oivn band-writing in the 
 collection of the Earl of Buchan. 
 
 OH could I draw, my friend, thy genuine mind, 
 Juft, as the living forms by thee defign'd, 
 Of Raphael's figures none fliould fairer mine, 
 Nor Titian's colours longer laft than mine., 
 
 A mind 
 
 * Mr. Aikman died at London, on the 7th of June, 
 O. S. 1731, from whence his remainswere fent to Scotland, 
 and interred in the Gray-Friars church-yard, clofe by 
 thofe of his only fon, who had been buried only a few 
 
 months before. 
 
 \ 
 Mr. Aikman was the fon of William Aikman of Cairny, 
 
 Efq. (fheriff depute of Forfarfhire, a lawyer of eminence, 
 
 and
 
 LIFE OF THOMSON. 191 
 
 A mind in wifdom old, in lenience young, 
 From fervent truth where every virtue fprung j 
 Where all was real, modeft, plain, fincere ; 
 Worth above {how, and goodnefs unfevere : 
 View'd round and round, as. lucid diamonds throw 
 Still as you turn them a revolving glow ; 
 So did his mind reflect with fecret ray, 
 In various virtues, heav'n's internal day, 
 Whether in high difcourfe it foar'd fublime, 
 And fprung impatient o'er the bounds of Time, . 
 
 and in nomination for ajudge's gown at the time of his 
 death) by Margaret, filler of Sir John Clerk of Pennycuik, 
 Baronet. 
 
 He was borr^ on the 24th of October 1682, and was 
 educated by his parents with great care, and deftined for 
 the profeffion of the law. Nature thought fit to defline 
 and fit him for another more elegant, not lefs liberal, and 
 certainly much more delightful. He went to Italy in the 
 year 1705, and returned to Britain in 1710, not only a 
 good painter, but an accomplifhed and agreeable man. 
 
 In the Gothic reigns of George I. and II. he could look 
 for nothing but money for ftarch heads and periwigs, 
 and ftarch heads and periwigs was he forced to delineate 
 and paint till his dying day. O che fciagura ! 
 
 04 Or
 
 192 ESSAY ON THE 
 
 Or wand'ring nature through with raptur'd eye, 
 Ador'd the hand that turn'd yon azure flcy : 
 Whether to focial life he bent his thought, 
 And the right poife of mingling naffions-, fought, 
 Gay converfe blefs'd ; or in the thoughtful grove 
 Bid the heart open every fource of love. 
 New varying lights ftill fet before your eyes 
 The juft, the good, the focial, or the wife. 
 For fuch a death who can, who would, refufe 
 The friend a tear, a verfe the mournful mufe ? 
 Tet pay we juft acknowledgment to Heaven, 
 Though fnatch'd fo foon, that Aikman e'er was 
 
 given. 
 
 A friend, -when dead, is but remov'dfromjight, 
 Hid in the lujlre df eternal light : 
 Oft 'with the mind hi "wonted converfe keeps 
 In the lone *walk, or luhen the bodyjleeps 
 Lets in a wand'ring ray, and all elate 
 Wings and attrafts her to another Jlate * ; 
 And when the parting Jlorms of life are o'er t 
 May yet rejoin him on a happier Jhore. 
 
 * This and the three preceding lines are not in the 
 MS. of Mrs. ^orbes Aikman. 
 
 As
 
 LIFE OF THOMSON. 193 
 
 As thofe we love decay, we die in part, 
 String after firing is fever'd from the heart ; 
 Till loofen'd life at laft but breathing clay, 
 Without one pang, is glad to fall away. 
 Unhappy he who lateft feels the blow, 
 Whofe eyes have wept o'er ev'rv friend laid low, 
 Dragg'd ling'ring on from partial death to death, 
 And dying, all he can refign is breath. 
 
 SONG WRITTEN IN HIS EARLY YEARS, AND AFTER 
 WARDS SHAPED FOR HIS AMANDA, 
 
 From a MS. in the collection of the Earl of Buchan. 
 
 FOR ever, Fortune, wilt thou prove 
 An unrelenting foe to love ; 
 And when we meet a mutual heart, 
 Come in between and bid us part ; 
 Bid us figh on from day to day, 
 And wifh and wifh the foul away; 
 Till youth and genial years are ftown, 
 And all the life of life is gone ? 
 But bufy bufy ftill art thcu, 
 To bind the lovelefs joylefs vow,
 
 ESSAY ON THE 
 
 The heart from pleafure to delude, 
 And join the gentle to the rude * ; 
 For pomp, and noife, and fenfelefs {how, 
 To make us nature's joys forego, 
 Beneath a gay dominion groan, 
 And put the golden fetter on ! 
 
 To DR. DE LA COUR, in IRELAND. 
 On his Profpeft of Poetry. 
 
 HAIL gently-warbling De la Cour, whofe fame, 
 
 Spurning Hibernia's folitary coaft, 
 
 Where fmall rewards attend the tuneful throng, 
 
 Pervades Britannia's well-difcerning ifle : 
 
 In fpite of all the gloomy-minded tribe 
 
 That would eclipfe thy fame, ftill mall the mufe, 
 
 High foaring o'er the tall Parnaffian mount 
 
 * For once, O Fortune ! hear my prayer, 
 And I abfolve thy future care : 
 All other blcffirtgs I refign, f 
 
 Make but the dear Amanda mine ! 
 
 The original of this alfo, as prepared for his miflrefs,. 
 
 is in Lord Buchan's pofleffion. 
 
 With
 
 LIFE OF THOMSON. 195 
 
 With fpreading pinions fmg thy wondrous praife, 
 In {trains attun'd to the feraphic lyre. 
 Sing unappall'd, though mighty be the theme ! 
 O ! could (he in thy own harmonious (train, 
 Where fofteft numbers fmoothly flowing glide 
 In trickling cadence ; where the milky maze 
 Devolves in filence ; by the harfher found 
 Of hoarfer periods ftill unruffled, could 
 Her lines but like thine own Euphrates flow - 
 Then might {he fmg in numbers worthy thee. 
 But what can language do, when Fancy finds 
 Herfelf unequal to the lovely tafk ? 
 Can feeble words thy vivid colours paint, 
 Or (hew the fweets which inexhauftive flow ? 
 Hearken ye woods, and long-refounding groves ; 
 Liften ye flreams, foft purling thro' the meads, 
 And hymning horrid, all ye tempefts roar. 
 Awake, ye woodlands ! fmg, ye warbling larks, 
 In wildly lufcious notes ! But moft of all, 
 Attend, ye grateful fair, attend the youth 
 Who fweetly fings of nature and of you : 
 From you alone his confcious bread expects 
 Its foft rewards, by fordid love of gain 
 Unbiafs'd, undebas'd ; to meaner minds 
 
 Belong
 
 196 ESSAY ON THE 
 
 Belong fuch narrow views ; his nobler foul, 
 Tranfported with a gen'rous thirft of fame, 
 Sublimely rifes with expanded wings, 
 And through the lucid empyrean foars. 
 So the young eagle wings its rapid way 
 Thro'heaven'sbroad azure-; fometimesfp rings aloft, 
 Now drops, now cleaves with even-waving wings 
 The yielding air, nor feas nor mountains flop 
 Its flight impetuous, ga2ing at the fun 
 With irretorted eye, whilft he pervades 
 A tracklefs void, and unexplor'd before. 
 Long had the curious traveller flrove to find 
 The ruins of afpiring Babylon 
 In vain for nought the niceft eye could trace 
 Save one wide, wat'ry, undiftinguifh'd wafte : 
 But you with more than magic art have rais'd 
 Semiramis's city from its grave j 
 You have revers'd the fcripture curfe, which faid, 
 Dragons mall here inhabit ; in your page 
 "V^e view the rifing fpires ; the hurried eye 
 Diftracted wanders through the verdant maze; 
 In middle air the pendent gardens hang, 
 Tremendous ceiling ! whilfl no folar beam 
 > alls cm the Icjigthen'd gloom beneath ; the woods 
 
 Project
 
 LIFE OF THOMSON. 197 
 
 Project above a fteep-alluring (hade ; 
 The finim'd garden opens to the view 
 Wide-ftretching viftas, while the whifp'ring wind- 
 Dimples along the breezy-ruffled lake. 
 Now every tree irregular, and bufts 
 Are prodigal of harmony : the birds 
 Frequent th' aerial wood, and nature blumes, 
 Aiham'd to find herfelf outdone by art : 
 Thefe and a thoufand beauties could I fing, 
 Collecting like the ever-toiling bee 
 From yonder mingled wildernefs of flow'rs 
 The aromatic fweets ; while you, great youth ! 
 O'er thy decaying country chief prefide ; 
 Be thou her genius call'd, infpire her youth 
 With noble emulation, to arrive 
 At Helicon's fair font, which few, alas ! 
 Save you, have tafted of Hibernian youth, 
 Thy country, tho' corrupted, brought thee forth, 
 And deem'd her greateft ornament j and now 
 Regards thee as her brighten, northern ftar. 
 Long may you reign as fuch; and fliould grimTime, 
 With iron teeth, deprive us of our Pope, 
 Then we'll tranfplant thy blooming laurels frefh 
 From your bleak fhorc to Albion's happier coafl.
 
 198 ESSAY ON THE 
 
 Tbomfons Letter to Mr. George Rofs *. 
 London, November 6th, 1736. 
 
 DEAR Ross, 
 
 I OWN I have a good deal of aflurance, 
 after afking one favour of you, never to 
 anfwer your letter till I aik another. But 
 not to mince the matter, and all apologies 
 apart, hearken to my requeft My fitters 
 have been advifed by their friends to fet 
 up at Edinburgh a little milliner's mop ; 
 and if you can conveniently advance to 
 them twelve pounds, on my account, it 
 will be a .particular favour. That will 
 fet them a-going, and I defign from time 
 to time to fend them goods from hence. 
 My whole account I will pay you when 
 you come up here, not in poetical paper 
 
 * From an original in Lord Buchan's collection. 
 
 credit,
 
 LIFE OF THOMSON. 199 
 
 credit, but in the folid money of this dirty 
 world. I will not draw upon you, in 
 cafe you be not prepared to defend your- 
 felf ; but if your purfe be valiant, pleafe 
 to enquire for Jean or Elizabeth Thomfon, 
 at the Reverend Mr. Gufthart's ; and if 
 this letter be not a fufncient teftimony 
 of the debt, I will fend you whatever 
 you defire. 
 
 It is late, and I would not lofe this 
 poft. Like a laconic man of bufmefs, 
 therefore, I -muil here flop fhort ; though 
 I have feveral things to impart to you, 
 and, through your canal, to the deareft, 
 trueft, heartieft youth that treads on 
 Scottifh ground. The next letter I write 
 you (hall be wafhed clean from bufmefs 
 in the Caftalian fountain. 
 
 I am whipping and fpurring to finifh 
 
 a tragedy for you this winter, but am 
 
 7 ftill
 
 200 ESSAY ON THE 
 
 ftill at fome diftance from the goal, which 
 makes me fear being diftanced. Re- 
 member me to all friends, and above 
 them all to Mr. Forbes. Though my 
 affection to him is not fanned by letters, 
 yet is it as high as when I was his brother 
 in the virtu, and played at chefs with him 
 in a poft-chaife. 
 
 I am, dear Rofs, 
 
 Moft fmcerely and affectionately yours, 
 JAMES THOMSON. 
 
 to Mr. George Rofs. 
 
 London, Jan. 12, 1737. 
 
 , DEAR SIR, 
 
 HAVING ben entirely in the country 
 of late, finimmg my play, I did not re- 
 ceive- yours till fome days ago. It was 
 kind in you not to draw rafhly upon me, 
 which at prefent had put me into danger: 
 
 but
 
 LIFE OF THOMSON. 201 
 
 but very foon (that is to fay, about two 
 months hence) I fhall have a golden 
 buckler, and you may draw boldly.* 
 My play * is received in Drury-lane 
 play-houfe, and will be put into my lord 
 chamberlain's or his deputy's hands to- 
 morrow. May we hope to fee you this 
 winter, and to have the afliftance of your 
 hands, in cafe it is ated ? What will be- 
 come of you ? I am afraid the creepy f 
 and you will be acquainted. Forbes, I 
 hope, is cheerful, and in good health. 
 Shall we never fee him ? or mail I go to 
 him before he comes to us ? I long to fee, 
 him, in order to play out that game of 
 chefs which we left unfinifhed. Re- 
 member me kindly to him, with all the 
 
 * Agamemnon. 
 
 j- Stool, vtfed in the Scotch churches for doing 
 penanee- 
 
 R zealous
 
 202= ESSAY ON THE 
 
 zealous truth of old friendmip. Pettie * 
 came here two or three days ago : I havf 
 not yet feen the round man of God to 
 be. He is to be parfonified a few days 
 hence. How a gown and caflbck wiH 
 become him I and with what a holy leer 
 he will edify the devout females ! There 
 is no doubt of his having a call ; for he 
 is immediately to enter upon a tolerable 
 Jiving. God grant him more, and as 
 fat as himfelf. It rejoices me to fee one 
 worthy, honeft, excellent man raifed, at 
 leaft to an independency. Pray make 
 
 * Rev- Mr. Patrick Murdoclij the oily man of 
 God of the Caftle of Indolence. 
 
 *' A little, round, fat, oily man of 
 
 " Was one I chiefly mark'd among die fry 5. 
 
 ft He had a roguifh twinkle in his eye, 
 
 * And (hone all glittering with unholy dewy 
 
 *' If a tight damfcl chaunc'd to trippen by.'*
 
 LIFE OF THOMSON. 103 
 
 ifty compliments to my Lord Prefident * 
 and all friends. I fhall be glad to hear 
 more at large from you. Juft now I 
 am with the alderman, who wifhes you 
 all happinefs, and defires his fervice to 
 Jock. Believe me to be 
 
 Ever mod affectionately yours, 
 JAMES THOMSON. 
 
 "Thomfon to Mr. Lyttelton^ afterwards 
 Lord Lyttelton. 
 
 London, July I4th, 1743- 
 
 DEAR SIR, 
 
 I HAD the pleafure of yours fome 
 pofts ago, and have delayed anfwering it 
 hitherto, that I might be able to deter- 
 mine when I could have the happinefs of 
 waiting upon you. 
 
 Hagley is the place in England I moft 
 defire to fee ; I imagine it to be greatly 
 
 -* Prefident Forbes. 
 
 R 2 delightful
 
 264 S 3 A t ON THE 
 
 delightful in itfelf, and I know it to be 
 fo to the higheft degree by the company 
 it is animated with. 
 
 Some reafons prevent my waiting upon, 
 you immediately ; but if you will be fo 
 good as let me know how long you de- 
 fign to flay in the country, nothing mall 
 hinder me from paffing three weeks or' 
 * month with you before yon leave it. 
 As this will fall in autumn, I mall like 
 it the better, for I think that feafon of 
 the year the moft pleafing,. and the moft 
 poetical. The fpirits are not then; difll- 
 pated with th,e gaiety of ipfing, and the 
 glaring light of fummer, bur compofed 
 into a ferious and tempered joy. The 
 year is perfect. In the mean time I will 
 go on with corrd&ing the Seafons, and 
 Jiope to carry down more than one of* 
 them with me. The mules, whom you 
 obligingly fay I fhall bring along with 
 
 me,
 
 LIFE OP THOMSON-. 205 
 me, I mall find with you the mufcs 
 of the great fimple country, not the little, 
 fine-lady mufes of Richmond-hill. 
 
 I have lived fo long in the neife, or 
 at leaft the diftant din of the town, that 
 I begin to forget what retirement is; 
 with you I fhall enjoy it in its higheft 
 elegance, and pureft fimplicity. The 
 mind will not only be foothed into peace, 
 but enlivened into harmony. My compli- 
 ments attend all at Hagley, and partial*- 
 Jarly her * who gives it charms to you 1 
 it never had before. 
 
 Believe me to be ever, 
 
 With the greateft refped, 
 Moft affedionately yours, 
 
 JAMES THOMSON. 
 
 * Lucy Fortefcue, daughter of Hugh Fortefcue, 
 
 Efq. of Filleigh, in the county of Devon, married 
 
 R 3 *
 
 xo6 ESSAY ON T # E 
 
 Thorn/on s Letter to his Sifter, Mrs. Jean 
 ) at Lanark. 
 
 Hagley, in "Worcefterfliire, 
 October 4th, 1747. 
 
 MY DEAR SISTER, 
 I THOUGHT you had known me 
 better than to interpret my iilence into a 
 
 decay 
 
 to Mr. Lyttelton in the year 1 742, whofe amiable 
 qualities, exemplary conduct, and uniform practice 
 of religion and virtue, rendered her the delight and 
 regret of all her acquaintance. She died in the 
 beginning of the year 1 746, in the apth year of her 
 age, leaving her hufband one fon, Thomas, the 
 late Lord Lyttelton, and a daughter, Lucy, married 
 in the year 1765 to Lord Valentia. Who has not 
 feen and wept over the beautiful monody confe- 
 crated to her memory by the good Lord Lyttelton ? 
 If there is a living foul that has read it without 
 emotion, \ envy not their condition upon a throne. 
 
 It
 
 LIFE OF THOMSON, 207 
 
 decay of affe&ion, efpecially as your be- 
 haviour has always been fuch as rather to 
 increafe than to diminifh it. Don't ima- 
 gine, becaufe I am a bad correfpondent, 
 that I can ever prove an unkind friend and 
 brother. I muft do myfelf the juftice to. 
 
 It is full of every thing that gives dignity to man. 
 Her epitaph at Hagley is lefs known. 
 
 " Made to engage all hearts, and charm all eyes, 
 " Tho' meek, magnanimous ; tho' witty, wife J 
 " Polite, as all her life in courts had been ; 
 " Yet good, as me the world had never fccn c 
 ** The noble fire of an exalted mind 
 " With gentled female tendernefs combin'd. 
 *' Her fpeech was the melodious voice of love ; 
 " Her fong, the warbling of the vernal grorc j 
 " Her eloquence was fweeter than her fong, 
 * Soft as her heart, and as her reafon ftrong. 
 " Her form each beauty of her mind exprefs'd ; 
 <* Her mind was rirtue, by the Graces drefs'd.. 
 
 tell 
 R 4
 
 x>S ESSAY ox THE 
 
 tell you, that my affections are naturally 
 very fixed and conftant; and if I had 
 ver reafon of complaint againft you (of 
 which, by the bye, I have not the leaft 
 ftiadow), I am confcious of fo many de- 
 feds in myfelf, as difpofe me to be not a 
 little charitable and forgiving. 
 
 It gives me the trueft heartfelt fatif- 
 fadtion to hear you have a good kind 
 hufband, and are in eafy contented cir- 
 cumftances : but were they otherwife, that 
 would only awaken and heighten my ten- 
 dernefs towards you. As our good and 
 tender-hearted parents did not live to 
 receive any material teftimonies of that 
 higheft human gratitude I owed them 
 (than which nothing could have given 
 me more pleafure)^ the only return I can 
 make them now, is by kindnefs to thofe 
 
 thej
 
 LIFE OF THOMSON. 205 
 
 they left behind them. Would to God 
 poor Lizzy* had lived longer, to be a far- 
 ther witnefs of the truth of what I fay, 
 and that I might have had the pleafure of 
 
 feeing 
 
 * Elizabeth, married to Mr. Bell, mother of the 
 jprefent Dr. Bell, re&or of the parifh of Coldftream^ 
 in Berwickfhire, a gentleman who pofTefles much 
 of the worth and genius of his uncle, and who is 
 now employed in preparing a new and collate4 
 edition of Thomfon's Works, with a more correct 
 account of his life than has hitherto appeared ; in 
 "which pious work I have done myfelf the honour 
 to afford fome little afliftance in the collection of 
 materials. To this edition it is propofed to prefix 
 an engraving from the poet's buft in Weftminfter 
 Abbey, and another from the iketch of a monument 
 drawn by Mr. Hicky, which was tranfmitted to th 
 Earl of Buchan by Sir Jofhua Reynolds. 
 
 The text of this new edition for the Seafons it 
 intended to be that in 4to. of the year 1730, in 
 which Autumn made its firft appearance : the addi- 
 tions
 
 2io ESSAY ON THE 
 
 feeiog once more a fitter who fo truly 
 dcferved my efteem and love. But me is 
 happy, while we muft toil a little longer 
 here below : let us however do it cheer- 
 fully and gratefully, fupported by the 
 pleafmg hope of meeting yet again on a 
 fafer more, where to recollect the ftorms 
 and difficulties of life will not perhaps be 
 inconfiftent with that blifsful ftate. You 
 did right to call your daughter by her 
 name, for you muft needs have had a 
 
 tions and alterations to be printed in italics. The 
 following is a ftatement of the additional lines made 
 to the Seafons after that edition : 
 
 lines 
 
 To Spring 85 
 
 Summer - - 599 
 
 j Autumn - - 96 
 
 Winter - - 188 
 
 968 
 
 particular
 
 LIFE OF THOMSON. 211 
 
 particular tender fricndmip for one an- 
 other, endeared as you were by nature, by 
 having pafled the affectionate years of your 
 youth together, and by that great foftener 
 and engager of hearts, mutual hardfhip. 
 That it was in my power to eafe it 
 a little, I account one of the moft ex- 
 quifite pleafures of my life. But enough 
 of this melancholy, though not unpleaf- 
 ing ftrain. 
 
 I efteem you for your fenfible and 
 difmterefted advice to Mr. Bell, as you 
 will fee by my letter to him : as I approve 
 entirely of his marrying again, you may 
 readily afk me, why I don't marry at all ? 
 My circumftances have hitherto been fo 
 variable and uncertain in this fluctuating 
 world, as induce to keep me from engag- 
 ing in fuch a ftate; and now, though 
 they are more fettled, and of late (which 
 
 you
 
 112, ESSAY ON YHK 
 
 you will be glad to hear) confiderably im- 
 proved, I begin to think myfelf too far 
 advanced in life for fuch youthful under- 
 takings, not to mention fome other petty 
 reafons that are apt to ftartle the delicacy 
 of difficult old bachelors. I am, however, 
 not a little fufpicious, that was I to pay a 
 vifit to Scotland (which I have fome 
 thoughts of doing foon), I might poflibly 
 be tempted to think of a thing not eafily 
 repaired if done amifs. / have always 
 been of 'opinion , that none make better wives 
 than the ladies of Scotland ; and yet who 
 more forfaken than they, while the gen- 
 tlemen are continually running abroad all 
 the world over ? Some of them, it is true, 
 are wife enough to return for a wife. 
 You fee I am beginning to make intereft 
 already with the Scots ladies. But no 
 more of this infectious fubjecl:. Pray let 
 5
 
 .LIKE OP THOMSON. 
 
 me hear from you now and then ; and 
 though I am not a regular correfpondent, 
 yet perhaps I may mend in that refpeft. 
 Remember me kindly to your hufband % 
 and believe me to be 
 
 Your moil affectionate brother, 
 
 JAMES THOMSON. 
 
 (Addreflfed) To Mrs. Thomfon, in Lanark. 
 
 BUT 
 
 * Mr. Thomfon was relof of the grammas 
 fcnool at Lanark, and from him, or Mrs. Thomfon, 
 Mr. Bofwell obtained a copy of the original of thig 
 letter, which original is now in the poflelfion of 
 Mr. James Craig, architect, Thomfon's youngeft 
 filter's fon, who is likewife porTefled of copies of 
 Thomfon's juvenile poems, of his fnuff-box, and 
 feal of arms, which hung at his watch, and of hia 
 riginal portrait painted by Hudfon, for Mr. Millar, 
 {he bookfeller, which was prefented to him by Lady 
 Grant, firft married to that worthy friend of the 
 
 poet's,
 
 214 s S A Y ON THE 
 
 BUT the higheft encomium of Thom- 
 foa is to be given him on account of his at- 
 tachment to the caufe of political and civil 
 liberty. A free conftitution of, govern- 
 ment, or what I would beg leave to call 
 the autocracy of the people, is the panacea 
 of moral difeafes, and after having been 
 fought for in vain for ages, has been dif- 
 covered in the bofom of truth, on the 
 right hand of common fenfe, and at the 
 feet of philolbphy ; the printing prefs has 
 been the difpenfary, and half the world 
 
 poet's, and was a daughter of Johnfon, the engraver 
 to the Bank of Scotland. 
 
 Lord Buchan prefented to Mr. Craig the plafler 
 of Paris caft of the buft of Thomfon, which was 
 intended to have been crowned on Ednam-Hill, and 
 he gave a Iketch for a monument to the memory of 
 his uncle for that confpicuous fituation. 
 
 have
 
 LIFE OF THOMSON. i$ 
 
 become voluntary patients of this 
 healing remedy. 
 
 It is glorious for Thomfon's memory 
 that he fhould have defcribed the platform 
 of a perfect government, as Milton de- 
 fcribed the platform of a perfect garden 
 the one in the midft of Gothic inftitutions 
 of feudal origin, and the other in the 
 midft of clipped yews and fpouting lions. 
 Eighteen years after Thomfon's death 
 the late Lord Chatham agreed with me in 
 making this remark ; and when I faid, 
 " But, Sir, what will become of poor Eng- 
 land, that doats on the imperfedtions of 
 her pretended conftitution ?" he replied, 
 K My dear Lord, the gout will difpofe of 
 me foon enough to prevent me from feel- 
 ing the confequences of this infatuation : 
 but before the end of this century either 
 the parliament will reform itfelf from 
 
 within,
 
 2i6 ESSAY ON THE 
 
 within, or be reformed with a vengeance 
 from without." Pythonick fpeech,fpeedily 
 to be verified ! 
 
 ' Should then the times arrive (which Heaven avert!) 
 
 ** That Britons bend unnevv'd, not by the force 
 
 " Of arms, more generous, and more manly, quellM, 
 
 * But by corruption 's foul-dejefting arts, 
 
 " Arts impudent, and grofs ! by their own gold, 
 
 *' /// part beilow'd to bribe them to give all : 
 
 *< With party raging, or imrneiVd mjlotb, 
 
 * Should Jlamelefs pens for fly corruption plead; 
 
 " The hired affaflms of the commonweal ! 
 
 That nation fhall another Carthage be." 
 
 Tritons \ be firm ! nor let corruption fly 
 Twine round your hearts indiflbluble chains * 
 The fteel of Brutus buril the grofler bonds 
 By Cxfar caft o'er Rome ; bui Hill remain'd 
 The foft enchanting fetters of the mind, 
 And other C&fars rofe. Determin'd hold 
 Your I^DEPtKDANCE j for, that once deftroy'd, 
 
 Unfounded,
 
 LIFE OF THOMSON. 217 
 
 Unfounded, FREEDOM is a morning dream, 
 That flits aerial from the fpreading eye. 
 
 No wonder that, when the brutal John- 
 fon tried to read liberty when it firil ap- 
 peared, he foon delifted, when Johnfon's 
 countrymen try to read France's liberty, 
 and defift ! 
 
 " Pudet hsec opprobria nobis, et dici potuific, 
 Et non potuifle refelli ! 
 
 Though I have riot the tranfcenderit 
 honour of being a member of the Britifh 
 parliament, let not the powerful defpife 
 my fayings I am the voice of one cry- 
 ing in the wildernefs of politics Make 
 Jlraigbt your ways, for the empire of dc- 
 lujton is at an end. 
 
 Tbomfo 
 
 'on
 
 ai8 ESSAY ON THE 
 
 'Tbomfon to Mr. Paterfon, of the Leeward 
 I/lands*. 
 
 DEAR PATERSON, 
 
 IN the firft place, and previoufly to my 
 letter, I muft recommend to your favour 
 and protection, Mr. James Smith, fearcher 
 
 * Mr. Paterfon, a companion of Thomfon, after- 
 wards his deputy as furveyor general of the Lee- 
 ward Iflands, and his fucceflbr in the office, ufed 
 to write out fair copies of his works, feveral of 
 which are in my collection. This gentleman, as 
 Murdoch informs us, courted the Tragic Mufe, and 
 wrote a piece in that line, with Arminius for its 
 hero. 
 
 When he prefented it to the manager of Drury- 
 lane play-houfe, the hand-writing of Edward and 
 Eleonora being immediately recognifed, it was 
 fcouted, and he was? glad to fell it for a trifle to 
 a good-natured bookfeller. 
 
 Murdoch's Life of Thomfon. 
 IB,
 
 LIFE OF THOMSON. 219 
 
 in St. Chriftopher's, and I beg of you, as 
 occafion fhall ferve, and as you find he 
 merits it, to advance him in the bufmefs 
 of the cuftoms. He is warmly recom- 
 mended to me by Sargent, who in verity 
 turns out one of the befl men of our 
 youthful acquaintance, honeft, honour- 
 able, friendly, and ' generous. If we are 
 not to oblige one another, life becomes 
 a paltry felfiih affair, a pitiful morfel in 
 a corner ! Sargent is fo happily married, 
 that I could almoft fay, the fame cafe 
 happen to us all. 
 
 That I have not anfwered feveral letters 
 of yours, is not owing to the want of 
 friendmip, and the fincereft regard for 
 you ; but you know me well enough to 
 account for my filence, without my fay- 
 ing any more upon that head ; befides, I 
 have very little to fay, that is worthy to 
 82 be
 
 220 ESSAY ON THE 
 
 be tranfmitted over the great ocean. The 
 world either futilifes* fo much, or we 
 grow fo dead to it, that its tranfadions 
 make but a feeble impreffion on us. f Re- 
 tirement and nature are more and more 
 my paffion every day ; and now, even 
 now, the charming time comes on : 
 heaven is juft upon the point, or rather 
 in the very act, of giving earth a green 
 gown. The voice of the nightingale is 
 
 heard in our lane J. 
 
 You 
 
 * A verb coined by Thomfon from the adjetlive 
 futile. 
 
 f On this account it has been fuggefted, that the 
 moft proper monument for Thomfon would be a 
 modeft Doric portico, adjoining to a cottage (lored 
 with the beft books on natural hiftory, to be kept 
 by fome of the poet's poor relations, with a falary. 
 
 $. The bird-catchers about London generally 
 obferve the fong of the nightingale in the firft or 
 
 fecond 

 
 LIFE OF THOMSON. 221 
 
 You muft know that I have enlarged 
 my rural domain much to the fame di- 
 menfions you have done yours the two 
 fields next to me ; from the firft of which 
 I have walled no, no, paled in about 
 as much as my garden confifted of before; 
 fo that the walk runs round the hedge, 
 where you may figure me walking any 
 time of the day, and fometimes under 
 night. For you, I imagine you reclining 
 under cedars and palmettos, and there 
 enjoying more magnificent (lumbers than 
 are known to the pale climates- of the 
 
 fecond week of April. This letter of Thomfon's 
 having no date, it is impoffible to determine exa&ly 
 from circumflances when it was written ; but as 
 the firing began at Maeftricht in the firft week, it 
 may be guefled that the letter was written about 
 the middle of the month, fince he fpeaks in the clofe 
 of the letter of the news of the fiege being frefli. 
 S 3 north ;
 
 222 ESSAY 6N THE 
 
 north ; {lumbers rendered awful and 
 divine, by the folemn ftillnefs and deep 
 fervors of the torrid noon. At other 
 times I imagine you drinking punch in 
 groves of lime or orange trees, gathering 
 pine apples from hedges as commonly 
 as we may blackberries, poetifmg under 
 lofty laurels, or making love under full- 
 fpread myrtles. But to lower my ftyle 
 a little as I am fuch a genuine lover of 
 gardening, why don't you remember me 
 in that inftance, and fend me fome feeds 
 of things that might fucceed here during 
 the fummer, though they cannot perfect 
 their feeds fufficiently in this, to them, 
 ungenial climate, to propagate ? in the 
 which cafe is the calliloo j that, from the 
 feed it bore here, produced plants puny, 
 ricketty, and good for nothing. There 
 are other things certainly with you, not 
 
 yet
 
 LIFE OF THOMSON. 223 
 
 yet brought over hither, that might flou- 
 rifh here in the fummer-time, and live 
 tolerably well, provided they were fhel- 
 tered during the winter in a green-houfe. 
 You will give me no fmall pleafure, 
 by fending me, from time to time, fome 
 of thefe feeds, if it were no more than to 
 amufe me in making the trial *. 
 
 * The amufements of Thomfon were chiefly the 
 contemplation of nature, the ftudy of natural hif- 
 tory as a fcience, voyages and travels, and the phi- 
 lofophy of civil hiftory ; of which laft he has given 
 an excellent fpecimen in his Liberty, as he has of 
 the firft in his Seafons and Caftle of Indolence. 
 Gardening, except in the ftiff ornamental ftyle of 
 Holland, had made but little progrefs in England 
 in the days of Thomfon. There were no Curtife?, 
 Aytouns, or Forfythes, ftill lefs any Wheatlys or 
 Walpoles. Philip Miller, the author of the Gar- 
 dener's Dictionary, was almoft the only man who 
 could be of ufe to Thomfon in his researches. 
 
 S 4 With
 
 224 ESSAY ON THE 
 
 With regard to the brother gardeners, 
 you ought to know, that, as they are half 
 vegetables, the animal part of them will 
 neyer have fpirit enough to confent to the 
 tranfplanting of the vegetable into diftant 
 dangerous climates : they, happily for 
 themfelves, have no other idea but to dig 
 on here, eat, drink, fleep, and kifs their 
 wives. 
 
 As to more important bufmefs, I have 
 nothing to write to you. You know befl 
 the courfe of it. Be (as you always muft 
 be) juft and honeft ; but if you are un- 
 happily romantic, you mall come home 
 without money, and write a tragedy on 
 yourfelf. Mr. Lyttelton told me that the 
 Grenvilles and he had ftrongly recom- 
 mended the perfon the governor and you 
 propofed for that confiderable office, lately 
 fallen vacant in your department, and that 
 
 there
 
 LIFE OF THOMSON. 225 
 
 there were good hopes of fucceeding. He 
 told me alfo that Mr. P. had faid it was not 
 to be expected that offices fuch as that is, 
 for which the greateft intereft is made here 
 at home, could be accorded to your recom- 
 mendation : but that, as to the middling 
 or inferior offices, if there was not fome 
 particular reafon to the contrary, regard 
 would be had thereto. This is all that 
 can be reafonably defired ; and if you are 
 not infected with a certain Creolean dif- 
 temper (whereof I am perfuaded your 
 foul will utterly refill the contagion) as I 
 hope your body will that of their natural 
 ones), there are few men fo capable of that 
 unperimable happinefs, that peace and fa- 
 tisfadion of mind that proceed from being 
 reafonable and moderate in our defires, as 
 you are. Thefe are the treafures, dug from 
 an inexhauftible mine in our own breafts ; 
 
 which
 
 226 ESSAY ON THE 
 
 which, like thofe in the kingdom of hea- 
 ven, the ruft of time cannot corrupt, nor 
 thieves break through and fteal. I muft 
 learn to work at this mine a little more, 
 being ftruck off from a certain hundred 
 pounds a year which you know I had. 
 Weft, Mallet, and I were all routed in one 
 day. If you would know why out of 
 refentmentto our friend* in Argyll-ftreet. 
 
 Yet 
 
 * George, afterwards Lord Lyttelton. Whether 
 we contemplate the character of this worthy man in 
 public or private life, we are juflified in affirming that 
 he abounded in virtues not only fufficient to create 
 reverence and efteem, but to excite the affectionate 
 remembrance of all who had the honour and plea-, 
 fure of his acquaintance. " His wit was nature by 
 " the Graces dreft" 
 
 " His was the large ambitious wifli, 
 
 " To make men blefl ; the figh for fuffering worth 
 
 ' Loil in obfcurity ; the noble fcorn 
 
 "Of
 
 LIFE OF THOMSON. 227 
 Yet I have hopes given me of having it 
 reftored with intereft, fome time or other. 
 Ah ! that fome time or other is a great de- 
 ceiver. Coriolanus has not yet appeared 
 upon the ftage, from the little dirty jea- 
 loufy of Tullus * I mean of him who 
 was defired to ad Tullus towards him f 
 
 " Of tyrant pride ; the fearlefs great refolve, 
 " TV awaken'd throb for virtue and for fame, 
 " The fympathies of love ad friendfliip dear ; 
 " With all the focial offspring of the heart." 
 
 * Garrick. 
 
 f Quin. Thofewho wifh to amufe themfelveswith 
 the broils of the theatre may confult Davies's Dra- 
 matic Mifcellanies, and his Life of Garrick, for the 
 campaigns (as the theatricals are pleafed to call them) 
 of the winters 47 and 48. For my own part, I admire 
 the great Frederick of Pruffia, who coming to his con- 
 cert, and finding the muficians quarrelling, exclaimed 
 with a good-natured fmile " Arrangez vous, co- 
 
 quins." 
 
 who
 
 228 ESSAY ON THE 
 
 who can alone act GoriolarmSi, Indeed, 
 the firil has entirely jockeyed the laft ofF 
 the ftage for this feafon ; but I believe he 
 will return on him next feafon, like a 
 giant in his wrath. Let us have a little 
 more patience, Paterfon; nay, let us be 
 cheerful. At laft all will be well ; at leaft 
 all will be over here I mean : God for- 
 bid it mould be hereafter. But as fure 
 as there is a God, that will not be fo *. 
 Now that I am prating of myfelf, know 
 that after fourteen or fifteen years, the 
 Caftle of Indolence comes abroad in a 
 
 *~ It is pleafing to fee the laft expreffions of the 
 poet's confidence, that the form of the foul is eter- 
 nal 5 that great fpirits perifh not with the body. 
 There may be worthlefs vefiels, and there may be 
 Teflels fitted for deftruclion ; but of all that Heaven 
 has endowed with feelings to enjoy it, nothing fhall 
 be loft, and the King of Heaven fhall raife it up 
 again at the laft day \ 
 
 t fort-
 
 LIFE OF THOMSON. 229 
 fortnight *. It will certainly travel as far 
 as Barbadoes. You have an apartment in 
 it, as a night penfioner, which you may 
 remember I filled up for you during our 
 delightful party at North Ham. Will 
 ever thefe days return again ? Don't you 
 remember your eating the raw fifh that 
 was never caught ? All our friends are 
 
 * The Caftle of Indolence is the fined poem of 
 the kind in any language worthy of the ripened 
 tafte of Thomfon, and of a poliflied age. 
 O thou, whofe genius, powerful yet refin'd, 
 Whofe bard-like virtues, and confummate fkill 
 To touch the finer fprings that move the heart, 
 Join'd to whate'er the Graces could beftow, 
 And all Apollo's animating fire, 
 Gave thee with pleafmg dignity to mine 
 At once the friend, the ornament, and joy 
 Of Phcebus' fons permit a rural mufe, 
 Thus in thy words to hail thy honour'd made ! 
 Thus to proclaim thee to a downward age 
 The friend of virtue, liberty, and love. 
 
 pretty
 
 230 ESSAY ON THE 
 
 pretty much in ftatu quo, except it be 
 poor Mr. Lyttelton. He has had the 
 fevereft trial an humane tender heart can 
 have * : but the old phyfician Time will 
 at laft clofe up his wounds, though there 
 muft always remain an inward fmarting. 
 Mitchel j~ is in the houfe for Aberdeen- 
 fhire, and has fpoken modeftly well : I 
 hope he will be in fomething elfe foon. 
 None deferves better : true friendfhip and 
 humanity dwell in his heart. Gray is 
 working hard at pafling his accounts. I 
 {poke to him about that affair. If he 
 
 * The death of his Lucy. 
 
 f Sir Andrew Mitchel of Thainftoun. Not a 
 word of exaggeration. He was an excellent man. 
 It is. needlefs for me to attempt faying any thing 
 about a man who was efteemed by Frederick the 
 Great, and beloved by his acquaintance and rela- 
 tions. 
 
 gives
 
 LIFE OF THOMSON. 23 1 
 gives you any trouble about it, even that 
 of dunning, I fhall think of it ftrangely ; 
 but I dare fay he is too friendly to do it. 
 He values himfelf juftly upon being friend- 
 ly to his old friends, and you are among 
 the oldeft. Symmer is at laft tired of 
 quality, and is going to take a femi- 
 country houfe at Hammerfmith. I am 
 forry that honeft fenfible Warrender (who 
 is in town) feems to be ftunted in church 
 preferment. , He ought to be a tall cedar 
 in the houfe of the Lord. If he is not fo 
 at laft, it will add more fuel to my indig- 
 nation, that burns already too intenfely, 
 and throbs towards an eruption. Peter 
 Murdoch is in town, tutor to Admiral 
 Vernon's fon, and is in good hopes of 
 another living in Suffolk, that country of 
 tranquillity, where he will then burrow 
 
 himfelf
 
 232 ESSAY ON THE 
 
 himfelf in a wife and be happy. Good- 
 natured obliging Millar is as ufual. 
 
 Though the Dodtor* increafes in his 
 
 bufmefs, 
 
 * Dolor Armftrong. Armftrong was a worthy 
 man, a good phyfician, and perhaps one of the beft 
 fcientific dida&ic poets in the world, as appears 
 from his poem on the Art of preferving Health. 
 Thomfon {ias defcribed his abfent moods in the 
 Caftle of Indolence, in the tenth ftanza: 
 
 " With him was fometimes join'd in filent walk, 
 " (Profoundly filent, for they never fpokc) 
 " <5ne fhyer ftill, who quite detefted talk ; 
 " Oft ftung by fpleen, at once away he broke, 
 " To groves of pine, and broad o'crfliadowing oak ;' 
 " There, inly thrill'd, he wander'd all alone, 
 " And on himfelf his penfive fury woke j 
 ' He never utter'd word, fave when firft Hione 
 ** The glittering ftar of eve Thank Heaven ! the da\ 
 is done.'* 
 
 When the good Doftor was with the Britifh army
 
 LIFE OF THOMSON. 233 
 
 bufmefs, he does not decreafe in fpleen ; 
 but there is a certain kind of fpleen, that 
 is both humane and agreeable, like Jacques 
 in the play. I fometimes have a touch of 
 it. But I muft break off this chat with 
 you about our friends, which, were I to 
 indulge it, would be endlefs As for poli- 
 tics we are I believe upon the brink of 
 a peace. The French at prefentare va- 
 pouring in the fiege of Maeftricht, at the 
 fame time they are mortally fick in their 
 marine, and through all the vitals of 
 France. It is a pity we cannot continue 
 the war a little longer, and put their ago- 
 nifmg trade quite to death. This fiege, 
 
 in Flanders, as furgeon or phyfician, he was taken 
 prifoner one day, taking what he called a flroll be- 
 yond the lines. I cannot but remember with high 
 pleafure that worthy character. He died September 
 30, 1779, much regretted by all who had the plea- 
 fure of his acquaintance. 
 
 T I take
 
 234 ESSAY ON THE 
 
 I take it, they mean as their laft flourim 
 in the war. May your health, which 
 never failed you yet, ftill continue, till 
 you have fcraped together enough to re- 
 turn home, and live in fome fnug corner, 
 as happy as the Corycius Senex, in 
 Virgil's fourth Georgic, whom I recom- 
 mend both to you and myfelf as a perfect 
 model of the trueft happy life. Believe 
 me to be ever moft fincerely, and affec- 
 tionately, 
 
 Yours, &c. 
 
 JAMES THOMSON. 
 
 ODE
 
 LIFE OF THOMSON. 235 
 ODE ON THE DEATH OF THOMSON. 
 
 BT MR. COLLINS. 
 The Scene on the Thames near Richmond. 
 
 I. 
 
 IN yonder grave a Druid lies, 
 
 Where flowly winds the dealing wave \ 
 
 The year's beft fweets (hall duteous rife 
 To deck its poet's fylvan grave. 
 
 II. 
 
 In yon deep bed of whifp'ring reeds 
 
 His airy harp'* {hall now be laid, 
 That he, whofe heart in forrow bleeds, 
 
 May love thro' life the foothing (hade. 
 
 III. 
 
 Then maids and youths (hall linger here, 
 And while its founds at diftance fwell, 
 
 Shall fadly feem in pity's ear 
 
 To hear the woodland pilgrim's knell. 
 
 * The ./Eolian harp. 
 
 T 2 IV. Re-
 
 $6 ESSAY ON THE 
 
 IV. 
 
 Remembrance oft flvall haunt the more 
 
 When Thames in fummer wreaths is dreft, 
 
 And oft fufpend the dafhing oar, 
 To bid his gentle fpirit reft ! 
 
 V. 
 
 And oft, as eafe and health retire 
 
 To breezy lawn, or foreft deep, 
 The friend (hall view yon whitening * fpire, 
 
 And 'rriid the varied landfcape weep. 
 
 VI. 
 
 But thou, who own'fb that earthy bed, 
 Ah ! what will every dirge avail ; 
 
 Or tears, which love and pity fhed, 
 That mourn beneath the gliding fail ! 
 
 VII. 
 
 Yet lives there one, xvhofe heedlefs eye 
 
 Shall fcorn thy pale fhrine glimm'ring near ? 
 
 * Richmond church, where Thomfon lies buried in the 
 north-weft corner of it, below the chriftening pew, without 
 a tablet or memorial to fay Here Thomfon lies. 
 
 With
 
 LIFE OF THOMSON. 237 
 
 With him, fweet bard, may fancy die, 
 . And joy defert the blooming year. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 But thou, lorn ftream, whofe fallen tide 
 No fedge-crown'd fifters now attend, 
 
 Now waft me from the green hill's fide, 
 Whofe cold turf hides the buried friend ! 
 
 IX. 
 
 And fee, the fairy valleys fade, 
 Dun night has veil'd the folemn view : 
 
 Yet once again, dear parted made, 
 Meek nature's child, again adieu ! 
 
 X. 
 
 The genial meads aflign'd to blefs 
 Thy life, (hall mourn thy early doom , 
 
 Their hinds and Ihepherd-girls mall drefs 
 With fimple hands thy rural tomb. 
 
 XL 
 
 Long, long, thy ftone and pointed clay 
 Shall melt the mufing Briton's eyes : 
 
 O ! vales, and wild woods, (hall he fay, 
 In yonder grave your Druid lies. 
 
 T 3 THE
 
 238 ESSAY ON THE 
 
 THE REVEREND MR. WILLIAM THOMSON'S 
 
 (Sometime of >ueerfs College, Oxford) 
 ADDRESS TO THE SHADE OF THOMSON*. 
 
 HAIL, nature's poet ! whom (he taught alone 
 To Cng her works in numbers like her own : 
 Sweet as the thrum that warbles in the dale, 
 And foft as Philomela's tender tale. 
 She lent her pencil too, of wondrous pow'r, 
 To catch the rainbow, and to paint the flow'r 
 Of many mingling hues ; then fmiling faid 
 (But firft with laurel crown'd her fav'rite's head), 
 ** Thefe beauteous children, tho' fo fair they fhine, 
 " Fade in my feafons let them live in thine :" 
 And live they mail, the charm of ev'ry eye, 
 Till nature fickens, and the feafons die. 
 
 * Thefe beautiful and applicable lines were pronounced 
 by Lord Buchan, on Ednam Hill, on the 22d of Septem- 
 ber 1791, when he crowned the firft edition of the Seafons 
 with a wreath of bays. 
 
 Annlverfary
 
 LIFE OF THOMSON. 
 
 2 39 
 
 Anniverfary of Tbomfons Birth-day ^ 1 790. 
 
 THE Earl of Buchan, defirous of pro- 
 moting a fubfcription for erecting a mo- 
 nument to the memory of Thomfon on 
 Ednam Hill, circulated letters to a confi- 
 derable number of gentlemen of Berwick 
 and Roxburghfhires, in the beginning of 
 September, inviting them to celebrate the 
 22d of September at a Mrs. Spinks's, in 
 Ednam village, where Sir James Pringle, 
 Sir Alexander Don, Dr. Bell, of Coldftream, 
 the poet's fitter's fon, and a dozen more 
 gentlemen accordingly met, and pafled the 
 evening with attick feftivity and good hu- 
 mour, the Earl of Buchan fitting as prsefes 
 in the chair ^vhereon the poet fat when he 
 compofed fiis Cattle of Indolence. This 
 chair became the property of Dr. Arm- 
 T 4 ftrong,
 
 240 ESSAY ON THE 
 
 ftrong, who had it from Sir Andrew 
 Mitchel, who left it to Mr. Elliot, and by 
 him it was obligingly fent to accommo- 
 date the prefident member of this fociety, 
 upon this occalion. 
 
 The gentlemen who aflembled on this 
 day refolved to meet annually on its anni- 
 verfary*, and to open a fubfcription for 
 
 erecting 
 
 * It is remarkable that Mrs. Mary Thomfon, fitter 
 of the poet, and mother of Mr. Craig, architect, was 
 buried on this day ; and'that while Lord Buchan was 
 on Ednam Hill to celebrate the anniverfary, the fon 
 was dropping the laft cord into the grave of Thom- 
 fon's filler. 
 
 The fame day likewife, though without previous 
 concert, the fociety, at Ednam, called the Knights of 
 tlie Cape, met in their hall at Ednam, to celebrate 
 the birth-day of the bard. Mr. Wdbds, the come- 
 dian, recited a handfome occafional poem of his own 
 compofition in honour of the day. On the toafl 
 
 being
 
 LIFE OF THOMSON. 241 
 
 creeling a monument on Ednam Hill, 
 requefting the Earl of Buchan to apply to 
 the curators of Mr. Cuthbert, of Ednam, 
 the proprietor of Ednam, a minor, for a 
 grant of the fpot neceflary for the build- 
 ing and its appurtenances. 
 
 In returning from this meeting the Earl 
 of Buchan's carriage, in which he was 
 
 being given to the memory of Thomfon, Mr. Woods 
 recited) from a poem of Dr. Langhorne's, the conteft 
 of the Seafons, who are reprefented as appealing to 
 Thomfon to decide on their refpeclive merits. At 
 proper intervals he afterwards delivered paflages 
 from the four Seafons of the author, each being fol- 
 lowed by fongs applicable to the refpeclive fubjecls, 
 by other members of the fociety.\ Mr. Woods then 
 recited a number of paflages, fele&ed by him from 
 Thomfon's Poem of Liberty ; after which Rule 
 Britannia was fung by the whole company on their 
 legs, with which this attick entertainment con- 
 cluded. 
 
 accom-
 
 242 ESSAY ON THE 
 
 accompanied by Sir Alexander Don, and 
 Mr. Thomas Potts, writer at Kelfo, was 
 overturned by a reftive horfe on the ap- 
 proach to Ednam Bridge, but without any 
 worfe confequences than the breaking of 
 the machine. In the fucceeding year, 
 Lord Buchan obtained a conceffion of pro- 
 mife from the curators of Mr. Cuthbert, 
 for a grant of the fpot neceffary for erect- 
 ing a monument on the fummit of Ednam 
 Hill, and he circulated letters to the gen- 
 tlemen who had attended the former an- 
 niverfary, and to many other perfons of 
 diftinclion and learning in Scotland ; to 
 MefTrs. Hayley, Mafon, Beattie, and Burns. 
 But very few gentlemen paid any atten- 
 tion to the notification ; a caft from the 
 buft of the poet in Weftminfter Abbey, 
 which had been generoufly tranfmitted by 
 Mr. Coutts, banker at London, to be 
 
 crowned
 
 LIFE OF THOMSON. 243 
 
 crowned with a wreath of bays, was 
 broken in a midnight frolick during the 
 race week on the i6th of September ; 
 and the Earl of Buchan contented himfelf 
 with impofing a wreath of laurel, drefled 
 by Mr. Robert Craig, architect, the poet's 
 fitter's fon,on a copy of theSeafons, printed 
 1 730, in 4to, being the firft complete edi- 
 tion prefented by the poet to his father, 
 addreffing the made of the poet, in the 
 beautiful apoftrophe compofed for a blank 
 leaf of the Seafons by the Rev. Mr. 
 William Thomfon, of Queen's College, 
 Oxon, a copy of which is here pub- 
 limed. I fhall now fubmit to the perufal 
 of the reader, Mr. Burns * the Airlhire 
 
 bard's 
 
 * Robert Burns, of Air (Lire, a farmer's fon, re- 
 markable for a genuine vein of Doric poetry, and for 
 his fuperior abilities and good fenfe, which have ena- 
 bled
 
 244 ESSAY ON THE 
 
 bard's apology for not attending the* 
 
 meeting, and his addrefs to the fhade of 
 
 Thomfon. 
 
 MY LORD, 
 
 LANGUAGE finks under the ardour 
 of my feelings, when I would thank your 
 Lordfhip for the honour, the very great 
 honour, you have done me, in inviting me 
 to the coronation of the buft of Thomfon. 
 
 bled him to efcape the fhipwreck of the fons of 
 Apollo, by continuing his profeflkm of a farmer. 
 
 Mr. Millar, of -Dalfwinton, a gentleman well 
 known by his great genius in mechanics, and his 
 eminence as a banker, generoufly gave the young 
 poet a comfortable and agreeable farm at Ellifland, 
 near Dumfries, where he wooes his ruftic mufe in 
 eafe with that native dignity which muft ever atife 
 from fuperior tafte. " Spernit humum fugiente 
 " penna." -- 
 
 In
 
 LIFE OF THOMSON. 24^ 
 In my firft enthufiafm, on reading the 
 card you did me the honour to write to 
 me, I overlooked every obftacle, and de- 
 termined to go ; but I fear it will not be 
 in my power. A week or two in the 
 very middle of my harveft, is what I 
 much doubt I dare not venture on. I 
 once already made a pilgrimage up the 
 whole courie of the Tweed, and fondly 
 would I take the fame delightful journey 
 down the windings of that charming 
 dream. 
 
 Your Lordfhip hints at an ode for the 
 occafion : but who would write after^ 
 Collins ? I read over his verfes to the 
 memory of Thomfon, and def paired. I 
 attempted three or four ftanzas in the way 
 of addrefs to the fhade of the bard, on 
 crowning his buft. I trouble your Lord- 
 fhip with the inclofed copy of them, which 
 
 I am
 
 246 ESSAY ON THE. 
 
 I am afraid will be but too convincing a 
 proof how unequal I am to the tafk you 
 would obligingly aflign me. However, 
 it affords me an opportunity of approach- 
 ing your Lordfhip, and declaring how 
 fincerely I have the honour to be, 
 My Lord, 
 
 Your Lordfhip's highly obliged, 
 And moft devoted humble fervant, 
 ROBERT BURNS. 
 
 Ellifland, near Dumfries, 
 ayth Auguft, 1791. 
 
 ADDRESS
 
 LIFE OF THOMSON. 247 
 
 ADDRESS TO THE SHADE OF THOMSON, 
 On crowning his Bujl "with a Wreath of Bays. 
 
 I. 
 
 WHILE virgin Spring, by Eden's flood, 
 
 Unfolds her tender mantle green ; 
 Or pranks the fod in frolic mood, 
 
 Or tunes Eolian flrains between ; 
 
 II. 
 
 While Summer with a matron grace 
 Retreats to Dryburgh's cooling (hade, 
 
 Yet oft delighted flops to trace 
 The progrefs of the fpiky blade ; 
 
 III. 
 
 While Autumn, benefactor kind, 
 
 By Tweed erects her aged head, 
 And fees, with felf-approving mind, 
 
 Each creature on her bounty fed ; 
 
 IV. 
 
 While maniac Winter rages o'er 
 
 The hills whence claflic Yarrow flows, 
 
 Roufing
 
 .8 ESSAY ON THE 
 
 Roufing the turbid torrent's roar, 
 Or fweeping wild a wafte of fnows ; 
 
 V. 
 
 So long, fweet poet of the year, 
 
 Shall bloom that wreath thou well haft won. 
 While Scotia with exulting tear 
 
 Proclaims that Thomfon was her fon. 
 
 THE
 
 LIFE OF THOMSON. 249 
 
 THE EARL OF BUCHAN'S INVITATION TO SIR JOHN 
 
 SINCLAIR, OF ULBSTER, TO BE PRESENT 
 
 AT THE FESTIVAL OF THOMSON. 1791. 
 
 SINCLAIR ! thou phoenix of the frozen Thule ! 
 O fhape thy courfe to Tweda's lovely dream, 
 Whofe lucid, fparkling, gently flowing courfe 
 Winds like Iliflus through a land of fong : 
 Not as of old, when, like the Theban twins, 
 Her rival children tore each other's breads, 
 And (lained her filver wave with kindred blood : 
 But proudly glittering through a happy land, 
 The yellow harvefts bend along her fields ; 
 The golden orchards glow with bluming fruits j 
 Green are her paftoral banks, white are her flocks, 
 That fafely ftray where barb'rous Edward raged ; 
 And where the din of clafhing arms was heard 
 We hear the carols of the happy fwains, 
 Free as their lords, and with the purring looms, 
 Hark, hark, the weaver's merry roundelay ! 
 The charming fong of Scotland's better day : 
 *Tis liberty, fweet liberty alone 
 Can give a luftre to the northern fun. 
 " Come when the Virgin gives the beauteous days, 
 U " And
 
 ESS A V ON T ti E 
 
 " And Libra weighs in equal fcales the year j w 
 Come, and to Thomfoivs gentle fliade repair, 
 And pour libations to his virtuous mufe, 
 Where firft he drew the flame of vital air, 
 " Where firft his feet did prefs the virgin fnow, 
 " And where he tuned his charming Doric reed.' 
 Perhaps where Thomfoh fired the foul of fong, 
 Some voice may whifper in ^Eolian ftrains 
 To him who, wand'ring near his parent ftream. 
 Shall o'er the placid blue profound of air 
 Receive the genius of his pafling made. 
 Come then, my Sinclair, leave empiric Pitt, 
 And raging Burke, and all the hodge-podge fry 
 Of Tory Whigs, and whiggifli Tory knaves, 
 And bathe thy genius in thy country's fame : 
 Let Burke write pamphlets, and let Pitt declaim ; 
 Let us feek honour in our country's weaL
 
 LIFE OF THOMSON. 
 
 251 
 
 Eulogy of nomfon, the Poet, delivered by 
 the Earl of Buchan, on Ednam Hill, 
 when he crowned thefrfl edition of the 
 Seafons with a wreath of bays, on the 
 lid of September, 1791. 
 
 GENTLEMEN, 
 
 IT has been the cuftom of that great and 
 truly to be refpe&ed nation of the French, 
 to pronounce, at the meetings of men of 
 .genius, learning, and tafte, the praifes of 
 the illuftrious dead ; and this cuftom has 
 been adopted by other countries, as, emer- 
 ging from barbarity, they became gradu- 
 ally fenfible of the infinite fuperiority of 
 men imbued with fcience, learning, and 
 tafte, over the ignorant creatures of im- 
 perial power. 
 
 U 2 Thcv
 
 252 ESSAY ON THE 
 
 They faw, and deplored, the rude in- 
 ftitutions of their favage anceftors on the 
 page of hiflory, inftitutions which covered 
 men with honours, and beftrung them 
 with ribbands, according to the guft and 
 prejudice of illiterate princes, and left the 
 real benefactors and ornaments of fociety 
 to languifh or to pafs unnoticed in ob- 
 fcurity. Fortunately born as we have 
 been in the age of a Frederick the Great, 
 and of a Waihington, all men pofTefled 
 of any taiie or feeling (and may I add) 
 of common fenfe, have rejoiced, and do 
 now rejoice, to behold the dignity of hu- 
 man nature beginning to appear amidft 
 the ruins of Gothic fuperftition and 
 tyranny, and the immortal Pruflia, ftand- 
 ing like a herald in the proceffion of ages, 
 to mark the beginning of that order of, 
 
 men
 
 LIFE OP THOMSON. 253 
 
 men who are to banifh from the earth 
 the filly delations of worthlefs prieft- 
 craft, and the monftrous prerogatives of 
 defpotic authority, 
 
 I think myfelf happy to have this day 
 the tafk affigned to me of endeavouring 
 to do juftice to the memory of Thomfon, 
 which has been prophanely touched by 
 the rude hands of the pedantic Samuel 
 Johnfon, whofe fame and reputation in- 
 dicates the decline of tafte in a country 
 that, after having produced an Alfred, a 
 Wallace, a Bacon, a Napier, a Newton, 
 a Buchanan, a Milton, a Hampden, 
 a Fletcher, and a Thomfon, can fubmit. 
 to be bullied under the rod of a fchool- 
 mafter, or to be led by the firings of 
 the fatchel of a petulant fchool-boy ! 
 Scotland, Gentlemen, though now full 
 U of
 
 254 ESSAY ON THE 
 
 of men who are above fervile compliance 
 with the power of the day, was, in the 
 days of Thomfon, a nation of proud and 
 poor nobles and difpirited vaflals. Except 
 Belhaven and Fletcher, whom he hardly 
 faw, and Argyll, Stair, Marchmont, and 
 other free fpirits, whom delicacy forbids 
 me to mention, there were few in the 
 kingdom who could encourage the poet 
 to rife above the mediocrity of a fettered 
 ftudent of divinity, or to imbue his mind 
 with that noble fentiment of independence 
 by which his life and his writings are 
 charaderifed and diftinguifhed. In the 
 family of Jervifwood, to which he was 
 introduced by the kindred of his mother, 
 he received the earlieft attentions ; and 
 fome verfe*s of his addrefTed to one of 
 that family, for the ufe of fome books, 
 
 are,
 
 LIFE OF THOMSON. 255 
 are, I believe, ftitl preferved as a fpecimen 
 of his infantine genius. 
 
 That the lady indifcreetly alluded to 
 in the Life of Thomfon, fhould have 
 encouraged him to try his fortune in 
 London, is highly probable ; but that fhe 
 fhould have deferted him afterwards 
 agrees not with the nature of a fpon- 
 taneous patronage ; for nothing is more 
 natural to patrons than the defire of 
 feeing clue attention paid to their recom- 
 mendations, and following out the objects 
 of their protection to the attainment of 
 honour, that mall reflect upon themfelves. 
 
 The trifling ftory about his lofmg his 
 bundle on his way from Wapping to 
 Mallet's houfe in London, and the want 
 of his fhoes, is in the odour of that vulgar 
 malevolence, which gives a race to the 
 works of thefivage biographer. 
 
 U 4 The
 
 *5^ ESSAY ON THE 
 
 The only occafion, when I had the 
 mifchance to meet Johnfon, was at old 
 Strahan's (the tranflator / of the fix firft 
 books of the ^Eneid), in Suffolk Street, 
 where I found him and Mallet cobling 
 thefe books for publication; and there 
 I remember to have heard them repeating 
 this ftory with glee, after having cut 
 down Dryden, Gawin, Douglas, Trapp, 
 and the other predeceffors of poor Strahan, 
 in the tranflation of the JEneid. 
 
 Such are the annals of critics, and po- 
 etafters, and with this blacking let them 
 be handed down to pofterity, with the 
 flioes of the bard of Ednam. 
 
 We are much indebted to Aaron Hill 
 for his kindnefs to Thomfon, and his 
 handfome lines in compliment to Scot- 
 land, now in every mouth : no more 
 poetry and prophecy, but matter of fact ! 
 
 How
 
 LIFE OF THOMSON. 257 
 How different an Aaron Hill, a Thomas 
 Pennant, and a Thomas Newte, from a 
 Samuel Johnfon ! >C 
 
 Why, fays Johnfon, are the dedications 
 to Winter, and the other Seafons, con- 
 trary to cuftom, left out in Thomfon's 
 collected works ? I will tell you, fhade 
 of Johnfon. Btcaufe little men difappear 
 when great men take their proper fta- 
 tion. 
 
 The Countefs of Hertford, fays John- 
 fon, ufed to invite every fummer fomc 
 poet to hear her verfes ; and Thomfon, 
 who was called for that purpofe, took more 
 delight in caroufmg with Lord Hertford 
 and his friends, than in affifting her 
 Ladyihip's poetical operations, who there- 
 fore never gave the poet another fum- 
 mons. 
 
 That no earl or countefs ever gave 
 
 Johnfon 

 
 *5 ESS A T ON T ITS. 
 
 Johnfon an invitation to the Country- 
 can etfcke no wonder, nor that Thomfon's 
 genius and independant fpirit mould lead 
 him to prefer wit and the focial board 
 cf an accomplished family, to the manu- 
 facture of courtly verfes, for a verfe-fick 
 countefs. 
 
 Lord Chatham, Lord Temple, Lord 
 Lyttelton, Sir Andrew Mitchel, Dr, 
 Armftrong, Mr. Gray, of Richmond- 
 Hill, and the oily man of God, I 
 have often had the pleafure to hear on 
 the fubjecl: of Thornfon. All of them 
 agreed in the teflimony of his being a 
 gentleman at all points, and a gentleman 
 by God, as well as a poet by nature, far 
 above the degree of our modern poets, 
 that are infufed into the houfe of bards, 
 in imitation of our modern fyftem of 
 peerage. 
 
 Of
 
 LIFE OF THOMSON. 259 
 
 Of Johnfon's criticifm on the Poem of 
 Thomfon, entitled Liberty, I {hall fay 
 nothing; but I will take the liberty to fay 
 that Britain knows nothing of the liberty 
 that Thomfon celebrates ! 
 
 fbom/bH
 
 i6o ESSAY ON THE 
 
 Ybomfon to the Sifter of his Amanda^ at 
 Bath. 
 
 Kew Lane, Nov. 27, 1742. 
 
 MADAM, 
 
 GIVE me leave to fay that, among all 
 your friends, nobody longs more ardently 
 after the full eftablifhment of your health 
 than I do : firft, and foremoft, upon your 
 own perfonal account ; and fecondly, from 
 more felfilh motives, that you may foon 
 return to fupply to us the want of the 
 fun by your company. You may, per- 
 haps, think this compliment a little high- 
 ftrained ; whereas, upon the faith of a 
 melancholy man, and as I hope to laugh 
 again, I would, for three or four hours 
 of your company, give three or four 
 months of fiieh days as thefe. But at the 
 
 fame 

 
 LIFE OF THOMSON. 261 
 lame time I muft be fo bold as to add, 
 that though it be downright deep No- 
 vember, and you, Mifs Berry, and Mifs 
 Young abfent, none of us will pufh the 
 compliment fo far as to verify the French 
 author's obfervation, who begins his book 
 thus It was in the month of November, 
 when Englimmen hang and drown them- 
 felves And yet, I am difmal enough, 
 fometimes, nay would you believe it ? 
 as it were, vapoured. Do, dear Mrs. Ro- 
 bertfon, make hafte to be well. 
 
 Sorely do I grieve not to have been 
 one of your 'fquires that day you fet out; 
 for, befides the ferious pleafure of attend- 
 ing you and your companions, I hear 
 very diverting accounts of the journey, 
 particularly of David's navigation on 
 horfeback ; how it blew a hard gale of 
 riding with him, driving him now a great 
 
 way
 
 262 ESSAY o& THE 
 
 way on one fide, then, helm-a-lee, oa 
 the other; how he had almoft committed 
 piracy on the highway ; and how he was 
 next morning, while afieep, deferted by 
 the fhip's crew, and left among the fa- 
 vages. I am furthermore informed that, 
 being thereunto moved by the infligation 
 of a galled backfide, and not having the 
 fear of the ladies before his eyes, he was 
 guilty of high treafon againft their fove- 
 reign beauty, by uttering certain bafe, 
 fcandalous, and traiterous words, for the 
 which he muft in due time undergo his 
 trial ; George Scot *, judge ; James Ro- 
 bertfon f , attorney general ; and William 
 
 * George Lewis Scot, afterwards fub-preceptor 
 to the king, and one of the commiffioners of ex- 
 cife. 
 
 f Mr. Robertfon, furgeon to the houfehold at 
 Kew. * 
 
 Paterfon
 
 LIFE OF THOMSON. 263 
 Paterfon *, foreman of the jury. But, by 
 their mutual accufations, I find there is a 
 heavy charge againft them all. 
 
 To think of leaving, nay, for fome 
 time actually to have left, diftreffed ladies 
 under their protection, to travel in the 
 dark through infamous places, through 
 Maidenhead Thicket, where fo many 
 robberies had been committed the very 
 day before, is fuch a ftain upon all chi- 
 valry, as their return cannot entirely wipe 
 off. They were, indeed, upon the brink 
 of perdition ;' for had they not returned, 
 their fwords muft have been broken over 
 their heads, their arms reverfed, and the 
 ban of all gallantry publifhed againft 
 them. Nobody would have drunk, np- 
 
 * Paterfon, formerly mentioned, who was thea 
 a clerk in a compting houfe, afterwards Thomfon's 
 deputy as furveyor of the Leeward I Hands. 
 
 5 body
 
 164 ESSAY ON tHE 
 
 body would have toafted with them, and 
 nothing but making two or three cam- 
 paigns in the fervice of that heroic lady, 
 the Queen of Hungary, could have re- 
 
 v 
 
 ftored them to any degree of honour, 
 
 I hope the ladies have at laft got their 
 clothes. To be at Bath, yet debarred 
 from the rooms, mufl have been a cruel 
 fituation to fuch as knew lefs how to 
 converfe with, and enjoy themfelves 
 the very fituation of Tantalus ! . up to 
 the lip in diverfions, without being able 
 to catch a drop of them. And yet, not- 
 withftanding all thefe diverfions, I do, 
 from my foul, moft fmcerely pity you, 
 to be fo long doomed to a place fo de- 
 lightfully tirefome. Delightfully, did I 
 fay ? No ; it is merely a fcene of waking 
 dreams, where nothing but the phantoms 
 of pleafure fly about, without any fub- 
 
 ftance
 
 LIFE OF THOMSON. 265 
 ftance;or reality. 'What a round of filly 
 amufements, what a giddy circle of no- 
 thing do thefe children of a larger fize 
 run everyday! Nor does it only give a 
 gay vertigo to the head, it has equally a 
 bad influence on the heart. When the 
 head is full of nothing but drefs, and 
 fcandal, and dice, and cards, and rowly 
 powly, can the heart be fenfible to thofe 
 fine emotions, thofe tender, humane, ge- 
 nerous paflions that form the foul of all 
 virtue and happinefs ! Ah ! then, ye lovers, 
 never think to make any impreflion on 
 the hearts of the diffipated fair. So could 
 1 proceed in my tedious homily; but I afk 
 pardon for railing at a place you are 
 obliged to be at, and which I hope will 
 
 
 
 reftore you to perfect health. Yes, that 
 reconciles me to it again; and if my letter 
 was not already too long, I would make 
 its panegyric, 
 
 X May
 
 266 B SS A Y ON T II t. 
 
 May I flatter myfelf with the hopes of 
 hearing from you? If you fend me but 
 your three names, and above them " We 
 are well,'* I fhall be glad even of that. 
 Madam, I am forry to acquaint you, that 
 your hufband, once famous for hofpitality,, 
 has loft it all fmce you left this place. 
 Pray be fo good as to lay your commands 
 upon him, to treat us fome night or other 
 with a bowl of punch, that we may drink 
 your healths. My beft compliments, my 
 moft hearty refpeds, my in fhort, all 
 the good wifhes my heart can form, at- 
 tend you all ! Believe me to be, 
 With the utmoft refpetl, 
 Madam, 
 
 Your, and Mifs Young's, 
 And Mifs Berry's, 
 
 Devoted humble fervant, 
 JAMES THOMSON. 
 
 Humorous
 
 LIFE OP THOMSON. 267 
 
 Humorous Epiflk to a Friend^ on his 
 Travels. 
 
 December 7, 1742* 
 
 TRUSTY AND WELL-BLOVED DOG, 
 
 HEARING you are gone abroad to 
 fee the world, as they call it, I cannot 
 forbear, upon this occafion, tranfmitting 
 you a few thoughts. 
 
 It may feem prefumption in me to pre- 
 tend to give you any mftrudiion; but 
 you muft know, that I am a dog of con- 
 fiderable experience. Indeed I have not 
 improved fo much as I might have done, 
 by my juftiy deferred misfortunes : the 
 cafe very often of my betters. 
 
 However, a little I have learned ; and 
 fometimes, while I feemed to lie afleep 
 before the fire, I have overheard the con- 
 verfation of your travellers. 
 
 X 2 In
 
 268 ESSAY ON THE 
 
 In the firft place, I will not fuppofe 
 that you are gone abroad an illiterate cub, 
 juft efcaped from the lam of your keeper, 
 and running wild about the world like 
 a dog who has loft his mailer,- utterly un- 
 acquainted with the proper knowledge, 
 manners, and converfation of dogs. 
 
 Thefe are the public jefts of every 
 country through which they run poft, 
 and frequently they are avoided as if 
 they were mad dogs. None will con- 
 verfe with them but thofe who fhear, 
 fometimes even fkin them, and often they 
 return home like a dog who has loft his 
 tail. In fhort, thefe travelling puppies 
 do nothing elfe but run after foreign 
 bitches, learn to dance, cut capers, play 
 tricks, and admire your fine outlandifh 
 howling: though in my opinion, our 
 vigorous, deep-mouthed Britim note is 
 better mufic. 
 
 I
 
 LIFE OF THOMSON. 269 
 
 .If a timely ftop is not put to this, the 
 genuine breed of our ancient fturdy dogs 
 will, by degrees, dwindle and degenerate 
 into dull Dutch maftiffs, effeminate Italian 
 lapdogs, or tawdry, impertinent French 
 harlequins. All our once noble-throated 
 guardians of the houfe and fold will be 
 fucceeded by a mean courtly race, that 
 fnarl at honefl men, flatter rogues, proudly 
 wear badges of flavery, ribbands, collars, 
 &c. and fetch and carry flicks at the lion's 
 court. By the bye, my dear Marquis, 
 this fetching and carrying of flicks is a 
 diverfion you are too much addicted to, 
 and, though a diverfion, unbecoming a true 
 independent country dog. There is an- 
 other dog-vice, that greatly prevails among 
 the hungry whelps at court ; but your 
 gut is too well fluffed to fall into that. 
 What I mean is, patting, pawing, folicit- 
 X 3 ing,
 
 3-7 ESSAY ON THE 
 
 ing, teafing, fnapping the morfel out of 
 one another's mouths, being bitterly en- 
 vious, and infatiably ravenous, nay, fome- 
 times filching when they fafely may. Of 
 this vice I have an inftance continually 
 before my eyes, in that wretched animal 
 Scrub, whofe genius is quite mifplaced 
 here in the country. He has, befides, fuch 
 an admirable talent at fcratching at a door, 
 as might well recommend him to the 
 office of a court-waiter A word in your 
 ear I wifh a certain two-legged friend 
 of 'mine had a little of his affiduity. 
 Thefe canine courtiers are alfo extremely 
 given to bark at merit and virtue, if ill- 
 elad and poor : they have likewife a nice 
 difcernment, with regard to thofe whom 
 their mafter diftinguifhes : to fuch you 
 {hall fee them go up immediately, and 
 fawning in the moft abjecl; . manner 
 
 baifer
 
 LIFE OF THOMSON. 271 
 
 balfer leur ciil. For me, it is always a 
 maxim with me, 
 
 To honour humble worth, and, fcorning flats, 
 Pifs on the proud inhofpitable gate. 
 
 For which reafon I go fcattering my water 
 every where about Richmond. And now . 
 that I am upon this topic, I muft cite 
 you two lines of a letter from Bounce 
 (of celebrated memory), to Fop, a dog in 
 the country to a dog at court. She 
 is giving an account of her generous 
 offspring, among which me mentions 
 two, far above the vice I now cenmre : 
 
 One ufliers friends to Bathurft's door, 
 One fawns at Oxford's on the poor ! 
 
 Charming dogs ! I have little more to 
 fay ; but only, confidering the great mart 
 of fcandal you are at, to warn you againft 
 flattering thofe, you converfe with, and, 
 X4 the
 
 272 ESS A Y O N THE 
 
 the moment they turn to go away, back- 
 biting them a vice with which the dogs 
 of old ladies are much infected : and you 
 muft have been moft furioufly affected 
 with it here at Richmond, had you not 
 happened into a good family ; therefore 
 I might have fpared this caution. One 
 tiling I had almoft forgot. You have a 
 bafe cuftom, when you chance upon a 
 certain fragrant exuvium, of perfuming 
 your carcafe with it. Fye ! fye ! leave 
 that nafty cuftom to your little, foppifh, 
 crop-eared dogs, who do it to conceal 
 their own ftink. 
 
 My letter, I fear, grows tedious. I will 
 detain you from your flumbers no longer, 
 but conclude by wifhing that the waters 
 and exercife may bring down your fat 
 fides, and that you may return a genteel 
 accomplifhed dog. Pray lick for me, you 
 
 happy
 
 LIFE OF THOMSON. 273 
 
 happy dog you, the hands of the fair 
 ladies you have the honour to attend. T 
 remember to have had that happinefs 
 once, when one, who fhall be namekfs, 
 looked with an envious eye upon me. 
 
 Farewell, my dear Marquis. Return, I 
 beg it of you, foon to Richmond ; when 
 I will treat you with fome choice frag- 
 ments, a marrow-bone which I will crack 
 for you myfelf, and a defTert of high- 
 toafted cheefe. I am, without farther 
 ceremony, yours fmcerely, 
 
 BUFF. 
 
 Mi Dewti too Marki. X Scrub's mark. 
 
 Letter to Mrs. R. the Sifter of Amanda. 
 Chriftmas Day, 1 742. 
 
 MADAM, 
 
 I BELIEVE I am in love with fome 
 one or all of you; for though you will not 
 
 favour
 
 t;4 ESSAY ON THE 
 
 favour toe with the fcrap of a pen, yet I 
 cannot forbear writing to you again. Is 
 it not however barbarous, not to fend 
 me a few foft characters, one pretty 
 name to cheer my eyes withal ? How 
 eafily fome people might make others 
 happy if they would ! But it is no fmall 
 comfort to me, fince you will not write, 
 that I fhall foon have the pleafure of 
 being in your company. And then, 
 though I were downright picqued, I fhall 
 forget it all in a moment. 
 
 I cannot help telling you of a very 
 
 pleafing fcene I lately faw. In the 
 
 middle of a green field there ftands a peace- 
 ful lowly habitation ; into which having 
 entered, I beheld innocence, fweet inno- 
 cence, afleep, Your heart would have 
 yearned, your eyes perhaps overflowed 
 with tears of joy, to fee how charming 
 
 he
 
 LIFE OF THOMSON. 275 
 .be looked ; like a young cherub dropped 
 from Heaven, if they be fo happy as to 
 have young cherubs there. 
 
 When awaked, it is not to be imagined 
 with what complacency and eafe, what 
 foft ferenity altogether unmixed with 
 the leaft cloud, he opened his eyes. 
 Dancing with joy in his nurfe's arms, 
 his eyes not only fmiled, but laughed 
 which put me in mind of a certain near 
 relation of his, whom I need not name. 
 
 What delights thee fo, thou lovely babe ? 
 art thou thinking of thy mother's re- 
 covery ? does fome kind power imprefs 
 upon thee a prefage of thy future happi- 
 nefs under her tender care ? I took the 
 liberty to touch him with unhallowed lips, 
 which reftored me to the good opinion 
 of the nurfe, who had neither forgot nor 
 forgiven my having flighted that favour 
 5 once.
 
 i~6 ESSAY ON THE 
 
 once. While thus I gazed with fincere 
 and virtuous fadsfaction, I could moft 
 pathetically have addrefled the gay 
 wretches of the age, the joylefs inmates 
 of Bachelor's Hall *, and was ready to , 
 repeat Milton's divine Hymn on Mar- 
 riage: 
 
 Hail, wedded Love ! myirerious law, true fourcc 
 
 Of human offspring, fole propriety 
 
 In Paradife of all things common elfe ! 
 
 By thee adulterous luft was driven from men 
 
 Among the beftial herds to rang? j by thee, 
 
 Founded in reafon, loyal, juft and pure, 
 
 Relations dear, and all the charities 
 
 Of father, fon, and brother, firft were known. 
 
 Far be it, c. 
 
 Now that I have been tranfcribing 
 
 * Bachelor's Hall, a houfe on Richmond Hill j fo 
 called, from being occupied during the fummer fea- 
 fcn by a fociety of gentlemen from London. 
 
 fome
 
 LIFE OF THOMSON. 277 
 fome lines of poetry, I think I once en- 
 gaged myfelf while walking in Kew-lane 
 to write two or three fongs. The follow- 
 ing is one of them, which I have Rolen 
 from the Song of Solomon ; from that 
 beautiful expreffion of Love, " Turn 
 away thine eyes from me, for they have 
 
 overcome me." 
 
 L 
 
 O THOU, whofe tender ferious eyes 
 Expreflive fpeak the mind I love; 
 The gentle azure of the fkieSy 
 The penfive fhadows of the grove : 
 
 II. 
 
 O mix their beauteous beams with mintf, 
 And let us interchange ouV hearts ; 
 Let all their fweettiefs on me ftiine, 
 Pour'd thro' my foul be all their darts. 
 
 .III. 
 
 Ah ! 'tis too much ! I cannot bear 
 At once fo left, fo keen,
 
 278 ESSAY ON THE 
 
 In pity, then, my lovely fair, 
 O turn thefe killing eyes away 1 
 
 IV. 
 
 But what avails it to conceal 
 One charm, where nought but charms we fee 
 Their luftre then again reveal, 
 And let me, Myra, die of thee. 
 
 My beft rerpeds attend Mifs Young 
 and Mifs Berry, who I hope are heartily 
 tired of Bath, and will leave it without 
 the leaft regret, whomfoever they leave 
 pining behind them. I wifh you all a 
 much happier and merrier Chriftmas than 
 we can have without you. But in amends 
 you will bring us along with you a gay 
 ajid happy new year. Believe me to be, 
 with the greateft refped, and the heartieft 
 good wimes that all health and happinefs 
 
 may ever attend you, 
 Madam, 
 
 Your moft obedient, 
 Humble fervant, 
 JAMES THOMSON.
 
 LIFE OF THOMSON. 
 
 VERSES ADDRESSED TO Miss YOUNG. 
 
 AH urge too late ! from beauty's bondage free, 
 
 Why did I truft my liberty with thee ? 
 
 And thou, why didfl thou, with inhuman art, 
 
 If not refolv'd to take, feduce my heart ? 
 
 Yes, yes, you faid (for lovers eyes fpeak true) ; 
 
 You muft have feen how fail my pafiion grew : 
 
 And when your glances chanc'd on me to fhine, 
 
 How my fond foul ecftatic fprung to thine ! 
 
 But mark me, fair-one, what I now declare 
 Thy deep attention claims, and ferious care: 
 It is no common paffion fires my bread, 
 I muft be wretched, or I muft be tleft ! 
 My woes all other remedy deny j 
 Or, pitying, give me hope, or bid me die ! 
 
 To
 
 280 ESS.AY ON 'THE LlFE, &C. 
 
 To Miss YOUNG*, WITH A PRESENT OF HIS SEASONS. 
 
 ACCEPT, loved nymph ! this tribute due. 
 To tender friendftiip, love, and you ; 
 But with it take what breath'd the whole, 
 O f take to thine the poet's foul. 
 If fancy here her pow'r difplays, 
 And if a heart exalts thefe lays 
 Tou faireft in that fancy {hine, 
 And all that heart is fondly thine. 
 
 * Some flight variations have been found in different 
 iopies which have been handed about in MS. This i 
 from the original* 
 
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