^1 SMI I Ml |=©I 
 
 ^aaMNnjwv y 0AavaaiH^ y 0AHviiaii-# <tjuqnvsoa^ 
 
 ^UIBRARYtf/^ ^EUNIVER% ^lOSANGElft> -^ILIBRARYQ^ 
 
 % 
 
 %)J I1VD- 30^ ^J13DNY SOV^ 
 
 ■< 
 
 
 #•' 
 
 tj 
 
 
 AjOF-CAllFO% 
 
 y OAavaan# 
 
 , \WE UNIVERS/a 
 
 o 
 
 vvlOSANCElfj> 
 o 
 
 Cc 
 
 ^OFCAllFOfi^ 
 
 ■%3AiNii-3ftv ^Aavaain^ 
 
 ^OF 
 
 cc 
 
 s>AOSANGEl£j> 
 
 $%a3AINlT3t\* 
 
 ^IIBRARY^ ^UIBRARY^ 
 
 
 33 
 
 AtfEUNIVERS/A 
 
 <Tii33NV-SOl^ 
 
 o 
 
 3 
 
 ^lOS-ANGELfj> ^OF-CALIF0«fc ^OKALIFOfy* ^WE-UNIVERS^ 
 
 $fta3AINfl 3WV 
 
 y 0AHvaan^ y 0Aavaain^ 
 
 £• 
 
 <Til3DNVSm^ 
 
 a? 
 
 ^t LIBRARY^ 
 
 
 ^\E UNIVERS//, 
 
 vvlOSANCELFj> 
 
 
 ^UIBRARYQr 
 
 ' r 4m\\m -3^ %ojiiv>jo^ 
 
 i? 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^OFCAI 
 
 —M i 
 
 cc 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 oi^ '^m
 
 
 r*> 
 
 JiliJNYSUl^ 
 
 ^WE-INIVERS// 
 
 <TJ130NV-S 
 
 ^ 
 
 clOS-ANCELfj> 
 
 ^•LIBRARY*?/ 
 
 £? - 
 
 £ 4? 
 
 • u-j 
 
 MJl 
 
 KOJIIVD-JO^ 
 
 >- 
 
 ^E-UNIVERty 
 
 U 
 
 <rjlJDNV-! 
 
 <$UIBRARY0/ 
 
 Si irr - 
 
 ■^/hhainihwv* 
 
 vxLOS ANCELfjv 
 
 
 »r 
 
 *\K-UNIVER% ^vlOS-ANCELfj 
 
 J 13 JUT 
 
 '/SMAINIHUv 
 
 i? 
 
 o 
 
 «$l-LIBRAR 
 
 VNHr. 
 
 
 t^EUNIV 
 
 \_ 
 
 
 
 ^UIBR* 
 
 %0 
 
 IV.

 
 M E M 1 R S 
 
 OF THE 
 
 COURT OF ENGLAND, 
 
 DURING 
 
 THE REGENCY, 
 
 1811 — 1820. 
 FROM ORIGINAL FAMILY DOCUMENTS. 
 
 BY 
 
 THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM AND CHANDOS, 
 
 K.G. 
 
 IN TWO VOLUMES. 
 VOL. I. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 HURST AND BLACKETT, PUBLISHERS, 
 
 SUCCESSORS TO HENRY COLBURN, 
 
 13, GREAT MARLBOROUGH STREET. 
 
 1856.
 
 LONDON: 
 
 Printed by Schulze and Co., 13, I'olaud Street. 
 
 • • 

 
 DA 
 
 38. 
 
 M. I 
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 OF 
 
 THE FIRST VOLUME. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Debates on the Regency continues through the Christmas Holidays — 
 Conduct of Lord Grenville in 1788 and 1811 — Speculations 
 respecting the Government of the Prince Regent — Lord Grenville, 
 as Auditor of the Exchequer, declines to sign Treasury Warrants 
 — Intrigue to obtain a change in the Political Principles of the 
 Prince Regent — Sheridan and Lord Sidmouth — The Prince sends 
 for Lord Grenville — Lord Grenville and Grey, by command, draw 
 up the Answer of His Royal Highness to the Address of the 
 Houses of Parliament — Sheridan substitutes an Answer of his 
 own — Remonstrance of Lords Grenville and Grey — Sheridan's 
 Mischievous Representations to the Prince — Letter of the Prince 
 of Wales to Mr. Perceval, announcing his Intention to maintain 
 the present Ministers in office 3 — 36 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Opening of Parliament by Commission — The Royal Speech— Division in 
 the Cabinet — State of Affairs in the Peninsula — Attempt to 
 Disunite Lords Grey and Grenville— Secret Intelligence respecting 
 
 A ** '
 
 IV CONTENTS. 
 
 the King — The Prince Regent and the Government — Canning and 
 "Whitbread — Differences between Mr. Perceval and Marquis 
 Wellesley — The Naval Service — Secret Intelligence of the Royal 
 Family — The Fleet on the Coast of Sicily — The Armies in Spain — 
 The Court at "Windsor, Carlton House, Kensington Palace, and 
 Warwick House — ■ The Princess of Wales and the Princess 
 Charlotte 37—73 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Lord Wellington and Principal Souza — General Graham — Services of 
 Admiral Berkeley — Monument to Captain Shipley — Slate of Spain 
 — Misunderstanding between the Prince Regent and Mr. Perceval 
 — Battles in the Peninsula — Information from Lisbon — The Duke 
 of York restored to his Post of Commander-in-Chief — Grand 
 Pete at Carlton House — Its Extravagance and Folly — Affecting 
 Anecdote of the aged King — Marquis Wellesley, Canning, and the 
 Grenvilles — State of the Government .... 75 — 105 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Misconduct of Blake — Movements of Lord Wellington — Parliamentary 
 Proceedings — News from the Peninsula — Political Rumours — 
 Bristol Election — Movements in Spain — Lord William Bcntinck 
 in Sicily — Quarrel between the Emperors Napoleon and Alexander 
 — Secret Intelligence from St. Petersburgh — Position of Prussia — 
 Pozzo di Borgo — Policy of the Marquis Wellesley — The Prince 
 Regent and Mr. Perceval — Cavalry Action — Lord Wellington and 
 Souza — Increase of the King's Malady . . . 107 — 135 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Mr. Tierney's Opinion on the Condncl of the Catholic Bishops- The 
 Prince Regent's Discontent — State of Sicilj — Accident to the 
 Prince Regent — Dnke of Clarence and Ladj Catherine Long- 
 Mrs. Jordan — Difficulties of the Ministry — Secret Despatch res 
 pecting Foreign States — AJFaira in Spain — Admiral Berkeley — The 
 Royal Dnkea Lord Wellesley's Relations with the Prince Regent 
 — News from Spain — A new Wine— Quarrel between the Prince
 
 CONTENTS. V 
 
 Regent and the Duke of Cumberland — Liberal Arrangements for 
 the Civil List — Lord Sidmouth's Communications with M r. 
 Perceval 137—166 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 A Party at Holland House — The Bishopric of Oxford — Conversation 
 between the Prince Regent and Mr. Perceval — Secret History of 
 a Royal Speech — The new Court Physician — Lord Castlereagh and 
 the Hertford Family — Lord Grenville declines having anything to 
 do with the Cabinet — Opening of Parliament — Indecision of 
 the Prince Regent — Pecuniary Arrangements for the Royai 
 Family 167—183 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 The Minister's extravagant Proposals for the Civil List — Secret History 
 of his Arrangements with the Prince Regent — The Catholic 
 Claims — Intrigues at Court — The Engbsh Alliance witli Russia, 
 Prussia, and France — Bernadottc and Napoleon — The 
 Marquis "Wellesley's Foreign Policy — Sicily and Lord William 
 Bentinck — The Queen of Naples — A Royal Threshing-Machiuc — 
 Pozzo di Borgo and the Prince Regent — Changes at the Court of 
 Naples 185—211 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 A Cabinet Discussion — The Catholic Question considered by the Prince 
 Regent and . his Counsellors — Marquis Welleslcy declares his 
 Disinclination to serve any longer under Mr. Perceval — The Prince 
 Regent and his Rival Ministers — The Schism in the Cabinet — 
 Lord Sidmouth's Approaches to Office — Proposal from the Prince 
 Regent to the Opposition — Mr. Thomas Grenville's Opinion of its 
 disingenuous Character — Lord Grenville's Opinion of it — Reply ot 
 Lords Grenville and Grey — Conduct of the Duke of York in the 
 Negociation— Mr. Perceval directed to form a Government — 
 Resignation of Marquis Wellesley — Secret History of these Tran- 
 sactions 213-211
 
 VI COiNTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Sir Samuel Romilly's Opinion of the Conduct of the Priuce Regent in 
 his Negociation with Lords Grenville and Grey — Viscount Castle - 
 reagli succeeds the ]\larquis Wellesley as Foreign Secretary — 
 Mr. Richard "Wellesley — Carlton House Anecdotes — More Secret 
 History — Earl Moira and the Prince Regent — News from Spain 
 — Secrets of the Cabinet — Siege of Badajoz — Death of the 
 Marchioness of Buckingham — The City Authorities against 
 the Government — The Catholic Question — Official Appoint- 
 ments 243—274 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Capture of Badajoz — Mr. Grattan's Motion respecting the Catholics of 
 Ireland— Canning — Lord Castlcreagh — Whitbread, Wellesley Pole, 
 Ponsonby, and Perceval — Vacillation at Carlton House — Disturbed 
 State of the Country — Arrangements for the Royal Household — 
 Alarming Riots in the North — Committee on the Orders in 
 Council — Loss at Badajoz — The Prince Regent's Entertainment to 
 the Queen — His Loss of Popularity — The Barracks in Marylebone 
 Park — Sinecure Offices — Assassination of Mr. Perceval — 
 Character of that Minister — Political Rumours — A Ministerial 
 Dead-Lock — Lord Grey on the Present Posture of Affairs — The 
 Prince Regent's Opinion of Lord Grenville — Execution of 
 Befflngham 275—300 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 The Prince Regent's Secret Ncgociations with his Ministers — Lord 
 Eldon's Inconsistency — Lord Liverpool's Proposals to Kir. Canning 
 and Marquis Wellesley, and their Replies— Mr. Stuart Wortlej 
 moves, in the Bouse of Commons, an Address to the Prince 
 Regent, praying him to form a Strong Government — Political 
 Rumours — Lord Wellesley's Negociation with Lords Grenville 
 and Grey— Their Reply— Lord Grenville, and Mr. Thomas Gren- 
 wile's Account of these Transactions -Conduct of the Prince 
 Regei I mversation between the Marquis Wellesley and the 
 Prina . 01—828
 
 CONTENTS. vii 
 
 ( HAPTER XII. 
 
 Embarrassing Position of the Prince Pegent endeavouring to form a 
 Government — Earl Moira's Interview with the Prince — Corres- 
 pondence of Marquis Wellesley with Earl Grey — Political Rumours 
 — Ill-feeling of the Prince Regent towards Earl Grey — The 
 "Pestilent Influence" — Another Negociation between Marquis 
 Wellesley and Lord Grey — Joint Answer of Lord Grenvillc 
 and Grey — More Communications — Plan for a New Govern- 
 ment 325—344 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 The Marquis Wellesley proclaims the existence of dreadfid Animosities 
 — Discussion on the Late Negociation in the House of Lords — 
 Proposals for a New Cabinet — Lord Cholmondcley's Luck — Lord 
 Moira negociatcs with Lords Grenville and Grey — Lord Grenville's 
 Statement — Minute of Conversation between Lords Grenville and 
 Grey, and Lord Moira — Lord Moira's Chivalry — Sheridan's 
 Last Political Trick — Parliamentary Proceedings — The Lord 
 Chancellor's Opinions respecting his Colleagues and Opponents 
 — Sir Samuel Romilly on the Insincerity of the Late Nego- 
 ciation — The Honourable Thomas Grenville on the same 
 Subject. .- 345—309 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Commendation of the Conduct of Lords Grenville and Grey, and their 
 Defence — Meeting of the Friends of Government — Rumours 
 respecting the New Ministry — The Frince Regent decides on 
 retaining his old Government — Lord Grenville's Congratulations on 
 his Narrow Escape — Debates in Parliament — Lord Sidmouth ap- 
 pointed Secretary of State for the Home Department — Affairs in 
 the Peninsula, and Victory of Salamanca — Grand Cavalry Charge — 
 Ministerial Delinquencies — Lord Wellington powerfully snpported 
 by Lord Castlereagh 371 — 393
 
 VI 11 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Lord Liverpool's Negociations with Mr. Canning— Reconciliation of 
 Viscount Castlereagh and Mr. Canning — The Leadership of the 
 House of Commons — Incivility of Ministers to Marquis Wellesley 
 — Reconciliation of Lord Sidmouth and Mr. Canning — The 
 Wellesley and Canning party— Position of Lord Wellesley— His 
 Desire to serve under Lord Grenville— Madness of the Queen of 
 Naples— More Secret History— Hostility of Marquis Wellesley to 
 the Government — Lord Wellington's Private Communication to 
 him, and his Reply— Napoleon in Russia— Surrender of Income hy 
 the joint Tellers of the Exchequer— Lord Wellesley attacks the 
 Government in the House of Lords— The Princes3 of Wales and 
 the Princess Charlotte— Destruction of the French Army on its 
 Retreat from Moscow— Bribes offered to England . 395—427 
 
 Appendix 431 454
 
 MEMOIRS 
 
 OF 
 
 THE COURT OF ENGLAND 
 
 DURING 
 
 THE REGENCY, 

 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 [1811.] 
 
 DEBATES ON THE REGENCY CONTINUES THROUGH THE CHRISTMAS 
 
 HOLIDAYS CONDUCT OF LORD GRENVILLE IN 1788 AND 1811 
 
 SPECULATIONS RESPECTING THE GOVERNMENT OF THE PRINCE REGENT 
 
 LORD GRENVILLE, AS AUDITOR OF THE EXCHEQUER, DECLINES TO 
 
 SIGN TREASURY WARRANTS INTRIGUE TO OBTAIN A CHANGE IN THE 
 
 POLITICAL PRINCIPLES OF THE PRINCE REGENT — SHERIDAN AND LORD 
 
 SIDMOUTH THE PRINCE SENDS FOR LORD GRENVILLE LORDS 
 
 GRENVILLE AND GREY, BY COMMAND, DRAW UP THE ANSWER OF 
 HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS TO THE ADDRESS OF THE HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT 
 
 SHERIDAN SUBSTITUTES AN ANSWER OF HIS OWN REMONSTRANCE 
 
 OF LORDS GRENVILLE AND GREY SHERIDAN'S MISCHIEVOUS 
 
 REPRESENTATIONS TO THE PRINCE — LETTER OF THE PRINCE OF WALES 
 TO MR. PERCEVAL, ANNOUNCING HIS INTENTION TO MAINTAIN THE 
 PRESENT MINISTERS IN OFFICE. 
 
 B 2
 
 MEMOIRS 
 
 THE COURT OF ENGLAND 
 
 DUBINO 
 
 THE REGENCY. 
 
 CHAPTER L 
 
 The urgency of public business, and the anomalous 
 position of the State, prevented the usual prorogation of 
 parliament. Legislators could not be permitted to make 
 holiday while the throne was apparently without an 
 occupant, and the government without a head. The 
 declared state of the King created a vacancy in the 
 first power of the legislature ; and till the nation 
 could agree upon the manner in which his acknowledged 
 successor should exercise his authority, there must 
 be an interregnum — a position, for a government of 
 such magnitude as the British empire, embarrassed by 
 the most serious difficulties at home and abroad, suffi- 
 ciently grave to create anxiety in the minds of all 
 classes of politicians. Therefore, there was no Christ- 
 mas in 1810 — 11 — in the ordinary sense — for the
 
 6 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 members of the two Houses of Parliament. Indeed, 
 sympathy with the afflicted monarch, and speculations 
 arising out of the important change then impending, 
 made it a dull season throughout the kingdom. 
 
 The parliamentary conflict on the question of the 
 Regency, which had been carried on with so much 
 animation towards the close of the old, was renewed 
 with increased vigour at the commencement of the new 
 year. 
 
 The fifth resolution, 1 a very important one, as it 
 related to the care of the King's person during the 
 continuance of his malady, was debated on the 1st of 
 January ; and an amendment brought forward by 
 Lord Gower, to lessen the expense of his Majesty's 
 household, and to circumscribe the Queen's authority 
 over it; which was strongly supported by the 
 Opposition, and carried by a majority of thirteen 
 — a result so unfavourable to the ministry, that on the 
 
 1 " That it appears to this committee that the care of his Majesty's 
 royal person, during the continuance of his Majesty's illness, should 
 be committed to the Queen's most Excellent Majesty, and that her 
 Majestj should have power to remove from, and to nominal e and 
 appoint such persons as she shall think proper, to the several offices 
 in Ins Majesty's household, and to di pose, order, and manage all other 
 matters and things relating to the care of his Majesty's royal person, 
 during the time aforesaid, and that for the better enabling her Majesty 
 to discharge this important trust, ii is also expedient thai a Council 
 
 should be appointed, to advise and assisl her Majesty in the several 
 
 matters aforesaid, and with power, from time to time, as they maj 
 can e, to examine upon oath the physicians and others attending his 
 Majesty's person, touchin bate of his Majesty's health, and ah 1 
 
 [hereto."
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 7 
 
 next day, Mr. Perceval, by means of an amendment of 
 his own on that which had been carried, endeavoured 
 to get the sanction of the House to the resolution as 
 it stood originally. But, though he took care to be 
 supported by all the available strength of the Govern- 
 ment, he was again beaten by a majority of three. 
 Apparently not satisfied with these indications of 
 opinion, they tried a third experiment, in the House 
 of Lords; for when, on the 4th of the same month, 
 Lord Liverpool brought up the five resolutions, he 
 made a powerful appeal for the Queen ; asking merely 
 that her Majesty should be permitted to have the con- 
 trol of the household for twelve months, and promising 
 that no removal of the higher officers should take 
 place during that time. But again the decision was 
 against the Government, by a majority of thirteen ; and 
 the amended resolution became law. 
 
 There was previously much discussion among the 
 peers, respecting the other resolutions — particularly the 
 first and second. The Marquis of Lansdowne 
 opposed the first, and proposed an amendment, to 
 remove the restrictions on the power of the Regent 
 to create peers ; this after an animated debate, in 
 which Lord Grenville took a prominent part, was 
 carried by a majority of three. Lord Liverpool then 
 proposed an amendment to the second resolution, to 
 meet the objections that had been stated by Lord 
 Grenville; and this the Government were allowed to 
 carry by a majority of six. 
 
 These preliminaries having been arranged by the
 
 8 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [181 J. 
 
 two Houses of Parliament, certain persons were ap- 
 pointed by each, on the 8th, to wait on the Queen and 
 the Prince; and on the 10th, her Majesty, at Windsor, 
 graciously replied to the address of the deputation, 
 accepting the trust the nation had reposed in her, 
 evidently fully sensible of its responsibilities ; and on 
 the following day, the other deputation at Carlton 
 House, met with a more stately, but equally gracious 
 reception, his Royal Highness, in his answer to their 
 address, satisfying himself with an allusion to the 
 restrictions as unnecessary. 
 
 The Regency, though the principal parties seemed 
 thus far agreed, was not yet an accomplished fact. 
 There was still legislative work to do before such a 
 change in the government of the country could be 
 established ; and the two Houses continued their 
 labours. On the 14th, the House of Commons acceded 
 to the amended resolutions of the Lords. On the 
 15th, Parliament was opened by Commission; and 
 for several days the Commons debated a Regency 
 Bill for the more complete and exact understanding 
 of the relations that were to exist between the nation 
 and their new governor. After many animated debates, 
 the Bill passed the third reading on the 23rd. 
 
 In (he argument on the Regency, it has been ac- 
 knowledged, by eminent authority, that the advantage 
 lay with the Opposition:' hut such a superiority did 
 
 1 "Bui if the merits of the arguments adduced on both sides on this 
 occasion i red without reference in the objects of present 
 
 advantage which either parlj had al lieartj do doubt can be entertained
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 9 
 
 not bring their leaders any nearer to office. There 
 were questions to be considered with respect to a 
 change of government, in which reason could not be 
 permitted to enter — questions of pounds, shillings, and 
 pence, rather than of oratorical merit. 
 
 However important had been the discussions carried 
 on in the lower house of the legislature, they were 
 thrown into the shade by the more influential debates 
 that followed in the upper house. But, before we enter 
 into any detail of the great part played in these debates 
 by Lord Grenville, it is necessary to call the reader's 
 attention to his peculiar position, and the causes that 
 influenced his conduct throughout these proceedings. 
 
 A remarkable letter has already been published, 1 fully 
 explaining his ideas on the unhappy contingency of a 
 sovereign under the visitation which had again deprived 
 the King of ability to perform the regal functions. It 
 should be borne in mind, that at the period this was 
 indited, the writer w 7 as subordinately in the administra- 
 tion of Mr. Pitt, and one of the most promising members 
 of that great political party, with which this illustrious 
 statesman never ceased to be identified. He was also 
 in direct opposition to another party, strong in the 
 possession of much popular sympathy, as well as in the 
 activity and talent of its leading supporters, of which the 
 Prince of Wales was regarded as the acknowledged 
 
 that the Whigs, both in reason and on precedent, had the best of the 
 dispute."— Sir Archibald Alison's "History of Europe." Vol. ix. Chap. 
 lxiv., p. 1 1. Ninth Edition. 
 
 1 "Courts and Cabinets of George the Third," Vol. I. p. US.
 
 10 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 leader. The principles of the Opposition, as enunciated 
 by several of the personal friends of the heir apparent, 
 were not likely to create confidence in the servants of 
 the crown, and the young minister recently distinguished 
 by the favour of his sovereign, by whom he had been 
 marked for higher official honours, 1 was bound by 
 gratitude as well as by principle to watch over the 
 interests of his master. His feelings, when thus circum- 
 stanced, he has eloquently expressed : 
 
 " I suppose there never was a situation in which any 
 set of men ever had, at once, so many points to decide, 
 so especially affecting their own honour, character, and 
 future situation ; their duty to their country in a most 
 critical situation, and their duty to their unhappy 
 master, to whom they are unquestionably bound by 
 ties of gratitude and honour, independent of considera- 
 tions of public duty towards him. I hope God, who 
 has been pleased to afflict us with this severe and 
 heavy trial, will enable us to go through it honestly, 
 conscientiously, and in a manner not dishonourable to 
 our characters. "" 
 
 How he and his coadjutors conducted themselves 
 under this ordeal, has been recorded by the historian. 
 
 1 " Nothing could be handsomer than the manner in which the King 
 ! id to the proposal which I'itt made him, of bringing Lord Chatham 
 an<l myself forward in the manner (hen intended. Ee has since spoken 
 to mc on the subject, in the mosl flattering terms, and has shown an 
 eagerness to facilitate the arrangement, by proposing expedients for 
 removing the only difficulty which delays it." — Courts and Cabinets of 
 I irge III. Vol. i. p. 401. 
 
 5 "I ind Cabinetsof G a the Third." Vol. i. p. h:;.
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 11 
 
 Many changes had occurred since that letter was 
 penned. William Wyndham Grenville had risen from 
 his subordinate post (Vice-President of the Committee 
 of Trade) to some of the most responsible offices of 
 administration, and the services of the statesman had 
 been acknowledged by a patent of nobility. Still more 
 remarkable changes had occurred — Lord Grenville had 
 found it necessary to quit the party of whose policy he 
 had so long been a most able advocate, because it with- 
 stood those requirements he considered the force of 
 events and opinions had rendered imperative ; and 
 believing in the attainment of more enlightened views, 
 with the assistance of the party he had opposed, he 
 became a leader of the Opposition, and the associate 
 and adviser of the Prince, whose temporary possession 
 of rule he found himself obliged to guard with so many 
 restrictions. 
 
 The changes had not stopped here — from Opposition 
 he had been called to power, and with the favour of the 
 sovereign, to whom he owed his distinctions, he con- 
 ducted a Government, which though short lived, was 
 eminent among administrations, for the grandeur of its 
 objects. In the development of what he regarded as 
 the noblest ideas of government, he and his party were 
 driven out of office by the interposition of the King ; and 
 with the return of his rivals to royal favour, he again 
 became the principal exponent of Opposition policy, and 
 an adviser of the Opposition heir apparent. And now 
 the last link in the chain of contrarieties was attained 
 —the King's incapacity had again demanded the
 
 12 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 appointment of a deputy, and the former suggestor 
 of the restrictions upon the Regent of 1788, found 
 himself opposed to those whose duty it was to advocate 
 them, and was generally regarded as the particular 
 guardian of the interests of the Regent of 1811. 
 
 In this singular revolution of position and principles, 
 Lord Grenville behaved with consummate tact and 
 judgment. Apparently under the influence of the idea 
 that the concurrent changes had rendered his own 
 absolute, he entered upon the duties of his position 
 without any sense of embarrassment from the want of 
 harmony in the Past and the Present ; yet avoiding, as 
 much as possible, comparisons and retrospections 
 that might give his rivals an advantage, and create 
 uneasiness in his client. He was not long in making 
 up his mind as to the share he was to take in these 
 important transactions ; and was solicitous that 
 the party he may be said to have represented, 
 should display itself with every available advantage. 
 
 On the 25th of January, the Regency Bill was 
 introduced into the House of Lords, when on the dis- 
 cussion of the clause limiting the restriction to the 1st 
 of February, 1812, Lord Grenville, alluding to the 
 opinion then gaining ground of the greater severity 
 of the King's present attack, proposed an amendment 
 for the purpose of reducing the interval to six months. 
 This was seconded by Lord Grey, and after having 
 ben feebly opposed by Lord Sidmouth, was agreed 
 to. 1 The Government contended with the Opposition 
 
 1 it W as on tliia occasion that the < >pposition La ds imenced
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 13 
 
 on two other points, and were beaten by majorities of 
 twelve and nine ; but on the 28th, on the order of 
 the day being read for taking into consideration 
 the report on the Bill, absentees were allowed to 
 vote by proxy, which was not suffered in Committee, 
 and availing themselves of this advantage, they ne- 
 gatived Lord Grenville's amendment by a majority 
 of seventeen. The other amendments were disposed 
 of in the same way, and the Bill, with the exception 
 of trifling verbal amendments, passed in the state it 
 came from the Commons. One or two conferences 
 subsequently took place between the two Houses, 
 and on the 5th of February, the royal assent was 
 given to it by Commission. 
 
 Thus was the Prince of Wales, at last, inducted into an 
 office of distinction and power, that had more than once 
 evaded him, when almost on the point of taking posses- 
 sion ; and now this great matter settled, the all-absorbing 
 question arose — the chief of the Opposition having 
 become the head of the State, who were to be his 
 responsible advisers ? A conviction had recently been 
 rapidly forcing itself upon the public mind, that the 
 party with whom his royal highness had so long been 
 identified, must, as a matter of course, possess his 
 confidence and his favour, and that from the men of 
 talent and influence who adorned its ranks, a popular 
 administration would be formed. 
 
 their attack on Lord Eldon, for his alleged illegal conduct during the 
 King's incapacity in 1801 and 1804.— See Twiss's " Life of Lord Eldon," 
 Vol. i. p. 453. Third Edition.
 
 14 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 " The Prince had determined," states one of the most 
 gifted of these distinguished statesmen, " the moment 
 he should have entered upon his office, to have changed 
 the administration, and a new ministry has been 
 arranged. Lord Grenville was to have been First 
 Lord of the Treasury ; Lord Holland, First Lord of 
 the Admiralty ; Lord Grey, Ponsonby, and Whitbread, 
 Secretaries of State; Lord Erskine, Speaker of the 
 House of Lords ; and the Great Seal was to have been 
 put in Commission. Piggott and I were to have had 
 our former offices of Attorney and Solicitor General." ' 
 
 From this, it would appear that there was a perfect 
 understanding between the Prince and his party. But 
 now comes a very curious passage in the history of 
 the times, which adds another to the list of con- 
 tradictions already noticed. The Minister was far 
 from being unmindful of his critical position. The 
 answer which the Prince had returned to his communi- 
 cation in October 1809, must have made him fully aware 
 of the feelings he had created in that quarter ; but it is 
 
 1 "Diary of Sir Samuel Romilly, Vol. n. p. 3G5. Another rumour 
 gave a different arrangement :— " Lord Grey to be First Lord of the 
 Treasury. Grenville, who will not give up auditorship, and has lately, 
 in his correspondence with Perceval, called it a check on the Treasury 
 has not, I suspect, nerves to stand the proposing a Hill to make the 
 two offices tenable together, and for so short a time. [This is droll.] 
 Ponsonby, Third Secretary; Lansdowne, Ereland. Surely, Whitbread 
 can never long agree with Lord Grenville ; Brougham, lobe Secretary 
 of Admiralty, vies Croker. 8ur< ly, infra </']<;. Eorner to be Secretary 
 of Treasury; a rerj good appointment."- Diary in "Life of William 
 AVilberforce." By his Sons Vol. m. p. 492. Second Edition
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 15 
 
 evident that, in such an apparently desperate position, 
 Mr. Perceval did not despair. His faculties for the 
 kind of conflict upon which he was now to enter, were 
 stimulated hy the earnest opposition of his rivals. With 
 one, the most powerful of the circle, he was drawn into 
 a personal contest, that added considerably to the bitter- 
 ness of the struggle. 
 
 Lord Grenville still held the office of Auditor of the 
 Exchequer, which at so peculiar a state of the govern- 
 ment conferred on him a grave responsibility regarding 
 the issues of money from the Treasury. Mr. Perceval 
 first desired that the Privy Seal should be put to the 
 necessary orders ; but though the Keeper, Lord West- 
 moreland, was willing to use the signet for such a purpose, 
 the clerk, Mr. Larpent, whose signature was equally 
 necessary, became alarmed at the risk he might incur, 
 and declined to be an accessory, on the plea of scruples 
 of conscience, arising from his oaths of office. Foiled 
 in this direction, the Minister turned to the Treasury, 
 and had warrants issued for the sums he needed ; but 
 when these, in due course, came before the Auditor of 
 the Exchequer, he very properly hesitated to authorize 
 them. The legality of the transaction was more than 
 doubtful ; and in the exercise of a sound discretion, 
 Lord Grenville applied, to Mr. Perceval for time to 
 consider the nature and extent of the duties which this 
 new and unexpected course of proceeding imposed upon 
 him, and requiring to know when the public service 
 demanded that the money should be issued. In the 
 reply, it was stated, that " according to the usual course
 
 16 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1S11. 
 
 of supplying the weekly issues to the army and navy, it 
 would be necessary that sums should be issued for both 
 services, beyond the amount of the existing credit at 
 the Exchequer, either on the morrow, or the next day at 
 farthest ; but if an actual issue could be made within 
 six days, no serious inconvenience was apprehended.'''' 
 
 Armed with such an authority for delay, Lord Gren- 
 ville then desired the opinions of the law officers of the 
 Crown. It should be borne in mind that the Attorney 
 and Solicitor-General, to whom he referred the case for 
 decision, were the coadjutors and friends of the Minister. 
 They shortly gave in their joint opinion, that they " did 
 not think the warrant of the Lords Commissioners of 
 the Treasury was in law a sufficient authority impera- 
 tive upon the Auditor, nor consequently a legal sanction 
 for his proceeding to obey the same ; nor that any 
 discretion was left to him by the law on this occasion, 
 for the exercise of which he would not be responsible." 
 The Minister and the Lords of the Treasury, when they 
 forwarded this decision to the Auditor of the Exchequer, 
 accompanied it with the intimation that they were ready 
 to take upon themselves the responsibility of sanction- 
 ing an act thus clearly pronounced illegal. This, 
 however, was very far from satisfying the scruples of 
 such a man as Lord Grenville ; and he wrote a dignified 
 and statesmanlike reply, in which he said : " If I could 
 be satisfied of the 'propriety of my doing what is 
 required, there is no personal responsibility which I would 
 Dot readily incur for the public interests; but I cannot 
 persuade myself that I could obej these warrants without
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 17 
 
 a breach of my official duty on that point which is 
 above all others peculiarly obligatory on the person 
 placed in the situation of Auditor of the Exchequer ; 
 nor without a high and criminal violation both of 
 positive statute, and also of the essential principles of 
 our monarchical and parliamentary constitution" 
 
 " I am told " he continued, " that I must act on my 
 own discretion for the exercise of which I must alone 
 be responsible. This responsibility if it legally attaches 
 upon me, I cannot transfer to any other persons, and 
 least of all to your Lordships, whatever willingness you 
 have expressed to take it upon yourselves. Nay, 
 attempting to do so would itself be criminal ; tending to 
 confound the official relations in which I have the 
 honour to stand towards your Lordships, and to annul 
 those checks which the law has established for insuring 
 the faithful discharge of our respective duties, and 
 thereby the security of the public treasure. But I beg 
 leave humbly to submit that the law has, in truth, 
 invested me with no discretion on this subject. The 
 exigencies of the public service, which your Lordships 
 have condescended to detail to me in these your 
 warrants, are matters of State, of which, as Auditor of 
 the Exchequer, I have no knowledge, and can take no 
 cognizance." 
 
 Lord Grenville then proceeds to decline compliance 
 with the requisition of the warrants, " but with all due 
 respect," and ends by suggesting to the Government a 
 course which would remove the serious difficulty in 
 which they were placed. This advice, Mr. Perceval found 
 
 vol. i. c
 
 18 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 himself obliged to follow, and having laid the corres- 
 pondence on the subject before parliament, with some 
 very illogical remarks respecting his view of the necessity 
 of the application, he brought forward a resolution, the 
 object of which was to obtain the proper authority of 
 the legislature for the immediate issue of the required 
 funds, and after an animated debate, in which Lord 
 Temple distinguished himself, it was agreed to without a 
 division, on an amendment that the issues of public 
 money should be confined to the army and navy, and to 
 no other branch of the government service. 
 
 The result of this transaction must have been 
 peculiarly distasteful to the Minister, and he and his 
 party exh bited their discomfiture by circulating invidious 
 comparisons of the conduct of their opponent as Auditor 
 of the Exchequer, when in office, and when out : but the 
 cases were by no means parallel, and there could not be 
 a question that however Lord Granville might have been 
 influenced in the first instance by expediency, in the last 
 he stood upon the solid foundation of right and law. 
 Still there was room for some smart reflections upon the 
 Auditor's consistency, and they were not spared ; and 
 representations were freely made, assailing that incorrup- 
 tible spirit which had distinguished his political career. 
 
 It was at this period that the grand manoeuvre was 
 developed, the object of which was to induce the 
 Regent to abandon his well-known intention to change 
 the Government. This movement has been variously 
 described, but it was managed with so much artifice, 
 that the most active participators in it have hitherto
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 19 
 
 escaped detection. Sir Samuel Romilly, a shrewd 
 observer, and intelligent actor in the political drama 
 then performing, has exposed a little of the mystery, 
 but left much unexplained. We will endeavour to assist 
 the reader to a more complete explanation. To begin 
 with the most important personage in the transaction, it 
 is by no means clear that his Royal Highness enter- 
 tained, or was likely to entertain, any views except such 
 as appeared to be most to his advantage. His political 
 notions must have been rather loose at any time, but 
 having long since ceased to enjoy the society of such 
 powerful exponents of a liberal policy as his intimates of 
 former years, he had felt a diminished interest in their 
 ideas. Their successors, Lords Grey and Grenville 
 exercised infinitely less influence over his mind, from a 
 deficiency in those social attractions which rendered 
 Fox pre-eminently qualified to be his preceptor, and 
 companion. The only survivor of that brilliant political 
 coterie that rendered Carlton House the head quarters 
 of Opposition, was Richard Brinsley Sheridan, and his 
 principles sat quite as loosely upon him, as did those of 
 his royal patron. Sheridan too, imagined that he had 
 been ill-treated by the two distinguished leaders of the 
 Whigs, simply because, when they had the power, they 
 did not advance him to any of those high offices, the 
 higher emoluments of which particularly suited his 
 qualifications. He did not anticipate better treatment 
 from them should they again be intrusted with the 
 formation of a Government ; and was not indisposed 
 to place difficulties in the way of that event, could such 
 
 c 2
 
 20 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 be accomplished with safety and with profit. At this 
 particular time, Sheridan's friendly host at Richmond 
 Lodge, Lord Sidmouth, was in frequent correspondence 
 with the Minister, ' and what is almost as remarkable as 
 the destruction of Mr. Pitt's letters, referred to in a 
 former work, 2 this correspondence has been suppressed. 
 
 It is stated in a work of some celebrity, 3 that as 
 soon as the Regency Bill had passed, the Prince, " who 
 had hitherto maintained a strict reserve with respect to 
 his intentions, signified to Mr. Adam his pleasure that 
 Lord Grenville should wait upon him. He then," adds 
 the writer, " in the most gracious manner expressed 
 to that noble lord his wish that he should, in con- 
 junction with Lord Grey, prepare the answer which 
 his Royal Highness was in a few days to return to the 
 Houses. The same confidential task was entrusted, 
 also, to Lord Moira, with an express desire that he 
 should consult with Lord Grey and Lord Grenville on 
 the subject. But this co-operation, as I understand, 
 the two noble lords declined." 
 
 This is very curious. According to this statement, 
 Lord Grenville is sent for, and a particular task, as a 
 mark of especial confidence, imposed upon him — and 
 then — Lord Moira is asked to do exactly the same 
 thing, but to consult with Lords Grey and Grenville 
 as to the manner in which it should be done. But 
 this the two noble lords naturally declined. 
 
 " "Life of Lord Sidmouth, Vol. m., p. 8 
 2 "Courts and Cabinets," Vol m.. p. I 12. 
 Moore's " Life of Sheridan." Third Edition. Vol. n., p. 385.
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 21 
 
 Mr. Moore then proceeds to find fault with the 
 answer, which, he states, Lord Grenville prepared ; the 
 defects, by a remarkable coincidence, had previously 
 struck the object of his biography, who, it seems, had 
 endorsed his copy of it with the following sentence : 
 " Grenville's and Grey's proposed answer from the 
 Prince to the address of the two Houses — very flimsy, 
 and attempting to cover Grenville's conduct and con* 
 sistency, in supporting the present restrictions, at the 
 expense of the Prince. 1 The animus of this is suffi- 
 ciently evident. It is then stated that Lord Grenville's 
 answer was transmitted to the Prince, " who strongly 
 objecting," as we are told, to every part of it, " acceded 
 to the suggestion of Sheridan" that a new form of 
 answer should be written, and sent for the approval of 
 Lords Grenville and Grey. This new form was pre- 
 sented to Lord Grey at Holland House by Sheridan ; 
 which interview, as the biographer unnecessarily adds, 
 " ended unsatisfactorily to both parties." 2 
 
 On the 1 1 th of January, the answer " drawn up by 
 the Prince and Sheridan, was adopted." 
 
 1 " Life of Sheridan," Vol. n., p. 388. Note. 
 
 2 In a statement subsequently drawn up by Sheridan for his own 
 justification, he acknowledges : "I certainly did, with more warmth 
 than was, perhaps, discreet, comment on the paper proposed to be 
 substituted ; and there ended, with no good effect, our interview." — 
 Moore's Life of Sheridan, Vol. n„ p. 401. — Interpreted, this evidently 
 means, that, relying on the favour of the Prince, he exhibited more 
 than his usual effrontery on this occasion, and, having sufficiently 
 excited the indignation of Lord Grey, took his departure— fer&aps, 
 chuckling at his success. Both Lords Grey and Holland gave Moore 
 an account of this interview, which he relates in his Diary. — See 
 "Memoirs," &c. Edited by Lord Jolni Russell.
 
 22 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 Lords Grenville and Grey addressed a remonstrance 
 to the Prince, in which they stated that " the circum- 
 stances which had occurred respecting his Royal 
 Highness's answer to the two Houses, had induced 
 them most humhly to solicit permission to submit to 
 his Royal Highness the following considerations, with 
 the undisguised sincerity which the occasion seemed to 
 require ; but with every expression that could best 
 convey their respectful duty, and inviolable attachment. 
 When his Royal Highness did Lord Grenville the 
 honour, through Mr. Adam, to command his attend- 
 ance, it was distinctly expressed to him, that his 
 Highness had condescended to select him, in conjunc- 
 tion with Lord Grey, to be consulted with as the 
 public and responsible advisers of that answer; and 
 Lord Grenville could never forget the gracious terms 
 in which his Royal Highness had the goodness to lay 
 these his orders upon them. It was also on the same 
 ground of public and responsible advice, that Lord 
 Grey, honoured in like manner, by the most gracious 
 expression of his Royal Highness's confidence on this 
 subject, applied himself to the consideration of it con- 
 jointly with Lord Grenville. They could not but feel 
 the difficulty of the undertaking which required them 
 to reconcile two objects essentially different — to uphold 
 and distinctly to manifest that unshaken adherence to 
 his Royal Highness's past and present opinion, which 
 consistency and honour required ; but to conciliate, at 
 the same time, the feelings of the two Houses, by 
 
 cpressions of confid ind affection, and to Iaj thi
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 23 
 
 foundation of that good understanding between his 
 Royal Highness and the Parliament, the establishment 
 of which must be the first wish of every man who 
 is truly attached to his Royal Highness, and who knows 
 the value of the Constitution of his country. Lord 
 Grey and Lord Grenville were far from the presumption 
 of believing that their humble endeavours for the 
 execution of so difficult a task might not be susceptible 
 of many and great amendments. 
 
 " The draft which they humbly submitted to his Royal 
 Highness was considered by them as open to every 
 remark which might occur to his Royal Highness's 
 better judgment. On every occasion, but more especially 
 in the preparation of his Royal Highness's first act of 
 government, it would have been no less their desire than 
 their duty to have profited by all such objections, and to 
 have laboured to accomplish in the best manner they 
 were able, every command which his Royal Highness 
 might have been pleased to lay upon them. Upon the 
 objects to be obtained, there could be no difference of 
 sentiment. These, such as above-described, were, they 
 confidently believed, not less important in his Royal 
 Highness's view of the subject, than in that which 
 they themselves had ventured to express. But they 
 would be wanting in that sincerity and openness by 
 which they could alone hope, however imperfectly, to 
 make any return for that gracious confidence with which 
 his Royal Highness had condescended to honour them, 
 if they suppressed the expression of their deep concern, 
 in finding that their humble endeavours in his Royal
 
 24 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [181 L 
 
 Highness's service had been submitted to the judgment 
 of another person, by whose advice his Royal Highness 
 had been guided in his final decision, on a matter, on 
 which they alone had, however unworthily, been honoured 
 with his Royal Highness's commands. It was their 
 most sincere and ardent wish that, in the arduous station 
 which his Royal Highness was about to fill, he might 
 have the benefit of the public advice and responsible ser- 
 vices of those men, whoever they might be, by whom his 
 Royal Highness's glory and the interests of the country 
 could best be promoted. It would be with unfeigned 
 distrust of their own means of discharging such duties 
 that they could, in any case, venture to undertake them ; 
 and, in this humble, but respectful representation which 
 they had presumed to make of their feelings on this 
 occasion, they were conscious of being actuated not less 
 by their dutiful and grateful attachment to his Royal 
 Highness, than by those principles of constitutional 
 responsibility, the maintenance of which they deemed 
 essential to any hope of a successful administration of 
 the public interests:" 
 
 " On receiving this representation," we are told by 
 Mr. Moore, " his Royal Highness lost no time in com- 
 municating it to Sheridan, who proud of the influence 
 attributed to him 1>\ the noble writers, and noiv more 
 than ever stimulated l<> make them feel its weighty 
 employed the whole weight of his shrewdness and ridi- 
 cule in exposing the stately tone of dictation which, 
 according to his view, was assumed throughout this 
 paper, and in picturing to (In Prince the state of
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 25 
 
 tutelage he might expect under ministers who began 
 thus early with their lectures." 1 
 
 There appears to be little doubt that every engine 
 was about this time set at work that could be made to 
 assist the object of the Minister. It was hinted to the 
 Prince that if he maintained the present administration, 
 they were ready to prove themselves the most attentive 
 guardians of his interests, while the Whig leaders were 
 notoriously an intractable set, who were much more 
 likely to try to keep him in leading-strings. It was 
 represented to the Queen, that the conduct of those 
 mischievous men who had circumscribed her influence, 
 by their amendment respecting her Majesty's care of 
 the King's person, was an insult which warned 
 her what might be expected from them, were they 
 permitted to supersede the King's faithful servants, who 
 had ever shown themselves mindful of her Majesty's 
 interest, happiness and dignity. The Prince was re- 
 minded of the part the Whigs had taken in the hostile 
 proceedings against his brother the Duke of York — a 
 subject that never failed to excite his Royal Highness's 
 rage and anger ; and the Queen was alarmed by references 
 to their reputed pledge to bring in the Catholics as soon 
 as the chief offices of the state were at their disposal — 
 a source of as much apprehension to her Majesty as it 
 had been to her afflicted consort. Those ladies who 
 were known to exercise most influence over the Prince, 
 were appealed to, and are said to have proved zealous 
 advocates of Mr. Perceval. Shortly after, his Royal 
 1 " Lite of Sheridan," Vol. II., p. 392.
 
 26 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 Highness paid a visit to Windsor, where " the Queen 
 and another royal personage completed what had been 
 so skilfully begun" 1 
 
 The reader will have the goodness to remember the 
 following facts established by the foregoing narrative. 
 1 . That Lord Grenville was sent for by the Prince, and, 
 with many gracious expressions, entrusted with a duty for 
 which he, as an accomplished statesman, and experienced 
 servant of the crown, ought to have been considered 
 fully competent to perform unassisted ; Lord Grey being 
 named as a coadjutor, as a matter of course, from their 
 close association in politics. With them, the Prince, it 
 appears, wanted to associate Lord Moira, a more tractable 
 Whig ;" but such assistance was declined — very conclusive 
 evidence that the two Lords considered the commands 
 they had received as being exclusively addressed to them, 
 and wanted, and would receive no help. 2. The docu- 
 ment required of them, after having been well studied 
 by those able statesmen, on being forwarded to the 
 Prince, to whom, no doubt, it was read by Sheridan, 
 elicited a suggestion from that active and brilliant Mar- 
 plot, that another composition should be written in place 
 of it, as he disapproved of its phraseology. Another 
 was written — of course, by him, as he, at that period, 
 
 1 Moore's " Life of Sheridan," Vol. n. p. 394. 
 
 2 One of the 1 1 1 .- 1 1 1 >- arrangements thai did nol take effect at this 
 juncture, was to make Lord Moira Lord Lieutenanl of Ireland, with 
 BheridaD Secretary.— Moore's Life of Sheridan, Vol. a., p. 109. 
 I *> m 1 the Prince, as will he seen, had other use for him, and subsequently 
 
 rewarded him with the gover ml of India, where, as Marquis of 
 
 1 1' tings, be acquin d considerable celebi
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 27 
 
 acted as the Prince's amanuensis — and at once taken by 
 him to Lord Grey, who must have been extremely in- 
 dignant at such an unwarrantable interposition. After 
 the interview, Sheridan returned to the Prince, who, 
 without any ceremony, threw over the responsible ad- 
 visers he had sought, and adopted the irresponsible 
 counsel he had found more agreeable. 
 
 3. Lords Grey and Grenville then forwarded what 
 we cannot help considering a statesman-like remon- 
 strance, notwithstanding Mr. Moore's opinion that 
 " there was more in it of high spirit and dignity, than of 
 worldly wisdom," which the Prince allows Sheridan at 
 once to turn into ridicule, and make a source of malevo- 
 lent hints and spiteful insinuations; further, his Royal 
 Highness proceeds to exercise his personal influence with 
 the Queen to complete " what had been so skilfully 
 begun." 
 
 It is necessary to bear these facts in mind, because 
 Sheridan, when he found what little reputation remained 
 to him, assailed by the Whigs for the treacherous part 
 he had played, addressed a letter to Lord Holland, 
 previously " read and approved by the Prince," dated 
 January 15th, 1 giving a very long, and apparently, a very 
 imaginative explanation of the occurrence, differing 
 essentially from the narrative of his biographer, who, 
 as if to indicate the degree of authority it should 
 possess, adds, " His political repugnance to the coalesced 
 leaders would have been less strong, but for the personal 
 feelings that mingled with it, and his anxiety that the 
 1 Moore's :< Life of Sh< rklan, Vol. n. p. 394
 
 28 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 Prince should not be dictated to by others, was at 
 least equalled by his vanity in showing, that he could 
 govern him himself." 1 Such an opinion is a forcible 
 comment on this carefully studied defence ; which, not- 
 withstanding its approval by the Prince of Wales, 
 as endorsed by the writer, is nothing better than an 
 elaborate sham. 
 
 A reasonable inference to be drawn from such pre- 
 mises, is that Mr. Perceval had engaged an effective 
 agent to advance his purpose, and Lord Sidmouth — 
 whose parliamentary influence he required — knowing 
 the Prince Regent's hostility to himself, sought Sheridan 
 as a sure avenue to the Prince's favour. By this 
 transaction, Sheridan mav have recommended himself 
 strongly to his new friends ; but henceforth he was 
 shunned by every one of his old intimates, with whom 
 association was an honour. To his royal master he 
 endeavoured to make himself agreeable, by filling an 
 obsolete office in the Court, the first fruits of which 
 took the following form. 
 
 "AN ADDRESS TO THE PRINCE. 1811." 
 
 "In all humility \\c crave 
 Our Etegenl maj Income our slave, 
 And being so, we trust thai be 
 Will tliank us for our loyalty. 
 Thru, if he'll help us to pull down 
 His father's dignitj and Crown, 
 \\ < '11 make him, in Borne i ime bo come, 
 The greati 1 1 Prince in Christendom." 
 
 1 Maori " Life "' Bheridan, Vol. ix., p. 107.
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 29 
 
 This ribaldry was aimed at the opposition peers, and 
 doubtless afforded intense delight to their political 
 opponents. That, however, must have been the prin- 
 cipal profit he derived from it. Soon after this, 
 the once brilliant political meteor sunk in the public 
 horizon, never to rise again. " As a man," observes 
 a distinguished author and statesman, " his character 
 stood confessedly low ; his intemperate habits, and his 
 pecuniary embarrassments, did not merely tend to 
 improvident conduct, by which himself alone might be 
 the sufferer ; they involved his family in the same fate ; 
 and they also undermined those principles of honesty 
 which are so seldom found to survive fallen fortunes, 
 and hardly ever can continue the ornament and the 
 stay of revived circumstances, when the tastes and the 
 propensities engendered in prosperous times survive 
 through the ungenial season of adversity." 1 
 
 We now quote, from a well-informed authority, the 
 progress of the intrigue :* — 
 
 " The principal instrument in effecting this change in 
 the Prince's intention, has been ***** one 
 of the King's physicians. He was in the habit of 
 waiting on the Prince from the beginning of the King's 
 illness ; and, as was at that time reported, of repre- 
 senting to the Prince, that the King's illness was much 
 more alarming than it appeared in the ostensible reports 
 made to be seen by the public. [This was true.] Of 
 late, however, he has represented to the Prince, in the 
 strongest manner, the probability of the King's recovery ; 
 1 Lord Brougham. " Statesmen of the Time of George TIL"
 
 30 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 has told him that the King frequently makes the most 
 anxious inquiries after him, [this was fabulous] and 
 has represented to the Prince that a change of ministers 
 would, in all probability, as soon as it was communicated 
 to the King, produce such an exacerbation (that is the 
 very term he used) as might put an end to his life ; 
 and he has very strongly forced upon the Prince the 
 reflection, that he might be considered as — or that he 
 would in effect be — guilty of 'parricide. The Queen, 
 too, wrote a letter to him to say that the King had 
 been informed of all that had passed during his illness, 
 and was in the highest degree gratified by the manner 
 in which the Prince had conducted himself while these 
 matters had been pending. The Queen has not seen 
 the King, and, consequently, wrote only from Perceval's 
 representation ; or, rather, as 1 know the Prince 
 himself has observed, by Perceval's dictation, the word 
 " pending " being (as the Prince has said) likely 
 enough to have escaped from a man once accustomed 
 to the language of lawyers, but which would never have 
 occurred to the Queen." 1 
 
 Wilbcrforce makes entry in his diary on the 1st and 
 2nd of February: "No one knows what the Prince 
 means to do, whether to change his ministers or not. 
 * Lord Bathurst believes they are all to go 
 
 out, but Perry, the Editor of the 'Morning Chronicle,' 
 told Stephen that the Prince of Wales has examined 
 the physicians at Carlton House, as to the state of the 
 King's health, and lias determined against changing 
 1 " Diaiy of Sir Bamuel Romilly," Vol. a., p. 866.
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 31 
 
 his ministers. Otherwise, it had been decided that 
 Lord Grenville was to be First Lord of the Treasury, in 
 spite of his letter to Perceval. * * * I am 
 assured," adds the diarist, " that before the Prince 
 determined upon keeping the present ministers, he sent 
 to Mrs. Fitzherbert and Lady Hertford, and they both 
 advised it." 1 
 
 Now rumours began to be actively circulated of 
 disagreements among- the most influential leaders of 
 the Whigs, and the popular mind was kept in a state of 
 fermentation with statements of the impossibility of 
 their ever being agreed in any practicable policy. The 
 established conviction in the immediate formation of a 
 Whig ministry, was carefully undermined ; and stronger 
 came the assurances of the Prince's deep respect for his 
 father's feelings, and confidence in his father's faithful 
 servants. All speculation was at last put an end to by 
 the publication of the following letter, which proved 
 that the high contracting parties fully understood each 
 other, and were resolved that no misunderstanding 
 should henceforth arise, in the political world, as to 
 their relative positions. 
 
 THE PBINCE OF WALES TO MR. PERCEVAL. 
 
 Carlton Ilouse, Feb. 4., 1811. 
 
 The Prince of Wales considers the moment to arrive, 
 which calls for his decision with respect to the persons to 
 be employed by him, in the administration of the Executive 
 
 1 " Life of William Wilberforce," Vol. in., p. 494.
 
 32 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 Government of the country, according to the powers vested 
 in him. by the Bill passed by the two Houses of Parliament, 
 and now on the point of receiving the sanction of the Great 
 Seal. The Prince feels it incumbent upon him at this precise 
 juncture, to communicate to Mr. Perceval his intention not 
 to remove from their stations those whom he finds there as 
 his Majesty's official servants. At the same time, the Prince 
 owes it to the truth and sincerity of character, which he 
 trusts will appear in every action of his life, in whatever 
 situation placed, explicitly to declare that the irresistible 
 impulse of filial duty and affection to his beloved and afjlicted 
 father, leads him to dread that any act of the Regent might, 
 in the smallest degree, have the effect of interfering with the 
 progress of the sovereign's authority. This consideration 
 alone dictates the decision now comnmnicated to Mr. 
 Perceval. 
 
 "Having thus performed an act of indispensable duty, 
 from a just sense of what is due to his own consistency and 
 honour, the Prince has only to add, that among the many 
 blessings to be derived from his Majesty's restoration to 
 health, and to the personal exercise of his royal functions, it 
 will not, in the Prince's estimation, be the least, that that 
 most fortunate event will rescue him from a situation of 
 unexampled embarrassment, and put an end to a state of 
 affairs, ill calculated, lie fears, to sustain the interests of the 
 United Kingdom in this awful and perilous crisis, and most 
 difficult to lie reconciled lo the genuine principles of the 
 
 British Constitution." 
 
 This document unquestionably emanated from 
 Sheridan ; and in the peculiar obliquity of its phra- 
 seology, a keen observer may possibly trace the ministe- 
 rial inspiration that might have come through such
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 33 
 
 a channel as Lord Sidmouth. Be this as it may, its 
 filial professions must be tested by a reference to the 
 conduct of the assumed writer, when the King was 
 in an equally pitiable state, 1 and by his extravagant 
 rejoicings as soon as he could display the resources of 
 his new position. 2 
 
 The reply of the Minister to this communication, was 
 exactly what might have been expected from him — over- 
 flowing with gratitude for such a signal mark of favour, 
 and heaping assurances of everything having been set 
 right by so desirable an arrangement. 3 Towards the 
 conclusion, there is the following paragraph. " Mr. 
 Perceval has never failed to regret the impression of 
 your Royal Highness with regard to the provisions of 
 the Regency Bill, which his Majesty's servants felt 
 it to be their duty to recommend to Parliament. But 
 he ventures to submit to your Royal Highness, that 
 whatever difficulties the present awful crisis of the 
 country and the world may create in the administration 
 of the executive government, your Royal Highness 
 will not find them in any degree increased by the 
 temporary suspension of the exercise of those branches 
 of the royal prerogative, which has been introduced 
 by Parliament, in conformity to what was intended on 
 a former similar occasion ; and that whatever Ministers 
 your Royal Highness might think proper to employ, 
 
 1 "Courts and Cabinets of George III." Vol. n. p. 36 and 68. 
 
 2 See this Volume, p. 100. 
 
 In Pearce's " Memoirs and Correspondence of the Marquis 
 Wellesley," the date of this document is erroneously printed, March 
 31, 1812. 
 
 VOL. I. D
 
 34 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 would find in that full support and countenance which, 
 as long as they were honoured with your Royal High- 
 ness's commands, they would feel confident they would 
 continue to enjoy, ample and sufficient means to enahle 
 your Royal Highness effectually to maintain the great 
 and important interests of the United Kingdom." 
 
 " The difficulties of Lord Eldon and his colleagues," 
 says the Lord Chancellor's biographer, " were now 
 relieved in a very unexpected manner." 1 Sir Archi- 
 bald Alison faintly echoes Mr. Horace Twiss. " It 
 was, therefore, matter of no small surprise to all 
 parties, and perhaps to none more than to the 
 Minister."' 2 
 
 But it is pronouncing a most humiliating judgment 
 on Mr. Perceval as a minister, to represent him as 
 perfectly ignorant of what was going on within 
 a circle where he could easily have secured trust- 
 worthy informants, on a subject to him of almost 
 vital interest. Nor is it probable that the Prince would 
 suddenly come to a conclusion of the highest impor- 
 tance, in favour of an individual in Mr. Perceval's 
 position, without having communicated with him, either 
 directly or indirectly, and laid down something that 
 might be accepted as an agreement. In such a crisis, 
 it was the first impulse of each to desire to learn the 
 inclinations of the other; and enough is known of their 
 characters, to stale with confidence, that they were not 
 likely to remain long in ignorance of an affair in 
 
 » "Life. rfLord Kldoii," Bj BoraceTwisa. ThirdEdit. Vol.1. p. 458. 
 - " Bistorj of Europe," Vol. a , Chap. i.\i\., p. L5,
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 3 5 
 
 which their own interests were deeply involved. The 
 Prince had the services of Sheridan, who was eager 
 to ncgociate in opposition to the Whig leaders, against 
 whom it is not denied he entertained very strong feel- 
 ings ; and the Minister had Lord Sidmouth, whose 
 impatience to join the administration would have in- 
 duced him to exert whatever influence he possessed over 
 Sheridan, to secure its position, and forward the designs 
 of his friend, its director and chief. Respecting the 
 Prince Regent's determination in favour of Mr. Perceval, 
 it has been said — " In this decision, he might probably 
 not be uninfluenced by the consideration that, as the 
 King's recovery appeared to be approaching, no change 
 then made would have much likelihood of permanence." 1 
 It is a question whether the prospect of the King's 
 restoration to all his faculties was sufficiently clear in the 
 months of January and February to influence the Prince 
 to take so remarkable a step. It was the policy of 
 ministers to represent the state of their afflicted sovereign 
 as much more favourable than it really was ; and the 
 Queen's sanguine temperament greatly assisted them in 
 producing such representations. On the 6th of February 
 her Majesty wrote to Lord Eldon, after the Prince had 
 informed her of his intentions in favour of the present 
 government, ardent with hopes of a complete recovery. 
 On the 22nd, her Majesty wrote again to state her fears 
 that his recovery was retarded, because no member of 
 the council came to receive the report of the physicians." 
 
 1 " Life of Lord Eldon." Vol. i. p. 462. 
 
 2 Idem. Vol. i., p. 462. 
 
 D 2
 
 36 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [181 1. 
 
 There is, however, no evidence of striking amendment 
 in the King in February ; and near the end of 
 January — that is, previously to the Prince's letter to 
 Mr. Perceval — his Majesty's state was not so promising. 
 Lord Eldon, in guarded words writes to his brother, 
 " I saw the King on Saturday [26th] for much more 
 than an hour. He is not well, and I fear he requires 
 time." 1 It may, therefore, be allowed that the King's 
 recovery was not sufficiently proximate when Sheridan 
 composed that declaration for the Prince, to exert so very 
 powerful an influence as to make him announce so im- 
 portant a determination. The real cause is unveiled in the 
 secret communications that will presently be laid before 
 the reader. 
 
 1 (C 
 
 Life of Lord Eldon." Vol. i., p. 461. 

 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 [1811.] 
 
 OPENING OF PARLIAMENT BY COMMISSION THE ROYAL SPEECH — 
 
 DIVISION IN THE CABINET STATE OF AFFAIRS IN THE PENINSULA 
 
 ATTEMPT TO DISUNITE LORDS GREY AND GRENVILLE SECRET 
 
 INTELLIGENCE RESPECTING THE KING — THE PRINCE REGENT AND THE 
 
 GOVERNMENT CANNING AND WHITBREAD DIFFERENCES BETWEEN 
 
 MR. PERCEVAL AND MARQUIS WELLESLEY THE NAVAL SERVICE 
 
 SECRET INTELLIGENCE OF THE ROYAL FAMILY — THE FLEET ON THE 
 COAST OF SICILY — THE ARMIES IN SPAIN — THE COURT AT WINDSOR, 
 
 CARLTON HOUSE, KENSINGTON PALACE, AND WARWICK HOUSE THE 
 
 PRINCESS OF WALES AND THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE. 
 
 
 o
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 On the 1 2th of February, Parliament was opened by 
 Commission under the Great Seal, with a message from 
 the Prince Regent, delivered in the House of Lords by 
 the Lord Chancellor, wherein, after dwelling upon the 
 " personal and filial affliction," of his Royal Highness, 
 in being obliged to exercise the royal authority, in which 
 he looked to be aided by " the wisdom and zeal of 
 parliament," he entered into a warm eulogium of the 
 services of Lord Wellington, whom, he trusted, might 
 be assisted in accomplishing the great object of the 
 brave nations of the Peninsula. After the usual reference 
 to the expenditure, the message ended with a declaration 
 that his Royal Highness hoped to be enabled to restore 
 unimpaired to his Majesty the government of his 
 kingdom ; and he earnestly prayed " that the Almighty 
 may be pleased in His mercy to accelerate the ter- 
 mination of a calamity so deeply lamented by the whole 
 nation, and so peculiarly afflicting to his Royal Highness 
 himself."
 
 40 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 The Earl of Aberdeen moved an address to the 
 Prince Regent., and was complimented by Lord Grenville 
 not only on the eloquence he had exhibited, but on the 
 judgment he had evinced. Excepting that he declared 
 his disapproval of the manner in which the war was 
 being carried on, no opposition was expressed either by 
 him, or by any of his party, and the address was agreed to. 
 In the Commons, on the same day, Mr. Milnes moved 
 the address, which elicited only a smart comment from 
 Sir Francis Burdett, on the cause of the Regent absenting 
 himself on such an occasion, " Perhaps," he said, " he 
 thought of ministers as Falstaff did of his ragamuffins 
 — that they were such a pitiful set, he would not be seen 
 at their head." Sir Francis moved an adjournment ; 
 but the address was carried without a division. When 
 the report of the committee, on the address was brought 
 up the next day, severe remarks on ministers were ex- 
 pressed by Mr. Hutchinson, Mr. Whitbread, and Sir 
 J. Newport. None of the immediate friends of Lord 
 Grenville, however, took part in these discussions. 
 
 The battle between the Government and the Oppo- 
 sition, though, to this extent, to the advantage of the 
 former, was far from having been won. The Prince 
 Regent still kept up his communications with his old 
 friends, and supporters, and seemed desirous of leaving 
 open an avenue to their occupation of office. "It was 
 generally expected that lie would still revert to his earlier 
 friends, when the year during which the restrictions were 
 imposed by parliament came, to an end; and the, opinion 
 was confidently promulgated by those supposed to be most
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 41 
 
 in the Regent's confidence, that February, 1812, would 
 see the Whig party entirely and permanently in office."' 
 
 It is evident that he had objects in view which he 
 hoped to attain with their assistance. Not the least 
 important to him was the restoration of his brother to 
 the post of Commander-in-chief. The opinion he ex- 
 pressed of the Duke of York's conduct to Mrs. Clarke 
 in his conversation on the subject with Lord Temple, 2 
 may be said to have been very decided ; nevertheless, 
 he was not the less indignant against those who assisted 
 in that lamentable exposure, and had determined, as soon 
 as he possessed the power, to restore the Duke to the 
 position that, in consequence, his Royal Highness had 
 been obliged to resign. With the feelings of the Regent 
 on this point, Mr. Perceval was well acquainted, and 
 did not fail to recal the prominent part taken in the 
 enquiry by some of his opponents. The Grenvilles, it 
 so happened, were not obnoxious to censure on this 
 point, which rendered them more dangerous as aspirants 
 for ministerial honours ; so that the troubled Minister 
 had no resource but to endeavour to counteract the 
 impression created in their favour by any demonstration 
 of confidence on the part of the Prince, by filling the 
 usual channels of political gossip with confident assu- 
 rances of Whig jealousies and quarrels. 
 
 But while the dexterous politician was insinuating 
 disunion in the camp of his opponents, there were 
 developing the elements of discord in his own. The 
 
 1 Alison. " History of Europe," Vol. ix., Chap. lxiv. p. 16. 
 
 2 "Courts and Cabinets," Vol. iv., p. 325.
 
 42 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 ministry was not entirely without able men, most of 
 them, as statesmen, in advance of their chief. Prominent 
 among these was the Marquis Wellesley, an efficient 
 Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs ; and Viscount 
 Palmerston though a less experienced minister, was quite 
 as competent as a Secretary at War. More than one 
 considered himself ill-placed with inferior colleagues, 
 or was desirous of strengthening his position by the 
 introduction into the cabinet of some active friend. 
 Wellesley wanted the assistance of Canning, to whom 
 he felt under peculiar obligations ; and Lord Camden, the 
 President of the Council, was desirous of making amends 
 to his ill-used nephew, Viscount Castlereagh ; while the 
 First Lord of the Treasury was anxious to reward his con- 
 fidential friend, Lord Sidmouth. Here were opposing in- 
 fluences at work, sufficient to disjoint a better cemented 
 specimen of cabinet work than Mr. Perceval's adminis- 
 tration. There existed other influences equally antagonistic 
 that threatened disruption. The Marquis Wellesley was 
 pledged to Catholic Emancipation, and the Lord Chan- 
 cellor Eldon with a majority of his colleagues, as firmly 
 pledged to oppose it. 
 
 The reader will perceive in the secret correspondence 
 about to be laid before him, how these differences 
 affected both the Government and the Opposition. 
 First in order of date, we must introduce the gallant 
 admiral, who still retained tin' naval command that made 
 him guardian of the coast near which our army was 
 engaged in important operations. It may, perhaps, be 
 necessary to remind the reader that the " George" so
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 43 
 
 warmly eulogized, was the second son of his noble 
 correspondent, more readily remembered, perhaps, as the 
 talented Lord Nugent. He was then on his return to 
 England, where he shortly afterwards published his 
 poem, " Portugal." 
 
 ADMIRAL THE HON. GEORGE BERKELEY TO THE 
 MARCHIONESS OE BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Lisbon, January 19, 1811. 
 
 I cannot describe to you, my dearest sister, how much I 
 felt your affectionate letter to me, and what pleasure I shall 
 experience when I know of your dear George's safe arrival. 
 If you was able to form the contrasts which I have witnessed 
 here, you would pride yourself upon him, as I do not think 
 he has a fault which, of his age, cannot be ascribed to violent 
 spirits, a very quick and piercing understanding, and an 
 inheritance of your own fun and good humour. He has 
 the most honourable and excellent mind I ever witnessed, and 
 I feel sure both yourself, and my dear Lord Buckingham, 
 will have cause to be proud of him before long. I can 
 assure you the contrast which he exhibited with the other 
 young men here delighted me, although I feel very acutely 
 for some of my young friends, whose parents will rue their 
 ever having sent them to Lisbon to learn any tiling. They 
 are, indeed, adepts in every kind of low and destructive vice ; 
 and I know that George endeavoured, by every means in his 
 power, to dissuade them from the road to ruin, which they 
 were plunging in. If, therefore, you can fancy George 
 turned Mentor, you need not fear him. 
 
 We are waiting with the greatest anxiety for the Regency 
 events, and it is an anxiety not only caused by what may
 
 44 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 occur on your side of the water, but as for our own fate, and 
 that of the Peninsula ; as if the reinforcements have been 
 delayed on account of the proceedings of the legislature in 
 England, the complete ruin of all we have been doing is 
 certain ; and if they are not now on their way here and 
 embarked, I conceive everything will be lost, whereas, if they 
 were to arrive now, I believe Lord Wellington would end 
 the campaign in a fortnight. At present, we are compelled 
 to act on the defensive; and a proper degree of caution 
 seems absolutely necessary to be observed. But as the 
 enemy seems equally to tread that ground, and have received 
 all the reinforcements which, I believe, can possibly be sent 
 them, an addition on our part would turn the scale most 
 effectually. But I think it is always the case in England, 
 whenever we have any political squabbles, we are apt to 
 think the machine of the whole world stops to look at, and 
 admire the speeches made in the British parliament. 1 
 
 Emily is writing to Lord Buckingham, and although I 
 daresay she will inform him of many things, I do not conceive 
 he will dislike to see this part of my letter to you, as it 
 contains the only thing which, at present, affects our situation. 
 We 8 .iiv, however, endeavouring l<> guard against the worst, 
 
 1 The gallant Admiral expresses pretty accurately the blinding effects 
 of the party politics of his time, which seriously affected the campaign 
 in Portugal. The position of Lord Wellington, and his prospects, 
 will be found carefully described in the commencement of the Twelfth 
 Book of Napier's "Historj of the War in the Peninsula." 
 
 2 The Admiral was in frequent communication with the Commander-in- 
 chief, asmaj be seen bj the letters of the latter to him during this and 
 the preceding month. Under the date " Cartaxo, 9th January," Lord 
 Wellington writes : "The plot is thickening upon us beretosucha 
 degree, that I really think we ought col to Bend awaj anj more of our 
 transports." A significant tion. — Despatches of Field Marshal the 
 Duke of Wellington. Edited by Col, Qurwood, Vol. \n., p. 124. 
 < Iriginal Edition
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 45 
 
 and are fortifying the loft bank of the Tagus opposite Lisbon, 
 which will close the whole defence of this metropolis. Every- 
 thing, however, begins to get very scarce, and, of course, 
 very dear, and will be much more so, if the enemy gets 
 possession of the Alemtejo, from whence we draw a great 
 deal of our supplies, and especially our luxuries, all of which 
 come from hence. However, I hope the troops will arrive 
 from England, and then we shall terminate the business, and 
 I shall, I trust, be able to return home, to taste a little of 
 that society which has been so dear to me ; and believe me to 
 remain your ever affectionate brother, 
 
 G. Berkeley. 
 
 It should be remembered that Mr. Canning had 
 remained out of office since his quarrel with Lord 
 Castlereagh ; and though his friend, the Marquis Wel- 
 lesley was a distinguished member of the administration, 
 he had recently displayed an unmistakeable leaning 
 towards Opposition, 1 which prepared those who looked 
 beneath the surface, for the schism in the cabinet which 
 eventually rendered the Foreign Secretary equally free 
 of ministerial obligations. Possibly the failure of the 
 Marquis to engage the services of Mr. Canning for the 
 government, may have had something to do with the 
 more open manifestation by the latter of Opposition 
 sentiments at this time ; but this inference may safely 
 be left to the reader's consideration after he has ob- 
 tained possession of the facts which will be laid before 
 him in this and the following chapters. 
 
 1 "January 3. Manifest symptoms of -Canning's rather making 
 overtures to Opposition."— Diary of William Wilberforce, in Life, 
 By his Sons. Vol. m. p. 491.
 
 46 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 The Chancellor of the Exchequer, on the 21st 
 of February, submitted to the House of Commons a 
 statement respecting the Prince Regent's desire of 
 economy having led his Royal Highness to decline any 
 additional allowance for his household. A heavy draft 
 on the Exchequer was soon afterwards called for, to 
 enable the country to continue the struggle in Por- 
 tugal ; and it was at this period that the altercations 
 between the Marquis Wellesley and Mr. Perceval, just 
 referred to, became most prominent. Lord Grenville 
 opposed the intended expenditure, because it was 
 rapidly exhausting the resources of the country, the 
 finances of which were in no condition to support so 
 heavy and apparently so unprofitable a charge. 
 
 Great stress has been laid, by some writers, on Lord 
 Grenville's censure of the Peninsular War ; but he was 
 very far from standing alone in his opinion ; indeed, 
 many things occurred which displayed the most culpable 
 mismanagement — for which, however, the government 
 was answerable rather than the general. Even that popu- 
 lar assembly the Common Council of the City of London, 
 had petitioned parliament against the grant of a pension 
 to the victor of Talavera, with severe strictures on a 
 commander, " who has thus exhibited, with equal rash- 
 ness and ostentation, nothing but a useless valour." And 
 so desperate did some members of the government think 
 the chances of the struggle, that the Earl of Liver- 
 pool, then Secretary at War and of the Colonies, in 
 ;t despatch, absolutely proposed to Lord Wellington the 
 propriety of evacuating the country. Nor was such
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 47 
 
 an idea unfamiliar to the commander ; as may be seen 
 not only from his suggestions to Admiral Berkeley, 
 quoted in a preceding page, but from similar expres- 
 sions to other correspondents. For instance, in a 
 letter to Mr. Henry Wellesley, respecting the muleteers, 
 he writes, " I can only say, if something is not done, 
 and I am to be deprived of all those persons of this 
 description, who have, until now, been attached to this 
 army, I shall be entirely crippled, and it will be a 
 question whether we ought not to quit the Peninsula 
 entirely." 1 On the 22nd December, 1810, he wrote 
 to the British Minister at Lisbon : " Unless the srovern- 
 ment will act upon a more vigorous system, and raise 
 and realize a revenue from the country, which I am 
 convinced they may do, the cause is gone. It is 
 useless to expect more money from England, as the 
 desire of economy has overcome even the fear of the 
 Minister ; and they have gone so far as to desire me 
 to send home the transports, in order to save money" 2 
 In another letter to the same correspondent, dated 
 January 1 6th, he observes, " There is something very 
 extraordinary in the nature of the people of the Penin- 
 sula. I really believe them — those of Portugal par- 
 ticularly — to be the most loyal and best disposed, and 
 the most cordial haters of the French that ever existed; 
 but there is an indolence and a want even of the power 
 of exertion in their disposition and habits, either for 
 their own security, that of their country, or of their 
 allies, which bafHe all our calculation and efforts. You 
 1 Despatches, Vol. vil. p. 51. • Idem., p. 61.
 
 48 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 will scarcely believe that the troops which I now have 
 in the Alemtejo, in which province the French would 
 find and seize resources for months, are supplied for 
 one half their consumption by the magazines on the 
 right of the Tagus. The people will not sell us what 
 they have, and what they have been repeatedly told 
 will fall into the hands of the enemy ; because they 
 will not incur the risk of being obliged, at a later 
 period of the year, to take the trouble of sending to 
 Lisbon to replace for their own consumption that 
 which might now be sold to us. 
 
 " In the same manner I might now collect at Elvas, 
 from Estremadura, quantities of corn of all descrip- 
 tions ; but we cannot get in Alemtejo (a country un- 
 touched) carriages for its conveyance to Lisbon, because 
 the lower orders will not work for hire, and the magis- 
 trates will not take the trouble of making them work. 
 Can such a people be saved ?" he demands indig- 
 nantly, and in the same strain adds, " Are they worth 
 saviny ?"' A little later, comes the following to Lord 
 Liverpool, " I am sincerely desirous that the King's 
 government would consider of the appointment of some 
 other officer to conduct their concerns in this country, 
 if I am to be treated in such a manner." 2 
 
 Similar expressions occur in subsequent letters, when- 
 ever the distinguished writer became impatient of the 
 inefficiency of the Portuguese government, or of his 
 
 1 Despatches, Vol. vn. p. L48. 
 a Idem., p. 271.
 
 181 L] DURING THE REGENCY. 49 
 
 own. The fact is, the inattention of the ministry in 
 England to this important struggle, produced both in 
 Spain and in Portugal, such a discouraging state of 
 affairs, that it was almost impossible for any British 
 statesman to hope for a satisfactory issue. A modern 
 historian, generally an apologist for the administration, 
 acknowledges, " In truth, even a cursory record of the 
 campaign of 1811, must be sufficient to convince every 
 impartial observer that a political paralysis had, to a 
 certain extent, come to affect the British government." 1 
 He then calls Lords Grenville and Grey to task for 
 being influenced by the apparently hopeless state of 
 the contest, produced by this political paralysis — which 
 he endeavours to excuse, on the plea that the # government 
 were always expecting their dismissal — an assertion as 
 imaginary as the statement which follows, of a trea- 
 sonable correspondence between the leaders of oppo- 
 sition and the enemy. 2 A fit climax to these gratuitous 
 assumptions, may be found in the author's speculations 
 as to the awful effects of a change of ministry at this 
 period, in which he ignores Lord Grenville's notorious 
 hostility to Napoleon, and leaves out of view the long- 
 established fact, that public men, when under the 
 responsibilities of office, rarely realize the professions 
 promulgated in the freedom of opposition. 
 
 It is necessary to have recourse to that secret channel 
 which, in a previous work, afforded so many piquant 
 revelations. The writer, though he has changed his 
 
 1 Alison. "History of Europe," Vol. ix., Chap. lxiv. p. 118. 
 a "History of Europe," Vol. IX., Chap. lxiv. p. 120. 
 VOL. I. E
 
 50 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 correspondent, has evidently not altered his style, it 
 is equally clear that he is quite as confidential with the 
 son as he had been with the father. 
 
 TO EARL TEMPLE. 
 
 The news from Windsor this morning is, that the King has 
 had a good night, and is quite calm. I am now told, that he 
 was affected solely by one of those " delusions," to which he 
 is so subject. Your Lordship well knows the nature of those 
 " delusions ;" suffice it that within these eight-and-forty 
 hours, he said to the Duke of Sussex : " Is it not a strange 
 thing, Adolphus, that they still refuse to let me go to Lady 
 Pembroke (the old countess), although every one knows I 
 am married to her ; but what is worst of all, is, that infamous 
 scoundrel, llalford (Sir Henry), was by at the marriage, and 
 has now the effrontery to deny it to my face!" 
 
 Of the dispute I only know that it exists, but cannot, at 
 present, make myself master of its details. I am, however, 
 told thai it is trilling in itself, that is, the point in dispute 
 i- trifling, hut in the course if has taken, to succeed with 
 the ministry is of "vital" importance, and that the Prince 
 Etegenf " mnsf succumb." 
 Although 1 was positively denied the knowledge of the 
 ounds of this misunderstanding, vet immediately after- 
 wards I Learned the following curious circumstance, and 
 which 1 cannot lmt consider as connected in some shape or 
 other with it ; of mj conclusion your Lordship will he the 
 best judge. M\ informant, after saying: "that it was very 
 hard for ministers to go on with a man who had secret 
 advisers" continued, "minister! have taken the deepest 
 offence al the Prince Regent's invariably communicating with
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 51 
 
 thciii individually and officially, when in writing, through 
 the medium of McMahon and Turner, which is indecorous 
 to them, and quite unprecedented even in the King's prac- 
 tise/' and, "that ministers had determined not to submit to 
 it." Whether this be the grievance in question or not, I 
 really cannot determine. 
 
 About a fortnight ago, an entire reconciliation took place 
 between Lords Bathurst and Sidmouth, which was followed 
 by a grand dinner given by the former, at which the ministers 
 and the principal of the Doctor's friends were present. This 
 meeting is preparatory to an arrangement which takes place 
 on the King's reassumption, by which the Addingtons arc to 
 be recompensed for their late " steadiness and support of the 
 King's interests." To make room for them, Lord Camden 
 and .Ryder (the latter on account of ill-health) resign, and 
 Perceval agrees to take a Chancellor of the Exchequer. It 
 is the present projet, that the Doctor shall have the Home 
 Office, and Yorke that of the War and Colonies. Jenkinson (as 
 usual) to be shifted to the Admiralty — (the necessity of this 
 arises from there being a want of one Secretary of State, at 
 least, in the House of Commons), Lord "Buckinghamshire, 
 President of the Council, and Bragg Bathurst, Chancellor of 
 the Exchequer. This confederacy is further to be strengthened 
 by the appointment of the Duke of York to the Command of 
 the Forces ; which is actually to take place ! My information, 
 which I cannot doubt, states, in addition, the following fact, 
 namely : that it was the Prince Regent's wish to make this 
 latter appointment the first act of his government, but that 
 the Duke of Y r ork refused it, saying, that he had rather wait 
 the re-establishment of the King's health than cloud his 
 brother's probably short government with an unpopularity 
 which must follow upon such a step. The King himself has 
 fixed upon May as the period of his resuming his functions, 
 
 E 2
 
 52 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 which will also be that of the above changes. I am, how- 
 ever, to add that no distinct proposition has been yet made 
 to Lord Sid mouth and his friends, although the understanding 
 is quite perfect. 
 
 The following views of public affairs may not be uninte- 
 resting to your Lordship. The affairs of Portugal look gloomy. 
 In the first place, the complete junction of Drouet and 
 Mortier and their respective corps may be looked upon as 
 certain, which will give Massena an addition of 40,000 fresh 
 troops. The latter brings with him an immense supply of 
 articles of the first necessity, for Massena' s army : a most 
 formidable train of artillery, and a sufficiency of pontoons, 
 &c, for the most difficult undertaking. Thus strengthened, 
 there cannot be a doubt but that Massena will commence 
 operations against Lord Wellington on a grand scale, with a 
 force of, at least, 90,000 men; nor can one contemplate the 
 result wit hour the deepest anxiety. I enclose your Lordship 
 herewith a curious intercepted paper, which will show you 
 the details of Mussina's army in May last, and which could 
 not, at the lowest calculation, amount to fewer than 75,000 
 muskets. In m\ last note but one to your Lordship, I gave 
 you the return of our strength ; since when the reinforcements 
 sent out in February were 5,649 muskets, subject, however, 
 to the lair disastrous loss of the transport. Thus your Lord- 
 Bhip, in everj ease, will see our inferiority must be great, and 
 the event thus, at least, rendered very precarious. But what 
 is far more alarming on this head, is the malcontent state of 
 the Portuguese Regency itself, which so far from a cordial 
 co-operation with Lord Wellington, counteracts him upon 
 
 ever] occasion. This conduct originates parth in jealousy, 
 
 partly in the devastating system to which the\ were always 
 
 adverse, .uid parflj l" the absolute want which prevails in 
 
 their treasury. This last cause has also had the worst effect
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 53 
 
 in the discontent it has spread throughout the army, who are 
 in arrear two months, and are literally starving ! 
 
 Under these circumstances, it has been stated that an 
 additional million was wanting to keep the thing going at all 
 in Portugal, and this was the object of Charles Stewart's 
 coming home ; in vain, however, was Perceval solicited upon 
 the subject these last six weeks; he positively refused a 
 farthing over and above the usual grants, till yesterday, when 
 Lord Wellesley went to council prepared upon the whole 
 subject, and determined on breaking up, should the refusal 
 be persisted in. He, however, succeeded, and the million was 
 wrung from Perceval " as if it were so much of his blood," 
 and on Friday a message will be delivered in Parliament to 
 that effect; and on Tuesday, Lord Wellesley will support 
 the necessity of the measure in the debate. 
 
 It appears from the foregoing, that the exact cause 
 of complaint which had so recently elicited a remons- 
 trance from the opposition leaders, was now exerting 
 the same unpleasant influence upon the government. 
 The Prince Regent, with no more regard to ceremony 
 than to precedent, employed the minor officers of his 
 household to communicate with his ministers, who as 
 little approved of such indecorum as Lords Grenville 
 and Grey had done. Probably, a recollection of their 
 treatment caused their rivals to refrain from any formal 
 manifestation of their disapproval of such " secret 
 advisers." 
 
 The reconciliation of Lord Sidmouth with an in- 
 fluential member of the administration, may be regarded 
 as one of those steps towards office which Lord Sid- 
 mouth was at this time cautiously taking. It is curious,
 
 54 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 as showing the value of the information which the 
 writer affords, that in the projet, his lordship is named 
 for the very office he subsequently obtained. 
 
 A glance at service afloat, will afford curious in- 
 formation as to how important matters affecting it, 
 were then managed. 
 
 ADMIRAL FREMANTLE l TO THE MARQUIS OF 
 BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Mahon, March 1. 
 .My dear Lord, 
 
 You will perceive that we still remain here, and in much 
 
 the same state as when I wrote last — 16 sail of the line 
 
 complete for sea, and the ' Montagu/ with her convo} r , 
 
 ready to depart, when the wind shifts to the eastward. The 
 
 ' Blake ' and ' Bombay ' are cruising off the coast of Catalonia. 
 
 The ' Invincible ' still is at Carthagcna, but we have not 
 
 heard what progress Captain Adam has made in securing the 
 
 naval stores there. This day, I conclude, will be the general 
 
 exchange, which lias been determined on by Cotton. Sir 
 
 Richard King goes Captain of the fleet; Dundas from the 
 
 ' Euryalus ' to the l Aehille ;' llar\e\ from the 'Leviathan' 
 
 to the ' Bo-yal Sovereign ;' and Campbell to the ' Leviathan' 
 
 from the ' Unite;' Brisbane, from the ' Belle Poule,' is also 
 
 removed to the ' Cumberland.' 
 
 Sir Charles Cotton having got rid of (Neave) his 
 
 oiaiii, named a Captain terrier to succeed him; and, 
 although he has not been (her- a fori night, he is to go into 
 a Had Sir Charles consulted any man who knew 
 
 I < 1 1 i< i-, he never could have made such a selection. King, 
 who seems pleased with the appointment, is a ven good 
 
 utlemaiij and i ig home— hi neither w ill >-,\\ 
 
 plain I' H mantle had been promoti &
 
 J 811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 55 
 
 a clever thing, nor a foolish one— but I must doubt whether he 
 will be of much service to his friend. Indeed, nothing can 
 stand lower than our chief in the estimation of us all, and the 
 total w r ant of energy and decision becomes more apparent 
 every day. 
 
 Of the ten frigates that were in Toulon two or three 
 months ago, two only were reported there a few days since, 
 and still nothing has been sent after them, nor arc we informed 
 in what direction they have sailed. 
 
 Pickmore hoists his flag to-morrow, or next day, in the 
 1 Temeraire,' and I shall then be in the pleasant situation of not 
 having a division of the fleet even. I have endeavoured to 
 persuade Cotton to send me to Sicily, wdiere, I conclude, there 
 will be something to do in the summer at Messina ; but 
 having three times almost promised me, he cannot decide, and 
 I am not a little annoyed at his want of determination, as 
 well as his breach of promise. 
 
 I believe Cotton is quite aware that he is not likely to retain 
 the command here in the event of a change of government ; 
 and I am quite sure that if any minister was to see him only 
 one week here, he would pronounce his incapacity for 
 governing so large a fleet. 
 
 We are all perfectly at our ease, and live w r ell together ; 
 and if the squadron is in high order, it is to the captains and 
 officers we are indebted ; for the Commander-in-chief troubles 
 himself very little about such matters, and does not, I believe, 
 listen to a single person except his secretary, who deceives him. 
 Ever your Lordship's most obliged and obedient servant, 
 
 T. P. F. 
 
 The interest of the following communication it is 
 impossible to exaggerate. We cannot help calling 
 attention to a passage curiously comfirming a
 
 56 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 statement put forward by Sir Samuel Romilly, 1 whose 
 diary, however, anticipates the present revelation by 
 more than a month. The confident representation 
 of the King's complete recovery at an early date, 
 so freely circulated, may now be tested. It is un- 
 questionable that the state of the unhappy monarch 
 afforded no real ground of hope to those who knew the 
 character of his disorder, and the conduct of the 
 persons who took occasion in his Majesty's sane intervals 
 to inform him of the assumption of the royal authority 
 by his son, was most injudicious and mischievous. In 
 such a lamentable state of mind, no feeling is so readily 
 acted upon as jealousy, and there can be little doubt 
 that these imprudent communications so aggravated his 
 disorder, as to dispel every hope that his too sanguine 
 relatives and attendants had expressed. Instead of 
 remaining satisfied with the prospect of resuming his 
 functions at the end of an interval agreed upon, of some 
 months' duration, he naturally insisted on their immediate 
 re-assumption. Opposition of any kind was now sure of 
 creating the most violent irritation ; and, in a short 
 time, the mania gained such head, that a cure became 
 daily mere and more remote 
 
 TO EARL TEMPLE. 
 
 Monday, March 10. 
 So late as Saturday noon, when I left town, the " delusions" 
 tu m certain quarter continued unabated in their extenl and 
 recurrence, and either on Thursday or Friday, the King 
 
 Bei
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 57 
 
 again appealed, on the old topic, to the Duke of Cambridge. 
 Still, however, I find from the bulletin of Saturday, a conti- 
 nuation of favourable reports upon that subject. How this is 
 to be reconciled to common sense, and common judgment, I 
 cannot conceive : and satisfied I am, that were any one class 
 of his Majesty's subjects aware of the simple fact I here state 
 to your Lordship, the question would be put at rest for 
 ever. Surely, in the event of a reassumption, these dates 
 and these facts will be remembered, and find their way to the 
 public. 
 
 But what is most extraordinary in all this, is, that there is 
 every reason for belief that this forcing upon the public the 
 belief in rapid and perfect recovery, is not, in the present 
 conjuncture, the particular wish of ministers : for, in fact, 
 they are in a most awkward and unlooked for dilemma, 
 growing out, as I conjecture, from the following causes : 
 
 As soon as it was deemed safe to inform the King of all that 
 had occurred, during his unfitness for business, Mr. Perceval 
 took the part of praising to him, in the most exaggerated 
 terms, the good conduct, &c, &c, of the Prince of Wales, 
 " his personal affection for his father, his moderation, temper, 
 and general conduct •" and, by way of crowning the whole, 
 " his capacity and ability for filling up the vacancy so 
 unhappily created." 
 
 To a certain degree, all this succeeded. It tranquillized 
 the King ; was repeated, by the Queen, to the Prince, and 
 the other members of the Royal Family, and had its effect 
 there ; and, generally speaking, made ministers popular. Put 
 I fancy all this has been a little over done, for, on Saturday, 
 they were in a most serious embarrassment. 
 
 I mentioned to your Lordship, in my last note, that the 
 King had fixed for May next as the period of his re-assuming 
 his functions. In this view all parties seemed to acquiesce ;
 
 58 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 but it seems (and the determination is of the precise date 
 with the return of the " hurries " and " delusions/') that his 
 Majesty has thought better of it, and, since the date of my 
 last, insisted upon his immediate re-assumption ! 
 
 This was the whole of his conversation (mixed up, how- 
 ever, with his love affair) the latter part of last week, and is 
 attributed, principally, to the jealousy of the Prince, infused 
 into his mind, in no small degree, by the ministers them- 
 selves. In short, to use one of their own phrases, " he Avas 
 quite furious and unmanageable upon this head, and they 
 knew not what to do/' This, I confess, is political justice, and 
 what they are amply entitled to. Another source of the 
 King's unmanageableness, and which they have but just 
 found out, is the abhorrence he already begins to express 
 about the Queen's control of his person and disbursements, 
 and ministers now openly say, that the Prince was correctly 
 just, when he said that "if any circumstance could more than 
 another impede the King's perfect recovery, it would be that 
 principle of the restriction system, which put him into his 
 mother's power and disposal; and they pretend (indeed, I 
 believe really) to regret that they did not attend to this 
 dictum more seriously. Your Lordship will see thai whether 
 the Prince drew his conclusions from general or particular 
 nature, if this fad wire known, it would throw much credit 
 upon many parts of his recent conduct. 
 
 Under these circumstances, then, namely — the impatience 
 to govern again, and the resistance to be expected to the 
 Queen's control, (which must be more exerted as the ques- 
 tion of removal to town, 01 Weymouth, or wherever he be 
 ordered) ministers are in woful embarrassmenl ; and tolerably 
 i -y as they now are in their places, I am satisfied they would 
 he perfect!) reconciled in a remote ami more gradual recovery, 
 than that winch the bulletins announce.
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 59 
 
 I know not if I have made out my case to your Lordship, 
 or that my inferences are correct ; but of the facts, whence 
 they are drawn, I am as certain as that I exist ; and I am 
 sure your Lordship will do me the justice to say, that in the 
 repeated communications I have thought it my duty to make 
 you, I have never once even accidentally deceived you. 
 
 In my note, to which I have more than once referred 
 already, I told your Lordship of a misunderstanding which 
 subsisted between the Prince llegent, and ministers at that 
 moment. This has ceased to exist, upon a full representation 
 of the merits of the case from ministers. The Prince gave 
 way, but in " a dignified and distant manner." In short, I 
 look upon it as a most dangerous victory for them. What 
 the grounds of it were, I never could learn, although I pressed 
 it as far as I could with decency, to find out ; but of this, at 
 least, I am certain, that, as late as Saturday, ministers looked 
 upon their duration of power with a despairing eye, and as 
 entirely problematical. 
 
 The last despatches to government from Corunna, (written 
 by Walker, who has the management of the equipment and 
 organization of the Gallician army) state that as late as the 
 £3rd of February, no reinforcements had arrived in North 
 Spain from Prance, which, is pro tanto, good news. 
 
 Another communication from Admiral Fremantle, 
 with be found to convey additional information respecting 
 the state of some of our naval armaments at this period. 
 We need only add that " my boy," alluded to, at the 
 conclusion of the letter, became a distinguished naval 
 officer, and is now an admiral.
 
 60 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [181 J. 
 
 ADMIRAL FREMAXTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF 
 BUCKIXGHAM. 
 
 Rodney, Mahon, March 25. 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 You will probably be surprised at my dating my letter ou 
 board this ship, and from this place, whilst the squadron are 
 at sea. The fact is, that upon Pickruore's hoisting his flag 
 in the ' Temeraire/ I was removed from the lee division of - 
 the fleet, and the ' "Ville de Paris/ did not even lead the 
 squadron ; consequently, I was not so well off as if I had 
 been a captain, where my seniority would have, at least, given 
 me that place ; this being the case, and Burton being anxious 
 of exchanging into a three-decked-ship, I proposed removing 
 here, to Cotton, at the same time, offering myself for any 
 detached sendee he might think me capable of, indeed am - 
 thing in preference to going with the fleet fourth in command. 
 At present, nothing better presents itself than this place, but 
 being in a small ship of the line, I am ready for anything 
 thai offers, and the age of the other Rear Admirals, with their 
 habits, 1 think, leaves me little doubt but I shall be eventually 
 Miit to the eastward, where we shall have full occupation 
 during the summer; there are many other causes that induced 
 me to get into an active ship, and having now been here a 
 week, and looked at it in every way, 1 feel I have done right, 
 although 1 have given up great comforts iu leaving the 
 'Ville de Paris/ Your Lordship knows this is one of the 
 small class, bul Bhe is new and sails well, and the opportunity 
 I had of removing near to peopl< of one sorl or another, places 
 me h( re \eiy comfortably. 
 
 Cotton sailed with fourteen Bhips the SJSJnd; they were in 
 
 \in complete order, and only waul a tew men to make them 
 
 perfect ; indeed, there is as much good will and good sense iu 
 his tleet .i- anj thai ever were iu the Mediterranean.
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. Gl 
 
 Everything remains as when I wrote last, and we are now 
 procuring cattle from the coast of Barbary. I conclude, that 
 unless some accident happens, Cotton will now remain off 
 Toulon all the summer, as he has made arrangements for 
 sending out water and provisions. The French ships are in 
 readiness, and have had lately 10,000 men at Toulon, which 
 it is said are kept in readiness to embark. 
 
 Bonaparte is endeavouring to collect a large force at Corfu, 
 and among the vessels captured by the ' Magnificent/ one 
 contained equipments for twenty-four sail of gun-boats ; 
 Cotton has given the command of the ' Adriatic ' to his 
 brother-in-law, Charles Rowley, and has, I hear, ordered 
 Eyre to join the squadron off Toulon ; considering the large 
 force now employed in the Adriatic and that neighbourhood, 
 it is a post I should like much better than being inactive 
 here, but I must have patience and wait events. I have, 
 with me here, only the 'Bombay' to guard the port, and if the 
 French were in main force in Catalonia, I should have great 
 apprehension for the island ; for although it, perhaps, would 
 not be made useful to the enemy, it would deprive us of the 
 only port where we can refit our fleet, and still be within 
 distance of following, should they leave Toulon. The 'St. 
 Pablo/ of seventy-four guns, is leaving this port for Cadiz, 
 and I have obtained a passage for Lieutenant Baker (son of 
 Bernard's nephew) in her ; the rest of the Spanish ships 
 remain as before with only four marines and about twelve 
 seamen in each. "VYe have got a new governor, who remains 
 until Grimanes, the one named by the Cortes, arrives ; and all 
 goes on tolerably quiet. 
 
 Catalonia remains much as when I wrote you last ; our 
 ships have made some small captures there and off Marseilles ; 
 had we been active during the winter, we might have annoyed 
 their coasting trade very considerably. It will now, 1 con-
 
 62 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 elude, be left with the two frigates and a sloop, as ' Tigrc ' 
 and ' Repulse ' will join the squadron off Toulon. We are 
 waiting with great anxiety letters from England ; no one here 
 has had a line since the 24th December. 
 
 My boy is gone to cruize in the ' Yille de Paris/ as I can- 
 not find so good a tutor anywhere as the man who is chaplain 
 of that ship ; perhaps, he is better for a time at sea than in 
 harbour. 
 
 I beg to be remembered, with compliments, to Lady 
 Buckingham, and all your family, and I am, my dear 
 Lord, 
 
 Your most obliged and obedient servant, 
 
 Thomas F. Fremantle. 
 
 The contest in Spain between the French Marshals 
 and the Spaniards, in arms against the authority of 
 King Joseph, or rather against the designs of his im- 
 perial brother — for the King's influence with the French 
 commanders was less even than his rule over his nominal 
 subjects — proceeded in a manner that might have been 
 anticipated from a knowledge of the military talent 
 and resources on one side, and the extraordinary inca- 
 pacity and presumption on the other. Lord Wellington 
 gave the Spanish commanders and the Spanish minister 
 the best advice ; but bitter and frequent were his com- 
 plaints of their neglect of, or opposition to, his counsels. 
 The former hazarded battles when they were sure of 
 being disgracefully beaten, or undertook sieges without 
 the means of insuring success ; and the latter passed 
 laws, and insisted on arrangements that almost in- 
 variably benefited the enemy rather than the nation.
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. G3 
 
 It is scarcely possible to imagine the impolicy and mis- 
 management that prevailed among the Spanish authorities, 
 civil and military, without a detailed account — which 
 would occupy too much space here — of the transactions 
 at Cadiz, the seat of government, or at the head-quarters 
 of the commanders in the various provinces in which 
 the conflict was going on. But for what is wanting to 
 fill up the outline given in the following communications, 
 the reader may refer to the ordinary channels of in- 
 formation. 1 
 
 TO EARL TEMPLE. 
 
 The following notices of the movements of French troops 
 into the Peninsula from October 1807 to April 1811, may not be 
 uninteresting to you; and having extracted them from original 
 and official documents, I am satisfied they may be relied 
 on. 
 
 1807. -On the 19th of October, French enter Spain 
 with 47,500 infantry, cavalry, 7,120, 100 baggage waggons 
 and carts, 94 guns, 18 mortars, and 55 howitzers. 
 
 1808. — October 11th, French grand army commence 
 their march for Spain. In this year they poured into the 
 country, infantry, 209,300, cavalry, 36,200, waggons and 
 carts, 1800, and 196 pieces of ordnance of every de- 
 scription. 
 
 1809. — 44,186 infantry, 7,122 cavalry, 434 guns— various 
 — and 305 waggons. 
 
 1810.-124,510 infantry, 25,734 cavalry, 96 guns, 16 
 
 1 " Wellington Despatches," Edited by Colonel Gurwood. Vol. vu. 
 — Napier's "History of the Peninsular War," Vol. in. — Alison's 
 " History of Europe," Cbap. iav.
 
 64 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 mortars, 3,209 waggons. 15th of August, General Drouet 
 arrived with a ninth corps. 
 
 1811. Only 600 infantry, and 180 cavalry, entered Spain. 
 
 Summary of the above, 1 &c. : 
 
 Infantry . . . 426,096 
 
 Cavalry . . 76,356 
 
 Carts, waggons . . 7,650 
 
 Waggon and car drivers . 7,530 
 
 Guns ... 820 
 
 Howitzers . . . 55 
 
 Mortars ... 34 
 
 Waggons . 5,414 
 
 Grand total, 517,632 fighting men, 909 pieces of artillery, 
 and 5,114 waggons, passed tlirougli Bayonne up to the 28th 
 January, 1811, from 19th October, 1807. 
 
 Of the above numbers, 53,000 have re-entered France 
 between the same periods. And they have transmitted 
 thither 48,228 English, Spanish, and Portuguese prisoners, 
 made by them during the war. 
 
 Such, my Lord, are the well authenticated details of the 
 hordes of modern Gauls, who entered Spain and Portugal 
 rather to seize upon their prey, than to contest for it. What 
 their present situation is, your Lordship is better acquainted 
 with than I can pretend to be; but, in a few days, I shall 
 lay before your Lordship Buch information upon it as my 
 materials will afford. A contrasl greater, the page of history 
 does not present ; and it will he c^rcgiously the fault of the 
 present government, if their condition be not still more 
 
 desperate in a \cr\ little time hence. 
 
 The following is the Btate of facts relative to the recent 
 negotiations at Cadiz, for an extended oommand to Lord 
 \\ ellington. 
 
 1 These figurea do not accord with the preceding statement.
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 65 
 
 So soon as Massena broke up from Santarem, and thai il 
 became more than probable that the British and Portuguese 
 armies would follow him within the Spanish frontier, Henry 
 Wellesley, on the part of our government, made a strong and 
 earnest request of the Eegency, for the appointment of Lord 
 Wellington to the command-in -chief of the northern and 
 central Spanish armies, limited within the provinces of 
 Gallicia, the Asturias, and Spanish Estramadura, founded upon 
 the evident utility of the measure itself, and the fatal expe- 
 rience gained from the Talavera campaign, the disastrous 
 results of which were solely owing to the want of such an 
 arrangement as that now proposed. This, however, met with 
 a decided rejection from the Eegency, chiefly through the 
 influence of Blake, the determined opponent of British inter- 
 ference in the Peninsula. Upon which, Henry Wellesley 
 memorialed the Cortes, in, as I have heard, one of the ablest 
 state papers ever put forth, and with such an effect, that it 
 was unanimously voted that the measure should be earnestly 
 pressed upon the Eegency, as one absolutely essential to the 
 salvation of Spain in the present crisis. When the last 
 advices, however, came away from Cadiz, the Eegency con- 
 tinued firm. They not only maintained their opinion, but 
 denied the competency of the Cortes to interfere, much less to 
 control them, in a point which the Constitution left entirely 
 and exclusively to the executive government. Much ill 
 blood was, of course, afloat upon this difference, and some 
 mischief apprehended. Armstrong is, however, gone to Spain 
 with the strongest overtures and remonstrances from our 
 government upon the subject, and some faint hopes exist that 
 he will be successful. 
 
 During this period, the Court may be said to have 
 been in a somewhat disjointed state — the ordinary 
 vol. I. f
 
 66 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 retinue of royalty, by various causes, having become 
 broken up into separate sections, that had little, if any 
 connection, with each other. In the first place, there 
 was the Court at Windsor, where the Queen presided 
 over an establishment provided for the care and custody 
 of the afflicted King. Her Majesty and the Princesses 
 had their usual attendants, and maintained their royal 
 dignity with but little diminution in their customary 
 state. An interesting account of their form of life 
 has been preserved by a popular authoress, who held 
 a minor appointment in the Queen's household some 
 years before. 1 In the second place, there was the 
 Court at Carlton House ; which, indeed, claimed to be 
 the Court par excellence ; for here the principal fea- 
 tures in the state ceremonial were preserved, and the 
 brighter rays of royalty were concentrated. The 
 Regent resumed the ceremonies which had ceased since 
 the King's last seizure. Early in the year, he held 
 his first levde,* which collected round him the whole 
 body of expectants, popularly called courtiers. 
 
 There was another Court — it was that of the Princess 
 of Wales, at Kensington Palace ; a curious, but graphic 
 picture of which may be found in a work that made 
 a considerable sensation some years back. 3 Notwith- 
 
 1 Diary of Madainr il' Aililav 
 
 3 "February callers this morning, until lime to go 
 
 to the Prince's Brat Utit. The palace mosl Bplendid. An immense 
 party. The prinoe looks very large. Little Michael flmgelo in the 
 room as amicus run, r" —Diary of William Wilberforce, In Life, Vol. m. 
 p. 500. 
 
 Diarj i :' the Tun ' • arth. I \
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 67 
 
 standing the equivocal position of her Royal Highness, 
 and certain particulars respecting her conduct that had 
 been made public, her daily associates exhibited a fair 
 proportion of rank and talent — several, however, with 
 other characteristics, that would have shut them out 
 of St. James's, as long as George III. and Queen 
 Charlotte exercised a voice in the receptions. The 
 Princess evidently preferred gay company — a certain 
 sprinkling of intelligence, with a good flow of animal 
 spirits, being the ordinary passports to her society. No 
 questions appear to have been asked of either sex ; it 
 is, therefore, not surprising that several of the favoured 
 circle were celebrated, more or less, for their inde- 
 pendence of moral obligations. There was Matthew 
 Lewis, who wrote a notorious book called " The Monk," 
 which became his prefix ever afterwards ; Sir William 
 Gell, an amateur antiquary and connoisseur, equally 
 loose and lively ; Lord Byron, then an established 
 poet; Walter Scott, fast rising into fame as poet 
 and novelist; Mr. Ward (Lord Dudley), the Hon. 
 Keppel Craven, Mr. Luttrel, Viscount Melbourne, Sir 
 Harry Englcfield, and a throng of other gay men about 
 town, were no less active in their efforts after social 
 amusement. 
 
 The ladies of the circle appear to have been selected 
 to match with the gentlemen. Many were talented, 
 and they were mostly handsome, agreeable, and 
 good-tempered. Among them may be named Lady 
 Caroline Lamb, Lady Oxford, Lady Charlotte Lindsay, 
 Lady Charlotte Campbell, Lady Ann Hamilton. The 
 
 f 2
 
 68 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 society, however, even of the most faulty, was not 
 likely to injure their Royal Mistress. Unfortunately, 
 for what reputation remained to her, her Royal High- 
 ness had associates of an infinitely lower grade, to 
 whom she often devoted herself, with an abandonment 
 of self-respect that equally perplexed and disgusted the 
 ladies of her suite. 1 With such a Court as may be 
 imagined, the pursuits of the Princess were not re- 
 markable for dignity, were often remarkable for its 
 violation. The Princess could sometimes behave and 
 converse in a manner that, as one of the Court has 
 stated, " makes me rub my eyes, and open my ears, 
 to know if it is the same person who condescends 
 to talk low nonsense, and sometimes even gross 
 ribaldry." 2 
 
 Her proceedings, as may be learnt from the same 
 authority, frequently became as discreditable as her 
 conversation, and kept the more prudent of her attend- 
 ants in daily dread of some disgraceful discovery. 
 And yet she was then about to commence an agitation 
 respecting her alleged wrongs, and desired to appear 
 
 1 Oik- of them thus announces and denounces the association: 
 "Aboul (liia time, her Royal Eighness was introduced 1> in- 
 
 judicious friend of hers, to a set of low persons, totally unfitting her 
 private Bociety; viz : three singers, the father, mother and son; and 
 i number of people be] bool, whom her Royal 
 
 Highness allow, d and en 11 treal her \crv disrespectfully. 
 
 This at lii oated in her Love of ease and indolence, which is 
 
 indulged by UVing with pei inferior rank; bul in after times, I 
 
 much fear then for submitting to such an unworthy 
 
 ■ of people."— Diarj of the Times of G rV.,"\ ol. i. p. 
 
 : Diary, Vol. i.p. Bl,
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 69 
 
 before the world with all the claims of oppressed in- 
 nocence and suffering virtue. 
 
 There was still another Court, or, at least, what bore 
 some slight resemblance to one, in the establishment of 
 the Princess Charlotte at Warwick House. The young 
 Princess is represented at this period as rapidly 
 developing into womanhood, and displaying a not 
 unattractive combination of faults and excellences. 
 " She is grown excessively," writes one who had fre- 
 quent opportunities of observing her, " and has all the 
 fulness of a person of five-and-twenty. She is neither 
 graceful nor elegant ; yet she has a peculiar air, et tous 
 les prestiges de la royaute et dupouvoir. The Princess 
 is above the middle height, extremely spread for her 
 age ; her bosom full but finely shaped ; her shoulders 
 large, and her whole person voluptuous, but of a nature 
 to become soon spoiled ; and without much care and 
 exercise, she will shortly lose all beauty in fat and 
 clumsiness. Her skin is white, but not a transparent 
 white. There is little or no shade in her face ; but her 
 features are very fine. Their expression, like that of 
 her general demeanour, is noble. Her feet are rather 
 small, and her hands and arms are finely moulded. She 
 has a hesitation in her speech, amounting almost to a 
 stammer — an additional proof, if any were wanting, of her 
 being her father's own child ; but in every thing she is 
 his very image. Her voice is flexible, and its tones 
 dulcet, except when she laughs — then it becomes too 
 loud, but is never unmusical. She seems to wish to be 
 admired more as a lovely woman than as a Queen. Yet she
 
 70 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 has quickness both of penetration and fancy, and would 
 fain reign despotically, or I am much mistaken. I fear she 
 is capricious, self-willed, and obstinate. I think she is 
 kind-hearted, clever, and enthusiastic. Her faults have 
 evidently never been checked, nor her virtues fostered." 1 
 
 Her Royal Highness was permitted to visit her mother 
 once a week — opportunities that were not lost sight of by 
 the latter for effecting mischief. These communications, 
 though guarded as far as possible, were so very in- 
 jurious to the young Princess, that, when it was ascer- 
 tained that the Princess of Wales was not only scheming 
 to make her case a subject of parliamentary discussion, 
 but was secretly concocting publications, the object of 
 which was to traduce the Prince Regent, and represent 
 herself a faultless victim, the Princess Charlotte was 
 removed to Windsor, and the meetings temporarily in- 
 terdicted. Although the Princess of Wales, as one who 
 knew her intimately has admitted, possessed scarcely an 
 atom of genuine affection for her daughter, 2 this was a 
 grievance she immediately made the most of; and 
 henceforth, the domestic warfare was waged with double 
 fierceness. 
 
 The Prince Regent, as is well known, was very far 
 from denying himself the pleasure of female society, in 
 consequence of his separation from his consort ; but 
 it is singular that the lady with whom his name was 
 most frequently associated, Mrs. Pitzherbert, was as 
 remarkable for her graceful dignity and feminine virtues, 
 
 1 Diary, VoL i.. p, I 
 ■' [.Inn p, ] is
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 71 
 
 as the Princess was unhappily notorious for her 
 want of such recommendations. It has been con- 
 fidently stated that a private marriage, such as more 
 than one German Prince had had recourse to, as an 
 approach towards sanctioning such connections, had 
 long united them ; and the friends of the Prince who 
 were admitted to her society, invariably treated her with 
 the respect a legitimate union would have inspired. 
 About this time, the name of another lady appeared 
 prominently in scandalous anecdotes of the Prince ; but 
 there was nothing in their intercourse, beyond a pre- 
 ference shown by his Royal Highness for the society of 
 a clever woman of the world, who lived in the highest 
 circle of rank and fashion. On this point, even the 
 Princess of Wales was perfectly satisfied j 1 one of the 
 most easy belief, when it is remembered that the lady 
 was the mother of a son who had arrived at the mature 
 age of thirty-three." 
 
 The reader will presently see much political hostility 
 directed against her, as the head of a Camarilla; it 
 may as well, therefore, be stated here, that her town 
 mansion was long regarded as the head-quarters of a 
 coterie of secret advisers of the Regent, and that her 
 husband and son were appointed to distinguished posts 
 in his Royal Highness's household. 
 
 It may also here be the proper place to state, that 
 notwithstanding the apparently authoritative decision 
 
 1 Diary, Vol. i., p. 40. — " The Trinccss, in one of her confidential 
 humours, declared she believed that Lad\ H—d is a woman of intact 
 virtue."
 
 72 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 pronounced by a writer of the highest eminence — himself 
 one of the most distinguished actors in the scenes to 
 which he refers — the estimates given in these volumes 
 of the characters of the Prince and Princess of Wales, 
 will be found to differ very materially from that he has 
 laid before the public in one of his most popular 
 works. 1 The latter estimate naturally owes much of 
 its distinctive character to the feelings of the ablest 
 advocate of one of the parties, and necessarily the 
 bitterest opponent of the other — possibly, something 
 of its high colouring may be due to a pardonable incli- 
 nation to view with partiality and prejudice a cause 
 which furnished an opportunity for the display and 
 recognition of those extraordinary gifts that were soon 
 afterwards rewarded with the highest honours of his 
 profession, followed by as noble an acquisition of literary 
 fame. It is, however, an imperative act of justice to 
 Lord Grenville and those who shared his convictions, 
 to put forward unquestionable facts respecting the 
 Princess, which must deprive her of those claims to 
 admiration which she owes to the genius of her defender. 
 Since that estimate was pronounced, two works have 
 been published, each of which contains evidence so un- 
 favourable to his client, as to have exercised powerful 
 influence on thai portion of public opinion that had 
 previously inclined in her favour. The first conveyed 
 the personal observations of a nobleman of high cha- 
 racter and acknowledged talent, who had the honour 
 
 1 Lord Brougham. "Hi Sketches of Statesmen who flourished 
 
 •' I G I iind." Second 8eri<
 
 181 1 .J DURING THE REGENCY. 73 
 
 of escorting her Royal Highness from Germany to 
 England, when selected to be the bride of the Prince 
 of Wales; 1 the other conveyed the daily impressions 
 of a lady of rank, and much literary reputation, who 
 was one of the principal attendants of her Royal 
 Highness after her marriage — her confidante and 
 friend. 2 It is impossible to question the credit of their 
 revelations ; and together they carry them in an un- 
 broken series from girlhood to the grave. Lord 
 Brougham is very severe upon the promoters of the 
 "Delicate Investigation" of 1806; but it is difficult 
 to consider the evidence of disposition contained in 
 those personal observations, without coming to the 
 conclusion that Lord Grenville and his learned coad- 
 jutors treated the case of which they were the official 
 adjudicators, in an extremely lenient spirit. The 
 manner in which this royal lady will figure in the 
 forthcoming pages, cannot but satisfy any unprejudiced 
 mind, that where they did venture to condemn, they 
 must have had ample grounds for their verdict. 
 
 1 The Earl of Malmesbury. See his " Memoirs and Diary." 
 
 2 Lady Charlotte Bury. See " Diary Illustrative of the Times of 
 George IV."
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 [1811.] 
 
 LORD WELLINGTON AND PRINCIPAL SOUZA GENERAL GRAHAM 
 
 SERVICES OF ADMIRAL BERKELEY MONUMENT TO CAPTAIN SHIPLEY 
 
 STATE OF SPAIN — MISUNDERSTANDING BETWEEN THE PRINCE REGENT 
 
 AND MR. PERCEVAL BATTLES IN THE PENINSULA INFORMATION FROM 
 
 LISBON THE DUKE OF YORK RESTORED TO HIS POST OF COMMANDER- 
 IN-CHIEF — GRAND FETE AT CARLTON HOUSE — ITS EXTRAVAGANCE AND 
 
 FOLLY AFFECTING ANECDOTE OF THE AGED KING MARQUIS 
 
 WELLESLEY, CANNING AND THE GRENVILLES STATE OF THE 
 
 GOVERNMENT.
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 The month of April passed without any particular 
 variation in the relative positions of the Government 
 and the Opposition. Parliament was for the most part 
 employed in passing extraordinary grants, among which 
 the Marquis Wellesley secured another £100,000 for 
 the Portuguese. But the intriguing spirit of some 
 members of the administration was certainly not 
 inactive. 
 
 Among the inefficient officials in the government of 
 Portugal, at this period, was Principal Souza, who 
 amused himself, and displayed his malignity, by writing 
 offensive anonymous letters to the Commander of the 
 English army, and giving him every possible opposition 
 and annoyance. He had a colleague in these disgraceful 
 transactions, in a Portuguese prelate. Notices of these 
 worthies occur in Lord Wellington's Correspondence, as 
 early as the beginning of March. 1 
 
 Towards the end of the following communication 
 
 1 c< 
 
 Despatches," Edited by Colonel Gurwood, Vol. vn., p. 331.
 
 78 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 there is a reference to an able speech made by Lord 
 George Grenville, on the 26th of April, on Mr. 
 Perceval's motion of thanks to Lord Wellington for 
 his successful defence of Portugal. The conduct of 
 the government towards Admiral Berkeley, there also 
 referred to, appears to have been influenced by the 
 Admiral's connection with the Grenville party. 
 
 TO EARL TEMPLE. 
 
 May 2,1811. 
 
 In reference to the papers I sent yesterday to your Lordship, I 
 have to add, that Lord Wellington's two narratives are entirely 
 private, and were transmitted hither for the use of Ins indi- 
 vidual friends, nor have they been seen by any minister save 
 his brother. I am sorry to say that the answer from the 
 Prince Regent 1 to his letter containing the best founded 
 charges against Principal Souza, has been, to a great 
 degree, unsuccessful ; that potentate positively negativing 
 his dismissal, unless Mr. Stuart was removed also from the 
 Regency. This, of course, was refused, and matters in 
 regard to that gentleman remain in statu quo. But although 
 the Prince Regent was thus positive respecting Souza, his 
 reply was couched in terms the most gratifying to the feelings 
 of Lord Wellington. Although he complained that Mr. 
 Stuart bad often treated him with too little respect, from 
 Lord Wellington everything was the reverse, and that he 
 considered himself indebted to him for everything he possessed, 
 or was likely to possess in this world, and that his services 
 wire far above all reward. He proposed, however, at the 
 end of this campaign to confer upon him the order of 
 Oheiot (thehighesl in Portugal), with the title of Duke and 
 
 1 Of Portugal.
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 79 
 
 Grandee of the first class, to support which, he meant 
 to annex lands producing, in Portugal, to the value of 
 £3,000 annually, and in Brazil to £2,000, free of all 
 tax, in perpetuity to him and his descendants. What Lord 
 Wellington will determine upon this proposition is not 
 known here, but his friends have strenuously advised him to 
 accept it. 
 
 I do not know whether your Lordship has heard that the 
 Spanish Governor offered to make Graham a Duke, with 
 the ^title of Serra del Porco, with an appanage of £3,000 
 per annum, but which he refused, stating, however, that 
 he should be highly (and sufficiently) gratified if the 
 Cortes passed a vote of thanks to hini for his conduct at 
 Barrosa. 
 
 The following fact is worth notice : Lord Wellington, as 
 Commander-in-Chief in the Peninsula, reported to Lord 
 Liverpool General Graham's action, and gave it, and him 
 applause in terms that would do honour to all parties, but 
 which the noble Secretary has not thought proper to publish, 
 notwithstanding Lord Wellesley's request so to do. 
 
 Another point connected with the late proceedings on the 
 continent, will come more within your Lordship's interests. 
 When the relief of Portugal was no longer problematical, 
 and that there was question of thanks to the army, &c, Lord 
 Wellesley wrote a note to Mr. Perceval, in which he forcibly 
 urged the strong claims of Admiral Berkeley and the navy to 
 a similar distinction, and pressed it upon the Minister as a 
 common act of justice, more particularly as Lord Wellington, 
 had more than once mentioned the co-operation of Admiral 
 Berkeley in the most marked terras in his dispatches ; and 
 that, although the nature of the service did not allow of the 
 navy latterly distinguishing itself, yet, that so long as the 
 defensive operations of Lord Wellington were carried on (on
 
 80 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 which everything hinged), it shewed itself a most powerful 
 and efficient arm of the expedition. This note, however, as 
 your lordship has seen, has totally failed, to the no small 
 indignation of the writer. I am not myself at all a judge 
 of the fitness or the contrary of this proposition ; but I most 
 sincerely regret that it was not carried into effect, as I know 
 how much it would have gratified the Admiral. 
 
 I cannot tell your Lordship how highly Lord George 
 GrenvihVs speech upon the motion for thanks has been 
 praised, and how gratifying it has proved to the friends of 
 Lord "Wellington. It is allowed upon all hands, that it was 
 not only excellent in itself, but there was the greatest inge- 
 nuity in giving the subject a totally new turn, when most 
 every topic connected with it had been exhausted by those 
 who preceded him in the debate. 
 
 From the Peninsula, any intelligence at this period 
 was received in England with the deepest interest ; and 
 the Marquis of Buckingham had now two corres- 
 pondents in that quarter, high in naval command, who 
 had favourable opportunities of learning the true state 
 of the conflict. The first letter communicates some 
 interesting intelligence respecting one of the many 
 gallant men whose career was there cut short. 
 
 ADMIRAL BERKELEY TO THE MARQUIS OF 
 BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Lisbon, May 4, 1811. 
 My dim: LiOKD, 
 
 In a tour of examination, on the banks of the Tagus, I 
 
 was surprised In stumble upon the burial place of poor 
 
 gallant Captain Shipley j and having made some enquiry
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 81 
 
 about it, I find that a Portuguese gentleman has busied 
 himself about it, but did not know to whom to apply, in 
 England, for orders. It seems that when Sir C. Cotton was 
 here, a subscription was agreed upon, to erect a monument 
 for him in the British burial ground. And, in fact, the 
 monument was ordered, but no inscription ; and this Mr. Utarro 
 wished to write to his friends for one, as also to know 
 whether it should be erected on the spot where the French 
 buried him, and where the proprietor of the land has planted 
 a few trees round it; or whether the remains should be 
 placed in the English cemetery. As I know the interest 
 which you took in his family, I said I would apply to you, 
 as possibly some directions may be given by his family. 
 The spot is directly opposite to where the corvette anchored, 
 in boarding of which he most unfortunately fell, and the 
 enemy have made a sort of rough monument over him. 
 
 Although we are in hourly expectation of some news, 
 both from Lord Wellington's army, and Marshal Beresford's ; 
 as yet nothing decisive has transpired either as to 
 Almeida or Badajoz. The enemy are endeavouring to steal 
 away in the night, in small bodies from the first ; and we 
 intercepted fourteen men and an officer who attempted it; 
 so that I imagine a few days will put us in possession. 
 The siege of Badajoz is commenced ; and unless Soult or 
 Mortier can relieve it, it must fall. But the intercepted 
 despatches give such an account of the state of dissatisfaction 
 of the French army, that I do not believe they will hazard 
 a battle to do so. Mortier, Ney, and Massena, are said 
 to be going to Paris, and that Soult will be left in command. 
 He is their best general ; but he fears the activity of Lord 
 Wellington so much, that I conceive he will not hazard 
 anything against him, as he is convinced what the British 
 troops are capable of, and to what perfection they have 
 
 VOL. I. G
 
 82 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 brought their allies ; and he will not easily forget the lesson 
 taught him at Oporto. We have nearly finished the works 
 on the south side of the Tagus, so that Lisbon is now com- 
 pletely surrounded by lines of defence, if Bonaparte should 
 try his luck again with an increased force. 
 
 I am fearful the intrigues and follies of the Spaniards will 
 do more to subjugate Spain, than the enemy's arms. The 
 people begin to be tired of eternal war, and the treachery or 
 imbecility of their rulers ; and are ready for any regular 
 government, which will ensure them peace. The internal 
 state of the country, however, is such, that tranquillity will 
 not be restored, at any rate, for some time. The bands of 
 Guerillas will be formidable hordes of robbers ; and the life 
 of plunder which they have enjoyed for some time, will not 
 be easily relinquished. 1 Our weather is beginning to wax 
 warm; but the winds have been so constant to the west- 
 ward, that we have four mails due from England ; and this 
 is the second week I have been obliged to send a vessel 
 of war with the despatches, for want of a packet. Pray 
 remember us all most kiiullv to all yours, and believe me 
 to remain ever yours, most sincerely and affectionately, 
 
 G. Berkeley. 
 
 May 5. 
 
 Massena baa collected all th.it is Lefl of his army, and 
 taken position to defend Oiudad Rodrigo, which he conceives 
 Lord Wellington ma] attack; and it is probable he may try to 
 relieve the garrison at Almeida. Imt our armj is so posted, 
 and in such good condition, that anj attack upon it will 
 
 itaiuly In- lata! I" him. 
 
 'Compare thia with Lord Wellington's letters to the Earl of 
 Liverpool, sfaj L, and Mr Charles Btuart, April 30. — Despatches, 
 Vol. vii.,)). 618—617. Bee also, Napier, History of the Peninsular 
 War, Vol. in. p. 217.
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 83 
 
 It appears from the following note, that the alliance 
 which had been formed with so much difficulty, was 
 threatened with disruption. Indeed, the position of the 
 Government was daily becoming more embarrassing. 
 
 TO EARL TEMPLE. 
 
 Your Lordship may be assured that the King is very ill this 
 day, and has been so since the day before yesterday (Saturday) 
 hi the evening, when the "wanderings and hurries" of 
 mind came on, and have been since increasing to the latest 
 accounts, which arrived about an hour ago (four in the 
 afternoon of this day). The physicians affect not to be 
 alarmed, but to my knowledge the ministers are terribly so, 
 when this circumstance is also coupled with that of a serious 
 misunderstanding between the Prince Regent and Mr. Perceval, 
 which has risen to such a height that one or other must give 
 way. I have not been able to ascertain the cause of this 
 rapture, but the fact is indisputable. I shall write to your 
 Lordship to-morrow more fully, but thought what I have 
 mentioned too important to be withheld a moment ; at least, 
 so it appears to me. 
 
 The intelligence from the Peninsula now engrossed the 
 attention of the country, and afforded the ministers 
 something like a sense of security in their position. 
 
 ADMIRAL BERKELEY TO THE MARQUIS OF 
 BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Lisbon, May 12, 1811. 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 At length, I beHeve, the parting blow is given, and you 
 will probably see in the Gazette a fresh record of the decided 
 
 g 2
 
 84 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 superiority of British troops. Massena has been reinforced 
 by Bessieres with the Imperial Guard, by forced marches from 
 Madrid, which not only re-established his superiority in cavalry, 
 but gave him an addition of some infantry, which made him 
 strong enough to attempt either to relieve Almeida by driving 
 us back, or to attack with a view to a decisive victory. After 
 collecting the whole of his force at Ciudad Rodrigo, he 
 pressed forward, and from the second to the fifth instant, 
 repeated skirmishes took place between the advanced posts, 
 in which they were invariably repulsed; on the fifth, a general 
 attack was made, the brunt of which fell upon our right and 
 centre, which they endeavoured to break by repeated attacks 
 of heavy columns of infantry, and large bodies of cavalry, 
 which masked their artillery. 
 
 This is the account given by George, whose division formed 
 the right, a part of which (the Chasseurs Britanniques and 
 Brunswick Oels Corps) fought, and it will give your royal 
 neighbours in Buckinghamshire much satisfaction to know, 
 that the remnant of the royal army of France distinguished 
 itself most particularly; the Brnnswickers were rather sus- 
 pected, but wiped away everything by their conduct. The 
 result of this glorious day, was the keeping possessiou of our 
 ground with 0,000 of the enemy's army minus; and they 
 were driven back to the other side of the River Agucda, 
 where they halted for a day, and then, instead of renewing 
 the attack, as was expected, they retreated again to Ciudad 
 
 Etodrigo. 1 
 
 I have not as \<t seen the official despatches, and, there- 
 fore, give yon this from George's as wed as other private 
 litters. Our loss is between 1,100 and 1,500. Edward 
 
 ]larvc\ Las had a slight wound, hut nothing of any con- 
 
 1 Bee "Wellington Despatches," Vol. vu. p. 628. Napier, Vol. m. 
 p. SOS.
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 85 
 
 sequence ; if Louisa sees you before she receives any other 
 account, you may tell her. That unfortunate fellow, Hervey 
 (Mrs. Fremantle's son) has again been wounded in the leg, 
 and I fear severely, but not so as to occasion the least fear of 
 his life. I imagine that the garrison of Almeida seeing this 
 attempt to relieve them prove abortive, will instantly sur- 
 render, and we shall see what their next march will be. I 
 conceive, if things are as represented in the English papers, 
 in Holland, and to the North, that they will evacuate the 
 Peninsula, as matters are going on worse with them to the 
 south, and Soult is fortifying himself near Seville, by turning 
 two convents particularly well adapted by their position, into 
 fortresses. 
 
 I have now, my dear Lord, to ask your advice and perhaps 
 your assistance ; but as I know so little of the politics of the 
 moment, I trust you will act as seems best. There certainly 
 will be a brevet, and probably all the commanding field 
 officers of the regiments, in this affair of the Agueda, will be 
 promoted. My dear boy, by being on the staff, and his 
 regiment not there, will, I fear, not be included, unless great 
 interest is used for him. I have wrote to Bathurst to for- 
 ward this on the ministerial side, and I have no doubt the 
 Duke of Richmond will second him ; but as the Prince does 
 not lend a willing ear perhaps to solicitations from that side, 
 he may possibly extend this favour to George, if other persons 
 apply also for the same. George will be sadly off, if all these 
 majors are made lieutenant-colonels over his head, and as I 
 believe his general (Houston of the 7th division of the army), 
 will bear testimony to his conduct, I conceive as he has 
 served his proper time, he might be included in any brevet 
 which may come forth. 
 
 We expect every hour to hear of the fall of Badajoz, and 
 as 1 have a brigade of seamen employed there, I hope to see
 
 86 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 them mentioned as useful. AVe have mounted our heavy flat 
 boats upon carriages constructed on purpose, and moved 
 them by land from the Tagus to the Guadiana, a journey of 
 twenty leagues, and when their services are no longer wanted, 
 I sliall move them down the Guadiana to its embouchure, by 
 which means, I shall not only obtain a good survey of the 
 river, but get my boats back with less damage and expense. 
 I have detached my troop frigates off the Mondego to receive 
 the wounded and prisoners, down the river from Coimbra, 
 and I am now left with only my flag ship and one of the line. 
 But have two still cruizing for the frigates, which attempted 
 to relieve the island of Mauritius, which having fallen, may 
 be expected back, and I hope the son of my dear old friend, 
 Leveson Gower, may be fortunate enough to cross upon 
 them. You may imagine, my dear Emily is not a little 
 rejoiced that George has escaped, although in every battle 
 which Lord Wellington has fought, who, I am proud to say, 
 s him much credit at Oporto, as well as Talavera and 
 Busaco; General Paget may possibly say more if necessary, 
 as he was with him when he lost his arm at Oporto. God 
 bless you, my dear Lord, and believe me ever yours, 
 Most sincerely and affectionately, 
 
 G. Berkeley. 
 
 In a letter from Lord Wellington to Vice- Admiral 
 the I [on. < reorge Berkeley, dated " Elvas, May 20," com- 
 menting on the action noticed in the following letter, he 
 says, with thai 6ne feeling for professional merit which 
 he invariably exhibited, whether in a friend, or in an 
 enemy, "You will have, heard of the Marshal's action 
 on the 16th. The fighting was desperate, and the loss 
 of the British has been very severe ; hut adverting
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 87 
 
 to the nature of the contest, and the manner in which they 
 held their ground against all the efforts the whole French 
 army could make against them, notwithstanding all the 
 losses which they had sustained, / think this action one 
 of the most glorious and honourable to the character 
 of the troops, of any that has been fought during the 
 war." Again, in a letter to the Earl of Liverpool, he 
 writes, " I beg to draw your Lordship's attention to the 
 ability, the firmness, and the gallantry, manifested 
 by Marshal Sir William Beresford, throughout the 
 transactions in which he has written." 2 
 
 ADMIRAL BERKELEY TO THE MARQUIS OF 
 
 BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Lisbon, May 19, 1811. 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 Just as the Packet was sailing without any fresh news, 
 a telegraph announced a severe battle between Marshal 
 Beresford and Soult, who had left Seville with a strong 
 force, to raise the siege of Badajoz, which was near sur- 
 rendering, as two breaches had been made. This object 
 he in part has succeeded in, as Beresford was obliged to 
 collect his army to oppose him; and on the 16th, he was 
 attacked by Soult, at Albuera, three leagues from Badajoz. 
 The battle lasted six hours, and we gained the victory, but 
 with a severe loss. The particulars are not come in as yet ; 
 and, of course, as the official accounts must be sent round 
 to Lord Wellington, this will occupy some days before it can 
 reach this place. The officers which follow are known to 
 have suffered. 
 
 J Despatches, Vol. vn., p. 576. 
 
 2 Marshal Sir William Beresford's account of the battle is given in a 
 letter to Lord Wellington, at p. 588.
 
 88 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 General Houghton, killed. 
 
 General Stewart (Galloway), "j wounded slightly> 
 
 General Cole, J 
 
 Sir N. Myers, dead of wounds. 
 
 Col. Duckworth, killed. 
 
 Col. Collins, lost a leg. 
 
 The Gazette will give you the account of Almeida, which 
 was evacuated and blown up. The greatest part of the 
 garrison escaped by the neglect of that part of the army 
 wliich invested it. A great number of prisoners, and many 
 killed j that I do not believe, upon the whole, that a third 
 did escape. Marmont commands the French army, and 
 Massena is gone to Paris. Lord Wellington is gone with 
 two divisions to join Beresford; and I imagine the siege 
 of Badajoz will commence again. The Spaniards in Beres- 
 ford's affair behaved remarkably well, which convinces me 
 the affair of Barossa was the fault of the General and 
 officers. The Packet is under weigh, therefore I must con- 
 clude, ever your most sincerely and affectionately, 
 
 G. Berkeley. 
 
 The contest going on in some of the Spanish 
 provinces, where the French Marshals, Suchet and 
 Macdonald had obtained important successes over the 
 patriotic forces, now began to divide public attention 
 with the proceedings of Wellington and his subordinate 
 officers. In consequence of excessive barbarity on the 
 part of the French commanders, exciting a cruel re- 
 taliation from the Spaniards, the war raged with a fero- 
 city unworthy of Christian nations. In the excesses 
 committed by both, the English did not in any way 
 participate. Indeed, witli the exception of a force of
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 89 
 
 two thousand men, subsequently despatched from Cadiz 
 under Colonel Skerret, to assist the garrison of Tarragona, 
 when closely besieged by Suchet, too late to prevent its 
 capture, and one or two similar demonstrations, they 
 had very little to do with Spanish military movements. 
 Lord Wellington's remonstrances and complaints res- 
 pecting them were as frequent as they were unavailing. 
 Indeed, many a severe moral lesson had to be taught 
 these stubborn pupils before they would place the ne- 
 cessary confidence in their instructor. 
 
 ADMIRAL EREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF 
 BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 The state of Catalonia at present is rather singular. After 
 the taking of Figueras, the French attempted to retake it; 
 and the Marquis of Campo Verde, with a body of 10,000 
 men, left Tarragona to raise the siege, when the French, 
 with 10,000 men assembled near Tarragona, in the road 
 between the army of Campo Yerde and Tarragona ; so that 
 at this moment, the last named place is besieged, and Campo 
 Verde, finding himself unequal to meet the French in the 
 field, has by sea got in himself and about 3000 men into 
 that fortress. In the meantime, the French are embarking 
 the heavy artillery at Tortoza, for the siege of Tarragona, 
 thus turning the guns of one place against the other. I 
 hear the ' Blake ' and a frigate are at anchor there, and protect 
 the Mole, &c. &c. 21st May. I have been very busy these 
 last days, sending supplies to Tarragona, which is certainly 
 the high road to this island. The 15th, I got letters from 
 thence, and I have been enabled to send 'Bombay' with 350 
 Walloons, and the t Bustard ' with two transports containing 
 ordnance stores and provisions; this, with two transports,
 
 90 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 and a sloop from Gibraltar, and also a reinforcement from 
 Valentia, will, I am in hopes, enable Campo Verde to hold 
 out, as it is very strong indeed. Campo Verde is quite 
 unequal to the situation ; and his successor, the Duke of 
 Infautado, not much better. The want of character and 
 energy on the part of the Spanish officers, is quite distressing 
 to an Englishman. If Tarragona falls, the situation of these 
 islands must occupy the attention of government — no troops 
 here but a part of the "Walloons, most of whom are French 
 prisoners ; and the temptation of eight sail of the line, with 
 such a quantity of naval stores, and fourteen transports fully 
 laden with provisions, cannot but fail drawing the attention 
 of so active an enemy, who have positively no means of 
 defence ; nor do I believe, independent of the English, are 
 there two hundred people who would walk a mile to oppose the 
 French. I have fully stated this to Mr. Wellesley, but by 
 all I see, 1 am afraid he has not influence enough to prevent 
 all that must happen in the event of Tarragona's falling. 
 
 Campo Verde succeeded in getting reinforcements into 
 Figueras, which may now be considered secure for eight or 
 nine months. 1 If I go eastward, which is not improbable, 
 I shall probably be enabled to get a larger animal than the 
 one I send you, [a mule] which, however, is very perfect, as it 
 goes as well as a horse, nut sullen, and very bony. I beg 
 my best regards to all your family, and beg you will believe 
 me always, 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 Your most affectionate and faithful servant, 
 Thomas F. Fremantle. 
 
 Wellington had assumed the offensive on the frontiers 
 of Portugal, and from this time a decided change 
 
 ■ Eta Napier, Vol. ui., i>. 287.
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 91 
 
 manifested itself in the progress of the war, which, 
 notwithstanding the immense numerical superiority of 
 the French force in the Peninsula, and the dominant 
 position they had secured in the fairest provinces of 
 Spain, took such a turn in favour of the cautious and 
 skilful commander of the English and Portuguese armies, 
 that the Government at home began to rouse themselves 
 out of the criminal apathy with which they had for some 
 time been content to regard the unpromising aspect of 
 the contest, and forwarded assistance on a liberal scale. 
 A modern historian 1 is as severe in his censure of this 
 tardy support, as he is unnecessarily so, on the opposition 
 which the mismanagement of the war had created ; but 
 satisfies his judgment by attributing the remissness of 
 ministers to their sense of the insecurity of their tenure 
 of office — an unworthy excuse, and by no means a 
 trustworthy one. Lord Wellington's opinion of the 
 Government was sometimes expressed with very little 
 reservation ; 2 but a timid policy was now giving way to 
 a decisive one ; and the much-tried commander began 
 to be better satisfied with his superiors. 
 
 ADMIRAL BERKELEY TO THE MARQUIS OF 
 BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Lisbon, June 7, 1S11. 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I have delayed writing for some days, in constant expecta- 
 
 1 Alison. " History of Europe," Chap. lxvi. 
 
 - "What can be expected of men," he asks of Admiral Berkeley, 
 " who are beaten three times a-weck in the House of Commons ?" — 
 Despatches, Vol. vi., p. 21.
 
 92 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 tion of the fall of Badajoz ; but whether the commander, 
 whose name is Phillipon, and seems to be a very clever officer, 
 thinks that he shall again be relieved by his friends, or that 
 he wishes to make a grand mausoleum for himself in the 
 ruins of the town, I don't know ; but it still holds out, and 
 the hot weather is coming on, which is to be dreaded in its 
 effects on our army. It is said that Marmont has detached 
 a large corps to join Soult, and possibly that General may 
 attempt a second time to raise the siege; but as Lord 
 Wellington has provided a reception for him, I hardly think 
 he will risk it, as a second defeat will nearly anniliilate the 
 enemy's army in this part of the Peninsula. 
 
 The army to the North, that is, Marmont' s, is in very small 
 force at Salamanca and Ciudad Rodrigo, and, of course, we 
 have left a sufficient corps to watch it. The militia of the 
 country are all returned to their work to cultivate the vine- 
 yards and grain ; but are ready to assemble at the shortest 
 notice. The militia to the southward are still with the army, 
 and are a most useful body of men, and, in fact, are now as 
 good as their regulars. 
 
 I imagine if Badajoz falls, our army will push on to the 
 high grounds of Spain, towards the Sierra Morena or Seville, 
 in order to avoid the pestilential effects of the low lands 
 near the river in summer, which create the miasma or marsh 
 fever, which differs a little from our ague. Our troops arc 
 now in the greatest health, and in every point of view are 
 certainly the best in the world: the campaigns in Portugal 
 having taught them every sort of duty. The rifle corps, at 
 the siege, bury themselves iii the sand during the night, close 
 to the ramparts, ami mil an artillery-man call appear at the 
 
 guns of the fort, bul is picked off directly. The only part 
 uf OUT army to whom the art of real war appears new, is the 
 cavalry, whose peaceable campaigns in country quarters in
 
 1811.] . DURING THE REGENCY. 93 
 
 England, and whose Tom Pools of colonels, with their muff 
 caps and whiskers have completely ruined them as effective 
 troops ; their horses have been so pampered and hurt in 
 body-cloaks, that until they are a little seasoned, they are 
 good for nothing. However, they are now getting on fast in 
 perfection, and the natural spirit of the man and beast is such, 
 that they will be very soon on a par with the German Hussars, 
 who certainly are the best troops in the world for service, and 
 have one principle, which, I fear, never will be instilled 
 into ours, namely : that every man takes care of his 
 horse's comfort and food, before he thinks of providing for 
 himself. 
 
 June 8. 
 Intercepted letters from the Governor of Badajoz to Soult, 
 state his inability of holding out, if he is not reinforced, or 
 relieved, and that we have endeavoured to storm, but have 
 been repulsed— which latter is, I believe, true, as the Spaniards 
 tried it, and lost about fifty men. The governor seems a very 
 active and determined fellow : but he must surrender. The 
 packet is now going, and I must conclude — ever your's, 
 Most sincerely and affectionately, 
 
 G. Bekkeley. 
 
 ADMIRAL BERKELEY TO THE MARQUIS OF 
 BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Lisbon, June 13, 1S11. 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 In my last, I wrote that the siege of Badajoz; was carrying 
 on, and that hopes were entertained of its soon falling. But 
 the prospect of relief, and the quantity of heavy ordnance 
 which the French had taken from Olivenza and Campo Verde, 
 has enabled them to hold out, and even repulse two attacks
 
 94 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 on the breach of St. Christoval, the taking of which would 
 have given us the place. In the mean time, Soult has called 
 in from every quarter the dribblets of regiments, and two 
 from Cadiz ; and Marmont, having detached Drouet with five 
 thousand men, for to make up his army, he was joined by them 
 on the tenth at Llerenha, and has begun his march; and 
 of course Lord Wellington is compelled to raise the siege 
 again (leaving, however, a corps to blockade it), and march 
 towards him, in order to give him battle, while the combined 
 armies are in superior force to the enemy, and every day 
 is now looked for with anxiety for the result, as it will be 
 final, if Soult's army is beat, for he lias no chance of any 
 other reinforcement. In the mean time, they are aware at 
 Cadiz, how much the besieging army before it is weakened 
 by these drafts, and are preparing to attack them ; so that 
 from thence you may expect to hear of something also. 
 Marmont, with the army of the North at Ciudad Rodrigo, 
 is marching by Coria and Plasencia, to join Soult, and the 
 attack will probably be again attempted upon Portugal from 
 thence, if Lord AVellington does not defeat him before 
 Marmont joins him. The enemy previous, or, perchance, 
 at the same moment, made a false attack from Ciudad Rodrigo, 
 with all their cavalry, and about five thousand infantry, 
 which is all they have left there. Sir B. Spencer, who com- 
 mands, having detached the first division to the south, to 
 counteract Soult's reinforcement, fell back upon the Coa, 
 where the enemy's cavalry cannot act, and there remains; and 
 I dare say will move to the south, with all the British and 
 regulars of the Portuguese, haying that frontier to be watched 
 bj the militia and Spaniards. 
 
 This is our present situation; and although it is an anxious 
 moment, I conceive the result will turn out most favourably; 
 and I hope, before I close this letter, to add some particulars,
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 95 
 
 which we may learn by telegraph sooner than the Despatches 
 can reach us. 
 
 G. Berkeley. 
 
 June 15, 1811. 
 Nothing new; but every account by telegraph gives us 
 preparatory notice of what may be expected. Soult has been 
 joined by Drouet, and has advanced to Los Santos. Marmont 
 is on his way from the north, and we have only one division 
 with the Portuguese militia, left to the northward, all on 
 their march, and have nearly joined, by this time, the army 
 near Badajoz. The 11th Light Dragoons, in perfect order, 
 have arrived to-day, which will add most considerably to the 
 sort of force most wanted. I conceive a few days will 
 terminate our anxiety. 
 
 G. B. 
 
 The following communication has neither signature 
 nor address, and as it is marked " copy," the hand- 
 writing affords no clue to the original writer. He was 
 probably Mr. T. Sydenham. 
 
 Lisbon, June 8, 1811. 
 As soon as 1 communicated my arrival to Mr. Stuart, 1 he 
 called upon me, and invited me to live with him ; and when 
 I told him that Lord C. Manners was with me, he imme- 
 diately extended the invitation to him. We are, therefore, 
 completely lodged with Mr. Stuart in the large house at 
 Buenos Ayres, built by the great Marquis de Pombal. 
 Stuart's family consists of Hamilton, Desbrow, and Croft. 
 He lives in excellent style, and there is the most perfect 
 freedom and ease in the house. 
 
 1 Mr. Charles Stuart, His Majesty's Minister at Lisbon, afterwards 
 Lord Stuart de Hothsay.
 
 96 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 Stuart has received me just in the manner that I could 
 have wished. He converses openly and fully upon every 
 subject, and has given me access to all his papers, both 
 private and public. 
 
 I confess I am quite delighted with him; he is plain, 
 unaffected, full of information, very unreserved, and does 
 his business with surprising facility and promptitude. I am 
 reading all his miscellaneous correspondence for the last 
 year, and am procuring all the information I can, to prepare 
 myself for my business with Lord Wellington. 
 
 My arrival at Lisbon was announced to his Lordship by 
 telegraph ; and the answer was received in the course of the 
 same evening. I afterwards wrote a letter to his Lordship, 
 and sent it to him with the despatches and letters I thought 
 he might wish to receive immediately. The packet was sent by 
 one of Stuart's couriers, and will reach the army this evening. 
 
 I do not exactly know when I shall be well enough to 
 leave Lisbon, but I shall not remain here a moment longer 
 than is absolutely necessary. In the meantime, I shall be 
 usefully employed in gaining information of the state of 
 affairs in Portugal and Spain ; and I am convinced that I 
 shall require all this information to enable me to do my 
 business effectually with Lord Wellington, especially upon 
 those points that arc, immediately connected with our views 
 and interests in the Peninsula. 
 
 Long before this letter can reach you, the accounts of 
 an operation in Gnadiana and at Badajoz will have reached 
 England. The battle of Albuera appears to have been 
 one of the most Bangoinary and hard fought contests that we 
 have had with the French. The Spaniards behaved well; 
 
 thai is, thej fought with greal steadiness and bravery; but 
 the impossibility of moving and manoeuvring them inaction, 
 
 threw the great brunt of the action mi the British infantry, 
 and made our loss considerable.
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 97 
 
 As usual, the rascals at Cadiz have attributed the whole 
 honour of the victory to the Spaniards. From all the 
 estimates I have seen, I compute the strength of Soult to 
 have been from 26,000 to 28,000 men; and of that number 
 there can be little doubt that at least 9000 have been placed 
 "hors de combat." Beresford, I take it, must have had 
 about sixteen thousand men, besides the Spaniards. The 
 result of the battle has occasioned a great sensation, both 
 in Portugal and Spain, and the Trench do everything in their 
 power to conceal it from their troops in the north of Spain. 
 
 The operations against Badajoz are continued with the 
 greatest activity, and I trust that a few days will put us in 
 possession of it. 
 
 It may be interesting to you to know the points to which 
 I am at present directing my attention. 
 
 First. The question regarding Principal Sonza, and 
 though there arc some serious difficulties, I really think the 
 matter may be sufficiently accommodated to reconcile all 
 parties for the present, and to enable us to carry on the greal 
 cause against Prance. 
 
 Second. The removal of the Prince of Brazils to the 
 Azores, and the possibility of his coming on to Lisbon. 
 
 Third. The equipment of the Portuguese army, including 
 its pay, commissariat, arsenals and hospitals. This subject 
 is more extensive and important than 1 imagined, when I 
 left London. In fact, it involves the means of defending 
 Portugal, and the salvation of the country, and, of cours< 
 the success of the general cause in the Peninsula. I am 
 likewise endeavouring to procure statements of the French 
 and Spanish armies, and of the number and distribution of 
 the Guerillas. 1 hope to furnish Lord Wellesley with some 
 statements upon these last subjects, before I leave Lisbon. 
 
 In the meantime, affairs were going on much in the 
 VOL. I. H
 
 98 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 old way at home. The Prince Regent had caused his 
 brother to resume his post of Commander-in-chief 
 May 23) but was daily becoming less satisfied with his 
 ministers, and they were daily becoming less satisfied 
 with each other. 
 
 Lord Temple now opens a little fresh light upon the 
 state of parties. He commences by referring to a 
 negotiation in which Lord Yarmouth had been en- 
 gaged ; and soon afterwards refers to Lord Milton's 
 motion in the House of Commons (June 4) reflecting 
 on the reappointment of the Duke of York. 
 
 The question was not whether I should agree to the re- 
 placing the Duke of York, hut was I prepared to carry my 
 principles on, and to decline belonging to any Administration 
 which permitted the Duke of York to continue Commander- 
 in-chief? 1 immediately asked him what his feelings were, 
 and what lie believed Lord Grenville's were upon this point. 
 He declared thai he did aol believe Lord Grenville was pre- 
 pared to break off a negotiation upon that point; that he 
 
 '. many reasons why it was improbable any successful 
 arrangement of government under the present circumstances 
 
 dd be formed, but lie did no! believe that any individual 
 was prepared to decline serving the Prince because the Duke 
 
 fork waa Commander-in-chief. I could not then help 
 feeling that unless 1 was prepared to say that 1 would not 
 take office with the Duke of York, mj objecting now to his 
 appointment would be childish. 1 certainly do not feel 
 prepared to go that Length, especially as I find my uncles 
 equally unprepared. Then, wen I to accept office under 
 those circum , L should place myself under the im- 
 
 putation of Btanding by m\ consistency when only in op-
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 99 
 
 position, and sacrificing it for the sake of office. This had 
 much weight with me, and as I was determined to take no 
 step directly militating against jour feelings during your 
 absence, without having the opportunity of discussing and 
 talking over the matter with you, I determined very un- 
 willingly to stay away, as being the line which relieved me 
 the easiest from the many embarrassments with which I found 
 myself surrounded. I have the satisfaction to find that my 
 resolution not only meets with the entire approbation of my 
 uncle, but of all those whose good opinion I most value. All 
 your members, except George, who voted with Milton, staid 
 away, and the division will show you a list of names in 
 which, with very few exceptions, indeed, I should have 
 deeply regretted finding myself included. 
 
 The King is certainly very ill, and wns, I believe, worse 
 yesterday. The dropsical symptoms are derided by the 
 Court, but I am convinced, do not the less exist. The fete 1 
 is still, as they say, to come on, but I doubt it. The tone 
 from Portugal is low. Another battle is expected with 
 Soult, and the letters from head-cmarters which I have seen, 
 especially those from Lord Wellington's confidential friends, 
 are far from cheering. Badajoz is stated as not likely to 
 fall, and the universal opinion seems to be, that the waste of 
 British lives is more than we can support, and that the 
 contest will terminate unfavourably to us, because of the 
 positive want of means to carry it on. We lost four stand of 
 colours at Albuera ; and colours, cannon and prisoners are 
 enough to enable the French to claim the victory. 
 
 The fete mentioned by Lord Temple, was a ball and 
 
 banquet, given at Carlton Palace, on the 19 th of June, at 
 
 which several members of the royal families of France and 
 
 1 At Carlton House. 
 
 ii 2
 
 100 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 England, and some three thousand of the nobility and 
 gentry were entertained, in a style of unexampled 
 magnificence, by the Prince Regent. According to a 
 description then published : 
 
 "The room at the bottom of the stair-case repre- 
 sented a bower with a grotto, lined with a profusion of 
 shrubs and flowers. The grand table extended the 
 whole length of the conservatory, and across Carlton 
 House to the length of two hundred feet. Along the centre 
 of the table, about six inches above the surface, a canal 
 of pure water continued flowing from a silver fountain, 
 beautifully constructed at the head of the table. Its banks 
 were covered with green moss and aquatic flowers ; gold 
 and silver fish swam and sported through the bubbling 
 current, which produced a pleasing murmur where it 
 fell, and formed a cascade at the outlet. At the head 
 of the table, above the fountain, sat his Royal Highness, 
 the Prince Regent, on a plain mahogany chair with a 
 feather back. The most particular friends of the Prince 
 were arranged on each side. They were attended by sixty 
 servitors; seven waited on the Prince, besides six of 
 the Kind's and six of the Queen's footmen, in their state 
 liveries, with one man inacomplete suit of ancient armour. 
 At the back of the Prince's seat appeared aureola 
 tables, covered with crimson drapery, constructed to 
 exhibit, with the greatest effect, a profusion of the most 
 exquisitely wrought silver-gilt plate, consisting of 
 fountains, tripods, e*pergnes, dishes, and other orna- 
 ments. Above the whole of the superb display, 
 appeared a Royal Crown, and his Majesty's cypher,
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 101 
 
 G R., splendidly illumined. Behind the Prince's 
 chair, was most skilfully disposed a side-board, covered 
 with gold vases, urns, massy salvers, and the whole 
 ornamented by a Spanish urn, taken from on board 
 the Invincible Armada." 1 
 
 Was this last addition introduced out of compliment 
 to one of the guests — the Spanish ambassador, pour 
 encourager les autres ? It was, at least, like other 
 singular features in this scene of extravagance, in very 
 questionable taste ; but the spirit of the whole thing was 
 condemned by the subjects of the afflicted king, who 
 was made its ostensible cause, and notwithstanding that 
 " the company comprised all the members of administra- 
 tion, the foreign ambassadors, the principal nobility and 
 gentry in town, the most distinguished military and 
 naval officers, the Lord and Lady Mayoress, and the 
 principal aldermen and magistrates," who did not leave 
 off their unseasonable feasting and dancing till six 
 o'clock in the morning, there were still left in the 
 kingdom many persons, who bitterly compared the 
 Prince's professions of filial devotion on accepting 
 the Regency only a few months back, with this ill- 
 timed display of regal magnificence and prodigal 
 rejoicing. 
 
 Sir Samuel Romilly, who was present, says, " The 
 great expense of this entertainment has been contrasted 
 with the misery of the starving weavers of Lancashire 
 and Glasgow." 2 It, however, abounded with incongruities, 
 
 1 " Gentleman's Magazine," Vol. lxxxx, p. 587. 
 
 2 "Diary of his Parliamentary Lite," Vol. n. p. 409.
 
 102 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 among which, a feast in compliment to a sovereign, and 
 a parent, then suffering under the most pitiable affliction 
 to which human nature could be subjected — a fish pond 
 running through a dining-table, and a knight in the 
 armour of the twelfth or thirteenth century, grouped 
 with lacqueys in the plush and scarlet of the nineteenth, 
 were among the most prominent. However, the fete 
 was eminently characteristic of its princely designer, and 
 nothing more need be said of it. 
 
 A touching comparison may be found in an incident 
 that occurred a few weeks subsequently to this fete, as 
 described by an eye-witness, who was a distinguished 
 member of the Grenville party, at this period. 
 
 "There was a very affecting proof of the King's 
 melancholy state given last week at the concert of 
 ancient music : it was the Duke of Cambridge's night, 
 who announced to the directors that the King himself 
 had made the selection. This consisted of all the finest 
 passages to be found in Handel, descriptive of madness 
 and blindness) particularly of those in the opera of 
 ' Samson ;' there was one also upon madness from love, 
 and the lamentation of Jcphtha upon the loss of his 
 daughter; and it closed with ' God Save the King,' to 
 make sure the application of all that went before. It 
 was b very melancholy, as well as singular instance of 
 sensibility, that in the intervals of reason, he should 
 dwell upon the worst circumstances of his own situation, 
 ind have a sort of indulgence in soliciting the public 
 sympathy."'
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 103 
 
 It is time, however, to return to the condition of the 
 state. The next communication refers to a proposed 
 combination of Mr. Canning and Lord Wellesley, with 
 Lord Grcnville and the Opposition. The negociator 
 alluded to as " D.," was the writer of the Secret 
 Despatches. 
 
 EARL TEMPLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Thursday. 
 My dear Father, 
 
 I write, though, indeed, I have not yet much to say, 
 except that up to yesterday, Canning remained in the deter- 
 mination of abiding by Wellesley, and of making common 
 cause with him, to the extent of acting with Lords Grenville 
 and Holland, to whom alone their plan is to be confided. 
 I met Wellesley yesterday, between whom and me, a cool- 
 ness had existed for the last fourteen months. He came 
 across, and shaking me most cordially by the hand, asked 
 me when Grenville came to town, expressed the most urgent 
 desire to see him, and then entered into a most violent 
 tirade against the whole policy of ministers. D's con- 
 versation with Lord Grenville was most satisfactory. The 
 latter has appointed Wellesley to see him early on 
 Saturday morning. To-morrow, Lord Grcnville comes to 
 town, and he has desired me to dine alone with him, to talk 
 all this over. I cannot help seeing that every impediment 
 will be thrown in the way of any co-operation between him 
 and Wellesley, by my uncle Tom, who sees so much cause 
 to dread any connection with Canning, that he cannot 
 persuade himself to look with common patience even on 
 communications with Wellesley ; and is angry that D. 
 went down, and that his brother, in consequence, appointed
 
 104 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 a meeting with Wellesley. All this, joined with Lord 
 Grenville's known disinclination to office, or even to active 
 opposition, will do harm. My persuasion is, that with very 
 little management, all is again at his feet. 
 
 Ministers are very desponding. Scotland will not stir 
 for them in either house; and their friends confidently 
 speculate upon change. When an enemy begins to look behind 
 him, it is a symptom of his thinking he must run away. 
 Wellesley is, I do really believe, stout and steady. Can- 
 ning is so at this moment, and may easily be made to 
 find it his interest to continue so. Wellesley is convinced 
 that Canning will be firm, and will not give way. Can- 
 ning's friends are as violent in their talk as Wellesley's. 
 Such are the politics of the day. To-night, I am to know 
 more, and the full extent of Canning's intentions up to 
 this moment. To-morrow, therefore, I will write more. 
 
 Yours, dutifully and affectionately, 
 
 N.T. 
 
 In the year 1797, an attempt was made to relieve 
 the bank from the difficulties under which it laboured, 
 in consequence of the extraordinary drain of bullion 
 from the country to pay subsidies, and to meet the 
 expenses of the war, by an Order in Council, followed by 
 a legislative enactment, to prohibit paying in specie, and 
 to allow provincial banks to meet the claims upon them 
 created by their own paper circulation, with Bank of 
 England notes. This caused a gradual depreciation in 
 the paper currency, and rise in the value of the precious 
 metals, till in 1811 the pound note sunk to fourteen 
 shillings, and the ounce of gold rose from £3 17s. lO^d 
 to £5 1 Is., which created immense inconvenience, con-
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 105 
 
 fusion, and distress, throughout every portion of society 
 likely to suffer by such a revolution in the ordinary 
 medium of exchange. " Lord Grenville," says a dis- 
 tinguished writer, " to his great honour, was the first 
 among the authors of the mischievous policy of 1797, 
 to perceive its consequences, and through the rest of his 
 life, he was the man who most deeply regretted it." 1 
 
 The subject attracted the earnest attention of both 
 Houses of Parliament. A bullion committee in the 
 House of Commons, under the direction of Mr. Horner, 
 made a luminous report of the manifold and intolerable 
 evils of the existing system, and Lord Grenville, in the 
 House of Peers, denounced an abuse which prevented 
 any safe system of reckoning, and any clear idea of 
 value : nevertheless, a resolution was passed by a large 
 majority, fixing the values of the bank note and the coin 
 at exactly what they represented, and declaring it a mis- 
 demeanour to give for either of them, more or less ; a 
 proceeding that sensibly increased the very evils it was 
 intended to remedy, and made more difficult of operation 
 a remedial measure, whenever the legislature should 
 awaken to a sense of its necessity. 
 
 1 Lord Brougham. " Statesmen of the Time of George III."
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 [1811.] 
 
 MISCONDUCT OF BLAKK MOVEMENTS OF LORD WELLINGTON 
 
 PARLIAMENTARY PROCERDINGS NEWS FROM THE PENINSULA 
 
 POLITICAL RUMOURS BRISTOL ELECTION MOVEMENTS IN SPAIN 
 
 LORD WILLIAM BENTINCK IN SICILY O.UARREL BETWEEN THE 
 
 EMPERORS NAPOLEON AND ALEXANDER SECRET INTELLIGENCE FROM 
 
 ST. PETERSBURGH — POSITION OF PRUSSIA POZZO DI BORGO POLICY 
 
 OF THE MARQ.UIS WELLESLEY THE PRINCE REGENT AND MR. 
 
 PERCEVAL — CAVALRY ACTION LORD WELLINGTON AND SOUZA 
 
 INCREASE OF THE KING'S MALADY.
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Admiral Berkeley, in addition to his high appoint- 
 ment in the naval service of Great Britain, held the 
 office of Lord High Admiral of Portugal, a distinction 
 merited by his activity in watching over the interests of 
 that government, from the time he was stationed on the 
 coast. Reference has already been made to the opinions 
 entertained of his services by Lord Wellington ; and 
 that opinion was general among the officers of both 
 services who knew anything of the subject. 1 The 
 Admiral took great interest in the military operations 
 that were then going on, and forwarded to his kinsman 
 at Stowe particulars of every movement of importance. 
 
 ADMIRAL BERKELEY TO THE MARQUIS OF 
 BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Lisbon, July 13, 1811. 
 My Dear Loud, 
 
 Since my last, the supineness of the Spaniards have com- 
 
 1 An interesting letter from Lord Wellington to the Admiral, dated 
 June 30, will be found in the " Despatches," Vol. Tin, p. C>2.
 
 110 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 pletely marred the plan of attacking Seville, and relieving 
 Cadiz, as Blake 1 wasted his time on the road, and instead 
 of marching rapidly to Seville, where he would have found 
 no opposition, and might have destroyed the enemy's maga- 
 zines, he lingered till the 28th, although his advanced guard 
 had crossed the Guadiana on the 21st, and were within two 
 leagues of Seville on the 24th ; and by this time, Soult got 
 information of him, and immediately marched in a most 
 rapid manner back ; and Blake, thinking the whole army of 
 the enemy was coming, has not only repassed the Guadiana, 
 into Portugal, but actually embarked his army at Ayamonte 
 for Cadiz again. One comfort may possibly arise from this, 
 which is the chance of getting rid of him ; as nothing can 
 ever succeed with a man so conceited, so obstinate, and so 
 worn out. Ballasteros appears to be the best they have, and 
 has not only spirit and enterprise, but will receive advice, 
 which Blake despises. 
 
 General Graham has joined us here, and is to command 
 under Lord Wellington, in the room of Spencer, who goes 
 to Halifax. If my friend George is not set out on his 
 t ravels, I must beg you to make my excuses to hiin for not 
 answering his very kind letter. But I really expected to 
 see him so soon, that I did not wish to trouble him 
 with a letter which woidd have pursued him back to the 
 Tagus. 
 
 Four last Letter enclosed one from the late Captain Ship- 
 ley's parent, 1ml whether it is father or mother, I cannot 
 tell, and therefore wish you t<> send me the direction to 
 answer it, as 1 have put the business en train, and the monu- 
 ini nl will be erected as they wish. 
 
 1 Captain-General I' ihim Blake, commanded the Spaniards at 
 
 Albuera, and received the thanks of both Houses of Parliament for his 
 lervices on thai occasion. Bee Lord Wellington's Letter to him.— 
 ■* Despatches," Vol, vul, p.
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. Ill 
 
 Lord Wellington has drawn his army from the banks of 
 the Guadiana, which begins to be unhealthy, and has can- 
 toned them from Elvas to Campo Mayor, and hutted them 
 on the heights along the side of the Caya, which runs from 
 that town down to the Guadiana ; and as the enemy are 
 throwing up fresh works in front of Badajoz, I apprehend 
 they do not mean to take any active steps, but merely to 
 secure that town as a depot, in case Bonaparte determines to 
 prosecute the war in the Peninsula, which will furnish them 
 with supplies, if they invade Portugal through the Alemtejo. 
 I believe, however, that Lord Wellington only waits for 
 the cavalry which is expected from England and Ireland; 
 and he will beat up their quarters, which extend to Caceres 
 and Merida, and by which road is intended to convey their 
 supplies from Madrid. 1 
 
 We are removed from Lisbon to a beautiful small palace 
 of the Prince's, on the edge of the Tagus, near its embou- 
 chure, and my ships are anchored close before the door. By 
 this change, we gain a considerable deal of fresh sea air, 
 bathing, and more exercise than could be taken in Lisbon ; 
 and I hope to get rid of my rheumatic complaints, which 
 really have almost crippled me. 
 
 G. Beekeley. 
 
 My son's promotion is not the smallest part of our com- 
 fort at this moment. But as his regiment is gone to 
 Guernsey, he will remain upon the staff w T ith Lord Welling- 
 ton, if he will permit him, or if he is not ordered to join at 
 Guernsey. 
 
 More than one subject of interest came before Par- 
 liament about this period, prominent among which was 
 
 1 See Napier. Vol. in., p. 311.
 
 112 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 Catholic Emancipation. The motion to concede it was 
 negatived by considerable majorities. On the 24th of 
 July, Parliament was prorogued by Commission, with 
 a speech from the Regent, laudatory of its wisdom and 
 firmness in enabling him to continue the war. 
 
 The correspondence affords no light into any of these 
 great questions. We, therefore, pass at once to further 
 Peninsula news, and additional political gossip. 
 
 TO EARL TEMPLE. 
 
 London, July 24, 1811. 
 
 There are dispatches (arrived last night) in London from 
 Lord Wellington, but which bring no fresh news. In a 
 letter which I have seen from T. Sydenham, dated, Head- 
 quarters, the 15th, at the Quinto de St. Jao, he says, 
 " There is not the slightest chance of a breeze. Of Blake 
 we know nothing; but throughout the French lines, the 
 report is that Ballseteros has taken Seville, and was killed in 
 the assault, on the 29th. For my own part, however, I do 
 not give it credit, and rather think it is spread by them to 
 cover the real causes of their retreat upon Seville." In 
 another place, he says, " Graham is ordered round ^to join 
 Lord Wellington, with the greater part of his force, from 
 Cadiz. The waul of provisions begins to be felt by the 
 French; and Lord Wellington is decidedly of opinion thai 
 Mirmoiii and Soult must separate before the end of the 
 month. Be has, however, completed all his arrangements 
 for an action ; and should the French venture to attack us, 
 I have no doubt they will gel a horrible threshing. Winn 
 
 Blake separated from us, he had 13,000* good nun, and 
 
 must, by this time, be well advanced beyond the Guadiana.
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 113 
 
 Asturias is completely evacuated. But the Spaniards 
 never will do anything for themselves ! 
 
 " Our troops are now, thank God, very healthy. Two 
 thousand, of 12, have rejoined their corps. The Portuguese 
 cavalry are very weak and inefficient. They are mounted 
 on miserable horses ; and the men are not very bold against 
 the enemy. 
 
 "Lord Wellington has made Lord C. Manners an extra 
 aide-de-camp. 
 
 "Brigadier General Alava, a Spaniard, is at head- quarters, 
 and is a clever, gentlemanly man. He is of great use to 
 Lord "Wellington. 
 
 " I have seen much of Castanos. He is amiable and good- 
 humoured, and is a man of the world ; and this, 1 believe, 
 is all that can be said of him. He is not a man to save 
 a sinking state ; and I believe he has no merit as an officer. 1 
 
 " The whole army are delighted with the Duke of York's 
 restoration ; and I trust there will be now no more difficulty 
 in sending out troops, especially cavalry. If we could bring 
 together five thousand effective British cavalry in the field, 
 we should ride over the French army. 1 Why don't you send 
 out some of the heavy dragoons ? for they are found to 
 answer admirably. The French cavalry are very much 
 afraid of them, and call them les messieurs en rouge. The 
 French compare them to a large moving house, with black 
 walls, and a red roof/' 
 
 Bessieres having advanced from Valladolid to Benevento, 
 has been forced to return re infecta, to the former place. 
 
 TO EABL TEMPLE. 
 
 My Loud, 
 
 There are despatches arrived this day from Lord Welling- 
 1 Lord Wellington will have fourteen regiments of cavalry in tli/*. 
 field by the 1st of August. 
 
 VOL. I. I
 
 114 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 ton, dated on the 4th or 5th ; my informant could not tell 
 which. 
 
 Soult is drawing off his troops in every direction, and 
 Lord Wellington expects Badajoz will be left to its fate. 
 He (Lord Wellington) mentions the report having reached 
 him (but no official communication as yet), of Seville having 
 been captured by Ballasteros's division of Blake's army; 
 and that Ballasteros himself was killed in the assault. 
 
 He further says, that the operations of both armies must 
 be languid indeed for some time to come. 
 
 Lord Wellington has carried many points with the regency, 
 principally respecting the army, winch Beresford has pro- 
 ceded to Lisbon [sic] (not on his way home, as has been said) 
 to carry into effect, and then joins the army again. 
 
 Nightingale is come home, going out to India on the 
 staff. 
 
 My friend has not yet had his letters, but will in the 
 evening, when your Lordship shall hear further on this head. 
 
 The general belief among the ministry, is that the King 
 will linger some time, but loudly talk of the utter impos- 
 sibility of his resuming his functions. There are hopes 
 atltial amongst Perceval's friends, thai lie will remain in 
 oilier, and that the change will be but a partial one. My 
 information goes to the dired contrary. "There will be 
 great changes, and, in most instances, a total one; but, in 
 all events, to the entire exclusion of your friends." Such 
 is the language to me. If I can penetrate deeper into this, 
 I will, 1ml certain I am that the Lord Chancellor and Lord 
 Welleslej expect to remain. On what the tatter's views 
 arc founded, I think I can venture an opinion; but I defer 
 writing more at length till to-morrow, as I had hut half an 
 boar's conversation in the quarter where alone I can look 
 fin information.
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 115 
 
 ADMIRAL BERKELEY TO THE MARQUIS OF 
 BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Tagus, August 4, 1811. 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 Mr. Claxton, one of the leading men at Bristol, and chair- 
 man of our club, and who presided at your brother's nomi- 
 nation and feast, as high steward, has wrote to say, that 
 notwithstanding he has been very much pressed to accept 
 himself of the representation of that city, in case of a dis- 
 solution, his infirmities and habits of life will not permit him : 
 and as Colonel Baillie, seventy-eight years old, is determined to 
 withdraw, he wishes to know if I choose to be elected, which 
 he conceived would be done unanimously, if I could be 
 present. This latter part is so doubtful, that of course no 
 decisive answer can be given. But as I am so well known 
 in the place, I do not imagine that would be necessary. I 
 imagine when my letter arrives, if not already done, he 
 will, as chairman of the club, ask Lord Grenville's opinion 
 and possibly his recommendation of a candidate ; and, there- 
 fore, I wish to apprise you of this, that you may prepare 
 liim, as I conceive his stating his opinion would have con- 
 siderable influence over some of the members, whose inter- 
 ference may be expected, from the differences which had arisen 
 in consequence of the Dock disputes, which, however, are 
 now settled, but might be revived as a sort of excuse for 
 opposition. I have referred Claxton to my friend Dr. Small, 
 as he knows my sentiments, and also everything respecting 
 Bristol and political interests most thoroughly; and as he 
 was most highly gratified by your thanks for his influence 
 at Oxford, he will gladly give you any information ; and I 
 dare say would go to you at Stowe, if you wished it, to 
 communicate what he could not do by letter. 
 
 I find by the papers, that we have lost our poor friend, 
 
 i 2
 
 116 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 Sir W. Young, which I am sure you will feel. The affairs 
 here fluctuate, but still do not show the intentions of the 
 enemy sufficiently to say what they actually mean. Marmont 
 is marching back to Ciudad Rodrigo, which may be occa- 
 sioned by two causes. Lord Wellington has sent round the 
 battering train to Oporto, and it is shipped in boats to 
 go up the Douro. This may have alarmed him for Ciudad 
 Rodrigo, and he may wish to cover it from attack. On the 
 other hand, Soult has made an attack upon the Isla de Leon, 
 and has been completely repulsed, leaving some hundreds 
 dead. This may, perhaps, be another cause of Marmont's 
 retreat, who is now superior to Lord Wellington, and of 
 course may wish to concentre with the force at Salamanca 
 and Ciudad Rodrigo. Whatever it may arise from, our 
 army is also moving to the north, and General Hill is left 
 in the Alemtejo. But when the extent of Soult's repulse is 
 known, I imagine he will follow Lord Wellington, as nothing 
 then may be apprehended from the enemy on that side of 
 Portugal; which so far is fortunate for our army, as the 
 officers were very much inclined to agues, which is the 
 prevalent disorder in thai part of the country. 1 
 
 Yours most sincerely and affectionately, 
 
 G. Berkeley. 
 
 A new actor and new scenes now present themselves 
 — the former too well known to require introduction, 
 the latter not without attraction, but wanting the in- 
 terest which gives value to any scrap of intelligence res- 
 pecting the career of our great Commander. 
 
 ' Lord Wellington's movement! arc described in "Napier," Vol. m., 
 p. SS6. Sec also Despatches, Vol. mil, p. 179, and Alison, "History 
 of Europe," Chap, an.
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 117 
 
 ADMIRAL FREEMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF 
 BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 "Milford," Palermo, August 28, 1811. 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 The departure of Lord William Bentinck, who leaves this 
 place in the evening, affords me the opportunity of saying 
 I arrived here in the ' Milford ' the clay before yesterday ; and 
 Admiral Boyers sailed to Malta last night. 
 
 Lord William's arrival in England will, I dare say, sur- 
 prise you ; but, perhaps, not the ministers, who might well 
 have foreseen that, with such limited powers, he would not 
 be enabled to make any impression on the Court. In his 
 first note, he states expressly that he is directed by his in- 
 structions, not to interfere in the internal government of the 
 island ; but in a subsequent part, recommends a total 
 alteration in the system of their government, reform of 
 abuses, &c. &c. The answer of the Court is such as could 
 be expected— expressions of satisfaction that it was not in 
 the intention of the Prince Regent to interfere, the deter- 
 mination of the King, to keep inviolate his entire control 
 over his own subjects, and a total denial of the statements 
 of any disaffection on the part of the Sicilians to the Court, 
 &c. This is briefly the state of the case, which determined 
 Lord William Bentinck to go himself to England, where I 
 hope he will be furnished with such powers as are now 
 become essentially necessary, and without which we can have 
 little security here. In the mean time, it is difficult to say 
 to what acts of violence the Queen may resort; at least, 
 Lord William Bentinck' s behaviour has been such as not to 
 occasion or increase the irritation of her mind. The four 
 Barons remain in durance; but I am not quite persuaded 
 that the Queen may not be induced to relax in her severity
 
 118 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 towards them ; but such is the caprice and inconsistency 
 of her conduct, occasioned by her violence of temper, and 
 the inordinate use of opium, that I defy the best-informed 
 here to judge of the line that will be pursued during the 
 absence of our Minister. In the mean time, I am here 
 with only the ' Milford •' I shall live on shore, to know every- 
 thing that is going on. I have had some conversation with 
 General Maitland, who commands the troops. The returns 
 are above 15,000. 
 
 A report is in circulation, which I believe, that one of 
 the Sicilian privateers belonging to the Queen, captured, 
 about three weeks ago, a Neapolitan vessel from Naples, 
 with a Trench consul on board, going to Tunis. Tins man 
 had with him the picture of Murat set in diamonds, with 
 many valuable presents. The whole were brought here to 
 the cpiarantine ; and a few days afterwards, the consul, with 
 his valuables, were sent back to Naples in one of the Queen's 
 vessels. You will judge that we are not very easy here ; and 
 the poor Barons dread the interval of our minister's absence. 
 
 I confess I am somewhat surprised Lord AYilliam should 
 have consented to have taken two such situations, with such 
 a limited authority, knowing, as he did, the state of this 
 country from Lord Amherst and others. But we must have 
 patience ; and it is but justice to say, that Lord "William's 
 manners and conduct have made a favourable impression on 
 the Sicilians, as will as on the Court. Lord Valentia went 
 from hence in the ' Canopus ;' he had been here near five 
 months, and had certainly a better knowledge of the consti- 
 tution of the Island, as well as of the leading characters, 
 than any one known at Palermo. He and Lord William 
 were not good friends; and 1 regretted his earlj departure 
 because I Losl much valuable information, which time would 
 not allow him i" lt i \ i • mi
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 119 
 
 The Duke of Orleans professes to be devoted to the 
 English, and is on bad terms with the Queen. There is 
 a history of an attempt to assassinate him, which is believed 
 by many. 
 
 Monday, a grand ball was given by Lady William. 
 Prince Leopold, and the Duke of Orleans, and two of the 
 Princesses were present ; but I did not see any of those 
 who are particularly attached to the Court. Mr. Gibbs, who 
 pays the subsidy here, tells me the Court are continually 
 calling upon him for the money, sometimes even in advance ; 
 and according to his opinion, if it was stopped, the govern- 
 nor could not go on. I was shown an account of the 
 Queen's expenditure for espionage, presents, &c. It amounted 
 £350,000 sterling, yearly. The troops are some three or 
 five months in arrear ; they muster on paper nearly eighteen 
 thousand. 
 
 Such is the system of terror, that many of the principal 
 people arc afraid of appearing at the English minister's 
 house. Yesterday, I was handing a lady to her carriage, 
 whose name I forget; and on being told Ceuello and his 
 wife were coming up stairs, we ran into the kitchen, until 
 they were passed into the drawing-room. 1 am afraid I 
 shall tire you with Palermo, as I must have done .about 
 Minorca ; but as my disposition is not to remain idle, 
 I shall endeavour to make myself as well informed of what 
 is going on, as my situation will admit. I dread the expence 
 of the place, because I must keep house and a carriage. 
 Believe me always, 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 Your faitliful and obedient servant, 
 
 T. V. F. 
 
 P.S. Nothing can have been more candid or sincere
 
 120 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 in his communications with one, than Lord William; 
 nor anything more amiable than Ins wife, who is also a great 
 favourite everywhere. 
 
 About this time, Lord Grenville, who was never 
 inattentive to the claims of men of real worth, or ever 
 lost an opportunity of forwarding their interests, wrote 
 to Sir Samuel Romilly to offer his influence, he being 
 Steward of Bristol, as well as that of the Duke of 
 Norfolk, towards securing his election for that ancient 
 city. Sir Samuel was gratified by the proposal, but 
 acknowledged that he could not afford a contest. 1 In 
 a contest, however, he was subsequently involved ; but 
 retired when he found that the election was going 
 against him. 
 
 The game of cross purposes still continued at home ; 
 but a game of purposes still more cross was preparing 
 abroad that threatened much graver consequences to 
 the loser. The loving friends at Tilsit, who had divided 
 the world so amicably, with so very little relation to the 
 rights or liberties of the rest of Europe, were becoming 
 tired of their alliance, because they had discovered that 
 it was not likely to be half as profitable as it had 
 promised. In other words, the policy Lord Grenville 
 had consistently advocated as regards strenuous oppo- 
 sition to Napoleon's projects of aggrandizement, vvas 
 about to receive a remarkable proof of its sagacity, by 
 the natural result of that 
 
 " Vaulting ambition thai o'erleapa itself." 
 
 •The letter and the replj are preserved in the "Diary of his Parlia- 
 mentary Lilr," Vol. II.. pp. 413, II \.
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 121 
 
 which was so prominent a feature in the character of 
 the Emperor of France. The autocrat of Russia be- 
 came desirous of retrieving the false steps he had 
 made, and gave evidence of a wish to cultivate closer 
 relations with the Power that alone among the Euro- 
 pean governments, had shown itself capable of raising 
 up a bulwark against the strides of conquest which the 
 brilliant military genius of the Imperial commander 
 had enabled him to make in every direction. There 
 shortly appeared symptoms of a design of another and 
 more formidable coalition than a common sense of 
 danger had yet been able to create. It fortunately 
 happened at this period, the Seals of the Foreign Office 
 were in the hands of an able man, who, though he 
 found himself misplaced in the Administration, appears 
 to have been the more conscious of the necessity of 
 distinguishing his department by an advance upon the 
 hand-to-mouth policy that seemed to limit the energies 
 of his colleagues. 
 
 The interest of the secret despatch about to be 
 printed — which, on the face of it came from the 
 very heart of the ministerial camp — is not confined to 
 anticipations of the rdles to be played in the great 
 drama preparing on the theatre of Europe, by the 
 Emperor Alexander, Barclay de Tolly, and Pozzo di 
 Borgo. What follows is equally interesting, for ex- 
 hibiting the design of the clever Foreign Secretary to 
 supersede his less gifted chief. Unfortunately for him- 
 self, he did not possess sufficient influence in or out of 
 the Administration to insure success in such a scheme ;
 
 122 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 and in a vital part of his programme was in direct op- 
 position to Lords Grey and Grenville ; while his rival, 
 however inferior as a statesman, was invulnerable in the 
 lively sympathy of the Court, and the active co-operation 
 of certain of its female members, whose agency, how- 
 ever, as will be seen did not escape the observation or 
 the censure of Parliament. 
 
 TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 September 17, 1S11. 
 
 Before I touch upon domestic affairs, I shall lay before 
 your Lordship all that I know upon the foreign, upon which 
 the former very materially depends. In the first place, the 
 long expected communication directly from the Court of St. 
 Petersburgh, and of the most satisfactory nature, has arrived. 
 I understand, however, its extent to be the determination 
 of Alexander to resist any further attempt of Bonaparte to 
 cripple the commerce of the north; to revenge his an- 
 nexation of theHanse Towns to Prance; and his seizure of 
 the Duke of Oldcnburglr's dominions. Purther, he is deter- 
 mined to assist cither Prussia or Austria, in the event of 
 either being attacked by Prance. In the interim, he has 
 put his military establishment in Poland upon a footing the 
 most respectable, as well with respect to magazines, com- 
 missariat, and hospitals (points heretofore left to accident), 
 as to numbers; there being now not less than 240,000 
 effective men in thai quarter, with a depot of 80,000 recruits 
 
 ready to join the grand armies as lhc\ arc wanted. In 
 
 short, it is asserted, upon the besl authority, that the state, 
 discipline, and organization of the Russian armies have 
 
 advanced a century, since ihe peace "I Tilsit. The whole
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 123 
 
 has been directed by Barclay de .Tolly, a Prussian, I 
 believe by birth, but considered one of the most able men 
 in Europe. It is from a paper drawn up by him, and trans- 
 mitted to us through Prince Luberminski, that the above 
 facts are declared. It is a remarkable circumstance that 
 the person pitched upon by Alexander, to be the medium 
 through which, in future, all discussions between the two 
 countries are to take place, is the very person most eligible 
 for us, and the most acceptable to Lord Wellesley ; whence 
 the sagacity and good faith of that potentate are inferred. 
 It is expected by Alexander, that the signal for a rupture 
 will be the demand upon liim, by Bonaparte, for his debt to 
 Holland (nearly ten millions sterling), which, were he dis- 
 posed, he has no means of paying ; and the two armies 
 which Prance has moved from the Rhine towards Poland, 
 are supposed to be for the purpose of enforcing payment. 
 They are commanded by Davoust, who will, so soon as they 
 join him, have at least 120,000 effective men. 
 
 But if Bonaparte counts upon the co-operation, or even 
 neutrality of Prussia, as a part of his projected attack on 
 Russia (points, I apprehend, absolutely essential to it), he 
 will find himself egregiously mistaken. Through the same 
 channel to which I have adverted in the case of Russia, 
 ministers are assured that Prussia is pledged to Alexander 
 to resist the very first encroachment of Prance, and to put 
 her last stake in the hazard. She has 124,000 men fit to 
 take the field, and both soldiers and officers universally 
 anxious for the moment which shall restore them their 
 reputation and fame. In the moment in which I write, 
 such is the credence which government gives to the above 
 statement, that stores of various kinds are in transport, and 
 in preparation for the assistance of both powers ; and what 
 is more satisfactory is, that no subsidies are required, at
 
 124 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 least in money, from us. All that is asked is, that we shall 
 not relax our efforts in the Peninsula, which every commu- 
 nication from these powers assert to have been the salvation 
 of Europe for these last two years. Of the good faith of 
 Austria, her abhorrence of France, and her determination to 
 make common cause with Russia and Prussia, and acting 
 with them in the first favourable moment, there seems to be 
 no doubt ; and your Lordship is, I presume, aware that our 
 political intercourse with her is in perfect activity, and with 
 the best understanding. 
 
 The actual arrival of the communication from Alexander 
 himself, has given the grounds, so long wanting, of com- 
 pleting Liston's instructions, which are now completed, and 
 are so framed as to promise, through our mediation, an 
 accommodation between Russia and the Porte. The war 
 between the former and Persia, barely exists, and, indeed, 
 may be said to have terminated. Of Sweden, it can only 
 be said, that her conduct continues extremely ambiguous, 
 and there is reason to believe, an ambiguity little relished by 
 Bonaparte. As to America, there is no reason to apprehend 
 any immediate rupture ; on the contrary, Mr. Porster thinks 
 "that the negotiation will train on again.-" In the mean 
 while, tin' American ministers have all gone to their respective 
 homes, and everything is suspended till after the meeting of 
 ( longresSj the 23rd of November next. I am given to under- 
 stand that Lord Wellesley's instructions to Porster, put 
 the Americans int<> a dilemna, on one or other of the horns 
 of which the] must hang, while he will disarm all opposition 
 here, by making them burn entirely upon the principles of 
 blockade, right of search, and contraband of war, as laid 
 
 down and acted upon bj Lord Grenville and Mr. Fox (even 
 introducing the name of the latter as an authority, in the 
 bodj of bis despatches), and abandoning the ground of the
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 125 
 
 Orders in Council. In fine, it is the sanguine opinion and 
 belief of Lord Wellesley, that the face of Europe is about 
 to undergo the most material change for the better ; and all 
 brought about by his counsels. He has abandoned the 
 coast, or going out of town at all, and works unceasingly at 
 his office. He derives, I understand, the most essential 
 advantages from having gained over a certain Pozzo di 
 Borgo, a Corsican, and even a near relation of Bonaparte, 
 whom the latter has long wished to get into his power, and 
 to whom he has made the greatest offers, but in vain ; and 
 they are now the bitterest enemies. This person is, it is 
 said, the cleverest man in Europe, and so universally acknow- 
 ledged to be, throughout the continent ; with him, Lord Wcl- 
 lesley is in perpetual conference, and the greatest results 
 are expected from his advice and sagacity. 
 
 But Lord "Wellesley is not only self-satisfied of the 
 existence of the facts above stated, but is persuaded that he 
 has produced the same conviction in the mind of the Prince 
 Regent, and that the latter is to the full as sanguine as 
 himself, as to the results to be expected from them. On 
 Saturday se'nnight last, in an audience of four hours, he laid 
 the details of all that I have given your Lordship the outline, 
 before the Prince, who seemed thoroughly satisfied that this 
 great game was on the cards, but at the same time, pointed 
 out the utter impossibility of giving effect to his system, 
 so long as Mr. Perceval persisted in his determination not to 
 push the resources of the country farther than they are 
 employed at present. That he (Lord Wellesley) would not, 
 nor could continue any longer the imperfect instrument 
 of an imperfect system ; and, in short, went over all the 
 topics I have more than once before stated to your Lordship j 
 as, for instance, the applying three millions to arming and 
 paying an army in Gallicia. The singularly happy situation
 
 126 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 in which England was placed, when, instead of subsidizing 
 a new coalition, she is only called upon to pursue her own 
 system steadily in Spain and Portugal; how impossible it 
 was for Lord "Wellington to act offensively in Spain, without 
 adopting the proposition respecting Gallicia ; and, finally, his 
 belief that there are ample means in the country to provide 
 for the proposed additional expenditure. Upon this latter 
 point, Lord Wellesley has had the means of information, by 
 coming into contact with the most eminent of the London 
 merchants and capitalists, who have been tin-own upon him, 
 through the almost entire neglect of Perceval and Lord 
 Bathurst j an opportunity eagerly embraced by Lord Wellesley 
 and of which he has made no small advantage. 
 
 The Prince and Lord Wellesley parted with the most perfect 
 cordiality, the former apparently thoroughly convinced by the 
 statements and arguments of the latter; and Lord Wellesley 
 determined to state his resolution officially, as soon as he had 
 worked up the arrears of his official business, which would 
 not take up a fortnight at most from that day ; and thus 
 matters rest at present. In the interim, the partizans of 
 Lord Wellesley are sanguine (although I think not so much 
 as when I saw your Lordship,) that the Prince will place him 
 at the head of affairs, at the moment of change. I protest 
 I hardly know upon what grounds. With every member of 
 the present government he is in a state of warfare, and seems 
 determined bo to be. .Recently, Perceval, with a view, I 
 believe, to make up the late violent breach, offered him a 
 
 ' r-u- Richard Welleslej at the Admiralty Board, which 
 he refused; afterwards one ;>t the Treasury, whioh lie also 
 refused, Baying, however, thai he would ooneull the Prince 
 upon it, and would accept it for his bob, if be, (the Prince,} 
 .id\ ised him bo to do. 
 
 On 4 receni occasion, when the Prince was aboul to give
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 127 
 
 his fite on his birthday, the ministers wrote to his Royal 
 Highness a round robin, to express their desire to be allowed 
 to wear his uniform upon that occasion. To this Lord 
 Wellesley refused to be a party, but asked that favour of 
 the Prince in person, who conceded it most graciously ; and 
 he now alwatjs sports the blue and bun' ! I presume it must 
 be that, as the Prince is determined to make an adminis- 
 tration, of which lie is determined to be himself the framer, 
 and to carry on the war in Spain on principles known to be 
 adverse from those of Lords Grenville and Grey ; and as 
 Perceval will not go to the lengths, winch, according to Lord 
 Wellesley, are necessary to carry on the war with effect ; 
 and that Lord Wellesley, on whom everything turns, will 
 not serve any longer with Perceval ; therefore he, Lord 
 Wellesley, will be the only person eligible to that high 
 situation. How he is to make up his government, is another 
 affair ; but it is said, with great exultation, that the Prince 
 has gained over the great houses of Norfolk, Percy, and 
 Cavendish — that these great Dukes will not act with Perceval, 
 but have no objection to do so with Lord Wellesley. There 
 is, also, I apprehend, some hope of Lord Holland, who, 
 beside that he will not act hostilely against the Prince, for 
 old connection sake, will be tempted by high situation 
 abroad (Spain, for example, which is greatly his object), and 
 which he is constantly urged to accept, by Lady Holland. 
 
 Indeed, the Duke of Sussex openly said, last week, that 
 Lord Holland was gained; and if Lord Holland, there arc 
 strong hopes of Lord Lansdowne, whose attachment to the 
 former is said to be inviolable. For the rest, there is Canning 
 and his following certainly, and Castlereagh upon very easy 
 terms. 1 
 
 1 This is a mistake. Lord Castlereagh soon proved that lie was not 
 to he had, excepl upon his own terms.
 
 128 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 Add to all this, that every individual of the royal family, 
 are eager (for objects of their own,) that Lord Wellesley 
 should be at the head of a government, where it is under- 
 stood that all the patronage is to be, by an actual agreement, 
 in the disposition of the Prince, while the latter, who has 
 no objection to this part of the system, is dazzled by the 
 brilliant prospect which the new continental coalition affords, 
 and by the hopes that his will be the government under 
 which the ruin of Bonaparte and his house will be effected. 
 
 As to the principles upon winch this new government is 
 to be formed, Lord \Vellesley requires no pledge to be given, 
 except as to the vigorous prosecution of the war against 
 Trance. Upon the cruciform question of Ireland, and even 
 of reform, he is open to conviction, upon their full and fair 
 discussion ! Your Lordship is now in possession of every- 
 thing which I coidd bring within the compass of one letter. 
 I shall to-morrow trouble you with one on the other topics 
 of your Lordship's note. 
 
 The great political movement just described, must 
 be regarded as a repetition of that which led to the 
 quarrel of Lord Castlereagh and Mr. Canning; with this 
 difference, that now the Marquis Welleslcy was in 
 office, and was straining every nerve to oust a colleague, 
 to introduce his friend Mr. Canning, just as the latter 
 had exerted all his influence to get rid of Viscount 
 Castlereagh, to introduce his friend, the Marquis 
 Welleslcy. Mr. Canning, at this period, possessed a 
 considerable parliamentary following — certain friends in 
 the House of Commons, who were ready to vote with 
 him on all subjects, and support him on every occasion. 
 Possibly lie may have hoped to make his own terms
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 129 
 
 with the government, hy bringing this support, in 
 addition to his acknowledged talent ; but it is singular 
 what a dread he inspired in some of the ministers — 
 a difficulty his friend in office found insurmountable. 
 As early as 1807, Lord Eldon, writing to Sir William 
 Scott, says, " I am not the least surprised at what you 
 say about C. I have, for some time, thought that 
 much less than a dissolution would serve him as a 
 cause of separation, and I suspect that Lord G. [Gren- 
 ville] has known him so well by flattering his vanity 
 on the one hand, by making him the person of conse- 
 quence to be talked with, and alarming that vanity on the 
 other, by disclaiming intercourse through anybody, with 
 the Pittites as a body, to make him the instrument of 
 shaking among the Pittites, that mutual confidence which 
 was essential to give them weight, and thus to keep them 
 in the state of a rope of sand, till a dissolution, when he 
 won't care one fig for them all put together." 1 
 
 With respect to the Lord Chancellor's observations 
 on Lord Grenville, it is easy to prove that they are the 
 offspring of partizan antagonism. Lord Grenville 
 admired the talent of Mr. Canning, but certainly never 
 stooped to flatter him in any way, and his brother more 
 than once expressed opinions respecting his political 
 conduct, 2 as completely at variance with any idea of 
 making use of him in the manner imagined by Lord 
 Eldon. In fact, by the more experienced members of 
 the Grenville party, he was so distrusted, that the mere 
 
 1 Twiss. " Life of Lord Eldon," Vol. i., p. 358. 
 a "Courts and Cabinets of George ITT." Vol. iv., p. 38 1 
 VOL, I. K
 
 130 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 rumour of a coalition with him, excited the greatest 
 repugnance. On the other side, Lord Eldon's aversion, 
 excited principally by his breaking up the Cabinet in 
 1809, and his conviction that Mr. Canning had 
 endeavoured to deprive him of the Great Seal, to 
 advance his own objects, 1 was sure to be a stumbling 
 block in the way of that gentleman's admission into 
 a government of which Lord Eldon was an influential 
 member. 
 
 Admiral Berkeley helps to unravel the twisted skein 
 of Portuguese politics, and throws a little light upon the 
 dark intrigues of that unworthy member of the Portu- 
 guese government, Principal Souza, who became at 
 last such an annoyance to Lord Wellington, that he 
 determined to remove himself from the sphere of his 
 influence. 
 
 ADMIRAL BERKELEY TO THE MARQUIS OF 
 BUCKINGHAM 
 
 Tagus, September 29, 1811. 
 My Pear Lord, 
 
 I wrote two letters in haste last week, but they contained 
 nothing new. At present, however, a little affair has hap- 
 
 1 ""What will you think of politicians, when I tell yon that it lias 
 even hfcn suggested, thai Perceval should return to the Law, and be 
 made Chancellor, and that to provide for keeping things together in 
 this way, 1 should retire. Perceval himself told me this; he did not 
 name Canning as proposing it, but I take upon suspicion that to have 
 been so; and then, Perceval being Chancellor, Canning mighl he 
 Minister. Pera ral treated tl be ought." — Life of Lord Chancellor 
 Eldon, Vol. I. p. 412.
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 131 
 
 pened, which I conceive, will not go farther, as it was most 
 probably an attack of the enemy to cover their convoy of 
 stores and provisions into Cindad Rodrigo. On the 24th 
 instant, between seven and eight in the morning, the centre 
 of our lines was attacked by a very large body of horse and 
 infantry, supported by some heavy cannon, and they pene- 
 trated to our artillery, where they were charged by three 
 squadrons of Light Horse, the 5th regiment, British, and 
 21st regiment, Portuguese infantry, who drove them back 
 with great slaughter, and a most disgraceful flight. Lord 
 Wellington was in the thick of it, and the correspondent who 
 wrote this to me, supposes a fresh attack may be made. 
 But this I doubt, as their object was probably obtained, 
 and Ciudad Rodrigo furnished with provisions. But as I 
 am in hourly expectation of the army despatches, I will not 
 close my letter until I can tell you. The field was covered 
 with their dead, and the superiority of our cavalry most 
 decidedly proved, as well as the increased coolness and steady 
 conduct of the Portuguese troops. I imagine their intention 
 is to keep their depots, if possible, at Ciudad and Badajoz, 
 as very convenient spots to enter Portugal, if Bonaparte 
 can settle his affairs in the North, and can find troops and 
 provisions sufficient to maintain them on their march. 
 
 "We are rather in daily expectation of great changes in 
 the government of tins country, as by this time something 
 must have been decided upon Lord Wellington's letter of 
 resignation to the Prince of the Brazils, in consequence of the 
 mad and outrageous conduct of the priest Souza, who 
 governs here, and is brother to the prime minister of the 
 Court of Rio Janeiro. lie wrote to him, that Lord Wel- 
 lington's plans were bad, and that he had ruined the country 
 more than the French could have done, and Stuart, our 
 minister here, withdrew from the Regency in consequence, 
 
 K 2
 
 132 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 and lias not attended it for four months. How it will end 
 I know not, as the events have given the best refutation of 
 his falsehood, and it is quite out of the question to continue 
 to act under this fellow's un governable but weak measures. 
 I imagine he has complained to his brother in England, (the 
 envoy,) of my having withdrawn myself from his acquaintance, 
 as I find some little intrigue has been made use of. But 
 Lord Wellington, as well as Beresford, I believe, have 
 stated the impolicy, as well as their most thorough protest 
 against my being superseded, and from what I hear, Mr. 
 Yorke has dropt that idea, which he at one time had in 
 contemplation, at the expiration of my three years. The 
 news of the insurrection at Cayenne, and the murder of the 
 Governor has just reached us here, and I suppose will 
 occupy the attention of the Brazils for some time; this 
 event you perhaps received notice of in England before it 
 reached us here, as all the news of that part of the world 
 goes much sooner to England than to Portugal. Emily 
 desires to join me in best love to all yours, and 
 
 Believe me, ever yours most sincerely and affectionately, 
 
 G. Berkeley. 
 
 October 2. 
 I shall close my letter, as it will be a Gazette business, 
 which, of course, will give it you more in detail. But it 
 has ended exactly as I thought. Marmont paraded his whole 
 army in our front, while he got his convoy into Ciudad, and 
 after the attack of his cavalry and cannon, which was most 
 gallantly repulsed by iwo of our divisions, and many 
 prisoners taken, be baa retired into his old positions, ami we 
 to ours between the Agueda and Coa. We have lost be- 
 tween two and three hundred wounded and killed in this 
 affair, in which the I Ith Light Dragoons and 1st Hussars 
 have done wonders. The ninn} had possession of the five
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 133 
 
 Portuguese guns for a minute, but the 5th regiment gave 
 so tremendous a fire, and rushed on them with their bayonets, 
 that they broke and fled, and many were taken, besides 
 numbers killed by the guns in their retreat. 1 
 
 From another communication the reader will learn 
 more respecting the position of our commander in the 
 Peninsula, and respecting the more melancholy position 
 of the sovereign at home. 
 
 MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF 
 BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Englefield Green, October 25, 1811. 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 You have been travelling about so much, that I have not 
 troubled you with a letter. There is notlung material now 
 to communicate, excepting that the bodily health of the King 
 daily loses ground; and Sir H. Ilalford's report of this 
 morning is, that for the last ten days, there has been a visible 
 decrease of strength and constitution. The Duke of Kent 
 called upon me this morning, and says, that the violence of 
 his mental malady has been greater for the last fortnight than 
 it has ever been. John Willis has so completely given up all 
 idea of the possibility of amendment, that he does not come 
 again to Windsor. Symonds and Munro were to be there 
 to-day. The Council w r ish to put the whole management 
 of the King under the former of these two ; but the Queen 
 objects to it, on account of her promise to the King, never 
 to allow Symonds or John Willis again to have charge of 
 him. The object of the Council in urging it, is to have it to 
 
 1 See Lord Wellington's Letters to the Secretary of State, in 
 "Despatches," Vol. vm.,p. 303.— Also, "Napier," Vol. m., p. 335.
 
 134 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 report at the meeting of Parliament, that all advice had been 
 resorted to. The Prince of Wales comes down every Sunday 
 with the Duke of Cumberland. I hear the former and the 
 Queen are on very bad terms, but I know not on what 
 grounds. He is extremely quiet, and only dreading the pros- 
 pect of the clay when he must make his decision. The 
 question of Ireland is parried judiciously enough for a short 
 time, but come it must; and / knoiv, as I dare say you 
 do equally, that the Prince is pledged as strongly as man 
 can be (even of a very late date), to support the Catholics. 
 
 There has been much contention between Lord Wellesley 
 and Perceval, both on the question of Portugal and Sicily; 
 for the moment they have been reconciled, but the bad omen 
 of our last despatches from Lord Wellington will not mend 
 the matter. The state of our army in the Peninsula is 
 lamentable, in point of sickness ; and much as I love Lord 
 Wellington, I cannot see how he can satisfy the country 
 upon moving the whole of the British force from the south 
 to the north, to invest Eodrigo, without the hope or chance 
 of succeeding, and risk a battle which was only avoided by 
 the most hasty flight, merely, as he states, because he wished 
 to see the enemy. Conceive our Minister leaving his army 
 destitute of cavalry all the summer, when it could have, been 
 fed ami employed with so much advantage in the Alemtejo, 
 and then sending all that could be shipped in the Autumn, 
 to the north, where they had no provision, and no means of 
 acting. There has been, for the last two months, upwards 
 of 600,000 tons of hay weekly exported from this country 
 for our cavalrj in Portugal, not to speak of grain, which 
 keep- ii]) the price BO ililinoderat eh ;it this moment. 
 
 lelton Elervej baa again distinguished himself greatly. 
 He made Beveral cha and my wife had a letter from 
 
 Lad) B. Berkeley, full of nothing but encomiums on his
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 135 
 
 conduct, which, she says, was the theme of the whole army. 
 The person in whom lie places most confidence, and who is 
 always with him, a sort of aide-de-camp, is young Badcock 
 whom he speaks of constantly in the highest terms, not only 
 to us, but to Lord Bridge \\ ater.
 

 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 [1811,] 
 
 MR. TIERNEY'S OPINION ON THE CONDUCT OF THE CATHOLIC BISHOPS 
 
 THE PRINCE REGENT'S DISCONTENT STATE OP SICILY ACCIDENT 
 
 TO THE PRINCE REGENT DUKE OF CLARENCE AND LADY CATHERINE 
 
 LONG MRS. JORDAN DIFFICULTIES OF THE MINISTRY SECRET 
 
 DESPATCH RESPECTING FOREIGN STATES AFFAIRS IN SPAIN 
 
 ADMIRAL BERKELEY THE ROYAL DUKES LORD WELLESLEY'S 
 
 RELATIONS WITH THE PRINCE REGENT — NEWS FROM SPAIN A NEW 
 
 WINE QUARREL BETWEEN THE PRINCE REGENT AND THE DUKE OF 
 
 CUMBERLAND — LIBERAL ARRANGEMENTS FOR THE CIVIL LIST — LOUD 
 SIDMOUTH's COMMUNICATIONS WITH MR. PERCEVAL.
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 The writer of the following letter, who enjoyed more 
 celehrity from having been the opponent of Pitt, than 
 the colleague of Addington, was now, by the shuffling 
 of the political cards, one of the leaders of Opposition, 
 in whose ranks he shortly afterwards gained a prominent 
 position as a ready and bitter assailant of ministers. 
 His parliamentary career has been sketched by an able 
 pen that has summed up its good and evil in a friendly 
 spirit, yet has not forgot to state the allegation brought 
 against that minister, who secured him for his ad- 
 ministration : "In reference to the rather useless ac- 
 quisition which he appeared to have made that he 
 resembled the worthy but not very acute lord who 
 bought Punch. 5 ' 1 In Opposition, Mr. Tierney proved 
 himself more formidable than in office, and came forward 
 as a powerful debater on more than one great question ; 
 but it was in personal attack that his services were 
 most appreciated by his party ; and whenever an un- 
 fortunate minister was thought to be assailable, the 
 
 1 Lord Brougham. *' Statesmen of George III." Second Scri*
 
 140 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 honourable and learned member was sure to be put up 
 to worry him, till the former had exhausted his powers 
 of vituperation. 
 
 The Catholics of Ireland had unwisely commenced a 
 movement which their friends in England found it im- 
 possible to forward. In short, as may be gathered from 
 Mr. Tierney's note, it was likely to embarrass them, and 
 they, therefore, were desirous of putting a stop to it 
 as speedily as possible. The subsequent intelligence 
 affords another illustration of the state of this very 
 singular government. 
 
 RIGHT HONOURABLE G. TIERNEY TO EARL TEMPLE, 
 
 Brighton, Nov. 14, 1811. 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I quite agree with you in the propriety of standing still for 
 the present, and waiting for events. According to all appear- 
 ances, the reasonable presumption is, that we shall stand upon 
 higher and safer ground, two or three months hence, than we 
 do at this day. 
 
 Since I saw you, I have had a letter from Lord Grey, and I 
 am glad to find that his opinion quite coincides with that 
 which you and I have of the conduct of the Catholic bishops 
 in Ireland. He has written to Lord Granville on the subject, 
 and I trust tlnit, without loss of time, some communication of 
 the nature we talked of will be made to Lord Pingal, or who- 
 i M t i Ise may lie the pro pi r person to deal with. The address 
 of the Catholics in Kilkenny, which I read in the "Globe" of 
 Saturday, renders such a step still more necessary. I am sorry 
 to -a\ that Qrej gives averj nnpleasanl account of his health, 
 own statemenl is too much confirmed bj what I hear
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 141 
 
 from other quarters. He was to go to Edinburgh on Monday 
 last for medical advice. 
 
 Information of my own quite confirms what you state of the 
 discontent which prevails in the highest quarter. Indeed, it 
 cannot be otherwise ; and the late most extraordinary address 
 from Middlesex, which government does not appear even to 
 have tried to prevent, must naturally add to the displeasure 
 already excited. But what then ? I am no believer in the 
 Prince doing anything for us, and consequently do not expect 
 to see your suggestion carried into effect. 
 
 I have heard nothing more from Spain since I saw you, but 
 I presume we shall soon have an arrival from that quarter, and 
 one, probably, of considerable importance. 
 
 I leave this place on Wednesday se'nnight, and shall then 
 be stationary in town, where, as some business may bring you 
 up for a day or two, I hope we shall meet. 
 Believe me to be, 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 Yours faithfully, 
 
 George Tierney. 
 
 The state of Sicily at this period was well deserving 
 the attention of English statesmen. 
 
 ADMIRAL FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS 
 BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Palermo, November 19, 1811. 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 Nothing material has occurred here since I wrote last, but 
 the public appear very anxious for the return of Lord William 
 Bentinck, who, I hope, will have procured sufficient powers to 
 remedy all the inconveniences of the Sicilian government,
 
 142 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 which is exclusively in the hands of Neapolitans, who have no 
 interest in Sicily. Tor the last month, everything has been 
 particularly quiet (which is so unusual), that we are in expec- 
 tation of hearing a something from the Court, which is to 
 astonish the English. It is said the Prince of Catolica has 
 presented a plan of defence for Palermo, in the event of our 
 making any demands which are not congenial to the Queen. 
 Her policy appears to be that of procrastination, and her mind 
 is much impaired since her last attack. 
 
 I have sent my brother a full account of the spy that has 
 been apprehended. It is a very mysterious business, and the 
 desire of the government to put him at liberty does not tend 
 to convince me that he was not sent with their concurrence. 
 Captain Duncan, with the ' Imperieuse ' and ' Thames/ and 
 two hundred and sixty troops from Melazzo, have very gal- 
 lantly taken Polinuso, destroyed the fort, and brought away 
 with them between thirty and forty sail of vessels, among 
 which number are ten gun-boats. They were principally laden 
 with oil, &c, and had twenty large spars for the arsenal at 
 Naples. Our loss has been seventeen men killed and 
 wounded. 
 
 I have lately been at sea for a week, having had occasion to 
 see General Maitland. I went to Melazzo, and rode over to 
 Messina. I regret exceedingly I had not time to go to the 
 mountain, which is now in a state of eruption. We sailed by 
 the Lipari islands, and saw Stromboli in perfection. Lady 
 William Bent inck, Mademoiselle d'Orleans, and Madame 
 Montjoie, with some English, accompanied me. I had in- 
 tended to have looked into the bay of Naples, but the wind 
 being so much to the northward and westward, that I did not 
 choose to prolong my cruize, under the expectation of the 
 arrival of Lord William Bentinck. 
 John Talbot, in the ' \ ictorious/ has been here a month. I
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 143 
 
 sent him yesterday, with the Archduke Francis, to Cagliari. 
 He (the Archduke) is very popular with the English j having 
 made the tour of the island, and stayed some days at Messina, 
 where he was followed by General Maitland— he came on board 
 the ' Milford/ and appears a well-informed man. I believe he 
 will be married to the daughter of the King of Sardinia. Sir 
 Edward Pcllew writes me word he has four ships crippled by 
 the late gale, and that he was going to the coast of Catalonia, 
 where the Catalans are again in force, and have taken every 
 place in the neighbourhood of Barcelona, interrupting many 
 convoys. I have some hopes of that province— certainly the 
 only one in Spain that has made great exertions — under the 
 protection of Sir Edward Pellew and Colonel Green, men very 
 different from Cotton and Doyle ; but Sir Edward has yet to 
 learn that the gales off Toulon in the winter are very severe. 
 He has sent the French officers, who were prisoners at Mahon, 
 (and intriguing) to England ; declined all correspondence with 
 Cuesta, the Captain-General at Majorca, and is trying to annex 
 the island of Minorca to the government of the Captain-Gene- 
 ral of Catalonia. The Governor of Mahon has apprehended 
 several of the Minorquins most attached to the English, and 
 the Walloons, are at present quite paramount. Our squadron 
 in the Adriatic is much reduced. All the ships are now off 
 Lissa: in fact, it is impossible to blockade Corfu, in the 
 winter. As my orders are not to interfere with the arrange- 
 ments of Captain Rowley, who is the senior officer there, I 
 simply transmit his letters to the Commander-in-Chief. If 
 otherwise, I should occasionally take a run to the Adriatic, 
 and see how matters are going on. 
 
 I am every way better pleased with the ' Milford/ She 
 sails well, and is a noble man-of-war ; my captain is a very 
 fine young man, and I have no reason to complain of any- 
 thing. 1 should like to have more occupation ; but I am
 
 144 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 flattering myself the government will not let 20,000 men remain 
 locked up in Sicily next spring. There are very few French 
 troops in Italy, and the Neapolitans are not to be depended 
 upon— so little, that Bonaparte has discontinued the con- 
 scripts, from their constant desertion when on service. Murat 
 is nominally King of Naples still; but I believe the command 
 of the troops is exclusively in the power of Kegnier. I had 
 hopes of seeing Lord George here this year. We could have 
 made it pleasant to him for a few months. I beg my best 
 respects to all the family, and am always, my dear Lord, 
 Your most affectionate and faithful servant, 
 
 T. F. Fremantle. 
 
 Here follows a complete budget of the movements of 
 the royal family ; but the false step of the Regent was 
 this time far more innocent in its source, and more 
 painful in its results than those of his brothers. The 
 anecdote is an amusing illustration of Court life, and 
 proves that the now well-known Scottish dance was 
 at this period considered a fashionable accomplishment. 
 The official account of the accident published at 
 the time, gave quite a different complexion to the 
 affair. 1 
 
 1 "A ball K i by the Duchess of York at Oatlands, for the 
 
 purpose of introducing the Princess Charlotte into company. The 
 Prince led off the dance, and chose his daughter for his partner, but 
 whilst Leading her briskly along, bis righl fool came in contact with 
 the leg of a Bofa, whii the limb a twist, by which two tendons of 
 
 his fool were broken."
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 145 
 
 MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF 
 BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Englcfield Green. Nov. 28, 1811. 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 As you will be interested in knowing the particulars of 
 the Prince of Wales' attack, I write to say that, although it 
 was nothing but a strain of the muscle, yet he has made so 
 much of it, and it affected him so greatly, that it has created 
 a great sensation. It was done while Princess Charlotte was 
 at Oatlands ; she was endeavouring to dance the Scotch step, 
 called the Highland Fling, and there was a laugh in endea- 
 vouring to make Adam (who was one of the party) teach her. 
 The Prince got up, and said he would show her; and in 
 doing so, evidently wrenched his ancle ; this took place ten 
 days ago, since which he has never been out of his bed. He 
 complained of violent pain and spasmodic affection; for 
 which he prescribed for himself, and took a hundred drops of 
 laudanum every three hours. When Farquhar and the other 
 medical men came down, they saw him, under the influence 
 of this laudanum, so enervated and hurt, that they imme- 
 diately prescribed the strongest dose of castor oil, which of 
 course relieved him ; but he still perseveres in his laudanum, 
 which, he says, relieves him from pain : and lays constantly 
 on his stomach in bed. He will sign nothing, and converse 
 with no one on business (I speak up to yesterday) ; and you 
 may imagine, therefore, the distress and difficulty in which 
 the Ministers are placed. The Duke of Cumberland is going 
 about saying it is all sham, and that he could get up, and 
 would be perfectly well if he pleased.. I protest, I think he 
 is so worried and perplexed by all the prospect before him, 
 and by the necessity which now arises of his taking a defi- 
 nitive step, that it has harassed his mind, and rendered him 
 totally incapable, for want of nerves, of doing anything; 
 
 VOL. I. L
 
 146 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 and in order to shun the necessity, he encourages the illness, 
 and continues in his bed. You may rely upon the fact, as 
 I tell you of his situation up to yesterday. 
 
 After a most violent struggle between the Queen, the 
 doctors, and all the boutique of Windsor, and the Queen's 
 Council, Dr. John Willis has agreed to stay at Windsor; 
 his brother to act under him. But I know he says the 
 malady is so confirmed, that there is no hope of recovery, 
 or even of amendment; but the bodily health as good as 
 ever. 
 
 You have probably heard all the history of the Duke of 
 Clarence. Before he went to Ramsgate, he wrote to Lady 
 q * * * * * L***to propose, who wrote him a very proper 
 letter in answer, declining the honour in the most decided 
 terms. After his arrival, he proposed three or four times 
 more ; and upon his return to town, sent her an abstract of the 
 Royal Marriage Act altered, as he said it had been agreed to by 
 the Prince of Wales, whom he had consulted ; and also 
 conveyed the Queen's best wishes and regards— to neither 
 of whom had he said one single word on the subject. Upon 
 finding she had accepted Pole (who, by the bye, is solely 
 indebted to him for this acceptance), he wrote to Lord Keith, 
 to propose for Miss Elphinstone, who, in the most decided 
 rind peremptory terms, rejected him ; he is, notwithstanding, 
 gone to his bouse. During all this, when he returned to 
 town, he wrote to Mrs. Jordan at Bushy, to say she might 
 have half the children, viz., five, and he would allow her 
 £800 per annum. She is most stout in rejecting all compro- 
 mise, till he has paid her what he owes her; she stating that, 
 during the twenty years she has lived with him, he has con- 
 stantly received and spent all her earnings by acting ; and 
 that she is now a I b\ living with, and at times sup- 
 
 porting him. This she repeats to all the neighbourhood of
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 147 
 
 Bushy, where she remains, and is determined to continue. 
 While all his gallantry was going forward at Eamsgate, the 
 Duke of Cumberland (who must interfere in everything) 
 apprised Mrs. Jordan of what he was doing. Mrs. Jordan 
 then writes him a most furious letter, and another to the 
 Duke of Cumberland, to thank him for the information ; and 
 by mistake, directs them wrong ; in consequence of which, 
 there has been, of course, a scene between the brothers. 
 Altogether, the conduct of these illustrious personages is a 
 most melancholy and alarming feature in the difficulties which 
 every hour increase upon us; and it is not without great 
 forbearance one can impute it to any other ground but an 
 affection of the same nature as that under which the King 
 labours. 
 
 The ministry are under the greatest difficulties, which, of 
 course, aggravate the ill-will subsisting between Perceval and 
 Lord Wellesley. I have no doubt they will try to botch 
 some change or addition before Parliament meets ; they will 
 find it nearly impracticable to add much to their strength, 
 even if the Prince of Wales would lend himself heartily to 
 such a measure; but my firm belief is, that they will not 
 be able to give him sufficient nerve to do anything. 
 Ever with great respect and attachment, 
 
 Most affectionately. 
 
 Another secret despatch places the reader in pos- 
 session of the Foreign Minister's portfolio. The most 
 noticeable portion is the quietus which it promises for 
 Principal Souza. 
 
 l 2
 
 148 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 November 30, 1811. 
 
 From the various sources of information which govern- 
 ment possess on the continent, it appears very certain that 
 Bonaparte has returned to Paris, very ill satisfied with the 
 results of his northern tour. With Prussia, although he 
 so far succeeded as to cause her to discontinue the throwing 
 up lines on the Spree, began in the summer, evidently to 
 protect Berlin from a coup de main ; yet he could not so far 
 prevail, as to cause a reduction of her troops, the dismantling 
 of her fortresses (eight in number, including those in Silesia), 
 nor stop her recruiting, which latter, to this hour, goes on 
 with the utmost activity and effect; and so suspicious is he, 
 Bonaparte, of the state of things in this quarter, as to keep 
 2 1,000 men at Rostock, ready to act at a moment's warning. 
 With Russia, things are still more menacing. All intercourse 
 of civility has entirely ceased between the two Courts ; and 
 that of St. Petersburg steadily persists in her non-acquiescence 
 to the continental exclusion system, enforced by Bonaparte 
 everywhere else. As late as the 10th ultimo, the return of 
 Russian troops on the Polish frontier amounted to fifteen 
 military divisions in the most complete order, estimated by 
 themselves at 175,000 firelocks; by us, at 150,000, inde- 
 pendently of the reserve of 30,000, and a levy of recruits 
 in training, of 80,000. The whole of this force is so dis- 
 tributed, as to be brought, every man, to the assistance of 
 Prussia, if attacked, in six weeks. The reported vehemence 
 of Bonaparte to Prince Kurakin, is indubitably true, and has 
 produced its full ell'eet ujmmi the Emperor Alexander. What 
 is more immediately apprehended on the continent, is some 
 dind attempl upon the person of the King of Prussia, by 
 fchePrench troops at Rostock. With Sweden, France is by
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 149 
 
 no means too cordial : and a recent demand of the latter, 
 for an auxiliary body of Swedish troops, has been refused 
 with a tone very far removed from that humility which was 
 looked for. Austria, intent upon the repair of her finances, 
 is at the same time upon the alert in respect of her armies ; 
 and while her intercourse with France is hourly decreasing, 
 the best understanding subsists between her and the remain- 
 ing continental powers. In short, did not Russia persist 
 in her absurd war of injustice and aggrandizement with 
 Turkey, (in aid of which she was compelled, from recent losses, 
 very lately to detach two full divisions from the Polish frontier, 
 under M. G. Woronzow), much might immediately be ex- 
 pected in that quarter. As it is, your Lordship will see, if 
 the foregoing statements be correct, that it is utterly impos- 
 sible that Bonaparte can spare a single man from Germany 
 for the conquest of Spain. 
 
 In the interim, all our agents have arrived at the different 
 places of their destination, have succeeded in every object 
 of their respective missions ; and results the most flattering 
 are augured from the existing state of affairs in the north 
 of Europe. From Sicily, dispatches have arrived of a date 
 so late as the 27th ultimo, and which enable Lord W. [William 
 Bentinck] confidently to state that he has not a doubt 
 of settling every matter in dispute to the entire satisfaction 
 of both countries. 
 
 The Queen had had an apoplectic attack, from which she 
 was saved by bleeding in the foot. Her weakness was, how- 
 ever, such, when our messenger came away, as to induce her 
 to take leave of all her family, and to receive the last rites 
 of the Church. Pier confessor and her physician had both 
 strongly insisted, both for the good of her soul and body, 
 that she should never again meddle with public business;. 
 indeed, the latter confidently predicts her immediate disso-
 
 150 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 lution, should she ever again suffer any the least agitation 
 of spirits. Indeed, in no case can her life be long protracted, 
 being afflicted with a fistula, for which she cannot be operated 
 upon, from some peculiarity in her case. She is now in her 
 sixty-eighth year. 
 
 The apprehension of embroiling ourselves either with 
 Turkey or Russia, still prevents Lord Wellesley from sending 
 out Liston, to whom appeals would doubtless be made by 
 both, very difficult to be evaded, or decided upon. At 
 Cadiz, nothing can be more turbulent or more unsatisfactory. 
 The anti- Anglican party are uppermost ; and it is witli the 
 utmost difficulty H. W. [Henry AVellesley] can maintain his 
 footing there. ^Nothing can persuade them but that we are 
 inimical to their real interests, and are only attentive to our 
 own ; while, instead of employing the stores, arms, and ammu- 
 nition we supply them with, against the common enemy, they 
 invariably send them out to reduce their own colonies. It 
 is however, allowed, on all hands, that Blake has fought well, 
 and all are very eager for his reports. The commissioners 
 for settling the disputes between Spain and her Indies, sail 
 in the ' Grampus ' in about ten days. They go first to 
 Lisbon, where they take up Charles Smart, and proceed to 
 Cadiz. I need not tell your Lordship, nothing whatever 
 is expected from this measure. My friend, T. Syd— , goes 
 to Lisbon in the room of Stuart; and while he stays there, 
 I shall have a most valuable correspondence. 1 presume 
 
 your Lordship knows that subsequently to General Hill's 
 engagement rith Gerard, 1 that he advanced to Merida, ami 
 totally destroyed the magazines there; and even there are 
 some letters to state that he crossed the Gnadiana, in further 
 annoyance of the enemy. four Lordship is already in pos- 
 on of the causes of discontent in Lord Wellington, with 
 
 •"Wellington Despatol ' l« vm., p. 380
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 151 
 
 the Portuguese Regency, &c, and will be glad to hear, they 
 are entirely and for ever done away. The Prince has recently 
 written to hiua from the Brazils, in the most accommodating 
 and conciliating style, lie conjures him to point out his 
 wishes in every respect, and gives him the power even of 
 modelling the temporary government of Portugal, at his own 
 will and pleasure, without any reference whatever to him, 
 the Prince Regent— in short, conjuring him, as Ins saviour 
 and friend, not now, after having saved his honour, and that 
 of Iris people, to abandon him, and give him up to the 
 just indignation of the whole world, for giving any cause of 
 complaint to one to whom all mankind were so much indebted. 
 In short, Lord "Wellington is now, for the first time, perfectly 
 easy in his situation, contented and happy. But your Lord- 
 ship will be better pleased to find that this correspondence 
 has also extended, and with still more beneficial effects, 
 personally considered, to Admiral Berkeley, whom he has 
 formally requested to continue in the command of his 
 fleet, winch he authorizes him to reform, in the same manner 
 as General Beresford had his army, and who has accordingly 
 set about so doing. The measure was peculiarly well-timed, 
 as it affects Admiral Berkeley. Our present Admiralty 
 having determined to supersede him when his three years had 
 fully expired, and put some Captain there, with the rank, &c, 
 of Commodore. Two reports which I have seen, make the 
 Admiral's appointments, one £10,000 per annum, the other 
 nearly £20,000. In either case, superadded to the Admiral's 
 own wishes of staying there so long as Lord Wellington had 
 the command, the station must have been a most important 
 object to him. Your Lordship will see much of these reso- 
 lutions on the part of the Court of Brazil have been dictated 
 hence. In short, Lord Wellington found the means of 
 effectually terrifying Souza here, and compelling him to
 
 152 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 dictate to his master what should be done. In respect of 
 his wishes for Ins brother's case, it cannot be wondered at 
 that he should take his part. And I can assure your Lord- 
 ship, that very strong personal considerations for Admiral 
 Berkeley and his connexions induced him in this manner 
 to thwart, by the only effectual means, the ill-natured selfish- 
 ness of Mr. Yorke. I have thus cleared away almost every 
 point which would prevent my entering upon such domestic 
 details as I think would interest your Lordship. 
 
 ADMIRAL BERKELEY TO THE MARQUIS OF 
 BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Lisbon, December 1, 1811. 
 
 My deae Lord, 
 
 It is such an age since I heard from you, that I trust you 
 an- well. It was with sincere joy I heard from Louisa Harvey, 
 that Lord Cobham was very much recovered, and I hope you 
 ;ire at ease about him. Our affairs are much the same, and I 
 believe Lord Wellington has prevented any relief being thrown 
 into Ciudad Rodrigo. But the ignorance and fatality which 
 attend every movement of BLke, has done as much mischief, 
 as otherwise Suchct's army must have starved, and both 
 Saguntum and Valencia would have been retained by Spain, 
 which I fear is not the case. Besides, it gives them an oppor- 
 tunity of reinforcing Soult, whose situation was rendered so 
 very critical, by the affair of General Hill on his right, and of 
 BallasteTOfl on Ins left, that lie had begun to retire all his 
 outposts, ami withdraw his cannon from the besieging army 
 before Cadiz. I think, however, we may hear of a success 
 towards Tar iffa, BsCoupono had been joined by ( olonel Skerrett 
 and one thousand British, and t he enenix being ignorant of it, 
 
 had detached fifteen hundred men to cut off Coupono. I wrote 
 to you b\ Captain Bullock, and sent von some acorns of tin
 
 1811] DURING THE REGENCY. 153 
 
 sweet and bitter evergreen oak. May they thrive, and may 
 you have long life to see them, is my sincere wish. 
 
 All our troop ships are sent out to me, and I have ordered 
 two of them back with invalids and prisoners. 
 
 I remain, ever yours, most affectionately, 
 
 G. B. 
 
 By the forthcoming revelation, the ministerial embroglio 
 appears to have become more involved, which the share 
 the royal brothers took in it, by this account, did not 
 lessen. The description of the change that followed 
 when the Marquis Wellesley's elevation became doubtful, 
 is extremely graphic. The Prince Regent, with the 
 active friends of Mr. Perceval so close at hand, could 
 not be brought to sanction any immediate alteration in 
 the government that might be productive of increased 
 trouble to himself. 
 
 TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 December 2, 1811. 
 My Lord, 
 
 For nearly two months after I had the honour of seeing 
 
 your Lordship in the autumn, the same spirit of exultation 
 
 and confidence which I then stated to exist in the language of 
 
 the personal friends of Lord Wellesley, as to his certain 
 
 accession to the premiership, continued to prevail. During 
 
 this interval, the Dukes of York, Clarence, Kent, and 
 
 Sussex, all spoke of it in their respective circles as a settled 
 
 point, and the three latter actually negotiated with him for 
 
 their various objects, in contemplation of such an event. Tor 
 
 example, the Duke of Kent, who considers himself the most 
 
 injured and aggrieved person in the world in not being actively
 
 154 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 employed in his profession at the same moment that the Duke 
 of York was restored, sent a person to him respecting his 
 objects, namely, the command in the Mediterranean or the 
 Ordnance, without a seat in the Cabinet. The Duke of Sussex 
 spoke of his wishes for Jamaica, &c, &c, &c. ; and so of the 
 rest. And even an humble servant of your Lordship's was 
 repeatedly and reproachfully pressed for a list of such situa- 
 tions as he might legally hold, without stint or limit as to 
 income. During this period also, the personal intercourse 
 between the Prince Regent and Lord Wellesley continued 
 with unabated frequency and apparent warmth of attachment 
 on the part of the former. The continent was conquered over 
 and over again in these interviews, and Europe divided anew 
 between the various legitimate ex-kings and princes, now 
 disengaged from the toils of government. 
 
 At the close of this time, however, a visible change took 
 place. A profound silence in those to whom I have already 
 alluded, took the place of noisy and even indiscreet exultation ; 
 if any questions were asked touching a change, they were 
 answered with acrimony and reserve. If the Prince was 
 spoken of, insincerity and want of steadiness of cha- 
 racter was hinted at ; and what could be expected of one 
 who could not be brought to any principle of action by 
 which his friends could be guided, and who would thus be 
 thrown at last into the hamls of those he detested, merely 
 from not taking a decided line at an early period, notwith- 
 standing he was warned that this would be the case, &c, 
 strong!) pressed upon the subject, and thai repeatedly. That 
 4clat,ioOi to which 1 have before called youi Lordship's notice, 
 had not bursl upon the public earlj in the winter, which was 
 
 to shed such il Is of radiance upon the Foreign Office; and, 
 
 of consequence, its itloits wen postponed interminably. 
 I'm "ii. il attentions and thai intercourse I before spoke of,
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 155 
 
 were much less frequent, and the Wellesley star seemed to 
 be no longer the lord of the ascendant. I do not pretend to 
 trace this change to the following circumstance ; but at least 
 it affords a remarkable coincidence. 
 
 In the latter portion of time, the visits of the Duke of 
 York at Carlton House became much more rare than in the 
 former; while those of the Duke of Cumberland increased 
 in an inverse proportion in the same period ; and the latter 
 contrived generally to make the Chancellor of the party ; 
 and it is further observable, that the Prince's language with 
 respect to Perceval and his Irish politics, underwent a very 
 remarkable change. The language of those most intimate 
 with the Prince, now is, that he considers the conduct of the 
 Catholics as personally hostile to him, inasmuch as it shows 
 an utter distrust of his intentions, when he should be his 
 own master ; and in the interim agitates his government to 
 the centre — and that so long as they assumed this menacing 
 attitude, he would give way to no change which would dis- 
 tinctly favour their objects. This distinctly refers, your 
 Lordship will see, to a continuance of the present people, and 
 affords him a plausible pretence of leaving things as they are, 
 winch strikes me to be the part the most consonant to his 
 love of ease, and, I apprehend, personal timidity of character. 
 
 But your Lordship knows no person to whom this resolution 
 would be more offensive, than to Lord Wellesley himself, 
 however he may constitute a portion of that government. 
 He has already distinctly committed himself on the declara- 
 tion to all his present friends, and even to the Prince Regent, 
 that his holding office is but temporary, and will last only 
 till the latter has the opportunity of choosing his ministers ; 
 and that he would not continue to serve under Mr. Perceval ; 
 in short, that he would not be the inefficient instrument of 
 our inefficient system. So that, looking to almost even
 
 156 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 possible event, save that of his own succession as Pre- 
 mier, he must fall to the ground. Of the probability of 
 his standing his ground as Minister, one can only judge 
 from the following facts. He has not the certainty of one 
 of the present Cabinet acting with him in such an event ; 
 there is a possibility of Camden, provided he take in Castle- 
 reaghj and of Liverpool, upon the general attachment he 
 has to office, under any leader— but of every oue of the 
 rest, he would have to meet much more than probably their 
 active hostility ! Let us give him then Canning, and behold 
 all the materials he has, even in contemplation, for a govern- 
 ment which he may have to form next month ! 
 
 But witliin a very recent period indeed, the tone of Lord 
 AYellesley's friends has almost reached its former joyous 
 note. On Tuesday morning last, a messenger came hither, 
 with a note to my friend (then on a visit to his brother-in- 
 law in the village) from Lord AVellesley, desiring him to 
 come up instantly, as he wished to consult him upon a 
 business of vital importance to him, and that he must see 
 him before he went to Oatlands. As I was very anxious 
 to know the result, particularly as at the same time there were 
 various schemes afloat in the newspapers for new ministries, 
 I followed him to town on AYcdnesday ; but he was so 
 engaged at Apsley House, that I could not see him till 
 Friday evening, and then but for a moment, lie told me, 
 noon his word and honour, that nothing of what I saw was 
 upon the track even of probability; but he would not say 
 that changes were not meditating; but was on that subject 
 Ear more reserved than usual; which makes me think there 
 are. Bui I musl tell your Lordship emphatically that he added, 
 "1 can now till you, for I know it, that your friends are 
 distinctly excluded from any chance of success, whatever 
 
 change maj take place. On thia depend." In course of
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 157 
 
 conversation, he said that the above determination, he be- 
 lieved, was taken in consequence of the Prince having already 
 used his friends so ill, that no concession or recommendation 
 on his part, could set such a compound fracture as had taken 
 place. He then told me all the continental news I gave 
 your Lordship yesterday. 
 
 But be these things as they may, I am certain that the in- 
 disposition at Oatlands has been favourable to Lord Wel- 
 lesley's views. The Duke of Cumberland has been scarcely 
 admitted there ; and there is no good understanding between 
 the military brethren. As the Duke of Cumberland has not 
 from the beginning been the friend of Lord Wellesley, so, 
 on the contrary, the Duke of York, and with good reason, 
 has been enthusiastic in his attachment to him : an attach- 
 ment not allowed to cool for want of fuel, which Culling 
 Smith and Colonel Armstrong (both Lold Wellesley's 
 creatures, and who have unbounded influence over both 
 Duchess and Duke) continually keep up. Be this as it may, 
 I saw many, lately, of the partizans of Lord Wellesley, 
 particularly since the illness in question ; and their mercury 
 has risen exactly in proportion with the Prince's stay 
 there. 
 
 Admiral Berkeley must now be allowed to resume 
 his chronicle of events. 
 
 ADMIRAL BERKELEY TO THE MARQUIS OF 
 BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Lisbon, December 15, 1811. 
 My dear, Lord, 
 
 Our pockets have been irregular, and have been so neglected 
 ever since the great incitement to their activity (the smuggling)
 
 158 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 has been destroyed by the Treaty, that I can hardly have the 
 conscience to charge you with bad correspondence, but I have 
 not neglected mine, as on every opportunity which has occurred, 
 I have not failed informing you of every transaction worthy of 
 your notice. I hope, by tins time, your acorns are arrived 
 safe, and if you choose to imitate the hidalgos of this country, 
 the sweet sort roasted, are nearly as good as chesnuts, and 
 fatten them like their own pigs of Alemtejo; and I wish they 
 would imitate their excellence, as I think they are the finest 
 sort I have seen, and if your pig farming rage continues, I 
 will send some to cross the breed. 
 
 We have nothing new here from the army, except that the 
 enemy are losing by desertion, both men and officers ; as only 
 yesterday six officers and nineteen men came into Elvas, from 
 Badajoz, who assign as a reason, the ill-treatment and want of 
 pay (they being Germans and Poles) which the foreigners of 
 the French army labour under. I see your papers are rather 
 inclined to praise the wretched conduct of Blake, who certainly 
 has occasioned the renewal of the siege of Cadiz, which Victor 
 was raising, upon the affair of General Hill's beiug known. 
 However, reports now are come (but I will not vouch for their 
 authenticity) of Suchet's having lost near 4000 men, and 
 obliged to abandon the siege of Valencia ; and these reports 
 come in a manner which gain more credit than the usual style 
 of Spanish reports, which ought in general to be considered as 
 the direct reverse of what is stated. 
 
 I had the sincere regret yesterday of attending the funeral of 
 poor Column, whose campaign against Sir Francis Burdett will 
 be celebrated, when those which he served in Portugal, will 
 not be graced with his came. Be died of a fever and water 
 on his brain. His burial even was a contest, of breaking open 
 doors, \e., as the Consul refused the Factory ground to bun 
 him or ani British officer, when no such thing as a Factor]
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 159 
 
 exists at present, and the moiety of the ground was the pro- 
 perty of the Dutch Factory, which is in nubibus; however, it is 
 to produce a law-suit, and the ghost of the poor Black Rod, will 
 again be brought before the King's Bench for breaking doors, 
 &c, vi et armis, as the pioneers of the regiments were ordered 
 to clear the way, and actually battered down the gates of the 
 cemetery. I find my sister and daughter Louisa are most 
 likely witli you at this instant, and are as happy as the noble 
 and affectionate hospitality of the Stowe Christmas can 
 make them. 
 
 General Leith is returned here, and has applied for his 
 old adjutant-general, which Lord Wellington has complied 
 with, and my George, therefore, beats his march from the 7th 
 to the 5th division of the allied army. He almost regretted 
 the order, which separated him from General Alten and the 
 Light Foreign Brigade, as it was more likely to be in advance, 
 and his friendship for Alten had commenced with his education 
 in Hanover. However, as Alten cannot keep the division, from 
 not being of a sufficient seniority, that part of his regret is 
 diminished, and the admirable and perfect officer-like conduct 
 of Leith will make him amends, as he appears to be most 
 sincerely respected and beloved by every officer under him. 
 We are in great expectation of hearing of changes, but I imagine 
 the month of February must be over, before any probable change 
 will appear. The same winds which have deprived us of news 
 from England, have shut up the Mediterranean, and the news 
 from Sicily, although most anxiously looked for, is still un- 
 known. 
 
 Believe me ever to remain, 
 
 Yours most sincerely and affectionately, 
 
 G. Berkeley.
 
 160 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1611. 
 
 ADMIRAL BERKELEY TO THE MARQUIS OF 
 BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Lisbon, December 22,1811. 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I have very little news to inform you of, as the armies 
 remain much the same as they were. The Guerrillas seem to 
 be assuming an attitude which the enemy little expected, as 
 they now appear to act upon settled plans, and form junctions 
 in a regular and methodical way. In consequence of an ar- 
 rangement of this sort between Mina and the Empecinado, 
 they have succeeded in the blockade of Darocca in Arragon, 
 which has surrendered to them ; and 2500 prisoners have been 
 made. A party have likewise surprised, near Madrid, near 
 thirty or forty of King Joseph's state mules. 
 
 I have not been very well lately ; but, as it was owing to 
 my thinking myself as equal to a party of snipe-shooting as I 
 was twenty years ago, I deserve to sutler a little, and am glad 
 to find that the coup de vent in this country has the same 
 sort of feel which a more serious attack resembles, as I con- 
 ceived at first, that a numbness of my limbs was paralytic. 
 It is, however, gone again ; and I shall take more care in 
 future. 
 
 I have found a kind of wine which the merchants choose 
 to call Methuen, from which you may infer it to be a brewery, 
 which, iu fart, it is, being the Red and "White Lisbon mixed. 
 It is, however, so very good, that I mean to send you and Lord 
 Qrenville some by the first good conveyance; as I will have it 
 bottled here, and scut out iii cases, as the best way. The 
 price is enormous, as they ask me £7<» a pipe, so that I shall 
 onh Bend b quarter cask to each. Hut as port wine is now 
 662 upon tin' spot, the extravagance of this cannot be much 
 wondered at ; and 1 think Lord Temple may rejoice at getting
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 161 
 
 his in good time, when the exorbitant prices had not made 
 their appearance. 
 
 If Louisa Harvey should he with you, pray tell her that 
 General Leith has not been able to succeed in getting her 
 son Edward as aide-de-camp, it being against some regula- 
 tion which tire Duke of Cambridge, or Cumberland, or some 
 other royal soldier has made for the suppression of military 
 talent in that corps. 1 am sorry for it, as Leith' s manners 
 and discipline would have been an acquisition to Edward's 
 military education. My George is ordered to join his divi- 
 sion, which, as Baron Alten will not be able to keep his 
 present light division, to which George was attached, on the 
 advance, he is very well content to go back to Leith, whose 
 whole conduct and system he speaks of in the highest terms. 
 I see in one of the papers, that Bailey, the member for 
 Bristol, is dead; which 1 conceive to be a mistake, as his 
 son, who is a very great convalescent, is mentioned in another 
 paper, to have died at a watering-place. This, as well as 
 many other probable events, make me as anxious as any body 
 to hear from England, which I have not done for three 
 weeks. 
 
 Ever yours most sincerely and affectionately, 
 
 G. Berkeley. 
 
 An additional quarrel was rather to be expected in a 
 circle where disunion appeared the rule, and harmony the 
 exception. The incident, therefore, mentioned in the next 
 letter does not call for comment. It became evident from 
 what follows that the Prince Regent had received very 
 liberal proposals respecting the establishment of his 
 household, from the Premier, and was quite content that 
 he should continue in his position ; and the hopeless state 
 of the King, whose condition hardly allowed the cautious 
 
 vol. i. m
 
 16*2 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 physicians to intimate the most distant prospect of his 
 recovery, apparently gave confidence to his faithful 
 servants in their arrangements for his deputy, and 
 probably early successor. 
 
 MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF 
 BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Englefield Green, December 18, 1811. 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 The Prince has been very bad since he arrived in town ; 
 and the pains in his arms and fingers, and for a certain time, 
 the loss of all power in them, gave great apprehension of 
 palsy ; but yesterday he was much better, and I rather think 
 they have frightened him about the use of such quantities of 
 laudanum. He was expected to get out in his carriage in 
 a day or two. There has been a complete quarrel between 
 
 him and the Duke of C , for the cause I before 
 
 mentioned to you, and another subject relating to a German 
 officer of the 15th Dragoons. The Prince has had no ex- 
 planation with him, but has determined never to see him 
 alone ; and now, when he calls, the Prince always keeps 
 Bomebody in the room. 
 
 All attempt at strengthening the administration is at an 
 end: and they are to meet Parliament as they stand. The 
 arrangement of the households and establishments is now 
 going forward. I hear, and I. think from good authority, 
 that the King is to be removed to Kew, his establishment 
 reduced to nothing more than is absolutely necessary for his 
 Bervice, as menial servants. Lord Winchelsea, the only Lord 
 of* the Bedchamber, all his equerries, and Colonel Taylor — 
 the Qua n to have her dower of £50,000 iii addition to what 
 
 she now has, and to maintain herself. A message after-
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 103 
 
 wards to be sent down for some additional allowance to the 
 Princesses. 
 
 The Prince to have the Civil List, and of course all the 
 regal establishment, and his present allowances to be con- 
 tinued under the control of a council or commission for the 
 liquidation of his debts, and then to cease. Such arc at 
 present the intentions— how they may vary I know not, 
 particularly with regard to the residence of the King, as there 
 are great differences on that point. 
 
 Poor Bishop of Oxford, I hear, is dead. 
 
 Ever, with most unfeigned attachment, 
 
 W. H. F. 
 
 P.S. You may depend upon all idea of change, for the 
 present, put by. Lord Wcllcsley has signified his readiness 
 to join the Prince's friends. 
 
 The Minister sought to gratify the Regent in every 
 way. Here is the first indication of that improvement 
 in the metropolis, by which the temporary title of his 
 Royal Highness has been perpetuated. " The Prince, it 
 is said, is to have a villa on Primrose Hill, and a fine 
 street, leading direct from it to Carlton House. This 
 is one of the ' primrose paths of dalliance,' by which 
 Mr. Perceval is, I fear, finding his way to the Prince's 
 heart." 1 
 
 The year passed over without any important change, 
 though a change of some kind was most certainly im- 
 pending. At least, such is to be presumed from a 
 passage in Lord Sidmouth's biography, which states 
 
 1 Letter from Thomas Moore to Laily Donegal, October 2S, 1811. 
 — Memoirs of Thomas Moore. By Lord John Russell. Vol. I , p. 263. 
 
 M 2
 
 164 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1811. 
 
 that Mr. Perceval on the 1 2th of December, while an- 
 nouncing to him " that there was no foundation for the 
 rumours respecting intended changes of the administra- 
 tion," availed himself of the occasion to consult his 
 Lordship respecting the " arrangements necessary previous 
 to the expiration of the restricted Regency." This 
 mark of confidence was followed on the 23rd of 
 December, by the communication of the whole plan for 
 the final settlement of the Regency question, which 
 Lord Sidmouth returned on the following day, accom- 
 panied by a note expressing his high approbation " of the 
 firm and temperate manner in which Mr. Perceval had 
 conducted that most delicate and difficult business." 
 
 The biographer then proceeds to add: "The nature 
 of this intercourse plainly intimated what were the 
 Minister's intentions, provided his own official existence 
 should be prolonged." 1 
 
 The general state of affairs abroad was far from 
 assuring, notwithstanding the nature and extent of 
 the negotiations which the Marquis Wellcsley directed. 
 An historical writer of considerable repute thus 
 describes their very gloomy aspect. " The systematic 
 exertions of military monarchies and the tumultuous 
 :ut;i\ of popular enthusiasm, had been alike overthrown 
 in the strife. Little could be hoped from the former, 
 wheD the heroism of Aspern had failed; nothing ex- 
 pected from the latter, when the devotion of Saragossa 
 had been subdued. The hopes awakened by the retreat 
 from Torres Vedras had been chilled by subsequent 
 1 "Life nf Lord Sidmoutb," Vol, in., p. ,.">.
 
 1811.] DURING THE REGENCY. 165 
 
 disasters ; the subjugation of the cast of Spain seemed 
 to presage the speedy concentration of an overwhelming 
 force against the battalions of Wellington in the west ; 
 and, if he succumbed, nothing remained from the 
 shores of the Vistula to the Pillars of Hercules, capable 
 of combating the French power, or resisting the Im- 
 perial will. A general despair, in consequence, seized 
 upon the public mind over all Europe. Even the 
 bravest hearts hesitated as to the ultimate issue of a 
 contest in which former continental efforts had terminated 
 only in disaster ; and many ages of military servitude 
 were regarded by the strongest heads as the inevitable 
 destiny of Europe, to be overthrown, perhaps, at last, 
 only by a fresh deluge of northern barbarians." 1 
 
 It is singular that a public writer, so thoroughly con- 
 scious of this desperate state of Europe, should be so 
 free in his censures of Lord Grenville and his political 
 associates, for advocating a policy founded upon it. He, 
 however, not content with thus misjudging the leaders 
 of Opposition, claims for the members of the Govern- 
 ment a foreknowledge of events that made them 
 persevere when " a general despair had seized upon the 
 public mind." This would be difficult to prove ; indeed it 
 would be far more easy to demonstrate satisfactorily, that 
 the latter maintained the contest under the influence of 
 hope rather than of conviction, and were more intent 
 on their own divisions, than on sufficiently assisting the 
 General whose genius had hitherto supported the war. 
 Out of this threatening horizon, however, a gleam 
 1 Alisou. "History of Europe," Chapter lxviii.
 
 166 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1311. 
 
 of ligrht was breaking that was in a short time to 
 create a most marvellous change in the entire aspect of 
 affairs. Ministerial jealousies and Opposition attacks, 
 in time produced the necessary improvement, not only 
 in the Government, but in their measures ; and this 
 wholesome effect may be traced to the introduction into 
 the Cabinet of one Minister, who had a perfect understand- 
 ing of his own duties, joined to a felicitous talent in direct- 
 ing his less able colleagues, without allowing them to 
 feel their inferiority.
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 [1812.] 
 
 A PARTY AT HOLLAND HOUSE THE BISHOPRIC OF OXFORD 
 
 CONVERSATION BETWEEN THE PRINCE REGENT AND MR. PERCEVAL 
 
 SECRET HISTORY OF A ROYAL SPEECH — THE NEW COURT PHYSICIAN 
 
 LORD CASTLEREAGH AND THE HERTFORD FAMILY LORD GRENVILLE 
 
 DECLINES HAVING ANYTHING TO DO WITH THE CABINET OPENING OF 
 
 PARLIAMENT INDECISION OF THE PRINCE REGENT — PECUNIARY 
 
 ARRANGEMENTS FOR THE ROYAL FAMILY.

 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 The new year commenced with quite as large a crop 
 of hopes and fears, of doubts and difficulties, as dis- 
 tinguished the opening of the old year. The aspect of 
 affairs had, however, changed considerably. The pros- 
 pect of a speedy abolition of the restrictions of the 
 Regency, and of a more regal allowance, had evidently 
 done much towards reconciling the Prince of Wales 
 to his Ministers. Nevertheless, that constitutional in- 
 decision, or whatever it was that seemed to be con- 
 tinually influencing his judgment, not only kept his 
 Royal Highness from breaking with the party 
 with which he had been so closely connected, but 
 apparently rendered the position of his acknowledged 
 advisers insecure, and was no doubt one of the sources 
 of that spirit of rivalry and intrigue which kept con- 
 stantly fermenting in this very ill-kneaded mass. 
 
 In the meantime, the Opposition were not inactive. 
 A good glimpse of the proceedings at this period at their 
 head- quarters, Holland House, may be gathered from 
 some of Thomas Moore's letters. To Lady Donegal,
 
 170 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 the poet writes early in January : " There is no guessing 
 what the Prince means to do. One can as little anti- 
 cipate his measures as those of Bonaparte, but for a very 
 different reason. I am sure the powder in his Royal High- 
 ness's hair is much more settled than anything in his head, 
 or indeed, heart, and would stand a puff of Mr. Perceval's 
 much more stoutly. At the same time, I must say 
 that there are not the same signs of his jilting Lord 
 Moira, as there are of his deserting the rest of his 
 party. Lord Moira is continually at Carlton House ; 
 and there was a reserve among the other statesmen at 
 Holland House on Sunday, in talking before him, as if 
 they considered him more in the penetralia of the 
 sanctuary than themselves. It was only in groups after 
 dinner, that they let out their suspicions on the sub- 
 ject. 
 
 Comment, however, here becomes almost superfluous, 
 so copious will be found the observations of spectators 
 behind the scenes of this genteel comedy. The following 
 report of the preparations, proves at least, that even 
 tlic private rehearsals did not go off quite so pleasantly 
 as might have been anticipated. 
 
 TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 January 4, 1812. 
 M v LoBDj 
 
 There does not ;ii this momenl ezisi ;i doubt in the minds 
 of Lord Wellesley, or of those more immediately attached 
 to him, of the Prince's putting the former ai the head of his 
 
 ' M< imoL • of TiiMin.i \] ( , \ ol, i.. i>. 266
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 17] 
 
 government, the moment he becomes unrestricted; and this 
 is also the opinion, openly expressed, of the individual mem- 
 bers of the Royal Family, male and female, the Queen 
 included. 
 
 The little scheme I enclosed your Lordship for the proposed 
 double establishment to be moved for the next day of the 
 meeting of parliament, was perfectly correct ; and I am 
 certain all parties were at that time satisfied that the money 
 chapter was closed ; but some restlessness of Mr. Perceval's 
 upon that point, occasioned him to open it again very un- 
 expectedly, by a fresh projet, that the grant to defray the 
 early expenses of the Regency should only extend to 
 £100,000, instead of £150,000, as first agreed upon; 
 which, after a severe struggle with himself, and no small 
 bitterness towards Mr. Perceval (to whom he made use of 
 the following strong language, " Sir, I am not afraid of your 
 bringing the whole of my debts before the country, provided 
 you don't misrepresent me,") he consented to take ; and so 
 the matter rests at present. But this gave Lord Wellesley 
 the opportunity of discussing the whole arrangement afresh 
 in the Cabinet, and of insisting upon his dissent from it in 
 toto being entered up as a minute of council, where it stands 
 at this instant. 
 
 Another curious proof of the light in which Perceval is 
 held by the Prince, occurs in the conversation which passed 
 respecting [the Bishopric of] Oxford. When the latter men- 
 tioned his intention of giving it to William Jackson, Mr. 
 Perceval immediately said, 
 
 " On that point, sir, I am positively pledged." 
 
 "Positively pledged, Mr. Perceval?" said the Prince; 
 " positively pledged to give away one of my bishoprics ! 
 i don't understand you." 
 
 On which the other replied, "I mean, that it was the
 
 172 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 King's positive and declared intention to give it to Dean 
 Legge." 
 
 "Mr. Perceval/' said the Prince, "if I had any direct 
 intimation of what was really the King's wishes upon the 
 subject, I would not only make Dean Legge Bishop of Oxford, 
 but Archbishop of Canterbury, if it were in my power ; but 
 as this is not the case, I shall make my own Bishop. And 
 further, I desire never more to hear what were the King's 
 wishes upon such subjects, through a third person." 
 
 I am pretty sure the above are the words of this novel 
 colloquy between Prince and Minister, verbatim ; as T heard 
 them from, I will venture to say, indisputable authority. 
 
 I have heard the principal topics of the speech ; who moves 
 it in the Lords, I have not heard; those in the House of 
 Commons are in the public papers. Its concoction and 
 phraseology are entirely Lord Wellesley's. After taking 
 the Prince's pleasure upon it, nearly ten days ago, Perceval 
 prepared it with his junta, and sent a copy of it to Apsley 
 House ; when Lord Wellesley disapproved of it, both 
 in matter and form, so much as to re-write it entirely. Upon 
 this, so re-writtm, Perceval and Liverpool had a long dis- 
 cussion at Apslry House : but he carried every point. They 
 then took it away, and sent it again integral as to Lord 
 Wellesley's composition, but with an interpolation of their 
 own, respecting the Nottingham rioters, and calling upon 
 parliament to give the executive government every facility 
 to proteel the constitution "as bylaw established." Lord 
 Weill sell \ immediately thought thai this was a secret, stab 
 at the Catholic pretensions, and struck it out — in which 
 alteration he has ultimately prevailed! In short, as I am 
 told, it i- a Bpeech against which nothing objectionable can 
 be urged, and it is ad captandum throughout. I must not 
 omit, however, thai it asserte thi system of a great British
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 173 
 
 army in the Peninsula to be absolutely essential ; and that 
 the Guerilla warfare and it mutually assist each other, and 
 would either, separately carried ou, prove inefficient and 
 abortive. This passage I think it would be wise to be 
 prepared for. There is a great deal of feeling for the King, 
 &c. &c, and a splendid passage about Lord Wellington. 
 This, with Batavia, &c. makes up the olio. 
 
 Something respecting the harvest is yet to be written, 
 but what I know not. Your Lordship will hardly credit the 
 want of tact of Perceval, who has not yet ventured (a 
 mere trifle as the speech is,) to communicate to this hour 
 upon it with the Prince ! When Lord Wcllcsley saw him 
 on Thursday, which he did for five hours, he complained of 
 this, but added, " As I knew it would ultimately be in your 
 hands, I did not care about it." Upon which Lord Wel- 
 lesley repeated his part of it, word for word, from memory ; 
 with which the Prince " was delighted." He has just be- 
 stowed an extraordinary mark of his favour on Lord Welles- 
 ley, by appointing Doctor Knighton (who went to Spain with 
 Lord Wellesley, and is entirely in his confidence) physician 
 in ordinary. In short, I must own I think there is every 
 probability of what this letter sets out with, taking effect. 
 
 Sunday, 5th. 
 
 In addition to what I said yesterday, I have to add, what, 
 however, your Lordship already is doubtless acquainted with, 
 that the restrictions are to be immediately removed, and 
 a new Regency Bill brought in, the materials of which your 
 Lordship is already in possession of. Some change in the 
 arrangement of the household has also taken place, at the 
 instance of the Chancellor, who interposed his guardianship 
 of lunatics in some way to prevent that of which I already 
 gave your Lordship an idea. Doctor Knighton was tin's
 
 174 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 morning at Carlton House. He saw McMahon, who had 
 received Lord "Wellesley's letter of thanks for the appointment. 
 McMahon read this letter in raptures, and took occasion to 
 state the strength of the Prince's regard towards Lord 
 Wellesley, and added : " You may be as sure of it as of your 
 existence, that Lord AVellesley will be at the head of the 
 government as soon as the Prince is Ins own master." 
 
 The appointment of Knighton is of more consequence, I 
 apprehend, than at first meets the eye. He is, without 
 exception, one of the most accomplished, and by far the 
 most insinuating man of his class or profession, and very 
 soon obtains influence where he becomes intimate. In his 
 quality of accoucheur, which, in fact, is his trade, he is 
 now at the head of his profession, and has the key-note of 
 every family almost, of distinction in the country. 
 
 This influence is not least at Lansdowne House, and I 
 have great reason to think he is exerting it at this moment. 
 His devotion to Lord Wellesley is extreme, and as the Prince 
 has resisted Lady Melbourne and other female favourites for 
 these last two years, in recommendations for this place— in 
 the naming to which it seems the Prince is more par- 
 ticularly fastidious than to anj other in his gift— the appoint- 
 ment of Knighton to it is looked upon as a great achievement, 
 and likely to keep all matters stead} in future. He is to be 
 called in to-morrow, to meet Farquhar, llalford, Home and 
 (live, on ;i grand consultation at Carlton House. 
 
 Castlereagb is verj unexpectedly come over. The Prince lias 
 
 offered India to Lord Moira, who positively refused it. 
 Castlereagh and Melville, in an\ event which may take 
 
 plan, might either of them have it, but having both been 
 
 ■ mided about it, have positively refused it. Lord Moira's 
 
 object is known to be still the Ordnance. Lord Liverpool 
 
 has given tin- government of Bomba} to Nepeau instead of
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 175 
 
 to Barry Close, who was powerfully recommended by Lord 
 Wellesley, and would have been, indeed, in every respect, 
 far more eligible. I have seen the government paragraph 
 for the 'Morning Post' of to-morrow, and as I believe your 
 Lordship does not take it in, I will take care to send it. 
 Being under pai'ticular restraint to day, I can add no more. 
 
 The physician mentioned in these communications, 
 was one of the most remarkable men attached to the 
 Court. He had attended the Marquis Wellesley during 
 his recent mission in Spain, at whose warm recom- 
 mendation the Prince of Wales took him into his 
 service. His professional skill, however, was the least 
 potent of Dr. Knighton's qualifications as a courtier. 
 His general talents and graceful manners, soon at- 
 tracted the admiration, and won the confidence of his 
 Royal patron, who honoured him with the highest 
 proofs of his regard, public and private — creating him a 
 baronet in 1812, and appointing him Auditor of the 
 Duchy of Cornwall in 1818. His devotion to the 
 service of the Prince, naturally lessened his professional 
 avocations, and a few years later he abandoned entirely 
 his practice as a physician. At the termination of the 
 Regency, he remained in close attendance upon the 
 King, with the direction of his Majesty's private and 
 domestic affairs: being in 1S22, appointed Keeper of 
 the Privy Purse, in which office he displayed much 
 ability and tact. He was also employed in some con- 
 fidential missions abroad, and appears invariably to have 
 executed his task, however delicate and difficult, in a 
 manner that secured the approval, both of the King
 
 176 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 and of his principal Minister. He attended his Majesty 
 in his last illness, and died on the 11th of October, 
 1836. His widow subsequently published his corres- 
 pondence, with an unpretending narrative. 1 
 
 The last paragraph of the preceding communication 
 refers to more than one person, who was shortly to take 
 a prominent part in the arrangements and disarrange- 
 ments of the present and following month. Lord 
 Castlereagh had gained a high position in the estimation 
 of the Prince Regent — as much, perhaps, on account of 
 the dignity of his character, as from his knowledge of 
 official business, and the general scope of his qualifica- 
 tions as a minister. One great advantage possessed by 
 him, was entire freedom from the trammels of cliqueship. 
 Nothing proved so embarrassing both to the Prince and 
 to the members of his government, as rival pretensions 
 in the Cabinet. Lord Castlereagh was known to hold an 
 independent position ; he was not tied down by engage- 
 ments to advance the interests of any man or set of men, 
 and had never damaged his prospects of office by violent 
 opposition to the Court, or noisy abuse of the administra- 
 tion. During the period that had elapsed since his 
 resignation, he had been actively employed in adding to 
 the stores of ministerial knowledge accumulated during 
 his active career, particularly directing his attention to 
 continental politics, and acquiring a clear and comprc- 
 hensive view of the vast chess-board of Europe, now 
 being carefully set out for a contest of skill, of such vital 
 
 1 Memoira of sir William Knighton, Bart., (i.e. II. By Lady 
 Knighton, 1 838.
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 177 
 
 interest as to throw all preceding games into the 
 shade. 
 
 It should be remembered that -in his duel with Mr. 
 Canning, his friend and relative, Lord Yarmouth, was his 
 second; his alliance with the Hertford family may, 
 therefore, be presumed to have been very intimate. 
 It was not to be supposed that either he or they felt 
 any particular predilection for his late antagonist, or for 
 that brilliant and influential friend of his, who was known 
 to be actively employed in endeavouring to secure his 
 return to the Cabinet; the Hertfords were as strongly 
 opposed to Lord Grenville, for a presumed slight Lord 
 Yarmouth had suffered at his hands, when he held 
 the Seals of the Foreign Office ; and had reason to 
 resent the hostile feelings towards a member of his 
 family, which, as we shall presently show, various 
 members of his party, had publicly exhibited. It 
 almost necessarily follows that they would desire 
 to bring forward Lord Castlereagh — firstly, with 
 a view to support their own influence — secondly, to 
 prevent the introduction into the administration of a 
 personal opponent — lastly, to provide against any 
 substantive change in that policy with which they de- 
 sired to be identified. We are not informed whether 
 they secured for Lord Castlereagh, private and confiden- 
 tial intercourse with the Prince, but there arc indications 
 in the course of this correspondence, that his Royal 
 Highness was better acquainted with Lord Castlcrcagh's 
 sentiments than his chief Minister. It appears that 
 more than one proposal to join the administration was 
 
 VOL. I. N
 
 178 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 made to him, without success ; this permits the observant 
 reader to infer that he had a certain object in view, from 
 which he was not to be easily diverted. He will 
 presently see, if he does not already, what this object 
 was. We have only to add that it was perfectly 
 legitimate, and that the most rigid scrutiny can detect 
 nothing in his progress towards it, inconsistent with that 
 honourable and manly principle which was ever the 
 active element of his career. 
 
 Lord Moira's antecedents do not promise quite so 
 favourably for him — he was, however, and had long 
 been more socially intimate with the Prince ; and in the 
 part he was shortly called upon to play by the command 
 of his Royal Highness, there is nothing surprising in the 
 striking effect of that influence upon his conduct. 
 
 The following letter shows the strong disinclination 
 Lord Grenville still entertained to take upon himself 
 any responsibility in the management of the very 
 curious interests now concentrated in and about Carlton 
 I louse. 
 
 LORD GRENVILLE To THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Camelford House, January G, 1812. 
 M ^ hi \i;l -i BROTH] ft. 
 
 I arrived bere on Saturday, bul found nothing very new. 
 The Prince is still wt\ unwell, ami it is much believed that 
 tin- ait. ick in his arm is paralytic. The language of his 
 
 (mill i- thai he has taken no decision, and is to take none 
 
 till the L8th. 'This i- onlj to put off the evil daj for a hw 
 \m 1 1..- longer. 
 
 I u pi ,i ill, preti '" t .ihoiit the ( latholics is to he that
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 179 
 
 it will be indelicate to do anything for them, so long as the 
 King lives. That is very possibly, and not improbably, for 
 fifteen or twenty years more. Will the rest of the world 
 stand still for him ? and will Ireland be as easy to be settled 
 then, as it would even now, when it is about ten times more 
 difficult than it was ten or twelve years ago. 
 
 I shall take an early opportunity, probably to-morrow, of 
 protesting against one hour's more delay in that business. 
 
 That will do my business at Carlton House, if, indeed, 
 that remained to be done. But, in fact, that was done the 
 years ago, when I recalled Lord Yarmouth from Paris. 
 
 I am, therefore, God be thanked, out of the cpiestion. 
 There is no misery I should dread, like that of undertaking 
 ' in such a state of the court and country, any share in the 
 government of either. 
 
 Parliament was opened with a speech, again de- 
 livered by Commission, which dwelt chiefly on the 
 military talents of Lord Wellington, and the unsatis- 
 factory state of our relations with the United States. 
 The usual addresses were carried without division ; but 
 in the Upper House, Lords Grey and Grenville availed 
 themselves of the opportunity for making a sharp 
 attack on the policy of the Government, and in the 
 Lower, Sir Francis Burdett indulged in one of his 
 fiercest reform orations. The letters now printed, enter 
 fully into details of the plots and schemes that were 
 then maturing, at home and abroad. 
 
 n 2
 
 180 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF 
 BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Stanhope Street, January 12, 1812. 
 
 My deab. Lokd, 
 
 There is nothing that has occurred since the meeting worth 
 relating to you. All is still indecision and uncertainty with 
 regard to the Prince, and I cannot find that even his intimates 
 can guess what will be his final decision. He is frightened 
 to death, and the Catholic Question coming on, does not 
 lessen his perplexities. The object is now to make him feel 
 that the Opposition are purposely pressing it on, in order to 
 add to his distress. The Court language is, that the same 
 motives which induced him to defer his decision during the 
 malady of the King, will equally call upon him to suspend it, 
 as long as the King lives. I think ho will not have courage 
 to make this attempt; at the same time, it is a language that 
 comes [from Carlton House. The Duke of Cumberland is 
 still debarred all intimacy and confidence, but he is consoled 
 by the trusteeship of Johnston's property, and is full of 
 nothing but the borough, which he will, no doubt, by his 
 misconduct, eventually lose to the family. 
 
 Sheridan, as usual, thought proper to come down yester- 
 day, and make a speech for the purpose of opposing the 
 thanks to Lord Minto, and there was no member of the old 
 inment in the House to BUpport his (Lord Minto's) con- 
 duct. 1 rather Buspecl this «;i> dune to court Lord Welles- 
 lie has Btirred np the India Board in great violence 
 against Lord Minto. Tutu hit and Me.Mahon were in the 
 House t'» BUpport the thanks. Lord Chatham remains on the 
 -tall', through the influence of the Duke of Rutland, who has 
 made it ;> point. 
 
 JTorlte told me yesterday, lie had yen little hopes of tin 
 ' St. (. and 'Defence.' Hutchinson's motion for
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 181 
 
 repeal of Union, is a very abominable step, and will give 
 great offence. They are still squabbling about the pecuniary 
 arrangements for the Royal Family ; but I believe the Queen 
 has carried the point of keeping the King at Windsor, and 
 remaining with him. The manner in which the grants 
 and arrangements are to be made, are in all manner of 
 chequered payments — first the King to have great pail 
 of his £0 0,00U, then the Prince to pay something out of his 
 salary, then to have some deduction from Civil List, then to 
 be exonerated taxes ; in short, it seems purposely intended to 
 puzzle; but, perhaps, before it comes to Parliament, it will 
 be more clear and straightforward. 
 
 Perceval has, of course, not satisfied any of them on this 
 point. The Government, you may depend upon if, have no 
 confidence in the Prince, and do not feel themselves secure. 
 I should not be surprised that he turned short any moment. 
 Adams' quitting Parliament, is, however, a very bad omen. 
 
 LORD GEENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Caruefford House, January 17, 1S12. 
 My dearest Brother, 
 
 I enclose a blank proxy, which I will enter to Portescue. 
 1 hear nothing more of Carlton House polities. He will 
 end in disgusting all parties, but in leaving himself at the 
 mercy of Perceval. He has taken this precise moment to 
 dine in Downing Street, being his firsl going out after his 
 illness. 
 
 There is an end of all coalitions on the continent. Prussia 
 has declared against Russia; and the supposition is that 
 Bonaparte will attack the latter. lie has already above 
 120,000 men on the Elbe. In this state, Austria must think 
 herself too happy if he allows her to be neuter.
 
 182 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 January 18, 1812. 
 
 Many thanks for your letter. What you mention about 
 the establishments is confirmed to me from other quarters. 
 The other is quite new to me. 
 
 I inclose the draught of our motion. If Eldon and 
 Perceval accede to it, they cannot, you will see, afterwards 
 oppose on the No Popery ground, as the words I have used 
 pledges the House to the question on, and only reserve the 
 quo modo. 
 
 Yorke has certainly resigned for all cases and in all events. 
 Overtures have been made to Bragge [Bathurst] and Van- 
 sit tart ; but as these do not as yet include Sidmouth and 
 Bucks [Earl of Buckinghamshire], nothing is, I believe, 
 arranged. 
 
 The Prince will find himself in a curious situation if he 
 quarrels with Perceval just now, with the temper that is grown 
 up in the present Opposition. 
 
 l;< nun my paper. 
 
 'l our intelligence will make me drier for a day or two longer, 
 the Dommunicating words of the motion to Lord Liverpool. 
 
 On tin' 16th of January, Mr. Perceval addressed the 
 I [ouse of Commons on the hopeless state of the King, 
 and recommended the establishment of the Royal 
 Household at an expense to the country of £180,000 
 a-year, with an additional grant of CI 00,000 for the 
 
 expense the Prince Regent had incurred since he had 
 assumed tin- reins of Government. Some seven-
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 183 
 
 remarks were made in reply ; but the motion for a 
 Bill to be brought in, was agreed to without a division. 
 During the passage of the Bill, the Minister was more 
 than once attacked on the extravagance of these ar- 
 rangements, at a period of extraordinary distress. Sub- 
 sequently, additions were made to these grants.
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 [1812.] 
 
 TIIK minister's extravagant proposals for the civil list — 
 
 SECRET HISTORY OF HIS ARRANGEMENTS WITH THE PRINCE REGENT 
 
 — THE CATHOLIC CLAIMS INTRIGUES AT COURT THE ENGLISH 
 
 ALLIANCE WITH RUSSIA — PRUSSIA AND FRANCE BERNADOTTE AND 
 
 NAPOLEON THE MARQUIS WELLESLEY's FOREIGN POLICY SICILY AND 
 
 LORD WILLIAM BENTINCK THE QUEEN OF NAPLES A ROYAL 
 
 THRESHING MACHINE POZZO DI BORGO, AND THE PRINCE REGENT 
 
 — CHANGES AT THE COURT OF NAPLES.
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 The ensuing communications convey the whole 
 history of the Minister's progress to favour, hy means 
 of his financial operations, and the rival projects of 
 the Marquis Wellesley and Mr. Perceval, to recommend 
 themselves at the expense of the nation. They also 
 afford a glimpse of the Council Chamber, not less 
 instructive. The development of Lord Wellesley's 
 foreign policy, will be found the most remarkable 
 feature in the narrative. 
 
 TO EARL TEMPLE. 
 
 January 17. 
 The narrative which I proposed to send your Lordship litis 
 clay, I must again suspend, as the denouement which I thought 
 had taken place, is yet to come; and all is, by a very curious 
 circumstance once more thrown into confusion. Mr. Perceval, 
 wrote yesterday (18th) to Lord Wellesley, enclosing him a 
 paper formed upon the principal arrangements stated in my 
 note of last night, stating to him at the same time that he 
 (Perceval) was extremely anxious for his concurrence in the
 
 18S THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 measure, in order that he might be able to inform the Prince 
 that the proposed terms were perfectly agreeable to him (Lord 
 AY. Hosier), and that he himself (Perceval) might feel that they 
 were so, and further required this concurrence in writing. 
 This Lord Wellesley positively refused, adding that Mr. 
 Perceval must be well aware that the paper in question was 
 one of compromise between what the Prince wanted and had 
 a right to, and what Perceval would concede ; that he had 
 all along combatted almost every point of its contents; and 
 that at last he had merely assented to the whole merely for the 
 sake of unanimity, and to avoid embarrassing the Prince's 
 government, which would otherwise be the case if he resolutely 
 maintained his own opinions; and that certainly he would 
 not now record his assent to what he had all along expressed his 
 marked disapprobation of." This was in writing ; and, on 
 their meeting afterwards at Carlton House in the course of 
 the day, Perceval flew out excessively, and said he would 
 come to an open decision upon it in the Cabinet. This, Lord 
 Welleslej said, was what he always had wished and suggested ; 
 but it had been unifonnh evaded ; but now he insisted in his 
 turn upon its taking place. Accordingly, a Cabinet was 
 summoned for this day at one o'clock, the result of which 
 your Lordship shall know, please God, to-morrow. 
 
 I Boall here give, from memory, for 1 was not allowed to 
 take it dowil in writing, the slate in which the double 
 establishmenl will be, agreeably to the recent arrangements. 
 
 ■ in Civil I. .... 6900,000 
 
 Km ' l'nv\ Purse .... 60,000 
 
 !»i;o,000 
 Dcduci proposed Establishmenl for the King . L60,000 
 
 1800,000
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 189 
 
 Prince's Excb. Income . . . £125,000 
 Duchy, &c 12,000 
 
 137,000 
 Fund set apart for debts . . 87,000 
 
 Added by Prince to Civil List. . . . 150,000 
 
 Prince's Privy Purse annual . . . 60,000 
 
 £910,000 
 
 King's Income £960,000 
 
 Prince's proposed ditto . . . . . 910,000 
 
 Prince's less than the King's .... £50,000 
 
 Grant from Parliament, 1812 — £150,000 to defray early 
 expenses of Regency, present incumbrances, &c, and nothing 
 new in the shape of annual charge, save the interest thereon, 
 and the £60,000 annually for Privy Purse. 
 
 I never in my life witnessed such irritation as there is 
 on one side, and by what I can hear and rely on, on the 
 other ; and I must still think that if Opposition preserve 
 their present compactness, the Prince of necessity must apply 
 to them, I greatly fear, in opposition to his wishes and 
 feelings. 
 
 TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 January 21, IS 12. 
 Perhaps a worse speech was never delivered in Parliament 
 than that of Mr. Perceval on bringing in the Royal House- 
 hold Bill; and his attempt to reply to Ponsonby, Ticrney, 
 and Sheridan, was equally bad, nor had he any assistance 
 whatever. The oldest members in the House declare they
 
 190 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 never saw a Minister so confused, feeble, or inadequate to liis 
 public duty as lie was on that night, nor were any of his 
 most violent opposers better pleased upon that occasion than 
 wire the Prince and Lord Wellesley. I do not know 
 whether throughout rny correspondence with your Lordship 
 I gave the history of the above proposition tliroughout, 
 and it is now gone by so far, as to be hardly worth while ; 
 but I think it will be useful to state, that Perceval's first 
 proposition was not to give any additional grant nor perma- 
 nent charge whatever, but to limit the double establishment 
 to the £960,000, the existing income of the King. That of 
 the Prince, conveyed through Adam, was to revive the claims 
 for the Cornish arrears, &c, and demand their amount at the 
 opening of the Session as of right, being somewhat above 
 £700,000, and as an excuse for which to open the subject of 
 the old debts of his Royal Highness, compromised or liquidated 
 in part, by the Commission appointed for that purpose, at 
 which Lord Cholmondeley presided. To this Lord Wellesley 
 gave his decided negative, alleging that it would produce 
 everlasting outcry against the Prince; but proposed, as a 
 middle term, the fairly bringing the Prince's existing incum- 
 brances before Parliament, amounting to £525,000, and 
 throwing himself upon it for the entirely disembarrassing 
 him. 
 
 four Lordship will believe that this last idea (whether 
 wise in itself or not I do not presume to determine,) was 
 
 infinitely more grateful to the Prince than Perceval's projet \ 
 but I. oid Welleslej stood alone, and the mode since pursued, 
 
 although iulinileh distasteful I" the Regent, was adopted — 
 Lord Wellesley, at the earnest request of the Prince, giving it 
 no other opposition than obliging Perceval to draw up his 
 
 ■ nt, and recording it as a minute of Council. That the 
 Prince should so interfere is only to be accounted for by his
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 191 
 
 apprehension of Government being broken up before the 
 restrictions were taken off, or expired ; an event which those 
 about him declared would, should it take place, make him as 
 as his father ! 
 
 With respect to the King's household, Lord Wellesley was 
 also counteracted by the Chancellor, who insisted upon 
 throwing into the Queen's hands all the power, patronage, &c, 
 which, in an ordinary case, the wife of any other lunatic 
 should possess. The Council followed the Chancellor, and 
 Lord Wellesley again stood alone, but the Prince was entirely 
 with him. So far I have endeavoured to account for 
 Perceval's embarrassment, who feeling conscious of wanting 
 support in the highest quarter, lost all that overbearing 
 fierceness, which he would otherwise have given 
 scope to. 
 
 Upon this subject I have only to add that, on the above 
 evening, such was his want of confidence as to make him 
 cautious of pressing his resolutions, as he had at first 
 intended, fearful of being left in a minority. In short, it 
 seems on all hands agreed that his reign as Minister is at an 
 end, at the same time that it is generally felt that such is his 
 self-confidence and presumption, that were he offered the 
 Chancellorship and a peerage, he would break up the 
 Government rather than forego his present situation. 
 
 What then is to be the result of the present disturbed 
 state of our councils ? I conceive, and am, indeed, morally 
 certain, a separation, and that upon the ground of the 
 Catholic claims. That the Prince thinks he has been 
 unkindly treated by that body in their late proceedings, 
 he declares upon every occasion, and loudly ; but the incli- 
 nation to serve them, and his belief in its policy, exists in as 
 great force as ever. In this he is fortified by Lord 
 Wellesley's avowed opinion, which 1 shall give in as few
 
 19 2 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 words as possible. He says, "the difference between Mr. 
 Perceval and me upon the present system, is that he thinks 
 the existing disabilities are beneficial to the state, and 
 necessary to be maintained as so many safeguards to its 
 well-being and existence; on the contrary, I have always 
 considered them as evils in themselves, and which sooner or 
 later must endanger it, if persisted in. He, of course, wishes 
 their continuance — I their abolition. But the mode of 
 getting rid of a system which has obtained for such a length 
 of time, is, I profess, a difficulty of no common weight 
 and magnitude.'" 
 
 Your Lordship sees in this avowal, that the principle of 
 action is common both with Lord Wellesley and the Prince; 
 in point of fact, he discussed the whole cmestion in an 
 audience of six hours with him on Thursday last, much I 
 apprehend to the satisfaction of the Prince, who repeatedly 
 ciicd out during its continuance, "admirable; this will do, 
 m\ dear Lord. My own sentiments exactly/' and it broke 
 up apparently to the high satisfaction of both parties. The 
 evening before, (Wednesday) Lord Wellesley, in a Cabinet, 
 detailed his whole views upon the subject, and the result 
 was a teiling upon his mind, that he should ultimately be 
 supported L\ Lords Camden, Westmoreland, Mnlgrave, and 
 Melville, Qor should he be mueli surprised if by the Chan- 
 cellor, who was not a little fluctuating; but Perceval was 
 immmovable, and warmly supported by Liverpool and Lord 
 Bathurst, ^ orke, and Ryder. 
 
 On I'm']'. Twos in council, to know what would satisfy 
 the Catholics P "Would thej lake the emancipation piece- 
 meal, or would fchej accepl it onlj entire? If in the latter 
 
 , would the_\ concede a negative power in the making of 
 
 bishop-, to the crown, nor meddle with the Chancellorship or 
 Lord Keeper? Supposing the law, army, and revenue were
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 193 
 
 now opened to them, would they defer a provision for their 
 clergy, and seats in Parliament to another (perhaps the next) 
 Session ?" 
 
 I would not presume to i rouble your Lordship with 
 anything that I said; in fact, I know no more of what the 
 Catholics really want — I mean in the degree — than the most 
 ignorant individual in the country, having never held any 
 correspondence of a nature to inform me on that head, with 
 Ireland, since they forced their best friends out of the King's 
 Councils ; but I think the following deductions may fairly be 
 made from what I have stated : First — that the Prince has 
 made up his mind to the amelioration of the condition of the 
 Catholics, in a very material degree, if not totally, as the first 
 act of his Government ; secondly — that the present Govern- 
 ment will come to an irreparably wide breach upon this 
 question; and, lastly — that as Perceval will remain firm (at 
 least it is my conviction that he will), the Prince will have to 
 choose between Lord Wellesley and the miserable portion of 
 the Government who will adhere to him, and Opposition, as 
 to his future Minister. 
 
 Of the possibilities of Lord Wellesley's making a Govern- 
 ment, supposing him to be authorized to set about it, your 
 Lordship is infinitely a better judge than I can be — of some- 
 what which passed through his mind, and I should suppose 
 through the Prince's, upon that subject, it may be useful to 
 know. Just five days before the meeting of Parliament, the 
 Prince suddenly asked Lord Wellesley, " would you have any 
 objection to shake hands with Lord Grenville ?" to which 
 Lord Wellesley replied, " certainly not ; that public measures 
 had separated them, but that he ever had, and ever would 
 have, the greatest private regard for him." 
 
 On the night of the opening of the Session, the tenor of 
 Lord Grenville's speech, however, greatly disconcerted him 
 
 VOL. I. O
 
 194 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 (Lord WeUesley). Not that part of it which related to the 
 Catholics, but that which touched on our mode of carrying 
 on the war in Spain, and the subject of America. Upon 
 those points, particularly the former, Lord Wellesley is 
 entirely made up. On that evening, too, the Duke of Cum- 
 berland, who had not spoken for a considerable period to 
 Lord Wellesley, came up to the latter as soon as Lord 
 Grenville had done speaking, and exclaimed to him trium- 
 phantly : " Well, my Lord, I always knew you had a 
 hankering after your old friend Grenville — what do you say 
 to him now P" 1 
 
 These circumstances would not be worth repeating, did 
 they not denote a foregone conclusion upon certain points of 
 coalition, in the minds of many. All speculation of that 
 kind is now, however, quite at an end. Up to last Saturday, 
 it had never been proposed, even in the most distant 
 manner, to Lord Wellesley to form a Government, he, 
 therefore, has never set up any standard of his own. 
 
 Canning is in his hands. He builds upon that separation 
 of the present cabinet in his favour, to which I have alrcad) 
 adverted. I do not observe that any inroad upon Opposition 
 is meditated, save in the person of Whitbread, whose objects 
 arc, high office foi himself, and the Peerage for his wife. The 
 Sidmouths, the Prince never will employ, having the greatest 
 personal dislike to their chief. Of the Prince's attachment to 
 himself. Lord Wellesley makes no doubt, and on this is his 
 sole dependence, [ndeed, his influence over him is hourly 
 increasing, of which many proofs might be given; and all 
 the people about the Prince are entirely in his interests. 
 Through the Hertfords he is sure of Castlereagh ; and this is 
 the whole of bis battle front, Bhould he be oalled to the chief 
 command. For the rest, having adopted as the ground-work 
 
 'This impression Lord Grenville intended to create, by his speech. 
 Bee l Iter of Jai o u . 8th.
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 195 
 
 all the Prince's views and politics, both foreign and domestic, 
 he is willing to act with any man or set of men, provided 
 they will serve under him, and join him in his views respecting 
 the war in the Peninsula, to which point alone he would 
 confine himself, in the event of an union with those who 
 thought widely different from him in other respects. 
 
 This vivid photograph of Downing Street, produced 
 by one who, it is evident, had access to the Council 
 Chamber, is one of the most remarkable of those 
 startling pictures of ministerial life, that have come 
 from the same source. The reader will not fail to 
 observe the perfect understanding that appears to exist 
 between the Marquis Wellesley and the Prince Regent ; 
 the apparent desire of the Prince for the accession of 
 Lord Grenville to the Cabinet, and the presumed 
 inclination of his Royal Highness to favour the 
 Catholics ; but of these appearances, much as the well- 
 informed writer relied upon them, it is difficult to de- 
 termine which was the most fallacious. It is not 
 improbable that the admiration and respect with which 
 the Prince must have regarded Lord Grenville, may 
 have influenced his Royal Highness to wish rather than 
 to expect to win that accomplished statesman to his 
 service, notwithstanding the care that some ultra- Whig 
 writers have taken to represent his being an object of 
 insurmountable dislike in that quarter. This, however, 
 at least, is certain : the Wellesley preference had set 
 in with much too strong a tide to be lasting, and that 
 brilliant but somewhat imprudent minister was never 
 so insecure of his anticipated leadership, as when his 
 
 o 2
 
 196 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 royal master poured into his ear his confidence and his 
 commendation. 
 
 Now for as luminous a view of foreign politics. 
 
 Circumstances of a prudential nature arising from my being 
 for this week past in the same house with a particular friend, 
 prevented iny writing before this moment to your Lordship, being 
 the first disengaged one I have had or could make for the purpose. 
 I was, however, the more reconciled to the delay, as I had 
 ascertained that, on the evening of Lord "Wellesley's leaving 
 town, he had left the most precise directions with Colonel 
 Hamilton that your Lordship should have the earliest in- 
 telligence of the expected Lisbon mails. I shall now proceed 
 to lay before your Lordship such information as I could 
 gather with respect to foreign affairs, and afterwards their 
 application to our domestic concerns. 
 
 Pirst as with regard to Russia — our relations with her, and 
 our good understanding, are every hour approximating to an 
 avowed alliance. Luberminski, Alexander's accredited agent 
 al our Court, took his leave of the Prince, on Thursday, the 
 8th inst., whin the latter expressed his full satisfaction at 
 everj pari of his conduct, and, in the moment of his departure, 
 expressed his hope that hemighl Bpeedily return in a character 
 which would allow of his giving him the most public proofs 
 of regard and favour. The awkward circumstance of the 
 return of OUT transports laden with military stores for the 
 service of Russia, arose from the narrow and obstinate policy 
 of Mr. Perceval, who insisted that they should be so conveyed, 
 on acconnl of economy ; and that, as the stores were a boon 
 from tin- country, Russia would admit, them in the present 
 crisis in British bottoms, and thus establish the principle of 
 intercourse once more. Lord Welleslev stood alone in the 
 Cabinet in recommending thai thei should be sent in American,
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 197 
 
 or by any other conveyance than our own ; as, by adopting the 
 latter method, we would force Russia into what we were en- 
 deavouring to keep back, namely, a premature act of aggression 
 against France ; and absolutely predicted what actually took 
 place. The return was, however, accompanied by the most 
 conciliatory and satisfactory communication from the Em- 
 peror. 
 
 Prussia retains and even augments her hostile preparations 
 against Bonaparte. The latter, about two months back, 
 demanded in the most imperious manner, the reasons why she 
 had armed, and was so intent in putting her yet remaining 
 fortresses in thorough repair. Prussia replied that she did 
 so in conformity to every principle of public and acknowledged 
 policy, as it was only in consequence of every power around her 
 having already armed, and actually put their troops in motion 
 in every direction. Bonaparte replied that his keeping his 
 forces, and those of Westphalia and Saxony on foot, was 
 owing to the uncertain issue of a pending negociation with 
 Eussia, of which, however, there was every hope of a favour- 
 able termination ; that he disclaimed any measure injurious 
 to the true interests of Russia, and therefore demanded, in 
 return for this most condescending explanation, an im- 
 mediate disarming, &c, on her part. This, Prussia, within 
 this month, has positively refused, asserting that she would 
 resort to every extremity rather than by a desertion of her 
 just rights, sacrifice her remaining independence. Thus 
 matters stand in this quarter; in the meantime, we have 
 actually sent, and they have been received, 50,000 stand of 
 arms to that power, with ammunition, and every species of 
 equipment proportioned thereto. Prussia still continues 
 indefatigable in increasing her magazines, depots, and every 
 species of military equipment, and has now eight fortresses in 
 a condition to hold out the most vigorous siege. \t is a
 
 198 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 curious circumstance that every Prussian officer of rank who 
 persisted in the fashionable practice of keeping up a tender 
 intercourse with French women, is either unemployed, or 
 has been put on some remote and degrading duty. 
 
 Your Lordship is not, perhaps, aware of very active ne- 
 gociations existing between us and Bernadotte. Such, 
 however, is the case, and either our Government is egregiously 
 deceived, or he will be one of the most active of the new 
 confederates now coalescing for the purpose of checking the 
 further encroachments of his old friend and master, Bona- 
 parte. There is an interchange of agents between Stockholm 
 and London, and our people look upon him as a sure card 
 in the great game they are about to play. Denmark persists 
 in her sullen but bitter hostility to us, and, of course, in 
 her alliance with France ; and what is worse, this sentiment 
 pervades both prince and people, which, after all that has 
 i akin place between both countries, is not much to be 
 wondered at. Of the co-operation of Austria, in the event 
 of hostilities in the North, ministers have every moral 
 certainty. 
 
 From the above premises, all that can put Bonaparte's 
 power and projects once more into peril is confidently 
 augured by Lord WeUealey, and his immediate confidential 
 friends, nor is the Prince himself less sanguine; and so far is 
 he instepped into this new system, that he never suffers a 
 pap r or B despatch to remain unread one moment after he 
 receives it, and works upon them with Lord W'cllcsley for 
 three and four hours at a time. What is more curious is, 
 thai being oonstantl) told that this great expected change in 
 the affaire of Europe is entirely owingto his own enlarged 
 views, firmness, and magnanimity, he now firmly believes it, 
 
 and npoil <-\rr\ OCCasioD winch presents itself, gives himself 
 Credil for all that has ami will come to pass. Ill this
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 199 
 
 flattering view of things he is more confirmed by what is 
 going on in the south of Europe, to which I am now to call 
 your Lordship's attention. 
 
 And first as to Sicily. Lord W. Bentinck's return had 
 for its ostensible object the opening the eyes of Government 
 here as to the real situation of that country. In the first 
 place, he asserts that the Court (or, in other words, the Queen 
 and her advisers) have no leaning to, or correspondence with 
 Bonaparte — on the contrary, hold him in the utmost 
 abhorrence — but, at the same time, are determined to resist 
 that spirit of interference and control, but too much mani- 
 fested by every class and rank of British in the island, in the 
 interior government of the country — bad it must be allowed 
 — but whose conduct and policy they insist should be entirely 
 independent of us. Army, navy, and commercial, are equally 
 obvious to the above complaint, and Lord William says had 
 any set of foreigners in this country taken such liberties, 
 even of speech, they would be turned out under the Alien Act 
 instantly ; but superadded to the above, the two people who 
 have done most mischief are Fagan, the Consul-General, a 
 hot-headed Irishman, and more than suspected of republi- 
 canism, who has done everything in his private and public 
 capacity to outrage the existing government of Sicily. In his 
 colourable statement of mercantile grievances, out of twenty- 
 four cases, Lord William found eighteen absolutely false 
 in fact and inference, and the remaining six trivial to the last 
 degree. He is of course to come home. But in the higher 
 circles the mischief created originates, to use Lord William's 
 own words, " in the busy vanity and active ostentation " of 
 Lord Valentia. 
 
 This person, who has been stimulating the nobility to actual 
 revolt, had teased Lord Wellesley into giving him a sort of 
 confidential mission to the Seven Islands and the adjacent
 
 200 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 continent, stopped short at Palermo, and, affecting to be 
 
 the bosom friend of Lord "W , employed himself in 
 
 fomenting to the utmost of his power the disputes between 
 the court and the people. He is, of course, on his way home 
 at this moment, with no increase of reputation of any sort, 
 having, it is more than whispered, indulged himself openly in 
 propensities of which he was only suspected at home. What 
 it is that Lord William has asked of the Government in order 
 to put matters to rights there I am totally ignorant of; but 
 he has got all that he asked, and, on his taking leave of Lord 
 AVellesley, thanked the latter for having saved Sicily. The 
 Prince was very gracious to Lord William, and highly ap- 
 proved, led thereto by Lord Wellesley, of his return ; but I 
 am to state to your Lordship that, on this occasion, Lord 
 W t llesley stood alone — all his colleagues disapproving highly 
 his return, as being an anomaly in respect of his diplomatic 
 character, and highly questionable in respect of his military 
 command ; and in this view of it, their discountenance of him 
 gtill continues. 
 
 The following anecdotes may amuse your Lordship. On 
 I ! \\ illiam's first going to the opera at Palermo, on his 
 entering the house it rang again with evvivas, which continued 
 till the arrival of the King and Queen, when something of a 
 \en opposite nature took place. This was repeated two or 
 three times, when an order was publicly issued, that no 
 plaudits ol ;>N\ kind, except those professionally directed^ 
 ■hould take place. The consequence of this order was ils 
 marked disobedience, a. id Lord William was obliged, for the 
 remainder of his Btay, to avoid going to the opera, or indeed 
 oi\ other public place. 
 
 Lord U illiam des< ribea the Queen as one of the clev< rest 
 "'-. male or female, beever mel with, she is al once polite 
 -'" dignified, and insolent —id short, a ven lana
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 201 
 
 able lady-like woman. She told Lord William, the second 
 time of seeing him, that she perfectly comprehended the 
 views of England ; for that " toute la philosophie de M. 
 Drummond, la reverence de Milord Amherst, et la bonhomie 
 de Milord Bentinck," had one and the same object, that of 
 getting the Government into the hands of their own country. 
 When Valentia brought her his "Travels/' she said to him : 
 " Your Lordship has written a huge book, indeed. I never 
 saw so wide and beautiful a margin, such admirable paper, or 
 such exquisite printing," and that it did great honour to the 
 London tradesmen. But not a word did the mortified author 
 hear of its literary merit. All this was said in full assembly, 
 and in a manner insulting, Lord William says, beyond des- 
 cription, and produced its full elfcct upon the noble author. 
 
 Your Lordship does not, I believe, know anything of Lord 
 William in the character of a diseur de bons mots ; but I 
 think he uttered one of the very best a few day's back at 
 Lord Wellesley's. Castelcicala was there by appointment to 
 meet Lord Wellesley. Your Lordship knows that Castelcicala, 
 formerly an advocate, is one of the most subtle and clever of 
 the whole corps diplomatique. He further speaks and writes 
 English perfectly. The party were discussing the characters 
 of the King and Queen of Naples, and particularly the agri- 
 cultural turn of the former, when Lord Wellesley adverting 
 to the trait, asked Lord William, if he was carrying over 
 some of our improved farming implements, in order to gratify 
 the royal taste and curiosity that way. To which Lord 
 William replied, fixing his eyes earnestly uptm Castelcicala, 
 "Oh, yes, my Lord, I am going to carry his Majesty out a 
 threshing machine" The rage of Castelcicala, his suppressed 
 anger, and Italianized grin of anger and chagrin, blended with 
 his eagerness to appear pleased, I am told mocked all descrip- 
 tion; nor was his chagrin lessened by the bursts of laughter 3
 
 202 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [181*2. 
 
 in which the Foreign Secretary indulged upon this 
 occasion. 
 
 But along with the ostensible motive for the return of Lord 
 W. Bentinck, there exists another, far more important, beneath 
 the cards, of which the public are very little aware ; and that 
 is, he is able to force personal communications in that part of 
 the world, to ascertain not only the feasibility, but the actual 
 organization of an insurgency extending from the Tyrol, in- 
 clusive even to Naples, embracing the whole of Italy, and 
 which only waits the moment of hostilities commencing in 
 the North, to break out in a manner the most alarmins: and 
 tremendous to the present Government of those countries. 
 Of this projected rising, by everything I can hear, it will be 
 far more menacing to France, than even that of Spain ; being 
 more universal, as embracing every rank and description of 
 the people, but under far better and more experienced leaders. 
 What will most surprise your Lordship is that Perceval has 
 actually given the money that was asked of us, and even with 
 a great degree of cheerfulness. 
 
 Of this project, I suspect, Pozzo diBorgo, whose description 
 and character I already gave your Lordship, to be the projector 
 and main spring— he has been agitating it for more than three 
 years; and is sanguine as to its success. He has seen the 
 Prince thrice — (lie first time for nearly three hours, during 
 tfhich time, so well had (he Prince prepared himself, as to 
 astonish the [talian, with the masterly view he took of the 
 situation of Europe, and what steps might still be taken for 
 its rescue and salvation. And he departed from his audience 
 I hear, amazed and delighted with the sagacity, talents, and 
 acquirements of the Regent. 
 
 I repeat once more to \<>ur Lordship, that nothing can 
 
 seed the enthusiasm with which this last-named personage 
 
 bai entered into his grand continental scheme, and it is upon
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 203 
 
 that enthusiasm, contrasted with the known and avowed policy 
 of those whose views are limited to the system of husbanding 
 our resources, that those hopes are founded of individual 
 ambition which I have so often pictured to your Lordship. 
 
 Among the names of European celebrity connected 
 with the more brilliant one of Napoleon, was Charles 
 Andre, born at " Pozzo di Borgo," near Ajaccio in 
 Corsica, which subsequently became his appellation. He 
 was not only born in the same island, but in the same 
 year with Bonaparte, and being connected with one of its 
 most ancient families, whilst the Bonapartes had recently 
 settled, and were of Italian origin, there existed a rivalry 
 between them, which influenced Charles and Napoleon 
 in their youth, and considerably affected their several 
 careers. When the former was acting as Secretary to 
 the Corsican Noblesse in 1789, he was sent as their 
 deputy to the National Assembly, where he connected 
 himself with the Girondists, till his return to Corsica, 
 when he was associated with Paoli, in its government. 
 But in this employment they did not remain long un- 
 disturbed by the more active republicanism of the 
 Bonapartes, by whom they probably would soon have 
 been overpowered, had not the appearance of the English 
 fleet, expelled from Toulon, allowed them an opportunity 
 of seeking the protection and interposition of Great 
 Britain. Corsica was declared independent, and Pozzo 
 di Borgo appointed President of the Assembly. The 
 power of the Bonapartes was, however, not to be so 
 easily disposed of — two years formed the limit of the
 
 204 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 new order of things ; at the end of which, Paoli, and 
 Pozzo di Borgo escaped in an English frigate to Elba, 
 whence the latter found his way to London, where he 
 gained an introduction to Pitt ; and Lord Grenville, the 
 Foreign Secretary, entrusted him with employment of a 
 diplomatic character that took him to Vienna. He soon 
 afterwards passed into the service of the Emperor 
 Alexander of Russia, who sent him on a diplomatic 
 mission to Naples. He returned to St. Petersburg on 
 the peace of Presburg, and was employed both in a 
 military, and in a diplomatic capacity, till the peace of 
 Tilsit, when he prudently sought permission to travel. 
 He went to Vienna, where he contrived to exercise 
 considerable influence in the Austrian cabinet, but his 
 hereditary rival, after the battle of Wagram, insisted on 
 his banishment from Austria. He now proceeded to 
 England by a circuitous route, and reached London in 
 the autumn of 1810. 
 
 lie found the Perceval administration in the place of 
 that of Mr. Pitt ; hut though both his former patrons 
 were now powerless to serve him, and the Minister 
 could not appreciate his capabilties, with that peculiar 
 instinct by which men of genius find their way to minds 
 () f ;> like character, he contrived to make the 
 acquaintance of a distinguished statesman, who, though 
 at this period unemployed, was quietly waiting his time 
 when the rashness of his political rivals and an increasing 
 confidence in the highest quarter, in his ability and 
 integrity, should place him in a position to avail himself 
 of such valuabli issistam In the mean time, he
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 205 
 
 forwarded the views of his friend, by obtaining access for 
 him to Carlton House, and, to the residence of the 
 Secretary for Foreign Affairs (Marquis Wellesley) . Fre- 
 quent private communications made Lord Castlereagh 
 thoroughly acquainted with the state of the German 
 nations ; and no doubt, through M. Pozzo di Borgo, 
 the English government were more fully made aware, 
 than through the ordinary channels, of the secret feelings 
 and sentiments of those sovereigns who shortly after- 
 wards, under the direction of the mind thus inspired, 
 coalesced to form the grand alliance which effected 
 so extraordinary a change throughout Europe. 
 
 In this year, (1812), the Czar engaged in a life and 
 death struggle with Napoleon, recalled M. Pozzo di 
 Borgo to his councils ; and thenceforward, these brilliant 
 examples of Corsican genius, exhibited their ancient 
 rivalry with increasing advantage on the part of the 
 latter, till the other, in his turn, was content to find a 
 temporary refuge at Elba. 1 
 
 Among the varied materials that compose the mosaic 
 of Russian glory, Barclay de Tolly must always hold 
 a distinguished place. He was of Scottish descent, and 
 was the son of a Livonian priest, in which province 
 he was born in 1755. Having entered the Russian 
 army at twelve years of age, he had the advantage, 
 at an early period of life, of having seen much military 
 service, in various campaigns against the Turks, Swedes, 
 and Poles. He became a colonel in 1798, and having 
 greatly distinguished himself in the Polish war of 
 
 1 Capefigue. Diplomates Europ&ns.
 
 206 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 1807, rapidly obtained promotion; and concluded a 
 brilliant series of services by the daring and brilliant 
 feat, in 1809, of passing an army with all its heavy 
 ordnance and cavalry, across the ice of the Gulf of 
 Bothnia, in the depth of winter ; which enabled Russia 
 to triumph over Sweden. These displays of military 
 skill soon after raised him to the supreme command 
 of the armies of the Czar, and to the appointment of 
 Minister at War. So responsible a position was rendered 
 more onerous by the great events which were then 
 impending, and necessitated the supervision and direc- 
 tion of preparations on a scale hitherto unknown even 
 in that vast empire, to meet the shock with which it 
 was menaced by the prodigious power which had 
 already overrun the fairest portion of Europe. A 
 contest with the immense warlike resources of France, 
 guided by the extraordinary military genius of Napo- 
 leon, was a contingency from the contemplation of 
 which the boldest mind might have shrunk; but Count 
 Barclay de Tolly, encouraged by the confidence of his 
 imperial master, and assisted by the experience of one 
 of the best commanders in the service of Prussia, 
 General von Phull, gave all his energies to the gigantic 
 task ; and shortly placed the war establishment of the 
 empire on a footing that must have commanded the 
 reaped of its formidable enemy — then actively seeking 
 its destruction. 
 
 There can be few spectacles more imposing, none 
 more worthy of sympathy and respect, than the efforts 
 "' :i nation to repel an invader; and it was not likely
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 207 
 
 to lose any of its grandeur, when observed from a 
 position which had for years been menaced by the same 
 aggressive power. Englishmen, therefore, watched the 
 preparations that preceded the impending strife, with 
 a deep and earnest interest, which soon led to cordial 
 offers of assistance, and a desire to take a part in the 
 struggle. The names of Pozzo di Borgo and Barclay 
 de Tolly, were not unfrequently heard in con- 
 versation, and quoted in the correspondence of able 
 men of all parties; and in the warmth of their admi- 
 ration of the proceedings at St. Petersburg, they 
 forgot the very questionable conduct of its Emperor, 
 from the unprincipled appropriations at Tilsit, to his 
 first waking: from the feverish dream which the secret 
 articles of that indefensible treaty had created. There 
 was a bond of union in their mutual defiance of the 
 great conqueror; and on this the statesman who 
 directed the Foreign Affairs of the English govern- 
 ment, placed a sure reliance for obtaining the means 
 of affording encouragement and assistance to Russia. 
 He entertained views beyond this — the prospect of a 
 new coalition to restrain the ever encroaching policy of 
 the French Emperor, floated before his mind like a 
 brilliant meteor, dazzling, illusory, and unsubstantial — 
 founded on the remote probability of the failure of that 
 grand effort to annihilate the empire of the Czar, which 
 it was well known Napoleon was contemplating. The 
 German Princes were likely to be anxious spectators 
 of the contest; most of them appeared desirous of 
 swelling the train of the powerful Emperor of France ;
 
 20 8 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 but this, it was believed, was the result of fear, rather 
 than of affection — a single disaster was expected to 
 change these servile courtiers into vindictive combatants. 
 Notwithstanding the conviction that the issue must be 
 in the hand of Providence, many persons allowed their 
 hopes to influence their judgment, and looked forward 
 to the triumph of Russia ; but the better informed, as to 
 the materials with which the French Emperor worked, and 
 the nature of his successes over the armies of Germany, 
 gloomily anticipated the conquest of the last and 
 greatest of the German Powers, as preliminary to the 
 long deferred overwhelming attack which was to leave 
 England as prostrate as the rest of Europe. 
 
 It is necessary to take the reader from the contem- 
 plation of these ministerial expositions, to the still more 
 disturbed Court of the King and Queen of Naples, 
 where a game equally hazardous was being played. 
 
 ADMIRAL FREMA.NTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF 
 
 BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Palermo, January 23, 1S12. 
 Ah ni.u; LOBD, 
 
 STou will, I :iin suit be glad, to hoar of the changes thai 
 
 have taken place here within the last wrvl. The Queen, after 
 
 threatening to re isl all the demands of Lord William Ben- 
 
 tinck, and not having the means, has been obliged to submit. 
 
 The King has named the hereditary Prince, Regent for a time, 
 
 on account of his ill state of health, and resides al the Fientza, 
 
 almui thirty miles IV this place. The Queen has Left the 
 
 Palace, and lives at Santa Croce, a mile from the town. OnU a 
 
 fe* days preceding this temporary abdication, the .Minister
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 209 
 
 for Foreign Affairs sent a note to Lord William Bentinck, 
 expressing his determination to keep two of the Ministers that 
 were obnoxious, and naming also four new Councillors of State 
 decidedly hostile to us. This was the crisis ; and Lord William 
 Bentinck resolved to leave Palermo and use force. The embarka- 
 tion of 3000 men at Melazzo gave the alarm to the Court ; and 
 Lord William was requested to countermand the troops, the King 
 having adopted the measure I have before mentioned. 
 
 Hitherto (a week) the acts of the Hereditary Prince have 
 been wise. lie is, I understand, entirely attached to the alliance 
 with England. Already has he named Lord William Bentinck 
 Captain-General of his army, and General McParlane second. 
 The Barons are released from their confinement, and he has 
 withdrawn the decree of the one per cent, which has been 
 levied without the consent of the Parliament. All this looks 
 well, and, provided the Queen does not retain her influence 
 over the mind of the Prince, all will probably go on right ; 
 but, to my judgment, she is much too near Palermo ; and I 
 am informed, she continues her intrigues with those who are 
 considered most inimical to the English. She had the wicked- 
 ness to tell the Princess d'Archi, wife of one of the Barons, 
 that she had no concern with the imprisonment of her 
 husband, but that it was done by the desire of the Ileredilai \ 
 Prince. In short, I believe the woman is wicked and mad 
 enough to do anything. 
 
 I think not many weeks or days will elapse before we have 
 some British troops in the neighbourhood of Palermo; and 
 the return of the Barons will give a great turn to our affairs. 
 They (the Barons) are very popular. Bellomonte and Villa 
 Ermosa are expected to-morrow night from Trapani. Every- 
 body is going out to meet them. There is not such a thing 
 as a house to be hired in the town. It has been suggested 
 that it would be more agreeable to the Hereditary Prince, as 
 vol. i. r
 
 210 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 well as to the English Minister, that they should come into 
 town quite privately; but such is their popularity, that they 
 will, I think, be well attended. 
 
 I am going on Sunday with Lord William, to Messina, 
 to look at the works there, and also to see something about 
 the flotilla. I have not heard yet what is meant to be done 
 about their Marine ; it is in such a disorganized state, and 
 subject to such ignorant people, that nothing less than a 
 radical reform can make it useful to us ; indeed, there does 
 not appear the means to keep more than a large flotilla ; but 
 this is the sort of force that we are most in want of. Hither- 
 to, I believe, there has been little communication with the 
 government upon it. I have been asked to give an opinion 
 as to what alterations it requires ; but I see plainly that 
 nothing can be done beneficial, without the whole of the 
 system being changed ; this, I fancy, will not be the case ; 
 nor do I think myself, that Lord William is at all disposed 
 to give the commanding officer of the navy any influence 
 over the Sicilian marine. The army have the entire control 
 of the flotilla at Messina, kept up at an enormous expense ; 
 and I have reason to believe he will not urge what I conceive 
 might hereafter be very serviceable to our projects in tins 
 country. I hope we may not differ on this subject; but 
 I feel that if it is advantageous placing the military force 
 under the control of the English General, the same mode 
 of reasoning mil apply more to the Marine, and prevent 
 improper communications with the continent. 
 
 rth. Yesterday 1 was in a fever ;ill day; it was blowing 
 a hurricane from the eastward; two transports were drove 
 on shore; and the ' ESpervier' lost her masts; I was fearful 
 for the ' Miltmil,' m her exposed situation, but the ground and 
 cables I knew were good. Our voyage li:is been delayed until 
 the arrival of some British troops in the neighbourhood;
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 211 
 
 I fancy some will be placed near the town, to keep in awe 
 both Sicilians and Neapolitans, who are very ill inclined to 
 each other. All the Barons are returned, and the Hereditary 
 Prince has been unwell two days ; I think and hope all will 
 go on well. I have now my fears for the ships at Melazzo, 
 where the ' Achilles ' was at anchor with the transports. 
 
 The Duke of Leinster, with his brother, are here ; they are 
 very fine young men. Lord Malpas has changed his religion, and 
 has engaged to marry Miss Campbell, the daughter of General 
 Campbell, at Gibraltar. She is only fifteen; it is said the 
 brother of the young lady is coming here ; and that when he 
 (Lord Malpas) made his promise of marriage, he also gave 
 under his hand, to bring this young man into Parliament. 
 Lord and Lady Montgomerie, and Mr. and Mrs. Orby 
 Hunter, are here also. You will read all the news from the 
 Adriatic ; I hope to be allowed to look at the ships there 
 in the spring ; and I am very desirous of getting the Sicilians 
 released from Tunis and Tripoly ; this is no very easy matter 
 at present ; but the appearance of two ships of the line 
 might do much. 
 
 T. F. F. 
 
 p 2
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 [1812.] 
 
 A CABINET DISCUSSION— THE CATHOLIC QUESTION CONSIDERED BY THE 
 
 PRINCE REGENT AND HIS COUNSELLORS MARQUIS WELLESLEY 
 
 DECLARES HIS DISINCLINATION TO SERVE ANY LONGER UNDER MR. 
 
 PERCEVAL THE PRINCE REGENT AND HIS RIVAL MINISTERS THE 
 
 SCHISM IN THE CABINET LORD SIDMOUTh's APPROACHES TO OFFICE 
 
 PROPOSAL FROM THE PRINCE REGENT TO THE OPPOSITION MR. 
 
 THOMAS GRENVILLE'S OPINION OF ITS DISINGENUOUS CHARACTER — 
 LORD GRENVILLE'S OPINION OF IT — REPLY OF LORDS GRENVILLE 
 
 AND GREY — CONDUCT OF THE DUKE OF YORK IN THE NEGOCIATION 
 
 MR. PERCEVAL DIRECTED TO FORM A GOVERNMENT RESIGNATION OF 
 
 MARQUIS WELLESLEY — SECRET HISTORY OF THESE TRANSACTIONS.
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 It will presently be seen that the plot was thickening 
 — not but what it might be considered to have for some 
 time attained consistency sufficient for any ordinary plot. 
 The month of February, however, proved that there were 
 other materials to be mixed up in it, and they were duly 
 amalgamated after the formula revealed in the remark- 
 able communications now laid before the reader, who, it 
 is hoped, will not pass unnoticed, the very characteristic 
 reference to Lord Castlereagh, and the piquante estimate 
 of Lord Sidmouth — minds as far as the poles asunder 
 in their acquirements. 
 
 TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Feb. 1, 1812. 
 
 Your Lordship will have the goodness to bear in mind the 
 
 date of my last letter from T to your Lordship (the 17th 
 
 ult.), since which, the following events took place in the 
 political world. The first Cabinet after that period, took place 
 on the 20th, in which Lord Wellesley told his colleagues
 
 216 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 formally, that it was his intention to support the conduct of 
 the Irish Government on the approaching discussion of Lord 
 Fitzwilliam's motion upon the subject ; but that he would 
 also take that opportunity of expressing in his place the very 
 opposite views he entertained of the Catholic claims to those 
 which he believed the greater part of the Government did 
 upon that subject, and which he also felt to be his duty to 
 put the Prince Regent in possession of. 
 
 Perceval received this declaration with great ease and ap- 
 parent jocularity, and said that he and the Cabinet, generally, 
 had differed from Canning while in office upon that subject, 
 but that, notwithstanding, they went on very comfortably 
 together, and that his (Lord Wellesley's) individual dissent 
 would not, therefore, necessarily induce a break-up of the 
 administration. 
 
 Lord "Wellesley, the day after, saw the Prince, with whom 
 he remained six hours discussing the whole subject from 
 beginning to end, during which, he allayed very considerably 
 the "irritation" in the royal breast, which the "menacing 
 attitude/' as Mr. Perceval calls it, of the Irish Catholics had 
 eXcited ; and lie left the presence in the idea of a perfect 
 understanding existing between them, and a perfect acquies- 
 cence of sentiment. The consequence of this audience was 
 the desire of the Prince to see the Lord Chancellor, Lord 
 Liverpool, Lord Wellesley, and Mr. Perceval together at 
 Carlton Bouse, which he accordingly did, when a very warm 
 discussion of the question took place. The Prince, at its 
 commencement, desired that the whole question should be 
 Upon it- abstraci policy, without reference to former opinions 
 of Government, either generally or individually considered, 
 more particularly those which Mr. Perceval, cither in his 
 individual capacity, or as A.ttorney-General, had privately or 
 publiclj expressed. Lord Wellesle^ here again developed his 
 
 views at gresj lengthj and the Prince expressed his perfect
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 217 
 
 accordance with tlicra, in opposition to those of the other 
 three parties to this conference. They broke up, as your 
 Lordship will suppose, without any decision ; but the imme- 
 diate consequence was Perceval's succumbing, and, in his 
 next audience with the Prince, so far acceding to the views of 
 the latter, as to give him perfect satisfaction. \\ hat the 
 terms of accordance are, I cannot learn, nor does Lord Wel- 
 lcsley, but supposes that it is at least a settled point that the 
 Catholics are to have their committee upon their petition. 
 
 This was the state of things when I wrote your Lordship 
 a few lines with a quotation from a letter of my friend's, 
 concluding with, " We shall have lost all except our honour." 
 Indeed, I saw clearly that Perceval, by giving way, would 
 entirely cut away Lord Wellesley's principal stay and 
 support, and might thus possibly still continue the Prince's 
 Minister, in spite of his teeth, to the exclusion of Lord 
 Wellesley, or every other person. This, was also, seen clearly 
 by Lord Wellesley and his friends ; and the following ex- 
 traordinary circumstances have arisen out of this feeling. The 
 next interview between the Prince and Lord Wellesley, pro- 
 duced, on the part of the latter, a declaration, " that now the 
 Royal Household, and those circumstances connected with it, 
 being in a fair train of arrangement, and the restrictions 
 upon the point of expiring, he (Lord Wellesley) thought 
 it due to the Prince to state, that many personal considera- 
 tions rendered it impossible for him to serve under Mr. 
 Perceval any longer than it suited the Prince's wishes ; and 
 that he proposed to withdraw from the government at a 
 reasonable period, subsequently to the unrestrained executive 
 power having devolved upon his Royal Highness, but always 
 regulating the period by the Prince's convenience and 
 wishes." 
 
 What these personal reasons were, my various letters to 
 your Lordship for this last year sufficiently indicate. But
 
 218 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 the Prince expressed himself thoroughly satisfied upon them, 
 and the whole of Lord "Wellesley's conduct ; and only 
 earnestly deprecating any immediate step of this nature. 
 
 Lord Wellesley then wrote to Perceval to the above effect ; 
 adding only, that Richard Wellesley would in any moment 
 resign his situation and seat in Parliament ; or if Mr. Perceval 
 wished to retain him, he was perfectly welcome to do so. 
 Perceval, in reply, expressed himself highly grieved at Lord 
 Wellesley's determination, at the same time expressing the 
 fairness of his conduct towards him individually ; but used 
 no argument whatever to dissuade him from his resolution, 
 lie (Perceval) then went to the Prince, and after stating the 
 substance of Lord Wellesley's note, said that it was utterly 
 impossible for the Government to go on, without giving him an 
 immediate successor. The Prince expressed his extreme surprise 
 at this — "that the resignation of Lord "Wellesley was only 
 one in petto ; not an immediate, but a postponed resignation ; 
 and that it would put him, the Prince, into great difficulty, 
 and produce him much uneasiness of mind, to disturb the 
 Government, as il was at present composed." Mr. Perceval, 
 however, pertinaceously maintained his own opinion; and 
 upon the Prince reluctant^ acquiescing, named Lord Uastle- 
 i :i- BUCcessoT to l lie sn pp< ised \;ieanf seats. The Prince 
 -poke iii ven high terms of Lord Castlereagh, and said, if it 
 musl be sn, "thai he bad no individual objection to him, 
 rather on the contrary ; but/' said the Prince, "have you 
 mj Lord Castlereagh's own consent bo this appointment?" 
 Per< I not, bul thai he had no doubt of it, and iniine- 
 
 duteU Miit young Peel 1 to Castlereagh. 
 
 Lord < tostlereagh's \en unexpected answer to this confident 
 proposition was, " thai lie would be no stop-gap tor am 
 
 mill, that when the restrictions were at an end, and the 
 1 TIm: l;it. Bit Robert Peel, Bart.
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 219 
 
 Prince chose to make him an offer, he would receive it 
 with humble duty and acknowledgment, and it would be 
 time enough then to give an answer." 
 
 Perceval then again saw the Prince, and very much 
 mortified, communicated the bad success of this negotiation j 
 but slill persisting in the necessity of Lord Wellesley's 
 immediate resignation, and to the horror and astonishment of 
 I he Prince, proposed in the new arrangement it would be 
 necessary to make, to bring in Lord Sidmouth and his 
 friends. 
 
 The Prince immediately said : " Is it possible Mr. Perceval 
 that you are ignorant of my feelings and sentiments towards 
 that person ? I now tell you, I never will have confidence in 
 him, or in any person who forces him upon me; if, after this, 
 you choose to employ him, be it so ; but I warn you that you 
 must take all the responsibility of the measure upon yourself." 
 Steadily persisting in this language, Perceval took the alarm, 
 and desistedj but on Monday last he returned to the charge 
 no less than twice, but still with the same success ; at length, 
 finding it impossible to shake the Prince, he made the latter 
 the following modest proposition. " That as the measure of 
 Lord Wellesley's immediate resignation could not be carried 
 into effect, and as Lord Wellesley's determination was known 
 to the Cabinet, in order to go on at all with propriety, it 
 would be necessary that his Royal Highness should empower 
 him to state that he possessed his (the Prince's) entire and 
 exclusive confidence, in whatever quarter he might have 
 occasion to use the assertion of such authority \" 
 
 This, the Prince positively and repeatedly refused in the 
 steadiest manner, and in a tone of sarcasm and disgust thai 
 Mr. Perceval will not easily forget. Since then, Lord 
 \\ ellesley has repeatedly seen the Prince, who informed him 
 of all that passed, with the severest comments on PercevaPs 
 craft, impudence and folly.
 
 220 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 Thus affairs stand as to the schism in the Cabinet; ail- 
 that I can add to tins statement, is that Perceval also stated 
 to the Prince, at the same audience, that Yorkers health was 
 so bad as to oblige him to resign, so soon as the expiration of 
 the restrictions. Upon which the Prince said : " And why, 
 Mr. Perceval, should the necessity exist for Lord Wellesley, 
 and not for Mr. Yorke, of immediate resignation?" To 
 which Mr. Perceval had not a word to say. 
 
 From the above premises, your Lordship will be far more 
 able to draw the just and necessary conclusions than I can 
 be ; but the impression upon the minds of Lord Wellesley' s 
 bosom friends is — and that derived, from communications 
 with those about the person, and most in the confidence of 
 the Prmce— that as soon as the Prince is his own master, 
 he will make to Opposition a fair and honourable pro- 
 position to come into administration, and that Lord Wellesley 
 will be the organ through which it will be made ; which, if 
 refused, will put them so much in the wrong, that he will be 
 thus enabled to throw himself upon the country, as the framer 
 of his own Government, and put Lord Wellesley at its head. 
 All I can vouch for is, the exactitude of my details, and the 
 zeal and devotion with which I am constantly imbued in all 
 my relations with your Lordship. 
 
 It is much to be regretted that the numerous letters 
 which, as Lord Sidmouth's biographer has acknowledged, 1 
 passed between flu: Minister and his Lordship at this 
 particular period, have shared the fate of other interesting 
 portions of the Sidmouth Papers, and so prevented any 
 one learning from (li;it source, what use the former made of 
 the Prince Regent's appreciation of his confidential friend. 
 
 1 "Life ofLord Bide ith," Vol. m, p, ;\.
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 221 
 
 It is affirmed that " the negociation was completed 
 without difficulty," ' but as according to the same 
 authority, at least four months elapsed before Lord 
 Sidmouth could secure the object of his ambition ; the 
 revelations of the Marquis of Buckingham's correspon- 
 dent, arc likely to be nearer the truth. 
 
 Great as the temptation is to elucidate this little 
 mystery, the increasing interest of events immediately 
 impending, necessitates our at once bringing forward the 
 following note from Lord Grenville, who had just 
 delivered in the House of Lords one of his finest 
 speeches. It contains an indication of an approaching 
 demonstration on the part of the Prince Regent, the 
 probable result of which had apparently for some time 
 been carefully studied. 
 
 LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Camclford House, Feb. 3, 1812. 
 
 Many thanks to you, my dearest brother, for your intelli- 
 gence, which from all that gradually turns up, and from every- 
 thing that comes to me, is, I have no doubt, perfectly 
 accurate. 
 
 I can, however, hardly bring myself to believe that the 
 Prince will send Wellesley on such an errand as you men- 
 tion. 
 
 We shall probably to-day give notice of a motion on \\\c 
 Orders of Council, for Monday next. What will Wellesley 
 do or say ? He is directly and officially responsible for the 
 
 " Life of Lord Sidmouth," Vol. in., p. 73.
 
 222 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 quarrel with America, which I have every reason to believe 
 they really have rested on the extravagant ground of requiring 
 America to compel Bonaparte to open the ports of Europe to 
 our trade. 
 
 One half of Wellesley's speech, that about making the con- 
 cessions to the Catholics, was got by heart, and was the best 
 thing he has yet done — the other that about time, Coronation 
 Act, &c, was an attempt at debate, and very indifferent. 
 
 The report of the day is that Lord Hertford is to be im- 
 mediately named Chamberlain, Lord Yarmouth Vice-Chamber- 
 lain, and our cousin Egmont, Master of the Horse. 
 
 I did not suffer at all from the exertion, no small one, of 
 speaking from half past five to near half past six. 
 
 " A looker on sees most of the game," is an axiom of 
 very respectable antiquity, the truth of which can 
 scarcely be disputed, when the person thus indicated is 
 so observant and well-informed, as the writer of the 
 next letter. His information will assist the reader in 
 forming a correct knowledge of the more mystifying 
 circumstances that immediately follow. 
 
 EABL TEMPLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Ml DEA6 Fat I IKK, 
 
 Affairs remain as doubtful as ever ;is to results. The 
 opinions of those, however, who affect to be lust informed, is, 
 that Lords Grenville and Ghrej will be senl for, but what will 
 be tin- result aobodj gui sses. The communication will certainly 
 In- of tin- holloweat description, attempts will be made to 
 stave off the Catholic Question, ami wre shall sec whether he 1 
 
 > 'i 
 
 Tlir Pi ini i II'
 
 J 812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 223 
 
 w ill dare break off upon that point. Lord Grenville seems 
 fully determined to be very stout, and not to come in except 
 upon those terms alone on which he ought. 
 
 I have had much conversation to-day with one of our last 
 year's Frondeurs, on the subject of Canning. From him, who 
 has the best means of judging, I am sorry to say that I find 
 all chance of co-operation between Canning and Wnitbread 
 is as distant as it ever was. From, him, however, I also find 
 that the tone amongst the leaders of our party on that subject, 
 is not the same as it was last year. It is plain that if the 
 question ever reaches this point of discussion, a decision will 
 be to be taken between these two persons. It will be a question 
 of very great difficulty and delicacy, though I must confess, 
 if the opinion formed by my informant is correct, as to the 
 leaning of our friends, I have ;i very clear opinion as to what 
 will be the best choice to make. 
 
 You know how much upon these subjects Lord Grenville 
 requires to keep him in heart, and therefore you will not 
 wonder at my very earnest anxiety that you should come up if 
 these discussions go on. It is possible they may not, but 
 if they do, I am quite convinced your presence will be 
 absolutely necessary. The tone of ministers as well as their 
 appearance, is very low and desponding, and it probably will 
 not have escaped you as very symptomatic in last night's 
 debate, the anxiety with which Arbuthnot went entirely 
 out of his way in the speech he made upon the subject of 
 his Constantinople accounts, to defend the whole of the 
 Dardanelles expedition. For good, steady government times 
 a Secretary of the Treasury is not usually so candid, and when 
 he is, it looks very much as if he thought the house was 
 tottering over his head. 
 
 Ever dutifully and affectionately yours, 
 
 N. T.
 
 0-24 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 Having sufficiently traced the preliminary negotiations 
 it is time to produce the genuine proposal for an alliance 
 between Carlton House and the Opposition, as at last it 
 was promulgated in the official communication which 
 follows Lord Grenville's letter. 
 
 LORD GRENYILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Camelford House, Feb. 13, 1811 [1812.] 
 
 My dearest Brother, 
 
 Grey has this instant been with me to show me a letter 
 which he has just received from the Duke of York, desiring 
 to see him this evening on particular business. This business 
 is (as we already have learnt) to deliver to him some paper or 
 message about forming an united government — the plan of 
 which united government begins, you will observe, by the 
 same step which the King employed (very unnecessarily) to 
 disunite Lord Rockingham and Lord Shelburnc ; viz., the 
 sending for the latter in preference to the former, though 
 he was the avowed head of the party then in opposi- 
 tion. 
 
 Thai this trick will entirely fail as to creating any jealousy 
 between Grey and me, 1 very confidently believe. 
 
 Bui it will of course strengthen, if possible, the determina- 
 tion which I had already taken, to keep out of this mandite 
 galere, in which no good could be done but by the co- 
 operation of the whole crew, instead of having, as the rowers 
 infallibly will, be thej who they may, the whole efforts of 
 tin master employed against them. To drop the metaphor, 
 I have been betrayed once 1>\ the King, and 1 have no taste 
 for affording to his son the same opportunity, when T have 
 
 BO little cause to donht that he has the same disposi- 
 tion.
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 225 
 
 As to coalescing with Perceval or Wcllesley, I believi 
 Grey quite as determined against it as myself. The whole 
 will end, I doubt not, in the continuance of Perceval, with 
 Castlereagh and Sidmouth to help him. And this, I believe, 
 is what Lord Yarmouth means, whose intentions are those 
 which are alone of any consequence. 
 
 Should the thing draw on into any discussion, I shall 
 greatly feel your absence from town. Why should not you 
 come, were it only for a week or ten days, to witness the 
 denouement of this curious scene, and to assist me with your 
 advice, should I have any part to sustain in it, For unless 
 the Prince sends to me, I certainly shall decline mixing 
 myself at all in it, and shall leave it to him to whom the 
 question is put, to return the answer. 
 
 Yet still, I wish you were here, for the scene is shifting 
 from hour to hour. 
 
 It is not till this evening that Grey will see the Duke of 
 York ; and as his lloyal Highness is a parleur indefatigable, 
 as Mirabeau described him, the conference will probably last 
 beyond my bed-time. But I shall know the result to- 
 morrow. 
 
 THE PRINCE REGENT TO THE DUKE OF YORK. 
 
 Carlton House.. Feb. 13, 1812. 
 My dearest Brother, 
 
 As the restrictions on the exercise of the royal authority 
 will shortly expire, when I must make my arrangements for 
 the future administration of the powers with which I am 
 invested, I think it right to communicate to you those sen- 
 timents which I was withheld from expressing at an earlier 
 period of the Session, by my earnest desire that the expected 
 motion on the affairs of Ireland might undergo the deliberate 
 
 VOL. I. q
 
 226 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 discussion of Parliament unmixed with any other considera- 
 tion. 
 
 I think it hardly necessary to call your recollection to the 
 recent circumstances under which I assumed the authority 
 delegated to me by Parliament. At a momeut of unexampled 
 difficulty and danger, I was called upon to make a selection 
 of persons to whom I should entrust the functions of exe- 
 cutive government. 
 
 My sense of duty to our royal father solely decided that 
 choice ; and every private feeling gave way to considerations 
 which admitted of no doubt or hesitation. 1 trust I acted in 
 that respect as the genuine representative of the august 
 person whose functions I was appointed to discharge; and 
 I have the satisfaction of knowing that such was the opinion 
 of persons for whose judgment and honourable prin- 
 ciples I entertain the highest respect. In various instances, 
 as you well know, where the law of the last Session left me at 
 full liberty, I have waived my personal gratification, in order 
 that his Majesty might assume, on his restoration to health, 
 every power and prerogative belonging to his crown. I cer- 
 tainly am the lasl person in the kingdom to whom it can be 
 permitted to despair of our royal father's recovery. 
 
 A new era lias now arrived ; ami I cannot but reflect with 
 satisfaction on the events which have distinguished the short 
 I" riod of my restricted Regency. Instead of suffering in the 
 loss of ;ui\ of her possessions b\ the gigantic force which has 
 been employed against them, Great Britain has added most 
 important acquisitions to her empire. The national faith has 
 been preserved inviolate towards our allies j and, if character 
 is strength as applied to a nation, the increased and 
 increasing reputation of his Majesty's arms will show to 
 the nations of the continent, how much the] ooaj yei achieve 
 
 when animated by a glorious spirit of resistance to a foreign 
 
 poke.
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 227 
 
 As to the critical situation of the war in the Peninsuhi, I 
 shall be most anxious to avoid any measure which can lead my 
 allies to suppose that I mean to depart from the present sys- 
 tem. Perseverance alone can achieve the great object in 
 question ; and I cannot withhold my approbation from those 
 who have honourably distinguished themselves in support of 
 it. I have no predilections to indulge, no resentments to 
 gratify, no objects to attain but such as are common to the 
 whole empire. If such is the leading principle of my con- 
 duct—and I can appeal to the past as evidence of what the 
 future will be — I natter myself I shall meet with the support 
 of Parliament, and of a candid and enlightened nation. 
 
 Having made the communication of my sentiments in this 
 new and extraordinary crisis of our affairs, I cannot conclude 
 without expressing the gratification I should feel if some of 
 those persons with whom the early habits of my public life 
 were formed, would strengthen my hands, and constitute a 
 part of my government. 
 
 With such support, and aided by a vigorous and united 
 administration, formed on the most liberal basis, I shall look 
 with additional confidence to a prosperous issue of the most 
 arduous contest in which Great Britain was ever engaged. 
 
 You are authorized to communicate these statements to 
 Lord Grey, who, I have no doubt, will make them known to 
 Lord Grenville. 
 
 I am always, my dearest Frederick, 
 Your ever affectionate Brother, 
 
 George P. R. 
 
 P.S. I shall send a copy of tins letter immediately to Mr. 
 Perceval. 
 
 It is proper that the comments on this remarkable 
 
 Q 2
 
 228 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 document, of those persons to whom it more directly 
 appealed, should have precedence of any other reference 
 to it ; therefore we at once place before the reader 
 the following notes. 
 
 RIGHT HON. THOMAS GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF 
 
 BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Feb. 14, 1812. 
 My d i. a k est Brother, 
 
 It being William's intention to write to you, to tell you 
 of the Duke of York having this morning delivered to Lord 
 Grey and Lord Grenville a letter from the Prince to the 
 Duke, inviting a communication from the two Lords, upon 
 the proposal of acceding to the present government, I should 
 not have thought it necessary to add anything by this post, 
 if I did not imagine that upon so interesting a subject, you 
 had rather hear too much than too little. 
 
 In the first place, the Prince's choice of the Duke of York 
 in this uegociatiou is a strong presumption in favour of the 
 Prince's not intending a successful issue to it; as the Prince 
 would certainly not have employed the Duke to form any 
 administration, and to have assumed the power and conse- 
 quence which he would have derived from forming it. Nor 
 ought one to overlook that the Prince could not have selected 
 anj one for this discussion, whose opinions were more de- 
 cidedly hostile to the Catholic Question, than the Duke of 
 Fork is known to be. Yet all these remarks are trilling, 
 when compared to the general tone and character of the 
 Prince's letter; three fourths of that Letter are nothing but 
 the praise of the present administration, and the profession 
 of adhering to their Bystem upon the continent. He tells 
 the Duke thai "he was withheld from expressing his senti- 
 ments at an earlier per od of the Session, by his earnest desire
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 229 
 
 that the expected motion on the affairs of Ireland might 
 undergo the deliberate discussion of 'Parliament, unmixed 
 
 with any other consideration ;" and yet you know that he 
 sent down Tyrwhitt, M'Mahon, &c, in the House of 
 Commons, and Lord Lake, &c, in the House of Lords, 
 to vote against it. llis letter contains no other allusion what- 
 ever to Ireland, except in the phrase he uses, as follows : 
 " 1 am certainly the last person in the kingdom to whom 
 it can be permitted to despair of our Royal father's recovery/' 
 
 Then he details the glories and successes of his restricted 
 Regency, or, in other words, of his Ministers during that 
 time. And in regard to the Cabinet, he says, " I shall be 
 most anxious to avoid any measures which can lead my allies 
 to suppose that I mean to depart from the present system. 
 Perseverance alone can achieve the great object in question ; 
 and I cannot withhold my approbation from those who have 
 honourably distinguished themselves in support of it. I 
 have no predilections to indulge, no restraints to gratify, no 
 objects to attain, but such as are common to the whole 
 empire/' Then he says, " I flatter myself I shall meet with 
 the support of Parliament, and of a candid and enlightened 
 nation." And finally, " I cannot conclude without expressing 
 the gratification I should feel, if some of the persons with 
 whom the early habits of my public life were formed, woidd 
 strengthen my hands, and constitute a part of my govern- 
 ment. With such support, and aided by a vigorous and 
 united administration, formed on the most liberal basis, I 
 shall look with additional confidence to a prosperous issue 
 of this most arduous contest. You are authorized to com- 
 municate these sentiments to Lord Grey, who, I have no 
 doubt, will make them known to Lord Grenville. 
 
 P.S. — I shall send a copy of this letter, immediately to 
 Mr. Perceval."
 
 230 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 I have now extracted for you verbatim, all the striking 
 parts of this letter, which very fortunately saves all our 
 friends the labour and difficulty of much studied reply. 
 Perhaps, my wish was to have dwelt upon all the very invi- 
 dious topics, but some of our friends being disinclined to 
 a detailed answer, I am quite ready to acquiesce in a short 
 negative, and shall think it a very good riddance. So 
 thinks Lord Grenville, who finds with deep despair, that 
 besides three and a half millions of deficit, there are forty- 
 two millions of unfunded Exchequer Bills. 
 
 Yorke, Wellesley, Ryder, and Camden, are said to be the 
 four seats that will be supplied, but I know not by whom. 
 
 It is true that Lord Malpas has turned Papist at Mes- 
 sina. 
 
 LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Feb. 14, 1S12. 
 Dearest Brother, 
 
 I have only an instant to say that the paper is more offensive 
 than 1 could have believed. 
 
 li is mostly occupied in the praise of the great things that 
 he and his Ministers have achieved in this year; and then 
 adds, as it were, in a postcript, his wish that some of the 
 friends of his early public lift- would .strengthen his hands, 
 ami form a part of his Government, and that by such support 
 and the aid of a vigorous ami united administration, on the 
 liberal views, we shall look with confidence, &c. 
 t an wer ; ^ to be given to-morrow. It will, of course, 
 be tin as ne.irlv as possible. 
 
 I will write, sana faire des phrase, soon to-morrow — the 
 
 I waits.
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 231 
 
 LOUD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OE BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Camelford House, Feb. 15, 1812. 
 
 Many thanks to you, my dearest brother, for your most kind 
 and affectionate letter, exactly resembling the whole course of 
 your conduct towards me, and such as I can only return by 
 sentiments of the warmest reciprocal affection. 
 
 Much as I wish you in London, 1 cannot affect now to say 
 that it is for the purpose of advice or aid in a negociation 
 which I earnestly hope the answer we are now about to carry 
 to the Dnke of York this morning, will finally terminate. 
 
 Temple has undertaken to make for you in the course of 
 this morning, copies of both these papers, and to send them 
 by to-night's post. I do not, therefore, enlarge upon 
 them. 
 
 There lias not been, indeed there could not be, one moment's 
 difference of opinion between Grey and myself, in this business. 
 He is still more incensed than I am at the unworthy trick of 
 attempting to separate us; indeed he has more reason to be 
 so, because it could succeed only by his acting in an unworthy 
 manner. The auswer, such as we deliver it, is not very 
 courtly. Had he and I followed our own course it would 
 have been still less so, but we softened it in compliance with 
 the wishes of all the few persons which it was fit to consult 
 on such an occasion. 
 
 Perceval had received his copy of the Prince's letter before 
 he made his speech in the House of Commons, and the Prince 
 Ptegent affects to be very indignant with him. 
 
 Here follows the text of the reply,
 
 232 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 LORDS GREXVILLE AND GREY TO THE DUKE OF YORK. 
 
 Feb. 15, 1812. 
 
 Sir, 
 
 "\Ye beg leave most humbly to express to your Royal 
 Highness our dutiful acknowledgments for the gracious and 
 condescending manner in which you have had the goodness 
 to communicate to us the letter of his Royal Highness the 
 Prince Regent, on the subject of the arrangements to be now 
 made for the future administration of the Public Affairs : 
 and we take the liberty of availing ourselves of your gracious 
 permission to address to your Royal Highness in this form, 
 what has occurred to us in consequence of that communica- 
 tion. The Prince Regent, after expressing to your Royal High- 
 ness, in that letter, his sentiments on various public matters, 
 has in the concluding paragraph condescended to intimate 
 his wish, that "some of those persons with whom the early 
 habits of his public life were formed, would strengthen his 
 Royal Highness's hands, and constitute a part of his govern- 
 in :it." And his Royal Highness is pleased to add, that 
 "with such support, aided by a vigorous and united admi- 
 nistration formed on the most liberal basis, he would look 
 with additional confidence to a prosperous issue of the most 
 arduous contest in which Great Britain was ever engaged." 
 
 On the other parts of his Royal Highness's letter, we do 
 11111 presume to offer anj observations; but on the concluding 
 paragraph, in so far as we may venture to suppose ourselves 
 included in the gracious wish which it expresses, we owe it 
 i" obedience and duty to his Royal Highness, to explain 
 ourselves with frankness and sincerity. We beg leave most 
 est]} to assure his Royal Highness, that no sacrifices, 
 
 pi those of lu ur and duty, would appear to us too 
 
 t".'' '" b< made lor the purposi of healing the divisions
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 233 
 
 of our country, and of uniting both its government and its 
 people. All personal exclusion we entirely disclaim. We 
 rest on public measures; and it is on this ground alone 
 that we express without reserve the impossibility of our 
 uniting with the present government. Our differences of 
 opinion are too many and too important to admit of such an 
 union. 
 
 His Royal Highness will, we are confident, do us the 
 justice to remember that we have twice already acted on this 
 impression : in 1809, on the proposition then made to us 
 under his Majesty's authority; and last year, when his 
 Royal Highness was graciously pleased to require our advice 
 respecting the formation of a new government. The reasons 
 which we then humbly submitted to him, are strengthened 
 by the increasing danger of the times. Nor has there down 
 to this moment, appeared even any approximation towards 
 such an agreement of opinion on the public interests, as can 
 alone form a basis for the honourable union of parties pre - 
 viously opposed to each other. 
 
 Into the detail of these differences we are unwilling to 
 enter; they embrace almost all the leading features of the 
 present policy of the empire. But his Royal Highness has 
 himself been pleased to advert to the late deliberations of 
 Parliament on the affairs of Ireland. This is a subject above 
 all others, important in itself, and connected with the most 
 pressing dangers. far from concurring in the sentiments 
 which his Majesty's ministers have on that occasion so 
 recently expressed, we entertain opinions directly opposite. 
 We are firmly persuaded of the necessity of a total change 
 of the present system of government in that country, and of 
 the immediate repeal of those civil disabilities under which 
 so large a portion of his Majesty's subjects still labour, on 
 account of their religious opinions.
 
 234 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 To recommend to Parliament this repeal, is the first advice 
 which it would be our duty to offer to his Royal Highness, 
 nor could we even, for the shortest time, make ourselves 
 responsible for any further delay in the proposal of a measure, 
 without which we could entertain no hope of rendering our 
 services useful to his Royal Highness or to our country. 
 
 We have only, therefore, further to beg your Royal 
 Highness to lay before the Prince Regent the expressions of 
 our humble duty, and the sincere and respectful assurance 
 of our earnest wishes for whatever may best promote the 
 ease, honour, and advantage of his Royal Highness' s govern- 
 ment, and the success of his endeavours for the public 
 welfare. 
 
 We have the honour to be, with the utmost respect and 
 deference, 
 
 Your Royal Highness's 
 
 Most dutiful and devoted servants, 
 
 Grey. 
 Grenville. 
 
 The Duke of York appears to have done all in his 
 power to make the Opposition Lords believe that he was 
 acting in perfect good faith in his part of the negociation 
 — but in the first place, tiny were not so ardent in the 
 pursuit of office, as Lord Temple desired them to 
 be ; and in tin: next, they were well informed of the 
 obstacles that existed in the Court to their prolonged 
 possession of it. The following papers will well repay 
 the labour of perusal.
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 235 
 
 EARL TEMPLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Lower Grosvcnor Street, Saturday. 
 My dear Father, 
 
 Under another cover I send you the correspondence which 
 has passed. I believe my uncle trusts to my informing you 
 of what has taken place. He and Lord Grey carried their 
 answer to York House. When they delivered it to the Duke, 
 he read it and expressed what appeared to be unfeigned regret 
 at its contents. He said he was quite sure his brother's letter, 
 and his wishes had been completely misunderstood, that he 
 could not take upon himself to say the Prince Eegent never 
 meant to express his expectation that Lords Grenville and Grey 
 should join the present Government, that all he wished was, 
 that they should form a Government, consisting of those who 
 at a time like this, would rally round him. Under these 
 circumstances, the Duke expressed his hope that they would 
 take back their answer and reconsider it, as it was framed 
 upon a misconception of his brother's ideas. The answer to 
 this, couched, of course, in civil and decorous terms, was, 
 that the answer was not their own alone, but that of their 
 friends, and that, however flattering to them might be the 
 anxiety on the Duke's part to put a different interpretation 
 upon the Prince's letter, from that which in their eyes it 
 appeared to bear, he must excuse them if they persisted in 
 returning what they considered as an answer to the letter, 
 instead of withdrawing it for the purpose of new modelling it 
 to meet his Royal Highnesses interpretation of that letter. 
 The Duke then took it, and wished to know, supposing the 
 difficulties attending the Irish question removed, what were 
 the other points of difference to which they alluded, between 
 them and the King's Government, and what the points on 
 which they agreed or could agree. The answer was, that ll
 
 236 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 was needless to enter into that discussion, the negociation 
 being, as they conceived, broken off in limine, but that it 
 would be a much easier task to point out subjects of difference 
 than of agreement. They then parted, the Duke expressing 
 great regret, and still hoping the discussion would not 
 terminate there. Lords Grenville and Grey seem fully 
 impressed with the conviction that the Duke was honestly 
 anxious to bring about an accommodation, if it could be 
 managed. 
 
 If you look to the Prince's letter, you will see that it is 
 utterly impossible that the Prince Regent could mean other 
 than that Lords Grey and Grenville should form a part of 
 the Government now composed of those who had carried on 
 the Spanish war so much to his satisfaction. This meaning is 
 expressed in terms not only very clear, but very offensive to 
 them, and especially so to Lord Grenville. The interpretation, 
 therefore, put upon it by the Duke, is evidently a new one, 
 and calculated to open to them the idea of forming a Govern- 
 ment with Wellesley. You will, I am sure, agree with me 
 in thinking they did right to take no hint, to enter into no 
 discussions, and to confine themselves to the answering the 
 written demand placed in their hands. The letters have been 
 communicated to the Duke of Gloucester, who is stout, and 
 declares that nothing will do but "our sticking together and 
 showing the Prince Regent that no respectable man in the 
 Opposition will join him." Moira is also stout; so is 
 Sheridan. My own belief is, that the Prince Regent will take 
 fright, and will make some other communication, to try to 
 hamper them m ;i negotiation, and then to break oil' upon 
 terms. In the meanwhile, Perceval expresses mil. h alarm al 
 
 the prospeci of opposition before him. Me is trying to 
 patch himself up with the Doctor and Castlereagh, if he ean 
 gel him ; but of the latter there are doubts. If Perceval is
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 237 
 
 Minister, I fervently pray for the Doctor again. The Duke 
 of Gloucester thinks that Welleslcy will go on with Perceval. 
 Everything is certainly possible ; but I doubt this, because 
 Perceval's government, if it goes on, must go on upon the 
 exclusion of the Catholic claims ; and Wellesley, by his speech, 
 made it impossible for him to form part of a new Government 
 upon those terms. 
 
 Ever dutifully aud affectionately yours, 
 
 N. T. 
 
 RIGHT HONOURABLE THOMAS GRENVILLE TO THE 
 MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Cleveland Square, Saturday. 
 My dearest Brother, 
 
 Temple knows all that is to be known, and has undertaken 
 to write it to you. Lord Grey and my brother carried their 
 answer to the Duke of York at one to-day. They describe 
 his manner as being very cordial, and as expressing great 
 solicitude for the success of this overture from the Prince. 
 When he read the answer, he very strongly insisted that there 
 had been a misunderstanding of the Prince Regent, who 
 never meant to confine them to a junction with the present 
 ministers, but to invite them to rally round him; and the 
 Duke added, that with this explanation from him, he hoped 
 they would reconsider their answer. They believe him to 
 be quite fair and sincere in all this business, but their answer, 
 of course, was, that being required by the Prince Regent to 
 state their sentiments on the paper communicated to them, 
 they felt themselves obliged to confine their answer to the 
 matter of the paper itself. The Duke endeavoured to learn 
 what other difficulties there could be besides Ireland; this 
 was parried by Lord Grenville saying that the difficulty
 
 238 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 would be, on the other hand to state any one point on which 
 he and Lord Grey agreed with the present ministers. 
 
 I was afraid of another letter of explanation from the 
 Prince, but I am just assured, from good authority, that the 
 Prince Regent will send no answer, but professes to be 
 offended at the positiveness with which our answer speaks on 
 the Catholic question. I may, therefore, congratulate you 
 on this termination, so much what I wished it to be, and 
 doubtless no less satisfactory to you. Perceval will go on, 
 and the doubt is whether Wellesley will go on, or be supplied 
 by Castlereagh. 
 
 Lord Moira, I believe, is stoutly with us as to the letter. 
 Lord Downshire is strongly with us, upon it, so is the Duke 
 of Gloucester. 
 
 LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OE BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Camelford House, Feb. 17, 1812. 
 Mi dearest Brother, 
 
 There seems little, or rather no room to doubt that the 
 whole discussion is at an end for the present. His Royal 
 Highness has directed Perceval to form his government, and 
 has promised him full support, &c. kc. The language of 
 Carlton House is said to be full of anger — that of Prookes's 
 is not less so ; and a re-appointment of the Premier, and the 
 friends of his early public life, does not seem a very probable 
 event. 
 
 Welleslej has refused to act under Perceval, and carried 
 In- seals i" < he Prince Regent, but keeps them, at his desire, 
 fur forty-eight boon Longer. 
 
 Yorke has agreed to continue some time longer at the 
 Admiralty. 
 
 What portion of Cattlereagha .mil Doctors is to go into 
 tin broth, 1 cannot say.
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 239 
 
 There are letters in town from Dublin, mentioning an 
 account received at the Castle, of a French fleet off Kinsale ; 
 but you and I know that such accounts obtain ready faith, 
 both on the coast and in the capital of Ireland. 
 
 A few troops landed there just now, Mould give no little 
 trouble. 
 
 Lord Moira has behaved in the handsomest and most 
 direct manner. He represented in strong terms against the 
 Letter (which, however, he did not see till it was actually sent), 
 and told the Premier he had nothing left for it, but to 
 withdraw from public life ; which he should immediately 
 do. 
 
 It is said, but this I do not know from him, that he has 
 refused the Garter. 
 
 RIGHT HONOURABLE THOMAS G RENVILLE TO THE 
 MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Feb., 1812. 
 
 My dearest Brother, 
 
 I still believe, and rejoice in the belief, that the chapter 
 is closed and the book is shut ; and I think you will be of 
 the same opinion, when I tell you, that the Duke of York 
 yesterday sent a verbal message from the Prince Regent to 
 Lord Grey, to say that he trusted that what had passed would 
 make no interruption in their private friendship. 
 
 We are assured that Lord Moira has declined the Garter, 
 professing that he means to retire altogether from public life, 
 and to employ himself in his private affairs, which he tells 
 the Prince he has too long neglected. This is very manly 
 and very honourable. The Duke of Norfolk being out of 
 town, was sent for by the Prince by express, and he is now 
 at Carlton House. I hope he will have stoutness enough to
 
 240 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 follow Moira's example about the Garter— but all flesh is 
 frail, aucl he is very fleshy. It is, however, gratifying to find 
 that the answer is highly approved by all our friends ; and 
 Lauderdale assured me yesterday, that he did not believe we 
 had lost one peer except Cholmondely and Headford; yet 
 I suppose we must reckon Northumberland now decidedly 
 adverse to us, because, though he was magnificent enough 
 to refuse the Bed-chamber for his son, he was shabby enough 
 to ask for it for his son-in-law. 
 
 There is a report of to-day, that Yorke consents to prolong 
 his resignation for a few weeks, but I know not if this be 
 true. Canning's language is reported to be as violent as 
 ever against Perceval, and to regret nothing in our conduct 
 except that we did not sufficiently temporize with the Prince 
 to have succeeded in turning out Perceval, which Canning 
 says we might easily have done; I suppose he means by 
 our having given Perceval a fraternal hug. We are told 
 from Ireland, that four of the Judges are against Downes 
 upon the Convention Act ; and I hear Lord Hutchinson 
 quoted, for saying that after the Prince's letter to Lord Grey, 
 the Catholics will neither address nor petition the Prince — 
 nous verrons. 
 
 Old Lady Downshire (I hope she does not hear me) is as 
 violent as her son, with us, and against the Prince. She 
 ys it would have been happy for him to have died before 
 this disgrace. 
 
 I suspect, by what 1 hear to-day, the old farce of "No 
 Poperj " will be resorted to in this hour of distress. 
 
 LOBD I'.i LKELEI TO THE MABQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Stanhope Street, Monday, 1812. 
 DBAS LOSD Bl (MM. ham, 
 
 Since I wrote on Saturday, 1 hear Lord Wellesley has
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 241 
 
 resigned certainly, and I am told lie and Canning are both 
 to be decided on the next Catholic Question, for immediate 
 conciliation with the Catholics of Ireland. I believe they 
 are both full of mischief to the Emperor and King Perceval ; 
 but I suppose the Lords Grey and Grenville and Wlii thread 
 are too squeamish to give them any encouragement, which, 
 under existing circumstances, I think foolish ; but I suppose 
 it will end in Perceval's serving them, somehow or other, 
 after the next Catholic Question is decided ; as it will be 
 according to Mr. Perceval's system of intolerance; for now 
 the Prince Regent has made his option, I take it many of 
 the House of Commons who have been waiting for it, and 
 not attending, will now attend under the banners of the 
 Treasury. The Duke of Norfolk and Lord Moira have 
 certainly refused, it is said, the Garter. They talk of Lord 
 Chichester going to Ireland. I have no time to write more, 
 as the post bell rings. 
 
 Yours in haste, 
 
 W. B. 
 
 The Opposition are not at all cast down. I see them all 
 
 at Brooks's in very high spirits, talking at Lord Y , 
 
 and wondering who the r or vile s can be, who 
 
 has poisoned the Prince Regent's mind against his old 
 friends ; and this as loud as a trumpet. M* * * * Square 
 has, in fact, done the whole thing, and some say a little of 
 Windsor intermixed. 
 
 VOL. I. li
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 [1812.] 
 
 SIR SAMUEL ROMILLY S OPINION OF THE CONDUCT OF THE PRINCE 
 
 REGENT IN HIS NEGOCIATION WITH LORDS GRENVILLE AND GREY 
 
 VISCOUNT CASTLEREAGH SUCCEEDS THE MARQUIS WELLESLEY AS 
 
 FOREIGN SECRETARY MR. RICHARD WELLESLEY CARLTON HOUSE 
 
 ANECDOTES MORE SECRET HISTORY EARL MOIRA AND THE PRINCE 
 
 REGENT — NEWS FROM SPAIN — SECRETS OF THE CABINET SIEGE OF 
 
 BADAJOZ — DEATH OF THE MARCHIONESS OF BUCKINGHAM — THE CITY 
 
 AUTHORITIES AGAINST THE GOVERNMENT THE CATHOLIC QUESTION 
 
 OFFICIAL APPOINTMENTS. 
 
 n 2
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Sir Samuel Romilly thus pronounces his opinion on 
 the conduct of the Prince Regent in the transaction just 
 narrated. " He has proposed indeed a coalition (of Lords 
 Grey and Grenville) with Mr. Perceval. A proposal which 
 he knew must be rejected. The very proposal, indeed, 
 imports that a total sacrifice of honour and of character 
 was a necessary qualification for entering into the Prince's 
 service. He says in his letter, that he has no predilection 
 to indulge, and no resentment to gratify : a most 
 dangerous statement at the commencement of his reign, 
 considering his past conduct and his past professions. 
 It will be understood to mean that there are no injuries 
 he will not forgive, and no services that he will not 
 forget. A declaration better calculated to estrange from 
 him all his friends, if he has any remaining ; and to 
 invite the most violent personal opposition to his 
 government (since everything at a convenient time 
 may be forgiven) could hardly have been invented." 1 
 
 i it 
 
 Diary of his Parliamentary Life," Vol. ill., p. 11.
 
 246 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 He presently adds, " Lord Wellesley it seems, had 
 before tendered his resignation, and Lord Castlereagh is 
 to succeed him. What other changes are to take place 
 is not yet known, and perhaps not determined. 
 The Prince does not pass a day without visiting Lady 
 Hertford." 1 
 
 Wilberforce referring to the ministerial changes, makes 
 the following entry in his Diary, under the date, February 
 25th. " Castlereagh sat "yesterday upon the Treasury 
 bench for a time — evidently to show he was in. I named 
 it to Mr. Perceval afterwards, and said what a good man 
 of business he was." 2 It was not long before the new 
 Secretary of State, proved to the nation how thoroughly 
 he deserved this opinion ; and to his exercise of the 
 valuable qualification here attributed to him on no mean 
 authority, may be traced the brilliant successes that 
 marked his public career. 
 
 Whatever may be the general opinion of the conduct 
 
 of the Prince Regent in these negotiations, there is no 
 
 doubt that his government was greatly strengthened by 
 
 the acquisition of Viscount Castlereagh as Foreign 
 
 Secretary. As for the other anticipated addition to 
 
 1 As the reader must have noticed, no slight animadversion, with a 
 in' 'i c than ordinary amount of scandal, were levelled at this lady by 
 tlic ( tppositi in. There is, however, every reason to believe that there 
 was us little foundation for cither. The Marchioness of Hertford majj 
 have possessed considerable personal influence with the Prince Regent, 
 who was partial in her society, and entertained a high opinion of her 
 jadgmi lit ; and this const it ulcil " the head and front of her offending." 
 Through her the political influence of herfamilj was indeed considerable, 
 and it was exercised invariablj in favour <>f Mr. Perceval. 
 •• Life," bj hip Bona, Vol. iv., p. mi
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 247 
 
 their ranks, here is additional evidence that difficulties 
 still lay in the way of his promotion. 
 
 EARL TEMPLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Saturday. 
 My dear Father, 
 
 We begin a little to see our way. Castlereagh yesterday 
 accepted the Foreign Seals. Sidmouth lias been waiting to 
 be sent for most impatiently for some time. There are dis- 
 cussions pending relative to him; but I understand the 
 Prince has set his face against his forming part of the govern- 
 ment. Added to this, Lord Lonsdale has notified that he 
 will not support, if Sidmouth comes in ; and it is also said 
 that Sidmouth insists upon an immediate repeal of the Orders 
 in Council. 
 
 Canning is violent, and wants to be permitted to be in 
 eager opposition. I see a disposition rising amongst our 
 friends, respecting Canning, which will soon ripen into dis- 
 cussions which must bring that question to an issue. I 
 dread Lord Grenville's pertinacity on the Spanish question. 
 I am quite sure, and I do not speak on weak grounds, that 
 could we but come to an understanding upon that point, 
 an Opposition could be formed, before wliich Perceval could 
 not stand the Session. I cannot but wish you would write 
 your opinion upon this, to Lord Grenville. 
 Ever, my dear Pather, 
 
 Yours, dutifully and affectionately, 
 
 Ch. T. 
 
 The following correspondence is merely added as 
 another link in the chain of evidence respecting the 
 state of parties at this remarkable period. The writer
 
 248 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 — son of the Marquis — of the first communication, had 
 been an active member of the Wellesley section of the 
 government, and was not unlikely to prove as active 
 a member of the Opposition. He has been more than 
 once mentioned in the preceding letters. 
 
 MR. RICHARD WELLESLEY TO EARL TEMPLE. 
 
 Grosvcnor Square, Eeb. 17, 1812. 
 
 My dear'Loud, 
 
 I am sorry that it is not in my power to call upon you at 
 twelve, and to avail myself of your kind offer to show me the 
 papers. I have heard the substance from very good authority, 
 and shall regret the circumstances that may prevent me from 
 associating with those, for whom I shall always feel the 
 warmest sentiments of esteem and of gratitude. 
 
 Yours very sincerely, 
 
 R. Wellesley. 
 
 EARL TEMPLE TO MR. RICHARD WELLESLEY. 
 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 I am extremely glad to find that you have learnt from good 
 authority the substance of the letters which have passed 
 between the Duke of York and Lords Clrenvillc and Grey. 
 This, of course, supersedes the necessity of my complying with 
 your wishes to bave those letters shown to you. 
 
 [f their contents have been faithfully reported to you, you 
 will have observed thai Lords Grenville and Grey at least do 
 not feel it i \ to mix up persona] feelings, with con- 
 
 siderations of public duty, and however you may regret "the 
 circumstances thai ma} prevent you from associating with
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 249 
 
 those" for whom you entertain feelings of " esteem and 
 gratitude," you will not, I am sure, be sorry to find that no 
 feelings can operate upon them, or upon any of those con- 
 nected with them, which can make it necessary for them to 
 decline " associating" with those with whom they may have 
 the strongest political differences. 
 
 I am, dear Sir, yours faithfully, 
 
 C. T. 
 
 MR. RICHARD WELLESLEY TO EARL TEMPLE. 
 
 Grosvenor Square, Feb. 18, 1812. 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I am glad to find from your note, that I did receive a 
 faithful report of the answer made by Lords Grenville and 
 Grey, in which they did not mix up (as you express it) 
 " personal feelings with considerations of public duty;" and 
 you will not do me more than justice by believing that I most 
 cordially partake in those feelings, and trust that I shall never 
 forget them in the strongest differences of political life. 
 
 But you appear to have misapprehended my meaning in the 
 use of the word associating, and I should be particularly sorry, 
 if you had imagined me to have declined, or to have intended 
 to decline associating with those, for whom I feel the sincerest 
 esteem and gratitude. You will not suppose me guilty of 
 such an absurdity — although the words of your note induce 
 me to fear that you may have done so. The plain meaning I 
 intended to convey to you, and of which I should not trouble 
 you with a repetition, unless I feared that it had not been 
 interpreted by you in the spirit by whicli it was dictated ; was 
 this. I intended to express the regret, which I have ever felt, 
 that circumstances may prevent me from enjoying the society 
 of persons whom I esteem; as they undoubtedly have done, 
 for some time; and as they do at the present time. In these
 
 250 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 words, I had no hidden or political meaning, and I shall always 
 hail with peculiar satisfaction anything that tends to remove 
 the causes of that regret. 
 
 Believe me, my dear Lord, 
 
 Yery sincerely yours. 
 
 E. Wellesley. 
 
 There are other illustrations of the Carlton House 
 policy — not the least interesting of the series will be 
 found in the following statement. 
 
 RIGHT HONOURABLE THOMAS GRENV1LLE TO THE 
 MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Cleveland Square, Feb. 24, 1812. 
 My dearest Brother, 
 
 The strange histories of Carlton House supply the appetite 
 of the town with daily anecdotes more or less interesting. 
 Two days ago, the Prince (who had met Lauderdale at a 
 dinner of the Duke of York's, a fortnight past) invited Lau- 
 derdale to a dinner at which the Princess Charlotte, the Duke: 
 of York, two or three ladies, with Sheridan, Lord Erskinc, 
 Adam, and two or three more of his family, making from 
 sixteen to twenty, were a1 table, at Carlton House. A good 
 deal of wine passed, even before the dessert; and before the 
 
 servants had quitted the r< i, the Prince began a furious 
 
 and unmeasured attack upon the letters, sad writers of the 
 
 letters. This went on some time. The Princess Charlotte 
 
 to make her first appearance at. the Opera, but rose 
 
 in tears, and expressed herself strongly to Sheridan, as he 
 
 led her out, upon the distress which she had hit in hearing 
 
 her father's language. Nbi should it be forgol that, at the
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 251 
 
 Opera, seeing Lord Grey in the box opposite to her, she 
 got up, and kissed her hand to him repeatedly, in the sight 
 of the whole Opera. 
 
 After her departure from Carlton House, Lauderdale, with 
 great respect, but with great earnestness and propriety, 
 addressed the Prince upon his abuse of his friends, vindicated 
 the letters in the strongest terms, declared his adherence to 
 every word and sentiment in them, and, having spoken very 
 strongly, but very respectfully, got up to make his bow. The 
 Prince stopped him, and made him sit down for a little while 
 longer, when they all broke up ; and the next morning 
 Lauderdale wrote a letter to the Prince, repeating in writing 
 all he had said on Saturday. 
 
 The next day, Sunday, upon Lord Moira's calling at 
 Carlton House, by the Prince's order, the Prince sent out 
 his page in waiting to him, to tell him that he had been so 
 drunk the preceding night, he was not well enough to see 
 him, but ordered the page to tell him that he, the Prince, 
 had settled the Catholic Question, which was not any longer 
 to form a Government question. The Prince, later on Sunday, 
 said the same thing to Sheridan, who asked if he might be 
 authorised to say that from the Prince to Ponsonby ; and the 
 Prince said, "By all means." You see in this, we have 
 only the story of one side ; but it remains to see what Per- 
 ceval's story will be. 
 
 I think I know that some strong things have been said 
 to Perceval, by the old Pittites, of their not acceding to his, 
 Perceval's, notion of absolute and unqualified refusal to 
 the Catholics. I believe, too, that Lord Castlereagh has 
 stipulated for his own Catholic vote, if he joins Perceval's 
 government ; so that I think it is probably true that Perceval 
 has consented to alloAv those of his Cabinet and supporters 
 who are for the Catholics, to say so individually ; a permission
 
 252 THE COURT OF ENGIAND [1812. 
 
 he may very safely give them, because as long as lie, Perceval, 
 continues to be Prime Minister, the Court, and the Church, 
 and Bishops, and Tories, will all vote with Perceval in the 
 Commons, and with Liverpool in the Lords, without caring 
 about Harrowby, and Mulgrave, and Castlereagh, and so 
 forth. The same solution will be supplied in this manner 
 to the Prince, as he may answer the Lish petition of the 
 28th, by referring the matter to Parliament, and by gra- 
 ciously assuring them that the influence of his government 
 shall not be used against the free and unbiassed discussion 
 of the question in Parliament. 
 
 Moira's intention of going abroad is said to have struck 
 the Prince very much ; and the Prince has strongly endea- 
 voured to impress the Duke of Norfolk that he means 
 favourably to the Catholics, and is not unfriendly to Lords 
 Grenville and Grey. But I presume this is chiefly calculated to 
 gain the Duke, who is, however, hitherto very stout. My chief 
 apprehension is of some renewed overture, which I the more 
 deprecate, because we now stand so well upon the letters, that 
 any change of ground would be disadvantageous, unless the 
 result should be much more promising than I expect it. 
 
 The parties most interested, have been permitted to 
 give their evidence respecting, or to express their eluci- 
 dations of, these transactions ; but there is still an 
 account to be brought forward, which will be found to 
 throw upon them much additional light. 
 
 TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 On Monday evening Last, I found Lord WVUcsley's 
 friends in very high Bpirits. lie had seen the Prince Regent
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 253 
 
 repeatedly — not less, I believe, than seven or eight times 
 from the period of the accident at Oatlands ; and each time 
 with an increase of confidence and appearance of attachment. 
 Very great mystery was observed towards me respecting the 
 subject-matter of these interviews; but I was desired to 
 remark that Lord Wellesley had seen the Prince twice 
 before Perceval had been once admitted : that the visits of 
 the former were far more in number than those of the latter ; 
 and at the same time, was assured that had Lord Wellesley 
 chosen it, he might have managed the Prince's objects, and 
 have brought them to a state of maturity, without the inter- 
 vention of Perceval at all ; or at least to a much later period 
 than has actually been the case. But that Lord Wellesley 
 determining to act an honourable part, insisted upon Perceval 
 being made acquainted with everything that passed between 
 him (Lord Wellesley) and the Prince, and that due decorum 
 and etiquette should be observed toward him as First Minister, 
 and in every instance. 
 
 Finding that I made no advance in knowing the real 
 posture of affairs from this quarter, I worked another way. 
 Your Lordship may recollect a Mr. O— , who settled the 
 intricate accounts between the Duke of Kent and Greenwood. 
 He is here now for his health; and our friendship, always 
 great, is considerably increased by my having been of service 
 to him in Portugal. Lord Grenville gave him his commis- 
 sion through Lord A and his gratitude to his Lordship 
 
 is exceedingly great. 
 
 He is almost domesticated at Castlebar Hill, and early in 
 the week communicated to me the following facts. First, 
 that the business in actual agitation was not any ministerial 
 arrangement or change whatever, but merely that of the pro- 
 vision to be made for the lloyal Family so soon as Parliament 
 should meet, viz., for the Queen, contemplating her as Queen
 
 254 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 Dowager; an increased establishment for the Princesses, 
 and the payment of the Prince's and his brother's debts— the 
 Prince's first of course. This, with the subject of the new 
 Civil List were first to be agreed on, before any other measure 
 whatever should be taken into consideration. Again, he said 
 that the Prince's views would be submitted to Perceval and 
 the Cabinet in the shape of a Memoir, with explanatory docu- 
 ments on "Wednesday next, (last Wednesday) ; that if Per- 
 ceval would carry them through, the Prince would go on with 
 him ; if not, he would take Lord Wellesley, who approved 
 of the Prince's views in toto ! 
 
 Having well fathomed this source of intelligence, I went 
 with it to my first quarter directly, and, to their extreme 
 astonishment showed them I was in the secret— most carefully 
 locking up in my own breast whence I derived it. Since that 
 period, all reserve has been at an end ; and I am confident 
 the parties themselves are now not more intimate with what 
 is going on (at least, so far as they are concerned,) than I am 
 ever since. 
 
 My friend then told me that it was very true the discussions 
 were entirely confined to the pecuniary arrangements to be 
 made, but not to the extent of my information; for that the 
 Prince's own establishment, his mother's, and the payment of 
 his own debts, were quite sufficient evil for the approaching 
 day of trial, (by which it appears to me that the Prince has 
 been duping his good brother of Kent, if not the rest of 
 the family.) Thai Lord Yarmouth had had a long discussion 
 for two hours, since the Prince's return, with Lord Wel- 
 Leslej ; that, although Lord Wellesley certainly did approve 
 of the principle of relieving the burthens of the Prince, and 
 providing against their possible recurrence by an ample 
 provision, yei the <///<i/i/>n,i demanded by the Prince was 
 excessive; and that the whole abounded in difficulties; yei
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 255 
 
 they were not impossible, at least in degree ; in short, that 
 he was willing to go through with the affair ; and Yarmouth 
 went away apparently well pleased. I do not know the date 
 of this interview, but it was probably about this day week. 
 It is a very observable circumstance, that since the Prince's 
 leaving Oatlands, he has not sent for Lord Wellesley, but, 
 as above, substituted Yarmouth, who, Lord Wellesley declares, 
 either from stupidity or want of common manners, had not 
 one solitary qualification for the office he was put upon. 
 
 In the meanwhile the mercury rose to the top of the tube 
 with Lord Wellesley's friends, as every circumstance tended 
 to convince them that the Minister would never comply with 
 the Prince's wishes; which even they allow were most out- 
 rageously extravagant, and must, when devolved to the ministry 
 of Lord Wellesley himself, be sufficiently abated and modi- 
 fied. And even Lord Wellesley told Culling Smith to tell 
 the Duke of York, that if the Prince persisted in his 
 demands in too high a tone, he would talk to him in a way 
 he had not yet experienced. At length, the papers already 
 alluded to, were furnished to the members of the government 
 individually, and a Cabinet was summoned to sit upon them, 
 on Thursday evening last. Accordingly, Perceval opened the 
 business with great warmth ; stated the enormous demand 
 now made, and the impossibility of meeting it from the 
 deteriorated state of the finances of the country; then talked 
 of the public burthens; but above all, of the odious un- 
 popularity of the measure, which he said, he, as an honest 
 man, could not, nor would support — that no honest 
 man could ; in which strain he continued for an hour and a 
 half. The gauntlet thus thrown down, Lord Wellesley took 
 up, and went through the whole in half-an-hour, as I under- 
 stand, in the most able and logical manner, thoroughly 
 refuting Perceval and his doctrines. Liverpool spoke eagerly
 
 256 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 on the side of Perceval. Lord Camden said a few unin- 
 telligible words, among which unanimity was the only one 
 distinctly heard ; and the Cabinet broke up without any open 
 division on the subject. But on minute inquiry, I cannot 
 make out that Lord "Wellesley had any partizan in it, save 
 Mulgrave, and perhaps Camden. 
 
 Yesterday morning, those who have been so anxious for 
 Lord TTellesley's elevation, were top-gallant -mast-high in 
 their expectations ; for now a very promising rupture had 
 taken place, and they fought on the side of the Prince by Lord 
 AVellesley — what could one have more? and, indeed, had 
 I time and opportunity, which I had not, to go into detail, 
 I should have written in the same strain then to your Lord- 
 ship. I went, however, at eight, last night, to pursue the 
 triumph, &c, a little farther — when lo ! and behold ! it was 
 all a dream ! Lord Wellesley had, in the course of the day 
 been sent for to Carlton House, had seen Adams and 
 McMahon, and had been informed that the Prince had com- 
 promised the matter with Perceval, had abated nearly three- 
 fourths in his demands, and that now, even Perceval declared 
 he could meet the Prince without difficulty. 
 
 Anything more a la mort or chapfallen, your Lordship 
 cannot conceive than our little senate presented ; and it was 
 agreed upon that Lord Wellesley's game was totally up. 
 Thai if the Prince would be contented with a quarter of a loaf 
 instead of a whole one, nobody could help it, but that the 
 only way to solve the problem of the Prince's conduct, was 
 
 that was a villain, and had never communicated 
 
 i" the Prince a moiety of what he was desired to do by 
 Lord Wellesley in the aforesaid conference; and I really 
 believe there is much in this, and thai he acted like Worcester 
 in "Henry the Fourth" throughout the affair. Lord Wei- 
 Lesley, however, has demanded an audience this day of the
 
 1S12.] DURING THE REGENCY. 257 
 
 Prince, who has conceded it, and I shall probably know 
 what passes this evening. 
 
 T have not time to read, much less correct this letter, 
 which I beg of your Lordship, therefore, to excuse in respect 
 of its state of accurate precision, and I shall certainly trouble 
 your Lordship again on Monday. In the meanwhile, I 
 commit my honour, and perhaps my life to your Lordship's 
 keeping, with a confidence the most unbounded ; aud although 
 I should think the latter cheaply lost, to be of the slightest 
 service to your Lordship, I cannot so contemplate that of the 
 former. 
 
 I had purposed to go into a long detail of the various 
 movements which preceded the very unexpected measure of 
 the Prince Regent's continuance of Mr. Perceval in his high 
 situation. I find, however, that I can add very little to the 
 subject matter of my frequent notes to your Lordship during 
 this critical interval ; and the gross weakness or dissimulation 
 of tin; principal in these matters, to the very last moment, 
 would serve rather to disgust than to inform or amuse your 
 Lordship. Some detached sketches of what took place may 
 not be uninteresting. 
 
 W hen the Prince communicated to his Cabinet the intended 
 proposition to Lords Grenville and Grey, Mr. Perceval 
 immediately volunteered the drawing it up, and accordingly 
 sent his paper by the Lord Chancellor to Carlton House on 
 Wednesday sen'night last, the 12th. This the Prince rejected 
 in toto, exclaiming against its composition and style in the 
 most sarcastic terms your Lordship can conceive ; upon which 
 Lord Eldon said he was sure that Mr. Perceval would most 
 gladly adopt any alteration that his Royal Highness would 
 propose — on which the Prince replied, that "he hoped he was 
 
 VOL. I. S
 
 k 258 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [181*2. 
 
 too much of a gentleman to interfere, with any man's style; 
 that it was a great misfortune to Mr. Perceval to write in one 
 which would disgrace a respectable washerwoman, but that he 
 could not set up for his schoolmaster \" 
 
 The Prince then added, there is one vital mistake between 
 me and Mr. Perceval, which pervades the whole of his paper : 
 " he wishes the overture to be refused, I wish it to be 
 accepted, and I will try what I can do myself to effect it." 
 
 The letter afterwards sent was produced on Thursday, the 
 next day, and shewn both to Lord Wellesley and Perceval. 
 The Latter warmly remonstrated against it; the former, on the 
 contrary, approved of it highly, and then took occasion to 
 ask the Prince what subsequent course he meant to pursue, 
 supposing this overture were accepted in limine ; to which 
 the Prince said, " as Lords Grenville and Grey would doubtless 
 wish to confer themselves, 1 mean that you should act for me, 
 and Perceval for his friends, in a meeting to be fixed as soon 
 as possible." Lord Wellesley said that he would of course 
 be happy to act for the Prince, but told him that if Perceval 
 was also to be nominated, it must come to nothing ; and so far 
 prevailed as to induce the Prince to agree to Lord Moira's 
 being substituted (in the above event) for Perceval. 
 
 I mention the above circumstances to show your Lordship 
 that the Prince was in earnest in the proposition which took 
 place ; and, although no person living can defer to the judg- 
 ment which dictated the answer to it, nor more approve its 
 admirable statesmanlike tone and diction, still I must regret 
 that the rejection was so peremptory, as I am as satisfied as I 
 am of m\ existence, that had Lords Gien\ille and Grej come 
 into contact with tin Prince, which a single conference of the 
 
 above nature would have brought about, Perceval's power 
 would have crumbled into dust, and be gone for ever. In 
 
 m\ view of thifl pari Of the Subject, therefore, the refusal was
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 259 
 
 premature. It would have been more popular, if not more 
 wise, to have consented to hear in the first instance; it would 
 have been always time enough to have broken off. Certain I 
 am a contrary line would have saved the country, now dread- 
 fully in the hazard. 
 
 But to return. On Friday, late at night, Lord Wellesley 
 himself desired that letter to be written to me, of which I 
 sent your Lordship the extract on Monday, not having re- 
 ceived it time enough for Saturday's post. On Saturday, 
 (15th) Lord Grenville's answer was returned, at which the 
 Prince, annoyed and terrified at finding himself thrown upon the 
 choice of a total break-up of the Government, or continuing Per- 
 ceval, communicated to that gentleman his intention of retaining 
 him ; but not before he went to Manchester Square, whither he 
 went about three on that day, and returned about five. In that 
 interval, Lord Wellesley went to Carlton House by appoint- 
 ment, when an apology was made to him for the Prince's 
 absence ; and he remained with McMahon till half-past four 
 exactly. In the course of the conversation which took place, 
 McMahon told him that that very morning, the Prince 
 told Lord Moira, in his presence, that, "let Perceval and 
 his myrmidons do what they would, no earthly con- 
 sideration should induce him to part with Wellesley, 
 whorn he could not go on without." 
 
 Just as Lord Wellesley was going to dinner at Apsley 
 House, he received a communication from the Prince, that 
 the difficulties which Lords Grenville and Grey's conduct 
 had thrown upon him, had induced him to continue Perceval 
 as his Minister ! This bore date, " half-past 5 p.m. Lord 
 Wellesley immediately wrote for permission to wait upon the 
 Prince that night, which was conceded, and about nine he 
 carried the Foreign Seals, with Culling Smith, to Carlton 
 
 House. 
 
 s 2
 
 260 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 As soon as he saw McMahon, he said, " Colonel McMahon, 
 I have every reason to think yon an honourable man, 
 but as liable to be deceived as myself, or any other person. 
 Were you aware of the contents of this note (showing him 
 the recent communication), at the time I saw you this day, 
 when you everything but assured me that I was to be the 
 Prince's Minister ?" 
 
 McMahon immediately turned pale and red, and in an 
 agitation not to be described, assured Lord Wellesley that he 
 was not only ignorant of the contents of it, but, to that 
 moment, of the change in the Prince's mind — adding, "and I 
 hope, my Lord, you will not, after what has passed, leave this 
 house a Minister." 
 
 The Prince received Lord Wellesley with extreme agitation, 
 which was not lessened when Lord Wellesley announced his 
 having brought the Seals, and that he would not serve under 
 Perceval eight-and-forty hours. The Prince grasped at this 
 expression, and said, "I entreat of you, then, my dear Wel- 
 lesley, as a personal favour to myself, that you will not resign 
 for two or three days longer. The Chancellor shall call upon 
 you to-morrow, and satisfy you that tills arrangement with 
 Perceval is merely temporary, and that I am entirely my own 
 master, and untrammelled with respect to my choice of a 
 government." 
 
 Lord Wellesley then returned home, and his friends were 
 reassured in some degree, by whai had passed, of his being 
 yel tlie Prince's Minister. 
 
 ( )n Sundaj (16th) the Chancellor saw Lord Wellesley at 
 \p le\ House, about two in Hie afternoon. When, upon 
 
 Lord Wellesley'fi beginning the discourse, by saying that he 
 understood the Prince's continuance of Perceval was merely 
 temporary, Lord Bldon said, " There must be some strange 
 misapprehension in this business. 1 can assure your Lord-
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 261 
 
 ship, from the Prince himself, that lie (Perceval) is the 
 Prince's permanent Minister, and it is upon this basis that I 
 am to confer with you \" Lord Wellesley continuing steady in 
 his determination, the interview was of short continuance. 
 
 As the Chancellor was about to leave, Lord Wellesley said, 
 " My Lord, I must express to you my great satisfaction at 
 Mr. Perceval's choosing that you, and not himself, should be 
 the channel of this negociation. I beg of you, when you see 
 him, to tell him, from me, that his recent conduct towards" 
 me has been unmannerly, disrespectful, and contrary to the 
 tenour of his own professions to me ; and such has been my 
 sense of his behaviour, that, had he come into my presence, 
 whilst still a member of government, I could not answer 
 for the consecpiences ; but so soon as I am no longer in 
 office, so much obliged shall I feel myself for his having been 
 the cause of removing me from the degrading situation of 
 serving under him, that all resentment towards him shall 
 entirely cease." 
 
 On Tuesday the Anhalt mail brought Lord Wellesley 
 favourable news from Sweden ; and in the evening about eight, 
 he was writing to apprise the Prince thereof, when he received 
 a letter from the Chancellor, enclosing one from the Prince, 
 agreeing to accept the Foreign Seals at one the next day at 
 Carlton House. At a later hour in the evening T. Tyrwhitt 
 came from the Prince to Lord Wellesley with an infinity of 
 fair words, and holding out Ireland. " What," said Lord 
 Wellesley, "with Perceval in the front. No — no/' ami 
 rejected it with disdain. Accordingly on Wednesday (19th) 
 at one p.m., Lord Wellesley proceeded to Carlton House in 
 the highest style, state liveries, and full dress, and delivered 
 up the said Seals to the Prince, which were delivered to m\ 
 Lord Liverpool, who was summoned to receive them, ami who 
 came for that purpose in his boots.
 
 262 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 On this occasion, the Prince was, or appeared to be, deeply 
 
 affected, and almost unable to speak. He deplored the 
 
 necessity of the separation— still hoped it would be but for a 
 
 fane— and said he would bear public and private testimony, 
 
 upon every occasion, to the ability, zeal, &c, kc, of the 
 
 Marquis, and to his personal kindness towards him (the 
 
 Prince). To all this Lord ATellesley, after expressing himself 
 
 in general terms, said that, presuming upon his late responsible 
 
 situation, the groat favour shown him upon all occasions by 
 
 the Prince, and his inherent rights as a Counsellor of the 
 
 Crown, he once more conjured the Regent not to make a 
 
 Government upon the principle of excluding the Catholics 
 
 from their just rights, which would virtually be the case if he 
 
 continued Perceval. That he could still try to bring about 
 
 an union between his early friends and such of the present 
 
 people as were not obstinate upon that point, by getting Lord 
 
 Moira to interfere; with whom, for many reasons, Lords 
 
 Grenville and Grey would be disposed to treat; and that if 
 
 even he would name Lord Moira the head of his government, 
 
 if it were only with reference to the subject of Ireland alone, 
 
 it might yet save the country; adding nearly these (I think) 
 
 memorable words: "This wretched set of people, Sir, who 
 
 refuse to listen to the claims, the wishes, or even to the 
 
 prejudices of such a portion of your subjects as the Irish 
 
 Catholics, ought as statesmen to be driven into the ranks 
 
 of private life, ami as men governed by selfish motives alone, 
 
 Bhould he hooted out of society/' 
 
 \\ h;il effect these "last words" have had, your Lordship is 
 
 already aware of. Upon various occasions since, the Prinoe 
 
 has spoken Of Lord Welleslej ill his usual strain; and has 
 
 announced to Culling Smith his intention of placing him 
 ,i the head of Borne of the Public Boards, or at some of them 
 I fbrg< l which.
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 263 
 
 In the secret history of the Court of England, wo 
 doubt whether a more edifying chapter can be found 
 than that which relates the political alliance of the 
 Marquis Wellesley and Mr. Canning, its develop- 
 ment and fate. Each of these remarkable men pos- 
 sessed intellectual powers of a high order, with great 
 capacity for ministerial office. The exalted posi- 
 tion held by the Marquis in India, may have given 
 him the more commanding influence ; but the frequent 
 displays of oratorical talent in the House of Commons 
 by Mr. Canning, had secured for him a position 
 among existing statesmen, scarcely less exalted. At 
 what time they first felt for each other that intense 
 admiration which induced them to combine their 
 interests, cannot be accurately determined ; but there 
 seems to be little question that they mutually entertained 
 the idea, that with the other's assistance the highest official 
 honours were within their grasp. We are not prepared 
 to say that this conviction made Lord Wellesley so readily 
 abandon his Indian vice-royalty and return to England ; 
 but, in his subsequent transactions, quite sufficient of the 
 Canning influence is betrayed, to show in what direction 
 lay the magnet which governed his movements. The pro- 
 gress of that elaborated scheme by which the Foreign 
 Secretary of 1809 sought to elevate himself to the di- 
 rection of the Cabinet, after having secured the co-operation 
 of a new colleague in Lord Wellesley, its illusory success 
 in the retirement of Lord Castlcrcagh, its signal failure 
 in his own resignation, has been already told. 1 He lost 
 
 1 " Court and Cabinets of George III.," Vol. iv„ p. 364.
 
 264 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 ground considerably in public opinion by the exposure 
 of his conduct, and he fell equally in the estimation of 
 public men. These evils, however, appear to have been 
 regarded by the Marquis Wellesley as so many strong 
 claims on his gratitude; and, from the moment he 
 accepted the post of Secretary of State for the Foreign 
 Department, he commenced that policy, the object 
 of which was to bring back Mr. Canning to the 
 Administration. The obstacles he encountered would 
 have disheartened a less enterprising spirit ; but, im- 
 pressed with a sense of his own superiority, and urged 
 on by Jlbnviction of his increasing influence with the 
 Prince Iwgent, his desire took the form of a deter- 
 mination. 
 
 It must be acknowledged that the Marquis strove 
 earnestly to acquire the ascendancy he sought. Hence 
 the long and frequent interviews with the Regent, 
 and the unfolding of the grand scheme of continental 
 policy which elicited the Prince's cordial admiration. 
 He can scarcely be blamed for believing the assurances 
 of his royal master that he held the first place in his 
 regard, or for acting upon the evidences he had con- 
 tinued to receive from December, that he was selected 
 at an early date to supersede Mr. Perceval as the first 
 Minister of the Crown. The perusal of the series of 
 secret despatches, written apparently by his confidential 
 friend, published in this and the preceding chapters, 
 must satisfy any one that he had sufficient reason to be 
 sanguine that lie was master of the situation. Un- 
 fortunately fur the realization of his designs, be was
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 265 
 
 over-confident. He ventured to insist upon their exe- 
 cution, with the alternative of his secession from the 
 Government; and, to his astonishment and discom- 
 fiture, the alternative was at once accepted. 
 
 It may with little difficulty be imagined what were 
 his feelings when he found that all those grand schemes 
 and imposing combinations which he had so glowingly 
 laid before the head of the State, had evaporated like a 
 mist before the morninc; sun, leaving so slight a sense of 
 their value in the mind that had recently received them, 
 so cordially, that their inventor was suffered to with- 
 draw from all share in their development, with as little 
 regret as might have attended the dismissal of an obscure 
 subordinate. He will again be found taking a promi- 
 nent share in Carlton House negociations ; but for a brief 
 interval only. It subsequently became evident that his 
 disappointment was most bitter. Not less so, perhaps, 
 was that of his intended colleague, who had the ad- 
 ditional mortification of seeing the man he had en- 
 deavoured to supersede in favour of a powerful ally, 
 attain the influence and position both had forfeited. 
 We dwell upon this incident in the history of two of 
 the cleverest men of their day, that the moral it conveys 
 may have the better chance of leaving its proper im- 
 pression. 
 
 From the consideration of home complications, the 
 reader must snatch a cursory glance at what is going 
 on on the coast of Spain.
 
 266 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 ADMIRAL FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF 
 BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 • Ganges' at anchor off Fcrrol, March 2, 1812. 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 I wrote to you very fully by the ' Tartar/ but conclude the 
 letters must have been lost with that ship on the Points. We 
 arc still here, our squadron at this instant consisting of nine 
 sail of the line and 'Niobe' frigate. Sir Edward Pellew is to 
 be relieved by Sutton, in the 'Mars/ but the wise people who 
 sent him, forgot there was a senior captain to him here, 
 Manley, of the ' Spartiate/ the consequence is, that Mather is 
 talcing the stores and provisions from the 'Spartiate/ who 
 will return to Plymouth. The 'Ardent' will go to Beech- 
 haven, which will again reduce us to our number six. The 
 wind has been easterly the whole of this moon; we continue to 
 gel good supplies of beef, and the water is nearly complete in 
 most of the ships, and very few sick. We frequently take a 
 walk on shore, and can look down into St. Philips, the arsenal, 
 &C. How we failed in the last expedition I cannot imagine, 
 under Sir William Pulteney, I mean. 
 
 The Spaniards are very attentive, and certainly keep them- 
 selves perfectly neuter; some trilling disagreements respecting 
 the port have happened, but terminated in our favour. 
 Several of our officers have been to Corunna, and dined at a 
 table-d'hote with the French officers, who, on all occasions, 
 conduct themselves with great propriety; they complain 
 generally of want of Btores, and means to enforce discipline. 
 Our guard boat from this ship one night rowed round the 
 
 Frenchmen in Perrol, who reported thai a very good look-out 
 
 was kept on board them, men on each yard-arm, and bow sprit - 
 
 i nil, the boats manned alongside, ami hailing each other every 
 half hour. Whilst the} are under such apprehensions in
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 267 
 
 port, I fancy we have little cause to suspect they will face as 
 at sea. Whenever the wind shifts, I conclude we shall go 
 again into Betanzos; prim- to our anchoring in that bay, the 
 Spaniards would neither give us supplies, nor have intercourse, 
 so that the whole of the change in their conduct is to be 
 attributed to our imposing force, and anchoring in their port 
 without asking permission. Great credit is certainly due to Sir 
 l'-i I ward Pellew, for his decision on this point, on which 
 subject he had wrote to the Commander-in-chief, or Admiralty, 
 without getting any answer. It becomes so much our interest 
 in every respect to keep up the good understanding that a1 
 present prevails, that I have no doubt Sutton will endeavour 
 to continue in the path of his predecessor. The climate is 
 delightful, and the ships generally getting into good order. 
 The news of the King's indisposition reached us only three 
 days ago ; it caused a universal sensation among us, and we 
 are anxiously waiting for information. We arc now here 
 eleven weeks, ' Malta' twenty, and completing her provisions 
 again; we all like the station so well that no complaints are 
 made, and I make no doubt that Pellew will come back 
 immediately. 
 
 Pellew writes me word he will go on Sunday, I shall, there- 
 fore, conclude this, as he will go directly. I can imagine thai 
 during these times of uncertainty your active mind is suffi- 
 ciently employed. I confess, without presuming to know much 
 more than the newspapers convey, it is an anxious moment. 
 With best respects and regards to all your family, I beg you 
 will believe how faithfully and sincerely I am always, 
 Your Lordship's most obliged and obedient servant, 
 
 T. F. Fei.mayi i.e. 
 
 A new light again flickers over the dark clouds of 
 political intrigue, and occasionally shows the Prince
 
 268 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 Regent to more advantage than he has hitherto been 
 exhibited, but it passes off rather like a meteor than a 
 sunbeam, and again all is involved in distorting minis- 
 terial fog. 
 
 TO THE MARQUIS OE BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 March 3, 1812. 
 Lord "Wellesley has asked an audience from the Prince, for 
 the purpose of obtaining his leave to give Ins reasons in his 
 place for resigning, which there is reason to think will not he 
 refused him : he expected to be admitted this day, and the 
 first opportunity which occurs, or whenever one is given him, 
 he will go into the subject at length, in the House of Lords. 
 In addition to what he said to the Prince on his resignation, 
 as stated by me in my last note to your Lordship, were these 
 words ; " I can see my way through all the mischief which 
 can possibly accrue to the empire, by conceding every tittle of 
 the Catholic claims:— but neither I nor any man living can 
 calculate the extent of the mischief which must ensue from an 
 opposite line of conduct. And were I now put to my choice 
 to grant them everything without further deliberating upon 
 the measure, or withholding them even for a Session, I would 
 adopt the former." 
 
 Lord Castlereagh has been twice with Lord "Wellesley 
 yesterday for four hours, and there is great civility in that 
 quarter. 
 
 ( )n Saturday last Perceval proposed \V. Pole for the Cabinet, 
 which the Prince peremptorily refused, saying he could not 
 think of Buffering it, unless Lord Wellesley was at the head 
 
 of the Government, 01 at least Conned a part of it. When 
 Perceval was gone, the Prince said: " Does he think I mean 
 
 to reward one brother lor abandoning another?" lie also
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 2(19 
 
 desired a person to ask Mr. Perceval from hira, what was the 
 reason he (Perceval) had brought down forty-seven people to 
 vote for Ministers on the State of the Nation, who all voted 
 against him (the Prince) on McMahon's business. 1 Every 
 soul about the Prince is the direct enemy of Perceval, except 
 the Hertford Association, of whom horrible reports are 
 abroad. 
 
 Affairs in the Peninsula daily created more earnest 
 attention at home ; indeed the stake had become so 
 heavy, that the spectators had almost a vital interest in 
 the game. How admirably it was played may be 
 gathered from the following trustworthy sources ;'"' — the 
 first writer was a staff officer, who subsequently rose to 
 a high position in his profession. 
 
 CAPTAIN BERKELEY TO ADMIRAL BERKELEY. 
 
 Elvas, March 30, 1812. 
 My dearest Father, 
 
 Your letter of the 28th, I have this instant received, having 
 
 arrived by the post this evening, I have not been able to 
 
 1 " Febuary 24. — In the course of the last summer, the Prince 
 appointed his secretary, Colonel McMahon, to the office of ' Paymaster 
 of Widow's Pensions,' which had become vacant by the death of 
 General Fox. The office produces about £2,700 a-year to the holder 
 of it ; but it is a complete sinecure, and the propriety of abolishing 
 it has been stated in several Reports of Committees of the House of 
 Commons. The House this day, on the motion of Mr. Bankes, 
 refused to vote the money to pay the salary of the office. The 
 numbers on the division were 115 and 112, so that the Ministers were 
 in a minority of 3." — Diary of Sir Samuel Romilly, Vol. ill., p. 12. 
 
 2 More full accounts may be found in the fourth volume of "Napier's 
 History," and in the ninth of the "Wellington Despatches."
 
 270 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 send you even a sketch of Badajoz, as the Guadiana carried 
 away the pontoon bridge, and all communication was cut off; 
 the bridge was, however, re-established the day before yester- 
 day, and last night we received an order to march to this 
 place, and this evening another order to inarch to Valverde 
 to-morrow, which is beyond Olivenca, and in the direction of 
 General Graham's corps, but rather more to the right than 
 he is. We are still ignorant of the particulars of the assault 
 of the Picurina, except that it was taken, and I believe the 
 people were rather surprised afterwards to find out, how it had 
 been possible to take it, it being so much stronger than was 
 supposed. St. Christoval and Mon Cceur made a sortie last 
 night upon the 30th regiment, and the Algarva Brigade, and 
 uric driven back with the loss of their commanding officer 
 killed, and some others. We did not lose a man. Fort 
 Picurina is upon a commanding ground, and our second 
 parallel runs through it, one breaching battery, opened this 
 morning of eight guns, and another is to open to-morrow 
 morning, consisting of twelve guns, both of them between 
 Fori Picurina and the town, and the most sanguine are in 
 hopes that the breach will be practicable by the 4th or 5th of 
 April. George Macleod was wounded the night of the assault 
 of La Picurina; it will be a tedious recovery I am afraid, as 
 the inusket ball has struck the shin bone and glanced round ; 
 the bone is no1 broken, however, and he is doing as well as 
 possible. General Leith takes in the newspapers, and I have 
 them tn the Kith November. If we move beyond 
 Valverde, 1 will write bj every opportunity, bul .1 do not 
 think we shall go much farther; it is only five leagues from 
 
 hence; this, however, depends a good deal upon whether 
 Si. uli i- coming up in am force or not. 
 
 M\ verj besi love to mj mother and sister, and believe me, 
 m\ dearest father, ever, your mosi affectionate son, 
 
 (i. Berkeley.
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 271 
 
 ADMIRAL BERKELEY TO THE MARQUIS OF 
 BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Lisbon, April 1, 1812. 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I believe the shortest way of giving you the news,, is by 
 inclosing my son's last letter, which, as it contains a run 
 sketch of the operations, will enable you to judge more of 
 the siege of Badajoz. And I hope before the mail goes, to 
 add a postscript of its fall, as the most recent advices state 
 an intercepted letter of the Governor's, which expresses his 
 fears of being compelled to surrender, if not relieved; and 
 as relief appears impracticable, I think he will not stand a 
 storm, especially as he is an old French soldier, has robbed 
 a great deal, and his booty is all with him — which, if he 
 persists in standing the event of a storm, will of course be 
 lost to him, but which may be secured by a capitulation. 
 The measures which Lord Wellington has taken has com- 
 pletely cut oil' the communication between the armies of 
 Soult and Marmont, except by the circuitous route of Cordova 
 and Madrid; to which places, report states the garrison of 
 Seville to be inarching, and the siege of Cadiz to be raised ; 
 the last, however, wants confirmation. But as the Imperial 
 Cuards (which were the best troops in the army) are marched 
 for France, I should not wonder if the enemy were obliged 
 to act on the defensive this summer, and possibly may be 
 driven out of the Peninsula by the fortunate star of Lord 
 Wellington. 
 
 I have been deprived of seeing the siege of Badajoz, 
 which I proposed, and had all my relays of horses on the 
 road— by a most awkward and troublesome accident. The 
 rowelis of my spur, in taking oil' my boot, struck into my 
 leg, exactly upon the spot in which I was wounded on tin
 
 272 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 first of June, and has completely opened that wound, which 
 was a most troublesome one at the time ; and I am confimd 
 to my bed, which the doctors say is the best place ; and as 
 I command a view of all the port and entrance, they console 
 me by saying I can carry on the duty, and satisfy my im- 
 patience just as well; and I am therefore obliged to be 
 content. I am still in the dark with respect to myself; as 
 I have received no official notice of my probable removal. 
 I believe Lord Wellington has endeavoured, by remonstrances, 
 to convince them of the impolicy of changing the command at 
 so critical a period, and where my successor would have his les- 
 son to learn at a moment when its execution was most required ; 
 and I believe he has done me the justice to say that my 
 co-operations have been most satisfactory to hiin. This, 
 however, may possibly be of no avail, as I have so mauy 
 proofs of the total incapacity and want of knowledge of the 
 service of the late Admiralty, that I shall not wonder at any 
 detrimental measure they may have pursued. I see a book 
 wrote by George j 1 pray tell him that I take it very ill, that 
 his view of Portugal in verse has never been sent to me. 
 And with all our most affectionate love to you and yours, 
 I remain, ever yours, most sincerely and affectionately, 
 
 Geokge Berkeley. 
 
 There is an amusing anecdote of the Regent and his 
 negotiations preserved in one of Moore's letters to Miss 
 ( Jodfrey. "When he [Lord Moira] told the Prince that in 
 a very short time he should make his bow and quit the 
 country, this precious gentleman began to blubber (as he 
 did once when he was told that Brummel did not like the 
 cut of his coat) and said, ' you'll desert me then, Moira.' 
 1 "Portugal," a Poem By Lord George Grenville,
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 273 
 
 1 No Sir,' says he, ' when the friends and counsels you 
 have chosen shall have brought your throne to totter 
 beneath you ; you will then see me by your side, to sit, 
 if it should so please God, under its ruins with you. 
 
 j »i 
 
 On the 16 th of March, not only the Grenville family 
 but a very extensive and distinguished circle, experienced 
 an irreparable loss in the death, after a brief illness, of 
 the Marchioness of Buckingham, who, in her own right 
 had been created Baroness Nugent, with limitation to 
 her second son, Lord George Grenville, henceforth 
 known as Lord Nugent. Her accomplishments were no 
 less brilliant than her virtues ; her taste in art raised her 
 above her amateur contemporaries, and her benevolence 
 rendered her name honoured and revered in every 
 place to which her influence could penetrate. 
 
 On the 26th of March, there was a numerous 
 
 meeting of the Livery of the City of London, at Guildhall, 
 
 to consider the state of the country ; and twelve 
 
 resolutions were carried, adverse to the policy of the 
 
 Government, and praying the Regent to dismiss his 
 
 ministers. On the 17th of April, there was a meeting 
 
 of the Common Council, when the Orders in Council 
 
 were severely animadverted on, and resolutions, and an 
 
 address to the Prince Regent, carried by a considerable 
 
 majority. On the 28th, the latter was publicly presented 
 
 to the Prince by the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, Sheriffs, 
 
 and Common Council ; to which his Royal Highness 
 
 was pleased to return " a most gracious answer." 
 
 1 Memoirs, Vol. I., p. 272. 
 VOL. I. T
 
 274 THE COURT OF ENGLAND. [1812. 
 
 LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Dropmore, April 8, 1812. 
 My dearest Brother, 
 
 We were setting out for town this morning, when I received 
 letters to say that the Catholic Question is postponed for at 
 least another week. It seems that the Board in Dublin has 
 resolved that their petitions to Parliament shall not be pre- 
 sented till after the presentation of that to the Prince Eegent; 
 >nd as this will not be in London time enough for next 
 Thursday, the whole must wait till the Thursday following, 
 and if the Prince Ptegent chooses to be ill, or to be elsewhere 
 amused, on that day, I do not see what is to prevent a farther 
 delay at his pleasure. 
 
 I suppose you will have heard that the Prince Regent 
 is now engaged in an active and personal canvass against the 
 Catholics, and that his brothers of Clarence and Kent have 
 yielded to his arguments. 
 
 Letters from the army describe, it is said, the probability of 
 a battle for Badajoz. 
 
 Among the appointments announced in the Gazette 
 from the 4 th to the 8 th of April, were the Earl of 
 Buckinghamshire, Earl of Liverpool, Viscount Castle- 
 reagh, and the Right Honourable Richard Ryder, as 
 Secretaries of State. The Right Honourable Spencer 
 Perceval, Chancellor, and Under Treasurer of the 
 Exchequer: with Lords Lovainc, Teignmouth, and 
 Lowther, and the Right Honourable John Sullivan, Com- 
 missioners for Affairs in India ; and, at las/, Viscount 
 Sidmouth, Lord President of the IVivy Council.
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 [1812.] 
 
 CAPTURE OF BADA.TOZ MR. GRATTAn's MOTION RESPECTING THE 
 
 CATHOLICS OF IRELAND CANNING — LORD CASTLEREAGH WHITBREAD, 
 
 WELLESLEY POLE, PONSONBY, AND PERCEVAL VACILLATION AT 
 
 CARLTON HOUSE DISTURBED STATE OF THE COUNTRY ARRANGEMENTS 
 
 FOR THE ROYAL HOUSEHOLD — ALARMING RIOTS IN THE NORTH 
 
 COMMITTEE ON THE ORDERS IN COUNCIL LOSS AT BADAJOZ THE 
 
 PRINCE REGENT'S ENTERTAINMENT TO THE GUEEN — HIS LOSS OF 
 
 POPULARITY THE BARRACKS IN MARYLEBONE PARK SINECURE 
 
 OFFICES ASSASSINATION OF MR. PERCEVAL — CHARACTER OF THAT 
 
 MINISTER POLITICAL RUMOURS A MINISTERIAL DEAD-LOCK LORD 
 
 GREY ON THE PRESENT POSTURE OF AFFAIRS — THE PRINCE REGENT'S 
 OPINION OF LORD GRENV1LLE EXECUTION OF BELLINGHAM. 
 
 T 2
 

 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 The Sebastopol of the Peninsula, that had long 
 baffled the valour of the British troops, and the 
 skill of their commander, was at last taken by assault 
 after a desperate conflict, the particulars of which form 
 one of the most animated chapters in the history 
 of the war. ' The important announcement was im- 
 mediately forwarded, with other intelligence, to Stowe. 
 
 LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MAUQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 April 23, 1812. 
 
 You will probably hear from other quarters, that there is 
 a telegraph account that Badajoz is taken by storm. Of 
 course nothing known of the particulars. No other news 
 but what you will see in the papers, of the Anhalt Mail. 
 
 The Austrian alliance with Bonaparte, has, of course, caused 
 very much surprise here. I do not believe it was at all 
 expected. 
 
 I have just seen the Chancellor at the House of Lords, and 
 he told me there was bad news from the country, particularly 
 
 1 See "Napier's History," Vol. iv., p. 100, and " Wellington Des- 
 patches," Vol. ix., p. 36.
 
 278 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 from Manchester. I had not any opportunity to inquire the 
 particulars. 
 
 Our question on the Orders of Council is put off again till 
 Tuesday sen'night. There is a report about the town, of a 
 duel between Donouglnnore and Yarmouth, but Lord Castle- 
 reagh says there is no truth in it. The officer with Lord 
 Wellington's despatches is expected tin's day. It fell on 
 the Gth. 
 
 One portion of Lord Temple's communication to 
 his father, is taken up with a description of the debate 
 in the House of Commons, on Mr. Grattan's motion 
 for a Committee to inquire into the State of the 
 Penal Laws, as they affected the Catholics of Ireland ; 
 the other conveys as vivid a picture of that ever- 
 varying kaleidoscope, the mind of the Prince Regent. 
 
 EARL TEMPLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Wednesday. April 25, 1S12. 
 
 My DEA.it Father, 
 
 J preferred waiting until the debate had closed, to writing 
 during its continuance. The result has been most triumphant 
 to us. Our numbers were greater than we had any right to 
 expect, and the debate was entirely favourable to us. You 
 Avill have Been thai Perceval Bei up Nicholls to raise the "No 
 I'ojH-n ci\," in liil the pulse of thr Souse. There is an 
 
 idea thai had thr House answered ihr whip, IYree\al iin nil 
 
 ti> have moved as amendment, committing the House to an 
 exclusion <>!' the Catholic claims. The pack, however, ran 
 mute, Nicholla :_ r "i no encouragement, and Perceval soon saw
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 279 
 
 that had he made any such attempt, he inevitably would have 
 been beat. Canning's speech was very brilliant, though un- 
 equal, and by the weakness of the ground which he took for 
 voting against his speech, he lost the credit in the House 
 which his speech had gained him. His attack upon Perceval, 
 and all the " No Popery" measures, in which he had himself 
 participated, was most masterly. He, however, closed, by 
 saying, that the Catholic claims could not, he thought, be 
 safely conceded until all prejudices were drove away, and the 
 concession could be made with unanimity. In his arguments 
 in favour of the Catholics, he went further than Wellesley, 
 but the prospect which he held out to them was not so 
 favourable a one, as that offered them by the latter. 
 
 Castlereagh declared himself equally as friendly to the 
 Catholics as Canning. His speech was a more reasonable 
 one. He deprecated bringing forward the question until the 
 guards necessary to be placed round the establishment, and 
 the constitution could be arranged, and the outline of the plan 
 given by those who wished to pledge the House to the prin- 
 ciple. Both supported the application by government of the 
 law, but Canning doubted whether, a priori, he should have 
 thought the law had extended to a meeting such as that 
 which had been put down. Canning took Lord GrenvihVs 
 line upon the veto, and upon the propriety of not tying the 
 Catholics down to this or that particular measure, but generally 
 taking care that the guards should be sufficient. Castlereagh 
 thought the Catholics should be called upon to declare what 
 would satisfy them ; Canning thought that whatever was right 
 should be done, without consultation with them. Both agreed 
 that the menacing tone taken up by flio Catholics, made if 
 impossible to agree to the motion. 
 
 Whitbread's attack upon both these personages was 
 masterly, especially that upon Canning. He upbraided them
 
 280 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 both with taking advantage of the cry of " No Popery," when 
 it could carry them to power, and with adopting the contrary 
 cry when they were out of power, and could not give their 
 opinions the weight of official assistance. 
 
 Wellesley Pole made a miserable figure. He chose to con- 
 sider himself as the only figure upon the canvas, the question 
 as only concerning his conduct, the House as only interested 
 in his defence. He accordingly entered into it with a minute 
 asperity and puerile waspishness, quite amusing. Ponsonby 
 told him he put him in mind of Pope's " Life and Adventures 
 of P. P., the Clerk of the Parish," proving the high estimation 
 of a little man in his own eyes. This poke told, and P. P. 
 was fool enough to be angry with it. Ponsonby's speech was 
 very dignified, very good, and made a stronger impression 
 than any I have heard him make. 
 
 Perceval was weaker than I ever knew him, and evidently 
 made the speech of a. falling Minister. This struck every one 
 as well as myself. He re-stated his former opinions to their 
 full extent, and declared his adherence to them. No cheering 
 except from one side of the House followed this declaration. 
 His friends looked blank, as considering it the mark and 
 signal of his fall. His defence of the conduct of the Irish 
 Government was weak to a degree. They were told the con- 
 struction of the law was such as they had acted upon, by their 
 sworn law officers, and, therefore, they were obliged to act upon 
 it accordingly. Then the Attorney-General is Minister, and 
 not Perceval! Be floundered and stammered through the 
 whole of his speech, and evidently showed how much 
 
 he felt the want of the warm eheers which used to back 
 
 him. 
 
 Nothing could exceed the racillatioi] of Carlton House. 
 
 On the first, day, contradictor) orders to its meinhers in the 
 
 House of Commons succeeded each other with a most amusing
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 281 
 
 rapidity. At one time they received directions to vote with us, 
 if the debate was confined merely to the Catholic Question, 
 but to vote against us if we attacked the conduct of the Irish 
 Government. These orders were, however, soon countermanded, 
 and they all voted steadily against us under all circumstances. 
 The division, however, is well calculated to bring him to his 
 senses, as all his friends voted with us, and out of the ninety- 
 four majority against us, more than half stand pledged to 
 support the pure Catholic Question, when it comes on backed 
 by the petitions which are coming over. What appears evident 
 is, that the present Government can exist no longer. What 
 then will succeed? Nobody can now think that Perceval 
 can go on upon the " No Popery" ground with the Sidmouths, 
 and Castlereagh cannot now join them. 
 
 The next resort which the Prince has, is Wellesley and 
 Canning. This evidently never can carry the business on 
 in the House of Commons, with Perceval in a state even 
 of lukewarm support or neutrality. Wellesley has lost his 
 weight in the country, and Canning his consideration as a 
 statesman in the House of Commons. Then, will he go to 
 Lords Grenville and Grey ? I think he will. He is so 
 alarmed, that I think it will cost his nerves less to take them 
 in, than in his present circumstances to form any other 
 arrangement. / have reason to believe his determination 
 at the present moment, so far as he has dared to form any, 
 is to send for Lords Grenville and Grey, to attempt to obtain 
 from them a postponement of the Catholic Question. Upon 
 this being refused him, he will sell his concession upon that 
 point as dear as possible, and with it purchase the control 
 of the army, and other objects personal to himself. If such 
 is the offer, I think the bargain ought to be closed. I know 
 not quite how far prejudices have subsided sufficiently in the 
 minds of some of our friends, to allow them to taste the
 
 282 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 admission of AYellesley and Canning into partnership. I 
 find Lord Lansdowne, with whom I have had a very long 
 and confidential communication, fully convinced that they 
 ought to be, and must be admitted. His views respecting 
 the war upon the Peninsula, are precisely yours ; and I 
 cannot but hope that his influence will have weight. 
 
 Such are the details of the present aspect of things here. 
 Under these circumstances, I do not think it right to leave 
 town until things have a little taken their shape. I meant 
 to have spoken, but I gave way the first night to George, 
 who acquitted himself extremely well ; and the second night 
 the press for speaking was so great, that I had no means of 
 putting myself forward until it was too late to speak with 
 any effect. I was up, but Parnell was anxious to read a 
 speech which he had got written ready for the Queen's 
 County ; and afterwards I had no other opportunity. 
 
 God bless you, my dear father, and believe me, ever yours, 
 dutifully and affectionately, 
 
 Ch. T. 
 
 It is evident from the statements to be found in 
 the following letters, that the Prince Regent's em- 
 barrassments were increasing ; the state of the country 
 was indeed becoming alarming, and riotous demon- 
 strations in the manufacturing districts were on the 
 increase. Great distress prevailed among the labour- 
 ing classes, of which mob orators took advantage to 
 inflame the minds of the people against the Govern- 
 ment.
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 283 
 
 MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO TEE MARQUIS OF 
 BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 May 8, 1812. 
 
 The arrangements are considered to be made, and are 
 as follows. The King to remain at Windsor, to have his 
 privy purse of £60,000, an additional £60,000. The 
 Queen to have £10,000 additional, to keep up the Queen's 
 house, and her present allowance of £50,000; the whole 
 making £180,000, upon which the establishment at "Windsor 
 is to be maintained for the King, and herself, and Princesses. 
 The King's Household to consist of four Lords— St. Helens. 
 Arden, Somerville, and Rivers; four grooms: Sir H. Neale, 
 Admiral Legge, General Campbell, and Mr. Greville; all 
 his Equerries : Lord Winchelsea, as Chamber] ain with a 
 white wand ; and Lord Thyn, as Deputy under him— both for 
 this establishment only. Colonel Taylor to remain on his 
 present salary, and to be at the head of a Board of three, 
 to aid it, and arrange the payments; to consist of Lord 
 Winchelsea, Count Munster, and himself, with a secretary, 
 who is to be Colonel Stephenson, who was in the Duke of 
 Cumberland's household, and dismissed after the attempt 
 made upon his life. The Prince is, I understand, to give 
 out of his salary, as Prince of Wales, the additional £60,000 
 to the King, and the residue of that allowance to go to the 
 continuation of the liquidation of his debt, as formerly ar- 
 ranged. The debts incurred by the Prince since, which are 
 said to be only £100,000, are to be defrayed by an offer 
 of that sum, by way of present, at the commencement of 
 his establishment ; and this to be all the money advanced by 
 the public for these arrangements. The Prince, it is under- 
 stood, takes all the remainder of the King's establishment; 
 so that he will only have four lords and four grooms to ap- 
 point — unless he changes the great Officers of State.
 
 284 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 Perceval has this moment given notice that he shall bring 
 in the Bill for this arrangement on Thursday next. 
 
 No accounts of the ' St. George ' and ' Defence ;' those 
 that arrived from the North Seas give every reason to be- 
 lieve them lost. 
 
 I find most of the Irish very averse to the Catholic Ques- 
 tion coming on before the restrictions are taken away. 
 
 W. H. F. 
 
 MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF 
 BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Stanhope Street, May 2, 1812. 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 Great impression has been made by the arrival of a second 
 messenger from France, but I am confident without any 
 ground of hope in any ultimate advantage. The idea is 
 peace, or some arrangement of a commercial nature with 
 France. The first is quite hopeless, and the second most 
 improbable at a moment when Bonaparte knows the severity 
 under which we are suffering by his system of prohibition. 
 But I have no doubt our Ministers will endeavour to keep 
 on this negociation, which is well suited to their object, in 
 diverting public attention from the overwhelming dangers 
 which threaten us. 
 
 The accounts from different parts of the north of England 
 still continue to be most frightful. Government lias at last 
 taken the alarm, and are inarching the Militias, and all the 
 troops they can muster, towards Lancashire and Yorkshire. 
 There is a \<t\ strong impression, and I don't know upon 
 what it is grounded} thai on Monday uexJ there is to be 
 a combined and formidable rising in those disturbed coun- 
 ties and in London. The Government is acting upon 
 this impression ; and I should hope, if it were in agi-
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 285 
 
 tation, that it will be prevented. A special commission 
 is appointed for trying the rioters at Stockport, &c, to be 
 held at Chester, and Dallas is the judge. They have got 
 some of the principal leaders, whom they have no doubt 
 of convicting. But after all, I very much fear that unless 
 the trade can by some means or other be opened, and pro- 
 visions procured, all the rigour and force which can be used 
 will only for a moment keep down the disturbances, which 
 will at last break out with redoubled force. The greatest 
 of all apprehensions arises from the weakness of our military 
 force j for it is impossible, in the disposition and turn which 
 these disturbances have taken, that you can depend on 
 the local military establishments. 
 
 The Ministers think they have shown great dexterity, and 
 triumph in having granted the committee on the Orders in 
 Council. I am afraid it will turn out an unlucky triumph, 
 and a very weak policy, because I am sure it will disgust 
 the public, and add to that indifference (if it may not be 
 called contempt) in which the House of Commons is held. 
 It is, however, a strong demonstration of the weakness of 
 the Government, and has undoubtedly given that impression. 
 I believe it to have been the first measure proposed by Lord 
 Sidmouth's influence; and it certainly is one that has not 
 been generally approved by the friends of Government. 
 
 We had an exceeding good debate and division on the 
 barracks question, yesterday ; and should have divided better, 
 if it had not been for a most mischievous and wicked speech 
 of Sir F. Burdett, which Perceval of course took advantage 
 of, and which drove some of our friends away, and induced 
 others to divide against us. The Marylebone Park is a most 
 profligate job altogether of the Prince of Wales's, who is 
 full of these military plans, and of the Canal which he sup- 
 ports merely because it has his name.
 
 286 THE COURT OF^ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 The accounts brought to Plymouth, if true, puts the 
 question of the state of Spain completely at ease; for they 
 report that the siege of Cadiz is broken up, and Seville in 
 possession of Ballesteros, and Soult retreated towards the 
 north. I cannot yet give credit to the extent of these state- 
 ments, because, although Badajoz is taken, yet the operation 
 had so crippled Lord Wellington's force, that he could not 
 have been prepared to advance southward, threatened as he 
 was by Marmont on the north. -The whole of the British 
 force put hors de combat for a time, by the Badajoz attack, 
 amounts to upwards of eight thousand men ; and there is 
 not the means of supplying the deficiency. Two regiments 
 have been sent from Cadiz, and probably they may get one 
 from Gibraltar : but the weakness of the regiments with 
 Lord Wellington's army, is not to be believed. General 
 Grenville told me, as an instance, that his regiment is not 
 now more in effective than two hundred men. 
 
 It is not, however, alone from the deficiency of troops, 
 that we shall fail ; the difficulty of pecuniary supplies must 
 arrive shortly; every hour demonstrates more and more, that 
 we cannot go on in this scale of expense ; and it is becoming 
 more evident to the public at large, that our exertions are 
 much beyond our means. We have raised this year, in 
 taxes and loans, ninety-eight millions of money; and it now 
 appears that we have an unfunded issue to the amount of 
 fifty-four millions; which, of course, if funded, would have 
 added to the necessity of a .further levy of near three millions ; 
 and even this, as you well know, lias not nearly covered OUT 
 
 expense. There is greal difficulty in the Treasury, to ar- 
 range the new loan Willi ill. eit\ : the idea is, that IVrec\al 
 
 means to borrow from the sinking fund ; bul aothingyel has 
 transpired. 
 
 STou have seen \>\ the papers, the Prince's entertainment
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 287 
 
 to the Queen, ou Thursday night. I was present. Of course 
 it was most magnificent. Lady Hertford was a very principal 
 feature, to whom he pajd much attention. The only persons 
 of Opposition whom I saw, were Lord and Lady Stafford 
 (not Lord Gower), Duke of Devonshire, Lord Morpeth 
 and Lady Georgiana, Lord and Lady Albemarle, Lord 
 and Lady Jersey (asked, but could not come), Lord and 
 Lady Bcsborough— but not Lord Moira, or Erskine, or Lau- 
 derdale, or Sheridan, or even Adam. I endeavoured to 
 watch his behaviour to his Ministers, which was certainly 
 very far from being cordial : he spoke very little to any 
 of them ; his sole attention was to the Queen ; and when not 
 attending upon her, to the Hertford family. Lord Hertford 
 was en fonction with his wand ; and Lord Yarmouth giving 
 directions to the servants and attendants. Princess Charlotte 
 of Wales, after sitting for some little time next the Queen, 
 sent for Lady Albemarle to come to her, with whom she 
 seemed to display more intimacy, than with any other 
 person. 
 
 To show the sort of falsehood of the Prince, I just give yon 
 this trait— he came up to Lord Albemarle in my hearing, who 
 was sitting with the Duke of Bucclcugh, and after saying a 
 few words, he pulled out his snuff-box and presented it to the 
 Duke, saying, ff You must take a pinch, for it is out of 
 Albemarle's box. (In truth it was a box Lord Albemarle 
 had given him in days of intimacy,) and which he must have 
 put into his pocket on purpose to make this sort of speech, 
 which, considering what had lately passed between him and 
 Lord Albemarle, was certainly a most unnecessary display of 
 affected friendship. Tie was outrageous at the division on the 
 Catholic Question. When he came to the drawing-room on 
 Thursday, he was in his state coach with all the parade ol 
 royalty and grandeur, and there were upwards of ten thousand
 
 288 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 people in Pall Mall, through which he passed, and where he 
 was not met by one single token of applause. It was a dead 
 silence throughout. At the play the other night, when Henry 
 V. was acted, all the allusions to his breach of promise, when 
 Prince of Wales, were thundered with applause, and in the 
 new play which is now acting at the Lyceum, there are some 
 allusions to female influence in Government, winch are con- 
 stantly met by clapping and applause. 
 
 The addresses on his assumption of the Eegency, have 
 failed throughout England, and there is hardly a quarter in 
 which the attempt has not been made to procure them. 
 
 Adieu, my dear Lord, 
 
 W. H. F. 
 
 MR. W. II. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF 
 BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Stanhope Street, May G, 1812. 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 There is nothing new that I have heard. Probably this 
 change of weather will bring accounts from Portugal, for 
 which every one is most impatient. You will have seen that 
 the Government were beaten on the Sinecure Office Bill— there 
 never was a bill so full of absurdity and impracticability; 
 but the object of it was one which the House of Commons 
 are now wild upon. It will, however, most undoubtedly be 
 thrown out in the Lords. Perceval argued it very ill. The 
 examination of witnesses on the Orders of Council, goes on 
 with great advantage to the opponents of those orders, and 
 
 pr ises to make a very Btrong and powerful case. Stephen, 
 
 who conducts the examination for the Government, got very 
 impatient ami fretful with the witnesses, ami yesterday put so 
 
 violent and intemperate a question to one of them, that a
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 
 
 289 
 
 motion was made to expurge it, which was lost only by five — 
 seventy-five to seventy. 
 
 Ward has given notice of an address to the Prince Regent 
 to suspend the erection of the barracks in Maiylebone 
 Park, for Tuesday next; we shall probably have an ex- 
 ceeding good division upon it, as it is a most unpopular 
 measure, and is solely a whim of the Begent's. He had not 
 nerves to go to the Royal Society dinner. He had presented 
 them with a lamp a few days previous, and on the day of the 
 dinner he sent a message to Lord Stafford, to beg that, when 
 his health was drank, he would say something respecting this 
 lamp, which he should be glad to change or alter in any way 
 the Society might wish, if it did not suit. Lord Stafford accord- 
 ingly did say a few words, but, notwithstanding all this trick 
 on his part, it completely failed, and he did not receive one 
 token of applause. 
 
 You may probably have heard that he has made a new list 
 for the droit d'entree at Carlton House, in which he has 
 struck out the name of Lord Moira and all his old friends 
 and councillors, with the exception, I think, of Lord Albe- 
 marle, and one other, whom I don't recollect. After declaring 
 publicly, right and left, his intention of going to the Lord 
 Mayor, his nerves failed him, and he sent an excuse. I am 
 confident he would have been hissed through the city. Lyttle- 
 ton was most severe and personal toward Yarmouth, the other 
 night. Lord Donoughmore has published his speech, but all 
 this is submitted to. 
 
 W. H. P. 
 
 It had been customary, for a long period, to reward 
 deserving servants of the Crown, instead of with 
 pensions, which demanded from the recipient no duties, 
 by naming them to particular offices, the duties of 
 
 VOL. I. U
 
 290 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 which might either be performed by deputy, or were 
 of a merely nominal character. Whigs and Tories 
 had equally profited by this arrangement, without its 
 having been considered in the slightest degree dero- 
 gatory or questionable. But now, some politicians 
 affected to regard it as a high crime and misdemeanour, 
 and the Marquis of Buckingham was singled out for 
 assault, for deriving emolument from one of these 
 appointments. It so happened, however, that Mr. 
 Creevy's motion respecting the Tellerships of the 
 Exchequer, was supported by a very small minority. 
 
 RIGHT HON. THOMAS GRENVLLLE TO THE MARQUIS OF 
 
 BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 May 7, 1812. 
 My dearest Brother, 
 
 I could not so honestly have advised you to make the 
 sacrifice in question, if I had not been eager to take of it, 
 even beyond the proposition that your letter alludes to. I am 
 always scandalized at the injustice of your being selected as 
 the object of sinecure hostility, merely on the score of the 
 amount j when, in truth, and in fact, upon every principle of 
 reason and justice, my office, and every other sinecure is 
 equally liable to every remark which is made on yours, and 
 there is nothing I so much wish for as to find any means of 
 avowing this opinion, and of claiming for 1 lie Chief Justice 
 in Byre, my snare as Chief Justice of that sinecure odium 
 ffhich is always heaped upon you. 
 
 Being confined with a cold in my head, 1 could not go to 
 Holland House to-day, bul have wril to Holland,, and enclose 
 to you bis answer I suspeel il will nol sun you, because il
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 291 
 
 is horizontal, but it may be worth your while to write to Mr. 
 Pierceall, to know his price for your proposed upright fence, 
 as sonic check to enable you* to judge of the demand from 
 the other manufacturers. 
 
 My brother comes to-morrow, and means to return 
 Wednesday. He is to see Lord Wellesley. I suppose it 
 will end in Lord Wellesley being with us, and in Canning 
 being with hiinself. Lord Castlereagh told Elliot there would 
 be no business, and that they should adjourn to February. 
 G. Neville tells me the Carysforts are come to town. 
 
 An event was impending that threatened very greatly 
 to aggravate the embarrassments of the Prince of Wales ; 
 this was the assassination of his Minister, which occurred 
 on the 1 1 th of May, as he was entering the lobby of 
 the House of Commons. The murderer, Bellingham, 
 was an applicant for a recompense from Government, 
 for losses he had experienced in Russia, and as Mr. 
 Perceval had refused to listen to his grievances, the 
 madman waylaid him with a pistol, and shot him 
 through the heart. Such an act, perpetrated in broad 
 day, upon a person holding so eminent a position, 
 united all parties in indignation against the criminal ; 
 but horror of the crime, and sympathy for its victim, 
 hastened the proceedings of justice, and in a few days 
 after committing the deed, Bellingham was tried, 
 found guilty, condemned and executed. 
 
 The same intemperance influenced the political 
 friends of the Minister, who stopped the business of 
 the nation, while they lavished pensions on his family, 
 
 u 2
 
 292 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812, 
 
 and voted funds for a public monument in his honour. 
 No one could blame even the strongest expression of 
 indignation and horror at so violent a catastrophe; 
 but such a fate, however undeserved, did not confer 
 on the deceased minister a claim to greater honours 
 than had rewarded the eminent public services of 
 Chatham and Pitt. Perceval was certainly not a 
 great statesman, nor yet a great man. With con- 
 siderable talent, he possessed many amiable qualities, 
 that, in a more wholesome atmosphere might have 
 caused his character to approach a high moral stan- 
 dard ; but in the course of his career, he accomplished 
 so little worthy of remembrance, that in less than 
 half a century from his death, his countrymen seem 
 generally disposed to challenge his claim to their 
 esteem. It is, however, but justice to add, that 
 several of his contemporaries of his own party, re- 
 garded him with the warmest affection, and even the 
 reserved and unimpassioned Romilly could not resist 
 the influence of his kindly disposition. 
 
 A loss he was to his friends, without doubt, but no 
 one could experience this in a greater degree than the 
 Regent. The portion of the correspondence that 
 follows, will prove how deeply it was felt in this 
 quarter. 
 
 RIGHT HONOURABLE THOMAS (J RENVILLE TO THE 
 MAKnl.ls OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Saturday. 
 Dearest Brother, 
 
 Nothing is yet determined upon; the Prince and the
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 
 
 293 
 
 Ministers had been supposed to have determined to try 
 Castlereagh in the House of Commons, and Liverpool in the 
 Lords, but they have been said latterly to feel more hesi- 
 tation and doubt about the success of this arrangement. 
 They had a Cabinet on it last night, the result of which is 
 not known. We expect that if they are frightened out of 
 this, the Prince will send to Wellesley, and perhaps he may, 
 or may not authorise him to communicate with Dropmore 
 and Portman Square ; but I don't think he will, and if he 
 does, I think Lords Grenville and Grey must decline making 
 a part of such a government. 
 
 RIGHT HONOURABLE THOMAS GRENVILLE TO THE 
 MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Cleveland Square, March 1 14, 1812. 
 My dearest Brother, 
 
 Lord Grenville is at Dropmore, and at his house in town 
 he is not expected. The little that I have heard is of a 
 notion of Lord Bathurst as a temporary resource to give time, 
 assisted by Vansittart ; but Lord Auckland tells me, that he 
 believes they are trying to have courage enough to launch 
 Castlereagh as Minister, and that he is ready to undertake it ; 
 it turns out to be quite impossible for Canning to act with 
 Castlereagh, and as the option must be made between these 
 two for the leading Minister of the Commons, my informant 
 thinks they will try Castlereagh, but does not think that 
 this choice will succeed. Prom the same quarter, I hear of 
 increased distress in our Portugal service, from the impos- 
 sibility of finding specie of any sort, and in respect of 
 provisions, the country is so much exhausted, that Lord 
 
 1 Mistake, should be May.
 
 294 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 "Wellington is said to have had great difficulty in his last 
 march, owing to the total failure of all provisions. 
 
 Will not the American embargo necessarily increase very 
 much this severe pressure ? 
 
 Fremantle quotes Mundy of Nottinghr mshire, for saying 
 that in the town of Nottingham they made the most open 
 rejoicings for the news of the murther of Perceval. Lords 
 Stamford, Titzwilliani and Derby are gone to their respective 
 Lord-Lieutenantcies. There is a report afloat of Knowlesley 
 (Lord Derby's house) being burnt by the mob, but it is not 
 believed. There is great general terror, as I am told, in 
 London. I have not seen the Spencers, but I shall dine 
 there. 
 
 LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OE BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Dropraore, May 13, 1812. 
 My dearest Brother, 
 
 I send you Grey's answer, which I have this morning 
 received. I must, of course, comply with his request of 
 remaining here for some little time longer. It seems, indeed, 
 to me that it is on every account the best thing [ can do. 
 
 I hear nothing from any other quarter, as to what is likely 
 to be done, but the difficulties of uniting Welle&ley and 
 Canning with Castlereaghs and Doctors, seem so great, that 
 1 should not wonder if the idea is adopted of patching up 
 the thing as it is. This will suit better than anything else 
 with iIh Prince Regent's indecision and fear of taking anv 
 new step, and it will keep the power of M ***** * Sipiare 
 
 in lull, or indeed, in increased strength.
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 295 
 
 EARL GREY TO LORD GRENVILLE. 
 
 House of Lords, 5 o'clock, Wednesday. 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I received your letter this morning before I came out. 
 I much regret the feeling you express with respect to 
 Whitbread, though I cannot wonder at if. Eis speech, I 
 understand, on Creevy's motion, which he certainly wished 
 to prevent, was, I understand, very moderate ; and lie voted, 
 not for the original motion, but for Brand's amendment to 
 inquire into the precedents of any alteration made by Parlia- 
 ment in the fees of the office of the Exchequer. At the city 
 meeting, with the exception of the praise of Burdett, to which 
 at such a moment I must feel as strong objections as any one 
 can, I am not aware that he did anything more than express 
 strongly his opinion in favour of Parliamentary Reform. But 
 I must feel that all this is very unsatisfactory, and there is no 
 use at present in pursuing this discussion. 
 
 Upon the question you put to me about coming to town, I 
 have no hesitation in saying that I see no reason for your 
 doing so, under the present circumstances. My belief is, that 
 no proposition will come to us, and I should be very unwilling 
 that you should place yourself in the situation of appearing 
 either to expect or desire it. Their difficulties, however, must 
 be very great, and though I am sure nothing but extreme 
 necessity can ever again induce the Prince Regent to turn to 
 us, there is no saying in such a crisis what may happen. \- 
 you are so kind, therefore, as to leave the determination to me, 
 I will, without scruple, say that I wish you could st.i . 
 Dropmore a few days longer. By this means, the 
 appearance which I apprehend from your coming to 
 town would be avoided, and you would be near enough for
 
 296 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 me to recur to you for advice, within the space of two or three 
 hours, if it should be necessary. To act without it, even in 
 the most trifling preliminary which might lead to the discus- 
 sion of our taking office, I should feel to be quite im- 
 possible. 
 
 If you should assent to this request, I will engage not to 
 detain you one minute after the possibility of our being 
 applied to, shall have been removed, and you shall have early 
 and constant accounts of all I hear. At present, I know no- 
 thing. The Ministers appear much agitated, and are much 
 engaged in consultations amongst themselves. The Duke of 
 York appears to me to be very busy ; and I know that he 
 will leave no stone unturned to keep us out. He little knows 
 how heartily I wish him success. I do not believe any com- 
 munication of any kind to have been made as yet to "Wellcsley ; 
 and 1 do not think his appearance, (I have this moment seen 
 him here) is that of great satisfaction or hope. My conjecture 
 is, that they will endeavour, however desperate the attempt 
 may appear, to go on exactly as they are. Bathurst, perhaps, 
 Premier, Bragge in Ryder's place, Vansittart or Long the 
 Exchequer : Castlereagh in his present office, Minister of the 
 House of Commons, and some means taken to bring Manners 
 Sutton, or some other of the young men forward as an assistant 
 in debate. This, as I have said, appears desperate, but I am 
 by 7io means sure that it would not enable them to go on, at 
 least to the present Session. 
 
 The Prince, I hear, was at first very angry after dinner, and 
 a certain portion of Curaeoa, very violent against some of us, 
 attributing this mischief, and everj other, to our inflammatory 
 speeches, lie has since, 1 understand, spoken more liberally 
 
 of will. 
 
 The manufacturers from Birmingham are petitioning the 
 House of Commons to go on with (he examination, and if 
 
 the\ do so there, we Bhall do the same here to-nioirow. I am
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 297 
 
 afraid the amount of the grant to Perceval's family will occa- 
 sion some clamour, and I must say, that I think we have been 
 going a little too fast in the first impulse of our feelings on 
 this subject. 
 
 Ever yours, 
 
 Grey. 
 
 MR. W. II. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF 
 BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Stanhope Street, May 14, 1812. 
 You will have seen that the sum of £2,000 per annum, and 
 £50,000 for children, was voted to the family of Mr. Perceval. 
 After the business seemed quite closed, Sumner very foolishly 
 proposed the former annuity to be carried on to the elder 
 son after the death of the mother. This has given great 
 dissatisfaction, and is to be discussed again on the report 
 to-day : I did not go up with the address, and therefore 
 know not what has passed. The accounts from Nottingham 
 to-day are horrible. Upon receiving the news of Perceval's 
 assassination, the mob assembled, and paraded the streets 
 with drums and colours, exulting in the deed. The military 
 dispersed them, and I do not understand there was any 
 blood shed, but the disposition and tone they assumed is, 
 indeed, to be dreaded. I have not yet heard what is come 
 from Manchester and that neighbourhood. There certainly 
 was a manifestation in favour of the murderer as he passed 
 through Charing Cross on his way to Newgate. You may 
 easily imagine what a sensation of alarm exists in all des- 
 cription of people in London, but I do not understand it 
 has yet reached Carlton House. Nothing has yet been done 
 from thence, and the general belief is, that an attempt will 
 be made to patch up the present government. \ great
 
 298 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 rumour prevails that Abbot will quit the chair, to take a 
 responsible office. I cannot believe he will be such a fool, 
 but it is very generally said. Eyder must go out ; all people, 
 even the best friends of those who belonged to Perceval, 
 say he is quite incapable. 
 
 The Carlton House language has been violent against the 
 Opposition, but excepting Lord Grenville, whom the Prince 
 said had been in lus conduct since the receipt of his 
 letter addressed to Lord Grey, the only one who had be- 
 haved like a gentleman, and had not publicly insulted 
 him. 
 
 The more I think of the state of the House of Commons, 
 the more convinced I am that no patch can do — it may be 
 attempted, but it cannot do. The great adviser at Carlton 
 House is Lord Eldon, but I know Mr. Perceval's friends are 
 exasperated to the last degree against Lord Wellesley. Lord 
 Castlereagh has as yet taken upon himself, with much tone 
 of authority, the lead of Minister in the House of Commons. 
 
 Stocks have risen near 2 per cent, since Mr. Perceval's 
 death. Lord Give told me last night he meant to propose a 
 monument in St. Paul's. You will see by all this, how much 
 they will overdo the thing, and how inevitably it must lead to 
 violence. Lord Grenville waits at Dropmore a few days, 
 Leaving it to Lord Grey to let him know if he wishes him in 
 town. 
 
 W*. H. P. 
 
 Ladj Hertford, who was to have had a grand rout on 
 Friday, lias put it oil'. Bellingham is to be tried to-morrow, 
 liv the Chief Baron, who is specially directed.
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 2 ( J'J 
 
 ME. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF 
 BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 4 o'clock. 
 
 I -write merely a few words, to say that nothing has trans- 
 pired from Carlton House. I have no doubt whatever that 
 a patch will be made of the present government, and I rathet 
 suspect Lord Liverpool at the head; Vansittart, Chancellor of 
 the Exchequer ; B. Bathurst, Home Secretary ; how the rest 
 of the arrangements will be, I cannot guess ; I believe Abbot 
 has declined all office. 
 
 Bellingham has been condemned, and is to be executed in 
 Palace Yard on Monday. Nothing can be more unwise than 
 this determination, which can lead to no good whatever; it 
 will collect 100,000 people, without any government formed 
 to act, without troops, and with the most fearful disposition 
 in the people. There was a Cabinet last night, at ten at 
 night; but nothing has transpired to-day— I have this mo- 
 ment left Ponsonby, who knew nothing. 
 
 It is believed that Bonaparte has left Paris. 
 
 You will see how wild and absurd the House of Commons 
 is running, with regard to provision for Perceval's family. 
 
 I am this moment getting into my chaise, and shall have 
 the pleasure of being at Stowe Sunday evening. 
 
 Ever yours, with respect and affection. 
 
 W. H. F. 
 
 RIGHT HONOURABLE THOMAS GRENVILLE TO THE 
 MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Cleveland Square, May 15, 1812. 
 
 My dearest Brother, 
 
 Hammond, whom I have just met, nil.- me that Kelling- 

 
 300 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 ham is convicted, and to be hanged in Palace Yard. If so, 
 our judges are as mad as Bellingham. 
 
 I am still told that all is unsettled. Stair assures me that 
 he knows from good authority that Castlereagh doubts and 
 hesitates, and will not undertake it, though it is pressed upon 
 him. Others say he is ready, and the Parliament afraid, 
 but all will agree that Castlereagh has declared he will resign 
 if Canning comes in. 
 
 Lord Carysfort quotes Lord Grey for saying that the 
 Prince, the day before yesterday, in speaking of Opposition, 
 said, " his own friends had behaved to him like scoundrels ; 
 but that Lord Grenville he had no complaint against." Is 
 he going to try to detach Lord Grenville? It will make 
 a good postscript to his letter to my brother, to suppose that 
 he will communicate it to Lord Grey. 
 
 Lord Bridgewater called upon me to inquire after you, with 
 great kindness; but he added a wish that your sentiments 
 should be known about the County addressing on the murder 
 of Perceval. I said I saw no reason ; but, upon his repeating 
 it twice, I said I would just mention to you what he had 
 wished to be stated to you — though I trust you will not 
 think of it. It is evident that the Ministers are trying to 
 Lead on the cry of regret, in order to strengthen their own 
 bands; and some people say they want to proclaim martial 
 law. I thought this nonsense; but Lord Stafford tells me 
 that Lord Uxbridge yesterday said to him, " If you will put 
 the country in our military hands, we will save you yet, and 
 not abase the power you give us." 
 
 Considering his constant intercourse with the Commander, 
 rind with the Horse Guards, I think this not unimportant.
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 [1812.] 
 
 THE PRINCE REGENT'S SECRET NEGOCIATIONS WITH HIS MINISTERS 
 
 LORD ELDON'S INCONSISTENCY — LORD LIVERPOOL'S PROPOSALS TO MR. 
 
 CANNING AND MARO.UIS WELLESLEY, AND THEIR REPLIES MR. 
 
 STUART WORTLEY MOVES, IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, AN ADDRESS 
 TO THE PRINCE REGENT, PRAYING HIM TO FORM A STRONG GOVERNMENT 
 
 POLITICAL RUMOURS — LORD WELLESLEy's NEGOCIATION WITH LORDS 
 
 GRENVILLE AND GREY THEIR REPLY LORD GRENVILLE, AND MR. 
 
 THOMAS GRENVILLE'S ACCOUNT OF THESE TRANSACTIONS — CONDUCT OF 
 
 THE PRINCE REGENT CONVERSATION BETWEEN THE MARO.UIS 
 
 WELLESLEY AND THE PRINCE.
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 Among the memoranda of Lord Eldon, to which 
 his biographer had access, were found the following, 
 in his handwriting : 
 
 "The Chancellor, understanding himself to be 
 authorised by the Prince Regent, to learn the sen- 
 timents of the Cabinet, whether they would consider 
 it to be their duty, if called upon by his Royal 
 Highness, to carry on the administration of the 
 Government, under any member of the present Cabinet, 
 whom his Royal Highness might think proper to 
 select as the head of it, requests that the Cabinet will 
 be pleased to express their sentiments upon this point, 
 that he may be enabled to lay them before his Royal 
 Highness." 
 
 To which, of course, after due consideration, was 
 returned the following answer : 
 
 "The Cabinet would feel it to be their duty, if 
 called upon by the Prince Regent, to carry on the 
 administration of the Government, under any member 
 of the present Cabinet, whom his Royal Highness
 
 304 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 might think proper to select as the head of it. They 
 consider it to be at the same time incumbent upon 
 them most humbly to submit to his Royal Highness, 
 that under all the present circumstances of the country, 
 the result of their endeavours to carry on the Govern- 
 ment, must, in their judgment, be very doubtful. It 
 does not appear to them to be hopeless, if the ad- 
 ministration is known to possess the entire confidence 
 of the Prince Regent" 
 
 The ministers were then individually canvassed for 
 their opinions as to the advantage of doing without 
 assistance from either section of the Opposition, by the 
 circulation among them of the following queries — each 
 returned his answer, which, in most instances, will be 
 found singularly characteristic. 
 
 "Are you of opinion that G. and G. [Grey and 
 Grenville] out, and W. and C. [Wellesley and Canning] 
 out, you can carry on the Government ?" 
 
 Mulgrave. No. 
 
 Sidmouth. Doubtful. 
 
 Camden. Very doubtful, not desperate. 
 
 Castlereagh. Doubtful, to say the least, without a 
 proposition. 
 
 Bathurst. Dangerous to P[rincc] and country. 
 
 Ryder. Extremely difficult. 
 
 Buckinghamshire. Doubtful. 
 
 Eldon. It might. 
 
 Westmoreland. Yes. 
 
 Melville. Very improbable. 
 
 Liverpool. Doubtful, not desperate.
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 305 
 
 I. Nobody, with Lord W. at the head. 
 
 II. If the P. puts at the head any member of the 
 present administration, will the rest support him ?" 
 
 " Yes." ' 
 
 " If that member thinks of talking with W. and C. 
 will you allow him to do so ?" 
 
 Lord Eldon's biographer adds : " Those of the 
 answers to this last question, which can be deciphered, 
 are very various ; some " ay" some " no ;" one for 
 " leaving it to the individual." Lord Castlereagh's 
 answer is : " Decline being an obstacle, but reserve my 
 own determination." He goes on to state that there 
 was a general concurrence in one opinion, which, in 
 the first question, was given by Lord Castlereagh, de- 
 cidedly the most able man in the Cabinet, that their 
 chance of public support would be much stronger, after 
 they had made a proposition to Lords Grey and 
 Grenville, and to Lord Wellesley and Mr. Canning. 
 It should be now borne in mind that the Lord Chan- 
 cellor, an influential member of the Government, had 
 positively stated on February 15, in a letter to Mr. 
 Perceval, that "it was not consistent with his honour 
 to take part in a negociation for a junction with 
 which he would have nothing to do." 2 
 
 Lord Liverpool made his first proposal to Mr. 
 Canning on the 1 7th of May, the details of which 
 have been recorded in a minute; for, in all these 
 transactions, the parties treated with, insisted that every- 
 
 1 Twiss's "Life of Lord Eldon." Third Edition, Vol. i.p.493. 
 
 2 " Life of Lord Eldon," Vol. I. p. 478. 
 
 VOL. I. X
 
 306 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [IS 12. 
 
 thing which passed verbally should be put into black 
 and white. This was taken down by them, and cor- 
 rected, and authenticated by the opposite negociator. 
 Lord Liverpool appears to have stated that his colleagues 
 were willing to act with Lord Wellesley and Mr. Can- 
 ning, " under an arrangement," the latter writes, " which 
 might be at once consistent with their own honour and 
 duty, and honourable and satisfactory to us." The 
 minute then proceeds to state, that it was to be under- 
 stood that Lord Castlereagh was to preserve the position 
 in the Government and in the House of Commons he 
 at present held ; that his colleagues were desirous that 
 Lord Liverpool should be at the head of the Adminis- 
 tration, which desire was known to the Prince Regent ; 
 andthat no change was anticipated in the policy of the 
 Government towards the Roman Catholics. 
 
 Lord Liverpool next proceeded to the Marquis 
 Wellesley ; and it appears by the minute of what took 
 place, that, in addition to the points just mentioned, 
 much was said respecting the scale of the efforts which 
 had hitherto been made in the Peninsula, without, how- 
 ever, eliciting any pledge from the Government, beyond 
 an expression of their desire to do everything that was 
 possible ; that certain members of the Administration 
 had been long desirous of retiring, and would therefore 
 be ready to afford facilities for any new arrangement • 
 but that Lord Sidmouth and his friends were to remain ; 
 that Lords Grenville and Grey, with their friends, were 
 to be excluded. 
 
 Lord Wellesley insisted that he and Mr. Canning
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 30/ 
 
 were independent of each other, though he would not 
 accept office, unless a fair proposal was made to his 
 friend. An interchange of notes then took place 
 between Mr. Canning and Lord Liverpool on the 17th ; 
 and a reply to the proposition was sent by Lord Wellesley 
 to Lord Liverpool on the following day, which entered at 
 length upon the differences of opinion that existed 
 between himself and the Administrations of Mr. Perceval 
 and Lord Liverpool, and stated a belief that the forma- 
 tion of a Government on a more liberal and extended 
 basis was still practicable. Mr. Canning's reply to 
 Lord Liverpool was of the same date, and much of the 
 same complexion, though laying stress only on his 
 opinions respecting the Roman Catholics as the obstacle 
 to his joining the Administration. On the 19th, a long 
 explanatory letter was sent from Lord Liverpool to the 
 Marquis of Wellesley, which elicited a still longer 
 explanatory reply. 1 
 
 The Prince seemed disposed to continue his Perceval 
 Government on Perceval principles, when the voice of 
 public opinion began to cry out somewhat loudly for 
 better things; and on the 21st of May, 2 the Hon. 
 
 1 "I hear," writes Mr. Wilbcrforcc, on the 16th of May, "that 
 the ministers left are trying to get Wellesley to act without being at 
 the head, and Vansittart as Chancellor of the Exchequer, and, of 
 course, Canning as one of the Secretaries of State." — " Life," by his 
 Sons, Vol. iv., p. 29. 
 
 2 " May 20 — Nicholas Vansittart, made Chancellor of the Ex- 
 chequer. Lord Liverpool to be First Lord of the Treasury. Wellesley 
 and Canning refused their co-operation, it is said, on the ground of 
 not giving up their opinion on the Catholic Question. I own I do not 
 
 x 2
 
 308 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 Stuart Wortley (Lord Wharncliffe) moved in the House 
 of Commons, in pursuance of a notice he had given 
 the previous day, for an Address to the Prince Regent, 
 praying him to form a strong and efficient Administration ; 
 and it was carried against Ministers by a majority of 
 four. This address to the Prince Regent was presented 
 at the levee on May 22nd, by Mr. Stuart Wortley and 
 Lord Milton. It was received, according to the official 
 statement, most graciously, with the following reply : 
 " I will take into my most serious and immediate con- 
 sideration the Address which I have received from the 
 House of Commons." Afterwards the Ministers were 
 admitted to an interview, when, after acknowledging that 
 they had failed in their efforts to strengthen the Govern- 
 ment, according to the wishes of his Royal Highness, 
 they all tendered their resignations. The result was, 
 that Lord Wellesley was sent for by the Prince. 
 
 RIGHT HONOURABLE THOMAS GRENYILLE TO THE 
 MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Cleveland Square, Friday. 
 I >i \im:st Brother, 
 
 Si unit Wortley and Lord Milton go to the Prince, to carry 
 him the resolutions, after the levee, by his own appointment. 
 Meantime, it is universally reported, and I believe truly, that 
 the Ministers have actually resigned; and it is said that their 
 onlj excuse for having awaited this storm, is that they were 
 
 deceived liy Charles Long, who assured them of a safe and 
 complete majority in the House of Commons. 
 
 • I le liou the Ministry can stand tin- battering of tin- llonsr (if ('(minions." 
 
 — « Life of VTilberforce," Vol, i\. p. 80.
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 30 ( J 
 
 1 presume the result of this will be the Prince sending to 
 Lord Wellesley, to authorize him to consider of the forming 
 of a government, perhaps with the condition of a concur- 
 rence in the opinions expressed in Lord Wellesley' s letter, 
 of more extended military operations in the Peninsula. If 
 Lord Wellesley sees Lord Grey and Lord Grenville upon an}' 
 such proposition, he will explain to them what those facilities 
 are for more extended operations to which his letter alludes, 
 and which it may, perhaps, be easier to have to look for than 
 to find. 
 
 It is reported that the Prince, in conversation with Welles- 
 ley, said he knew Wellesley must be shocked at the grossness 
 of female connections being adverted to in political contro- 
 versies ; and that Wellesley answered, that he had female 
 connections enough, and did not care who knew of them, 
 but that he took ample care that no woman whatever should 
 ever have anything to say to him upon the subject of po- 
 litics. 
 
 I have just received a letter from William, to say that, 
 pressed as he is by Lord Grey, he will come up to town to- 
 morrow, at eleven. 
 
 Only a few days passed, before the resigned ministry 
 were reported to have re-occupied their positions — 
 evidently, however, a temporary arrangement, *or nothing 
 appears to have been decided. The Prince was making 
 up his mind to commence a new negociation with the 
 Opposition, to which the strong sentiments recently 
 expressed by some of the leaders, made him extremely 
 averse ; and this unfavourable impression was taken full 
 advantage of by the friends of their opponents. As
 
 310 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 will be seen — his feeling against Lord Grenville might 
 easily have been surmounted. 
 
 RIGHT HONOURABLE THOMAS GRENVILLE TO THE 
 MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Cleveland Square, Tuesday. 
 Dearest Brother, 
 
 I left Lord Grenville writing to you, and he will tell you 
 better than I can all that he hears of the old ministers being 
 launched again. Their Cabinet of last night adjourned to 
 this morning at twelve, and ended to-day between two and 
 three, since which, Lord Chancellor and Lord Liverpool have 
 been at Carlton House ; and the universal belief is that the 
 Prince has persuaded the old ministers to go on — whether 
 with or without Canning and Wellesley, perhaps will not be 
 known till to-morrow. 
 
 Lady Besborough is just returned from a visit to Lady 
 Bathurst ; Lad\ Bathurst told her that she had been packing 
 up, to go into the country to-morrow; but that she was 
 sorry to say her journey was stopped, by the thing being 
 afloat again ; and sin; added that, to be sure nothing could 
 be so foolish as the paper of refusal which the Cabinet sent 
 Jirst to Lord Wellesley ; and thai it was entirely owing to 
 an angrj and intemperate movement of Lord Liverpool's, 
 which ilii\ ;ill now disapproved of, &c. &c. This looks very 
 like their expecting to include Welleslev in theii new arrange- 
 ments j and if thej can prevail upon him and Canning, after 
 
 all that is passed, the thing ma_\ go on for the .Session j 
 
 though without Canning I scarce think it can he made prac- 
 ticable. 
 
 I hear again, from good authority, that two days ago the 
 Prince said he could easily forgive Lord Grenville, bul that
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 3)1 
 
 lie had rather abdicate the Regency than see Lord Grey or 
 Tierney in his service. 
 
 Canning dined at Dent's yesterday, and two or three of 
 our ranks dined there, who say that it was a most melan- 
 choly dinner, and that Canning was quite silent and dejected. 
 
 P.S. I this moment am told that the street news is that 
 the Prince had given his conge to Lord Wellesley ; but no- 
 thing is said of Canning. 
 
 In Staffordshire, Sir J. AVrottesley has announced himself 
 a refot mer, in order to avoid the opposition of Mr. Wolse- 
 ley and the Burdettites; and thereby he incurs an opposition 
 from the country gentlemen, who set up against him the 
 nephew and heir of Sir E. Littleton. 
 
 RIGHT HONOURABLE THOMAS GRENVTLLE TO THE 
 .MARQUIS OE BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Thursday. 
 Dearest Brother, 
 
 The evening papers will bring you the letters and minutes 
 of conversation between Canning, Wellesley, and Liverpool. 
 Our friends all expect Temple, and George, and Fremantle, 
 and Bernard, for to-night's division; and Macdonald, the 
 great list-maker, says we shall have a majority ; so we shall, 
 if what I hear is true, that H. Drummond, Lascelles, Wilber- 
 force, Lord Lovain, Lord Dysart, and all the Lowthers, will 
 support Stuart Wortley ; though some say the Lowthers only 
 declare they will not vote against Stuart. The inexplicable 
 thing is, how Liverpool undertakes this, after lining had 
 notice from the above list, that they should be hostile to this 
 arrangement. If they are beat, the Prince will send to 
 Wellesley, who must have some discussion with Opposition, 
 because he is pledged to it; but with his new pledg< of
 
 312 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 enlarged Spanish war, and with his and Canning's defence of 
 Orders of Council, though they are hostile to Licences ; and 
 with his and Canning's intermediary views of Ireland, I 
 do not see much ground of very prolonged discussion with 
 our particular wing of the army. I think, therefore, it will 
 end, after some discussion, in Canning and Wellesley patching 
 up a government of their own. 
 
 I find Lord Grey has earnestly written for Lord Grenville 
 to town; I almost hope he will not come till he must; but 
 probably he will obey Grey's summons, and come this 
 evening. 
 
 Wellesley says the Prince strongly warned him against 
 embarking at all with Opposition, and said he would have 
 nothing to say to him if he did. Wellesley says he answered 
 he was sorry for it, for he thought the Prince's honour, and 
 the country's interest, required it, and rose to take his leave ; 
 he says, the Prince stopped him, and began talking of some- 
 thing else. 
 
 The new negociations commenced on the 23rd, with 
 a communication from Mr. Canning to Lord Liverpool, 
 stating certain principles on which a new Administration 
 was proposed to be formed by Lord Wellesley — the 
 taking into early consideration the state of the laws 
 affecting the Roman Catholics, and the prosecution of 
 the War in the Peninsula with the best means at the 
 disposal of the country; but, in their replies of the 
 same date, Lords Liverpool and Melville declined 
 joining Lord Wellesley. This rebuff necessitated the 
 new ncgociator to turn his eyes in another direction ; 
 and a third negotiation commenced will) the following.
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 313 
 
 Minute of a communication made by Lord Welleslcy to Lords 
 Grey and Grenville, at Lord Grey's house. 
 
 May 23, 1812. 
 
 Lord Wellesley stated that he had received the commands 
 of his Royal Highness the Prince Regent to lay before his 
 Royal Highness the plan of such an administration as 1m 
 (Lord Wellesley) might deem adapted to the present crisis of 
 affairs. 
 
 That he had apprised his Royal Highness of the necessity 
 of ascertaining the views and dispositions of all parties, with 
 regard to certain general principles, previously to the forma- 
 tion of any such plan. 
 
 That he considered himself merely as the instrument of 
 executing his Royal Highnesses commands on this occasion, 
 and that he neither claimed nor desired for himself any station 
 in the Administration, which it was in his Royal Highnesses 
 contemplation to form. 
 
 Under these circumstances, he requested to know, whether 
 •any obstacle existed to the concurrence of Lords Grey and 
 Grenville, or their friends in the following general principles, 
 as the basis upon which an Administration might be formed. 
 First : that the state of the laws affecting the Roman Catholics, 
 and the claims of that body of his Majesty's subjects should 
 be taken into immediate consideration, with a view to a con- 
 ciliatory adjustment of those claims. 
 
 2ndly. That the war in the Peninsula should be prosecuted 
 on a scale of adequate vigour. 
 
 Lord Wellesley stated that as Mr. Canning and he agreed 
 in these general principles, he had requested Mr. Canning i" 
 communicate them to Lord Liverpool. 
 
 Lord Wellesley has reduced the >ul»tancc of this com-
 
 314 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 munication to writing, and now submits it to Lord Grey and 
 
 Lord Grenville. 
 
 Wellesley. 
 
 Lords Grey and Grenville returned the following : 
 
 Memorandum, May 24, 1S12. 
 In such a moment as the present, we feel it to be the 
 duty of all public men, both by frank and conciliatory ex- 
 planations of principle, and by the total abandonment of 
 every personal object, to facilitate, as far as may be in their 
 power, the means of giving effect to the late vote of the 
 House of Commons, and of averting the imminent and un- 
 paralleled dangers of the country. 
 
 Lord Wellesley has selected two, among the many impor- 
 tant subjects which must engage the attention of any men 
 who could, in such circumstances, be called upon to 
 consider of the acceptance of stations of public trust. On 
 those two points, our explanation shall be as distinct as it 
 is in our power to make it. 
 
 On the first, indeed, our opinion is too well known, and 
 has been too recently expressed, to need repetition. We 
 have derived a very high gratification from Lord Wcllcsley's 
 powerful exertions in support of the claims of the Roman 
 Catholics; as well as from the manner in which that subject 
 is adverted to in his minute. And we do not hesitate to 
 assure him that we will warmly support any proposal made 
 h\ an\ Ministers, tor the immediate consideration of those 
 claims, with a view to their conciliator} adjustment. A 
 measure without which we have already declared that we can 
 entertain no hope, in any ease of rendering our services 
 useful.
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 315 
 
 As to the second point, no person feels more strongly than 
 we do, the advantages which would result from a successful 
 
 termination of the present contest in Spain. Bui we 
 of opinion that the direction of the military operations in 
 an extensive war, and the more or less vigorous prosecution 
 of those operations, are questions not of principle but of 
 policy, to be regulated by circumstances in their nature tem- 
 porary and fluctuating, and, in many cases, known only to 
 persons in official stations, by the engagements of the conn- 
 try, the prospects of ultimate success, the extent of the 
 exertions necessary for its attainment, and the means of sup- 
 porting those efforts, without too great a pressure on the 
 finances and internal prosperity of the country. On such 
 questions,, therefore, no public man, whether in or out of 
 office, can undertake for more than a deliberate and dispas- 
 sionate consideration, according to the circumstances of tin 
 case, as it may appear, and to such means of information as 
 may be within their reach. But we cannot in reality conceal 
 from Lord Wellesley that, in the present state of the finances, 
 we entertain the strongest doubts of the practicability of an 
 increase in any branch of the public expenditure. 
 
 The contemporary correspondence elucidates the pro- 
 ceedings of all parties so clearly, that very little explana- 
 tion is necessary. 
 
 Lord Moira also wrote to Lord Wellesley on the 23rd, 
 acknowledging the receipt of the minute, and implying 
 that the conditions of agreement met with his approval. 
 " A plan of Government, therefore, on the basis pro- 
 posed by your Lordship would have my most cordial 
 wishes." 1 Lords Holland and Lansdowne, to whom 
 
 1 Pcarce's "Life and Correspondence of Marquis Wellesley," Vol. 
 III., p. 215.
 
 316 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 Lord Wellesley had also applied, wrote on the same day, 
 referring him to Lords Grey and Grenville, in whose 
 sentiments they professed to have cordially coincided. 
 
 LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Camelford House, May 24, 1812. 
 My dearest Brother, 
 
 The memorandum which George will forward to you, con- 
 tains all I could say. I have no doubt that the Prince is as 
 adverse to Wellesley as to us, and means only to make a case 
 against us, which may enable him to go to the House of 
 Commons and say, " You see I cannot make persons unite, 
 who refuse to do so. I must take one or other of the parties, 
 and of the two I prefer the present to their opponents." 
 
 "Whether the House of Commons will be of the same 
 opinion I know not, but I should say probably yes. 
 
 RIGHT HONOURABLE THOMAS GRENVILLE TO THE 
 MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Pall Mall, May 24, 1812. Sunday, half-past 1. p.m. 
 Dearest Brother, 
 
 When Lord Wellesley sent the note of conversation which 
 he was to put in writing, it was found that the note was of a 
 much less forbidding character than the conversation had 
 been. The want of authority from the Prince was entirely sunk 
 in the paper, and any body who reads the paper, would rather 
 collect from it that WeUealej was the authorised agenl of the 
 Prince in the whole communication. The moderated con- 
 cession to Ireland was changed into immediate consideration 
 of the Catholic Claims, with a view to their final adjustment, 
 and the Spanish warlike operations in the Peninsula, instead
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 317 
 
 of being to be increased, were only to be adequate, without 
 saying whether adequate to success, or to the means of the 
 country. 
 
 To this written note, standing in this shape, an answer from 
 Lords Grey and Grenville was written as conciliatory as might 
 be, professing an unfeigned desire to give every facility to the 
 vote of the House of Commons, in the present perilous state 
 of the country, and, therefore, frankly answering the two 
 points selected by Lord Wellesley for his in (miry. 
 
 In answer to the first, Ireland, professing entire concur- 
 rence, and referring to our past opinions and conduct on it, 
 and repeating that without this measure, there could be no 
 question of our friends embarking in the public sendee. 
 
 On the second, Spain, observing that it was a question not 
 of principle but of policy, and, therefore, must be decided by 
 information, by the engagements of the country, by the 
 prospect of success, and by the means which could be spared 
 by the country to accomplish that success, without too much 
 affecting the finances and prosperity of the country ; but that 
 it was necessary to add that the present state of their opinions 
 did not incline them to think that it would be found practi- 
 cable to increase the present scale of expense. 
 
 I have not copies of these papers, or I would have sent 
 them ; but this is the substance. 
 
 Lords Grey and Grenville w r ent with this answer to-day at 
 twelve, to Lord Wellesley, and in delivering it to him, added 
 verbally that they thought it necessary to remark that this 
 paper was only a communication to Lord Wellesley, as it did 
 not appear that there was any authority from the Prince to 
 communicate with them, and, therefore, I hat they did not 
 consider themselves as entered into a negotiation for making 
 an Administration. Lord Wellesley took the paper, ami said 
 lie should not fail to apprise the Prince of the substance of it.
 
 31 S THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 He added, that Canning had brought from the present Cabinet 
 a refusal to enter into any discussion for the formation of a 
 Cabinet with "Wellesley ; and I hear that the Duke of York, 
 and all the Court people, are outrageous in their abuse of 
 Wellesley, for his conduct in the last negociation, and for the 
 publicity he gave to the letters and conversations. 
 
 So it now stands. It appears that Moira has been applied 
 to by Wellesley, and has declined taking any share in Ad- 
 ministration. Wellesley has also been with Sheridan. 
 
 It seems probable that the Prince's intention is to collect 
 as many difficulties as he can from all public men, and to 
 plead those difficulties as necessarily leading him to some 
 patch up with the old Government ; but then the old Govern- 
 ment having disclaimed Wellesley, he and Canning must be 
 out of it, and then they being with us, how can any other 
 stand ? 
 
 LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 May 24., G r.M. 
 
 I have waited to the last moment, to tell you that I have 
 heard nothing more than you will receive from D. 
 
 Wellesley has not sent either to Grey or me ; and I sup- 
 pose the Prince has not decided what to do. I am convinced 
 he means to set up the old system again, but whether he 
 or tlic\ are stout enough, and Parliament patient enough, 
 is more than I can say. 
 
 RIGHT HONOURABLE Tllo.M AS (1RKNVILLE TO TI1K 
 MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 M...N 25, 1812. 5 p.m. 
 Di \i;i>t BBOTHEB, 
 
 I take a pen merelj t<> Bay, that there is nothing !<> tell
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 
 
 319 
 
 you. We understand that the Prince saw Lord Well 
 yesterday, at seven, and received from him the two papers 
 of which I wrote to you. I do not find thai be is known 
 to have made any comments upon them, but thai he told 
 Lord Wellesley he should hear from him. 
 
 In this state, it is uncertain whether we shall hear anything 
 to-day. The Ministers continue to abuse Wellesley, and to 
 talk of themselves as out of the question. Tierney tells me 
 that Stuart Wortley is not satisfied with what he hears of 
 the transaction, and that he (Wortley) or somebodv will 
 probably ask some question in the House this evening. Cooke 
 told Tierney, this morning, that Wellesley and the Opposition 
 must come in; he spoke of Wellesley with great contempt, 
 and of Canning as a tumbler ; but said, if we had sense 
 enough to make no great change of system, and no violent 
 attack on the last government, this Session, we might go 
 on well, and substantiate our strength in government. I 
 quote this only to show you how entirely their language is 
 desperate as to present office. 
 
 The Prince is said to be, in all appearance, very cheerful ; 
 and there are many who believe that he is si ill not aware 
 of the difficulties under which he stands with regard to the 
 formation of a government. 
 
 I have sent to-day, to engage for you and me, either 
 Lord Warwick's, or the house Sir S. Hood was in, which is 
 next to Lord Warwick's; I have engaged it from the firsl 
 of July. 
 
 MR. W. II. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF 
 BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 House of Commons, half-past 5 o'clock. 
 
 You will hear from Mr. Crenvillc, probably, that at Lasi 
 
 the bitter pill has been swallowed, and the Prince Regeni
 
 320 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 has authorized Lord "Wellesley, this morning, to form a 
 government, and given him full powers. Canning has just 
 announced this to the House ; and Stuart Wortley afterwards 
 put two questions to Ponsonby, the purport of which was 
 to know whether, since the passing the former resolution, 
 the Opposition had refused to accede to any proposition to 
 form a government, either upon public or private grounds. 
 His answer was, that neither he, nor his friends in the other 
 House, had refused to form part of a government, either 
 upon public or private grounds. The Treasury bench wished 
 to get rid of these questions before the answer was given, but 
 it was overruled. 
 
 I cannot describe to you the contempt and indignation 
 felt universally at the conduct of the Regent ; and he has 
 at last been driven to that which he would have done with 
 so much more advantage to himself, a fortnight ago. It is 
 understood that Lord Wellesley was to go to Lord Grenville, 
 who is gone to Dropmore till to-morrow. He will probably, 
 however, now return this evening. 
 
 I have been in the city all the morning ; so I only give 
 \ou what lias passed in the House. 
 
 Yours, 
 
 W. H. P. 
 
 GENERAL GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF 
 BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Hill Street, May 25, 1812. 
 M/i DBAS LiOED, 
 
 Everything remains in the same state of suspension, and I 
 believe the Regent's embarrassmenl is beyond all description. 
 
 I saw the Duke ..!' York lliis morning, who seemed to be in
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 3 _> 1 
 
 tolerable good spirits, but by no means communicative; and I 
 was, of course, not inquisitive. 
 Adieu, my dear Lord, 
 Believe me to be ever, with the truest affection, 
 
 Yours most sincerely, 
 
 It. GltUNVILLK. 
 
 The conversation reported in the next communication 
 to have passed between the Prince Regent and the 
 Marquis Wellesley appears extraordinary, but ought 
 not to be considered less authentic on that account. 
 His Royal Highness's communications to the different 
 distinguished persons who were honoured with his con- 
 fidence at this eventful period, if placed side by side, 
 would assume much the same character. 
 
 TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 4 o'clock, p.m., May 2G, 1812. 
 
 About four yesterday, Lord Wellesley saw the Prince 
 Regent, by the command of the latter. The Prince had an 
 air of great gaiety and pleasantry, and affected great- kindness 
 towards Lord Wellesley. He began the conversation as 
 follows : 
 
 "Well, Wellesley, I find you have totally failed with 
 the Ministry/Mo which Lord Wellesley assented; "and 
 also," continued the Prince, " with Opposition." 
 
 "There, Sir," said Lord Wellesley, "I must beg to stop 
 you. I could not fail where I had no authority to treat." 
 
 The Prince then continued thus in substance. That he had 
 read over, and well considered Lord Wellesle/s project, com- 
 
 VOL. I. Y
 
 322 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 municated to him the evening before. That on one principle 
 of it, namely, the immediately entering upon the consideration 
 of the Catholic Claims, he went the utmost length that Lord 
 Wellesley had gone, or would wish to go, and that he would 
 name no Administration, nor put his confidence in any which 
 should not adopt that line of conduct. To which Lord 
 Wellesley replied, that if that were his Royal Highnesses 
 determination, and that if it were fairly and honourably con- 
 ducted, without trick or juggle towards the Catholics, that he, 
 for one, would support any Administration formed on such a 
 principle, so far as that point went ; but he would not pledge 
 himself either to take office with it, or give it his general 
 support. 
 
 The Prince then said, that as to making a proposition for 
 a junction with Opposition, nothing should ever induce him 
 to employ them. That he had no objection to one or two of 
 them individually, but as a body, he would rather abdicate 
 the Regency, than ever come into contact with them. " But," 
 added he, " there will be no occasion for any such overture, 
 for you will be happy to hear, my dear Wellesley, that the 
 Chancellor is entirely come round to you upon the Catholic 
 Question; and, indeed, assures me that he was with you from 
 the first." 
 
 I need not tell your Lordship the astonishment, and (I 
 believe) dismay, with which Lord Wellesley received this 
 extraordinary piece of intelligence. 
 
 " And," continued the Trince, "Melville, who was never 
 violent against it, is also with yon, and I have prevailed upon 
 him to waive his personal repugnance to acting with you. I 
 have seen the Chancellor and Liverpool this morning, and 
 have row cil ilicm handsomely lor (heir letter to you, which 
 was a most unprovoked and unpardonable fully. And [ have 
 desired Liverpool to summon a Cabinet this night, when the
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 323 
 
 whole subject will be considered over again. And then you 
 know you can all meet together to-morrow, or next day, and 
 choose your offices amongst one another V 
 
 This was all of material that passed in this extraordinary 
 interview. It is useless to state the outrageous vehemence 
 with which the Prince abused the Opposition, and shall only 
 mention that Lord Wellesley said at parting, 
 
 " I once more press it upon your Eoyal Highness, that you 
 can make no Administration, that will not compromise your 
 own honour, and endanger the state, which shall be formed 
 upon the principle of personal exclusion ; nor will I, for one, 
 be a party to such, either in its formation or existence." 
 
 As late as three this day, Lord Wellesley had heard nothing 
 more, and, in fact, thinks the thing will go oif, and that this 
 infatuated man, will risk himself and the country upon the 
 present men. 
 
 I am confident that if Opposition only preserve themselves 
 compact, they must lead, and that shortly, and in that case, I 
 know Lord Wellesley would go to Ireland with happiness and 
 gratitude. 
 
 I have seen Lord Grenville this day, who, I found, has not 
 the accurate information I thought he had, and which he 
 surely ought in this crisis. 
 
 Y 2
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 [1812.] 
 
 EMBARRASSING POSITION OF THE PRINCE REGENT ENDEAVOURING TO 
 FORM A GOVERNMENT — EARL MOIRA's INTERVIEW WITH THE PRINCE 
 
 CORRESPONDENCE OF MARQUIS WELLESLEY WITH EARL GREY 
 
 POLITICAL RUMOURS — ILL-FEELING OF THE PRINCE REGENT TOWARDS 
 
 EARL GREY THE "PESTILENT INFLUENCE" — ANOTHER NEGOCIATION 
 
 BETWEEN MARQUIS WELLESLEY AND LORD GREY — JOINT ANSWER OF 
 
 LORDS GRENVILLE AND GREY MORE COMMUNICATIONS — PLAN FOR A 
 
 NEW GOVERNMENT.

 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 At this period, the Prince Regent was in a condition 
 of mind not at all to be envied. The problem how to 
 form a government out of what were popularly con- 
 sidered the best materials, when it was impossible to 
 make them combine, his Royal Highness vainly en- 
 deavoured to solve. There were some of his present 
 Ministers, whose administrative qualities or devotion to 
 his person, strongly recommended thern to his favour. 
 There were two of his late Ministers, whose possession 
 of very high qualifications for office was indubitable ; 
 and there were certain of his old friends among the 
 Opposition, whose recommendations were equally power- 
 ful. But insurmountable difficulties lay in the way of a 
 junction of even two out of these three sets of can- 
 didates for office. Each had either questions or associates 
 to bring forward, to which the others could not be 
 reconciled ; and the Prince continued, as it were, in a 
 circle, trying to preserve a paramount influence in his 
 councils for his own opinions and interests, while in- 
 viting the services of statesmen whose known liberality
 
 328 THE COURT OF ENGLAND. [1812. 
 
 of sentiment should have brought to the government a 
 fair share of popular support. The state of the case is 
 fully described in the ensuing portion of the corres- 
 pondence. 
 
 LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Caraclford House, May 26, half-past 6, p.m. 
 
 I have just received from Grey, the note of which the 
 enclosed is a copy. Keep it to yourself, till you hear of it 
 elsewhere. I have just time to save the post. 
 
 " I have just received intelligence from a quarter that can 
 admit of no doubt, that the Prince is in such a state of irrita- 
 tion that he cannot be spoken to, and that Liverpool in the 
 greatest consternation, has sent an express for the Duke of 
 York at Oatlands." 
 
 TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 May 27, 1812. 
 
 Lord Moira saw the Prince at five yesterday, the latter 
 having consented so to do, at the express instance of Lord 
 Wellesley. It was a reconciliation scene, but no more. Not 
 a word was spoken with relation to a new Government. 
 
 Canning was with Lord Wellesley last night, and Sheridan; 
 the former quite firm, and del ermined not to join Liverpool 
 and Co. They both requested Lord Wellesley not to go out 
 of town (else he was going) (ill this business was over one 
 
 \\a\ or the other. 
 
 \\ ellesley Pole has reconciled himself t<> Lord Wellesley, 
 and baa formally acquiesced in the tatter's view of Catholic 
 Claims. Lord Wellesle? has heard nothing further.
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 329 
 
 LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM 
 
 Camclford House, May 27, 1812. 
 My dearest Brother, 
 
 I have both these last days delayed writing to you till 
 the last moment, in the expectation of having something in 
 say to you; what I have now to say, is onl\ thai there is 
 nothing. The alarm about the Prince was certainly cxai'ger- 
 rated. Moira saw him in the evening, and describes him as 
 very nervous and agitated ; but says distinctly that this is 
 all. 
 
 I have just seen Welleslcy, who desired us to call upon 
 him, that he might show us two papers; one, a minute from 
 Canning to Lord Melville, in which Canning refers to some 
 statement that Melville appears to have made to him, that 
 the Cabinet was then considering how far they could adopt 
 the first principle — that about the Catholics. Before he can 
 make any observation on this statement (what it was we arc 
 not told farther than as above), he says he must know whether 
 the Government is still subsisting, and whether Wellesley's 
 commission is at an end. Melville answers that the Minis- 
 ters are in office only till their successors are appointed ; and 
 that the Prince Regent considers Wellesley's commission 
 as at an end. 
 
 This is a comical way of notifying to him the termination 
 of such a commission. But such as it was, YTellesley felt 
 himself bound to take it as final, and to apprize us of it. 
 
 I found, from his conversation, that he considers the 
 attempt as having completely failed with Canning. The 
 answer from the Cabinet to the Prince, as to their reconsi- 
 deration of the two principles, is gone in, he says; but what 
 it is, he knows not. 
 
 Moira's seeing the Prince, was in consequence of \\ elleslej
 
 330 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 having strongly urged it with the Prince. It was a scZne 
 larrnoyante ; but Moira says that nothing in the least dis- 
 tinct passed about politics or arrangements. Moira has been 
 with him all this morning, and in the result will, I have no 
 doubt, have some communication to make to us. There 
 never was such a state of things. 
 
 Moira is just announced ; and I must close this letter for 
 the post before I see him. I will try to write by some other 
 conveyance, if there be anything material. 
 
 LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 May 27, half-past 5. 
 
 Moira has been with him four hours, but has brought 
 nothing to any point, except that now we are to be told 
 that AVellesley's commission is not at an end, but is only 
 suspended. This means, that Moira is to sec him again 
 to-morrow morning, and then is to make him, if he can, give 
 an authority to AVellesley to form an administration; which 
 how he is to do, I do not venture to guess. 
 
 Adieu. 
 
 Lord Wcllesley wrote a note to Lord Grey on the 
 27th, enclosing the communication alluded to by Lord 
 Grenville from Mr. Canning to Lord Melville, and from 
 Lord Melville to Mr. Canning, of the 26th and 27th ; 
 the former desiring to know whether the Ministers 
 considered Lord WeHesley's mission at an end, or were 
 discussing the possibility of any of them joining the 
 Administration he had proposed to form — the latter to 
 reply that the Prince Regent considered Lord Wcllesley 's 
 mission at an end, and that the persons now holding ofHee 
 In Id them only till their successors were appointed. Lord
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 33] 
 
 Grey replied to the Marquis of Wellesley on the 27th, 
 pointing out a difference in the statements of Lord Wel- 
 lesley and Mr. Canning. Lord Wellesley sent a rejoinder 
 on the following day, enclosing a joint explanatory decla- 
 ration, to which Lord Grey replied on the 29th, requiring a 
 more distinct pledge respecting the Roman Catholics; 
 and this elicited, from Lord Wellesley on the same day, 
 " a firm expectation" that, if the advice he had given 
 the Prince Regent should be ultimately approved, a very 
 happy prospect would open to the country. 1 
 
 At this period, Lord Sidmouth was not inactive. 
 If the information Wilberforce received was correct, he 
 had contrived to make his peace at Carlton House. On 
 the 28th, he writes : " Nothing settled about the 
 Ministry. Certainly, the Prince has seen all kinds of 
 people, and is very nervous and distressed. Sheridan 
 told me this afternoon that the several parties were 
 farther from agreeing than ever. Others said that Lord 
 Sidmouth was then with the Prince." 2 In a letter to 
 Mr. Bankes, of the same date, he writes : " At this 
 moment, I hear from Mr. Howard that Lord Sidmouth 
 is with the Prince Regent." 
 
 RIGHT HONOURABLE THOMAS GRENVILLE TO THE 
 MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 May 28, L812 
 
 My dearest Brother, 
 
 Lord Grey undertook to write to you yesterday, and to tell 
 
 1 Pearce's " Life and Correspondence of Marquis W «■] t<>I<\ ." ' Vol 
 in., p. 249 (o 259. 
 J "Life," by his Sons, Vol. iv., p. 32.
 
 332 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 you that Canning having asked Lord Melville whether Lord 
 Wellesley's negociation with the Prince was considered at an 
 end, Lord Melville gave him a formal answer in writing, de- 
 claring that it was at an end. Lord Wellesley considered this 
 communication as official, and although he was not particu- 
 larly flattered by hearing this from one of the old Ministers, 
 instead of the Prince, still the answer seemed quite conclusive, 
 and he communicated it as such to Lord Grey and to Lord 
 Grenville. He took occasion in conversation to add, his 
 entire conviction that Canning's conduct in his discussions, 
 had been fair, honourable, and manly ; and although he did 
 not describe himself authorised to make any declaration for 
 Canning, he was fully persuaded that Canning had now no 
 further discussion or negotiation with them. 
 
 Lord Moira, as you have heard, was sent for the day before 
 yesterday, by the Prince, who hung round his neck in tears, 
 and said that was the only way to meet him, with a fixed 
 determination that everything which had tended to separate 
 them should be mutually forgotten. 
 
 Lord Moira saw the Prince again yesterday, and in the 
 evening saw Lord Grenville, and told him, that he (Lord 
 Moira) was to see the Prince ai eleven this morning, and 
 expected then to prevail with him to give authority to Wellesley 
 to resume his negociation with Lords Grenville and Grey. 
 
 Moira passed an hour with the Prince, and at twelve, all 
 
 the Ministers went to Carlton House, and saw the Prince for 
 
 twohoursj but though it is now five, nothing has yet tran- 
 
 pired, and Holland told me this moment, that he had just 
 
 ed Wellealej in the street, who told him he had as yet 
 
 beard nothing, Meantime, a ru or prevails in the street, 
 
 that Sidmouth is to undertake, and Borne Treasury notes 
 
 have been sent out, which is rather a strong measure for an 
 
 extincl Government. I fancj thej mean to adjourn till
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 
 
 Monday, and 1 hear Stuart Wortley means to day to give 
 notice of a motion for Monday, if a Government shall qoI be 
 made by that time. 
 
 I should imagine nothing yet is decided, and the Prince, by 
 all accounts, continues in the same state of helplessness and 
 irresolution, in which he has passed the Last Meek. 1 am 
 assured from good authority that the Prince pressed Lord 
 Moira very strongly to see and to converse with Lord Eldon, 
 but that he had positively refused to do so. The Prince 
 affects to be surprised that he can neither convince Lord 
 Wellesley nor Lord Moira; the answer from the Lords Grey 
 and Grenville was a refusal. 
 
 Lord Grenville is gone airing to Hampstead, so I have not 
 seen him. 
 
 There appear to have been grave objections to Lord 
 Wellesley ; and his intended colleague, though much 
 admired, was equally distrusted. " I hear even worldly 
 
 people," writes Wilberforce, " take offence at 's 
 
 loose character for the head of the Administration of 
 the country." 1 In another place, the Diarist exclaims : 
 "How striking is Canning's example! Had he fairly 
 joined Perceval on the Duke of Portland's death, as 
 Perceval offered, he would now have been the acknow- 
 ledged head, and supported as such. But his ambitious 
 policy threw him out ; and he sunk infinitely in public 
 estimation, and has since with difficulty kept buoyant." 
 
 As if anticipating their failure, the Prince looked 
 about him for another agent. 
 
 1 " Life of Wilberforce," Vol iv., p. 32. 
 [bid. p. 34.
 
 334 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 LORD GRENVLLLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 May 2S 3 1812. 
 My dearest Brother, 
 
 Nothing of any sort has come to my knowledge to-day. 
 Lord Moira has, I believe, been with the Prince Eegent this 
 morning; and at two o'clock in the morning, Lord Bucks 
 was waked by a summons sent to him and the other Ministers 
 to go together to Carlton House, at twelve. Whether this 
 was to hear a valedictory oration, or to try any new contri- 
 vance, I know not. 
 
 RIGHT HONOURABLE THOMAS GRENVLLLE TO THE 
 MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Dearest Brother, 
 
 Everything remains in statu quo, nor has any new- 
 authority been given to Wellesley; the general opinion is, 
 thai the Prince has no resource, but that he has not yet over- 
 come his disgust towards the nauseous draught which is held 
 to his lips. 
 
 Wortlcy will move on Monday, so that I take fur granted, 
 something new will be heard before that time. There has been 
 a communication between Grey and Wellesley, on the varia- 
 tions between Wellesley's paper and Canning's, in regard to 
 the 1\\<> points; they profess to agree entirely on the two 
 points, and, therefore, there is nothing to prevent discussion 
 with them, whenever the Prince may bring himself to 
 I )n»] lose it. 
 
 I hear thai the Oxford Chancellor was very graciously 
 received with the address al the Levee; and the Levee news was 
 thai Sir V. Oibbs has accepted of the vacanl puisne judgeship, 
 as I suppose, upon the old principle of hall a loaf being better 
 than no bread.
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 335 
 
 LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 May 29, 1812. 
 
 Here we are, just as we were. Moira, I believe, was to 
 see the Prince this morning; but I know nothing of what 
 passed. I went up with my address, and he was very civil 
 to me — much as he ought to be— quite civil enough. The 
 money in the Treasury cannot be made to hold out beyond 
 this day se'nnight. To-morrow, Wortley will, I believe, give 
 notice for a second motion for Monday. 
 
 Gibbs took his seat to-day, as a Puisne Judge, in the room 
 of Lawrence, and the old people declare themselves quite 
 out. 
 
 Never was such a state of things seen. The violence and 
 the contempt expressed of the Prince Eegent are beyond all 
 imagination, and are truly shocking to hear of. 
 
 RIGHT HONOURABLE THOMAS GRENVILLE TO THE 
 MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 May 30, IS 12. 
 My dearest Brother, 
 
 While Moira was endeavouring to persuade the Prince to 
 give Wcilesley authority to propose to the two Lords G. 
 to form a government, Lord Grenville took the advantage 
 of this fine day, for an excursion with his wife to Hampton 
 Court; so that I have not seen him to-day; but his tem- 
 porary absence has produced no inconvenience, for I have 
 good grounds to know that neither Lord Moira nor Lord 
 Wellesley has as yet succeeded with the Prince, though 
 both of them together have passed four hours at Carlton 
 House this morning with the Prince. They left him an hour 
 ago, and without having succeeded; so that, unless the 
 Prince alters his mind to-morrow, he will be found without 
 a government on Monday; and then Wortley and others
 
 336 THE COURT OF ENGLAND 1812. 
 
 will probably be very vehement in their language in the 
 House of Commons. 
 
 It is difficult to conceive what possible resource, in the 
 present moment, the Prince can fancy that he may resort to : 
 at the same time, even if the negotiation with our friends 
 should be opened, there must probably arise very shortly, 
 some points in which the Prince would take too near an 
 interest, to induce himself to consent to all that must, per- 
 haps, be demanded. 
 
 In the middle of all these difficulties, too, I am told 
 that the Exchecpier will run dry on the third (Wednesday 
 next), but of this you are likely to know more than I do. 
 
 RIGHT HONOURABLE THOMAS GRENVILLE TO THE 
 MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Cleveland Square, June 1, IS 12. 
 Dearest Brother, 
 
 Lord Grcnville went at ten o'clock this morning to pass 
 this day at Dropmore, and return to-morrow. Lord Welles - 
 ley is just gone to Lord Grey ; and the general impression 
 and belief is, that he has obtained authority for discussing 
 with the two Lords the formation of an administration. 
 
 This will not prevent Stuart Wort ley from asking a ques- 
 tion in the House of Commons to-day, in order to give 
 an opportunity to Ponsonby of distinctly stating, that as yet 
 no word of communication or message had passed from 
 the Prince to either of the Lords G. This explanation 
 become the more necessary, from the pains that have 
 luiii taken t.i circulate notions of the intolerable haughty 
 demands of the two Lords; and in the ' Herald ' of to-dav, 
 
 which is supposed to be the Carlton Mouse paper, they have 
 the impudence to assert that the delaj in the business was 
 occasioned bv the unreasonable demands of the two Lords, 
 
 as in their share m the formation of the Cabinet.
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 337 
 
 I called just now in Portman Square, in order to tell you 
 of the result of the visit j but it was still going on; and 
 therefore I could not learn anything. 
 
 T take for granted that what has produced this concession 
 has been the fear of the expected discussion in the House. 
 1 am heartily glad I am not a member of that honourable 
 house; for 1 find the members of it are all perfectly well 
 satisfied, and ut this moment and under these circumstances, of 
 a declared want of confidence, and an address to make a neiv 
 government, they are going, I say, to-day, to ratify AVellesley 
 Pole's loan in Ireland for two millions, and are content to 
 hear that the Bank of England has lent this no government 
 two millions in England ! I have, therefore, my constitu- 
 tional and parliamentary principles to learn afresh. 
 
 Sheridan is said to be everywhere canvassing, these last 
 three days, fur supporting the Prince in his own nomination 
 of his own Household ; so that I think it still possible 
 the new overture will quickly close, under this difficulty. 
 
 TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 June 1, 1812. 
 Yesterday evening, exactly at five, Lord Wellesley was 
 going out of town to remain, when Lord Moira came to 
 Apsley House, and made him the following communication. 
 Lord Moira in the hope that the Duke of York's mediation 
 might be useful, prevailed upon his lloyal Highness to call on 
 the Prince Hegent, on the subject of the twenty-seven years 
 animosity to Lord Grey. The Duke of York seemed to under- 
 take this task very willingly, and saw the Prince conjointly 
 with Lord Moira. The Prince was still very violent, and 
 much ill blood between the brothers was the issue of this con- 
 ference; nor has it yet subsided. The Prince, however, said 
 at last to Lord Moira, that before he would consent to the 
 VOL. 1. Z
 
 338 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 admission of Lord Grey to his counsels, lie must have a 
 satisfactory explanation of a phrase his Lordship made use of 
 in his seat; viz., "of a certain pestilent secret influence, 
 which must be got rid of." 
 
 Whether Lord Grey's explanation will be satisfactory, or 
 whether there will be any at all, I am ignorant of; but he 
 has been applied to, and this day will determine. 
 
 
 
 The " pestilent secret influence" in the last note has 
 either been named or insinuated in several of the pre- 
 ceding communications, and was the subject of severe 
 animadversion in political circles. The press was 
 frequent in denunciations of a camarilla ; and it 
 was the notorious power exercised from this source, 
 that made the Opposition a few days later insist so 
 strongly on a reconstruction of the Royal Household. 
 The Prince, however, as will presently be shown, could 
 not be prevailed on to alter this alleged domination ; 
 and its prolonged existence was so firmly relied on by 
 i e Ministers, who were supported by it, that they 
 appear to have given themselves very little concern 
 respecting the issue of negociations, the ostensible object 
 of which was to send them about their business. 
 
 Strong observations had been made on the subject in 
 Parliament, particularly in a debate in the House of 
 Lords, on March 19th, when Lord Darnley stated that 
 "tlic continuance of Ministers in office depended upon a 
 breath — upon advisers not avowed. They rested upoo 
 i • : ons nol officially known in the House — upon persons 
 who, for their own Belfish objects, would poison the 
 royal car, and who, it allowed to remain, would prove
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 339 
 
 the destruction either of the Prince or the country." 
 Lord Grey concluded an eloquent speech by declaring 
 ' that there existed an unseen and pestilent influence 
 behind the throne, which it would be the duty of Par- 
 liament io brand with some signal mark of condemnation. 
 It was the determination of himself and his friends not 
 to accept office without coming to an understanding 
 with Parliament for the abolition of this destructive 
 influence." Subsequently, May 4th, during a discussion 
 in the House of Commons, Mr. Lvttleton stated that 
 " it was notorious that the Regent was surrounded with 
 favourites, and, as it were, hemmed in with minions, not 
 one of whom was of any character." 1 
 
 It is now necessary to proceed to the next nego- 
 ciation. 
 
 Minute of a communication made by Lord Wellesley to 
 Lord Grey, at Lord Grey's. 
 
 June 1, 1812. 
 
 Lord Wellesley stated that lie had, on that morning, re- 
 ceived full authority from the Prince Regent to form an 
 Administration under his Royal Highness's commands; and 
 that lie was specially authorized to communicate with Lords 
 Grey andGrenville on the subject. 
 
 That his Royal Highness entertained no wish to exclude 
 from the proposed Administration any person or description 
 of persons, who could unite in the principles on which the 
 Administration was to be founded. 
 
 That the two propositions stated in Lord Wellesley's 
 
 1 Sec "Hansard." 
 
 z 2
 
 340 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 minute of 23rd May, and subsequently explained in the 
 letters (which passed between Lord Wellesley and Lord Grey, 
 of the dates of 27th, 28th, and 29th May, 1812) were 
 intended by his Royal Highness to constitute the foundation 
 of his Administration. 
 
 That his Royal Highness had signified his pleasure thai 
 Lord Wellesley should conduct the formation of the Adminis- 
 tration in all its branches ; and should be First Commissioner 
 of the Treasury; and that Lord Moira, Lord Erskine, and 
 Mr. Canning, should be members of the Cabinet. 
 
 That it was probable that a Cabinet, formed on an enlarged 
 basis, must be extended to the number of twelve or thirteen 
 members. 
 
 That the Prince Regent wished Lords Grey and Grenville, 
 on the part of their friends, to recommend for his Royal 
 Higlmess's approbation the names of four persons (if the 
 Cabinet should consist of twelve) and of five persons (if the 
 Cabinet should consist of thirteen) to be appointed by his 
 Royal Highness to fill such stations in his councils as might 
 hereafter be arranged. 
 
 That his Royal Highness left the selection of the names to 
 Lords Grey and Grenville, without any exception or personal 
 exclusion. 
 
 That in completing the new arrangement, the Prince 
 Regent lias granted to Lord \Ycllesley, entire liberty to 
 propose, for his Royal Highness's approbation, the names of 
 anj persons now occupying stations in his Royal Highness's 
 
 Councils, or of an\ oilier persons. 
 
 That if the proposition made to Lords Grey and Grenville 
 
 should he accepted, as the outline of an arrangement, all 
 other matters would he discussed with the most anxious 
 
 solicitude to or mote harmony, and general accommodation. 
 
 W BLLESLE) .
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 341 
 
 Lord Grey replied on the following day, stating that 
 the minute had heen communicated to Lord Grenville, 
 who, with himself desired a further reference to their 
 friends hefore they transmitted their final answer. This, 
 however, apparently did not take much time for re- 
 flection ; for their joint answer was sent on the 3rd. 
 
 LORDS GRENVILLE AND GREY TO THE MARQUIS 
 
 WELLESLEY. 
 
 C'ameli'oi'd House, June '6, 1812 
 My Loud, 
 
 We have considered with the most serious attention the 
 minute which we have had the honour to receive from your 
 Lordship, and have communicated it to such of our friends as 
 we have had the opportunity of consulting. On the occasion of 
 such a proposal made to us under the authority of his Royal 
 Highness the Prince Regent, we wish to renew, in the most 
 solemn manner, the declaration of our unfeigned desire to have 
 facilitated, as far as was in our power, the means of giving 
 effect to the late vote of the House of Commons, and of 
 averting the imminent and unparalleled dangers of the 
 country. No sense of the public distress and difficulty, no 
 personal feelings of whatever description, would have [ire- 
 vented us, under such circumstances, from accepting with 
 dutiful submission any situations in which we coidd have 
 hoped to perve his Royal Highness usefully and honourably. 
 
 But it appeared to us on the most dispassionate reflection, 
 that the proposal stated to us by your Lordship, cannot 
 justify any such expectations. We are invited, not to discuss 
 with your Lordship or with any other public men, according to 
 the usual practice in such cases, the various and important con- 
 siderations, both of measures and arrangements, which belong 
 to the formation of a new Government in all it- branches, hut to
 
 342 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 recommend to his Royal Highness a number limited by pre- 
 vious stipulation, of persons willing to be included in a Cabinet 
 of which the outlines are already definitively arranged. 
 
 To this proposal, we could not accede, without the sacrifice 
 of that very object which the House of Commons has recom- 
 mended — the formation of a strong and efficient Government. 
 We enter not into the examination of the relative proportions, 
 or of the particular arrangements which it has been judged 
 necessary thus previously to establish. It is to the principle 
 of disunion and jealousy that we object — to the supposed 
 balance of contending interests in a Cabinet so measured ont 
 by preliminary stipulation. The times imperiously require an 
 Administration united in principle, and strong in mutual 
 reliance : possessing also the confidence of the Crown, and 
 assured of its support in those healing measures which the 
 public safety requires, and which are necessary to secure to the 
 Government the opinion and affections of the people. No such 
 hope is presented to us by this project, which appears to us 
 equally new in practice and objectionable in principle. It tends, 
 as we think, to establish within the Cabinet itself, a system of 
 counteraction inconsistent with the prosecution of an\ uniform 
 and beneficial course of policy. We must, therefore, request 
 permission to decline all participation in a Government con- 
 stituted on such principles J satisfied as we are that the 
 certain loss of character to ourselves, could be productive only 
 of disunion and weakness in the Administration of the public 
 interests. 
 
 ( ii;i;v. 
 
 (iu.w ii.lk. 
 
 On the 3rd of June, Lord Moira wrote an explanatory 
 letter to Lord Grey, as a rejoinder to the joint com- 
 munication from Lords Grey and Grenville, or rather to
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 343 
 
 that portion which, he states, " seems to throw an 
 oblique imputation" on himself, justifying the proposed 
 arrangement of the Cabinet, which had just been sent 
 to Lord Wellesley, and returned with a note of approval. 
 To this Lord Grey replied on the following day, stating 
 that neither himself nor Lord Grenville desired to cast 
 any imputation upon him, and declining to renew a 
 controversial discussion on points they had already de- 
 cided. Lord Welleslev also wrote on the 3rd to Lords 
 Grey and Grenville, proposing explanatory observations, 
 yet acknowledging that the negociation had been taken 
 out of his hands ; and again wrote to Lord Grey on the 
 4th, to apprise him that neither Lord Moira nor himself 
 had any authority from the Prince to make the proposed 
 explanatory observations, yet expressing a wish for an 
 opportunity to renew an intercourse under his Royal 
 Highness's commands. Lord Grey's answer came in 
 due course, stating that he was aware that Lord Moira's 
 communication was unauthorised, but was happy to 
 receive it as an expression of personal regard. 
 
 RIGHT HONOURABLE THOMAS GRENVILLE TO TIM 
 MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Dearest Brother, 
 
 I have just copied out for you Lord AYellcsley's paper, 
 which I trust you will agree in thinking as unacceptable as 
 it appears to all of us to be. 
 
 Lord Grenville arrived at ten this morning, and having 
 consulted with ten or twelve friends, he is drawing out a 
 negative answer, which is to be read over to-night; and if 
 approved by our friends, it will be sent to-morrow morning.
 
 344 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 In the meantime, Lord Grey has sent a private note to Lord 
 Wellesley, to tell him that the necessary communications 
 may retard our formal answer till to-morrow ; but that he 
 thinks it fair now, to tell him that both Lord Grenville, and 
 every other person whom he, Lord Grey, has as yet con- 
 sulted with, agree in seeing the proposal with the same 
 impression with which it was first seen by Lord Grey, in 
 Lord Wellesley's conversation with him upon it; viz., as 
 one that could not probably lead to any favourable result. 
 
 It is plain, by what I hear, that "Wellesley, Moira, Canning, 
 Sheridan, Hutchinson, perhaps, too, Lord Melville, Lord 
 Chichester, and Grant as Chancellor, will try the govern- 
 ment. 
 
 Thev will make an outcry against us, because they choose 
 to represent Lord Moira and Lord Erskine, as two of our 
 friends; who, being added to the two Lords G., and three 
 others, would make, as they say, seven with us against six. 
 But they very well know that Moira is against us upon the 
 Household Question, and would, in such a government, be 
 the Prince's Minister much more than our friend. Erskine, 
 though named of their Cabinet, was not intended by them 
 as Chancellor: but he has attended our meeting, and approves 
 entirely of a negative being given ; so that he will not 
 belong to them. 
 
 I rejoice in seeing this conclusion, as far as my brother 
 and my friends are concerned. 
 
 The " conclusion," however, was still distant, as will 
 be seen by tin- n.\l chapter.
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 [18 12.] 
 
 THE MARO.UIS WELLESLEY PROCLAIMS THE EXISTENCE OF DREADFUL 
 ANIMOSITIES — DISCUSSION OX THE LATE NEGOCIATION IN THE HOUSE 
 OF LORDS— PROPOSALS FOR A NEW CABINET — LORD CHOLMONDELEy's 
 
 LUCK — LORD MOIRA NEGOCIATES WITH LORDS GRENVILLE AND GREY 
 
 LORD GRENVILLE's STATEMENT — MINUTE OF CONVERSATION BETWEEN 
 LORDS GRENVILLE AND GREY, AND LORD MOIRA LORD MOIRa'b 
 
 chivalry — sheridan's last political trick — parliamentary 
 proceedings — the lord chancellor's opinions respecting his 
 
 colleagues and opponents sir samuel romilly on the 
 
 insincerity of the late negociation the honourable 
 
 thomas grenville on the same subject.
 
 

 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 The Marquis Wellesley in the House of Lords, 
 June 3, made a statement of his failure as a negociator ; 
 at the conclusion of his speech stating, with much em- 
 phasis, that " great animosities, dreadful animosities had 
 prevailed — animosities deeply to be lamented, and which 
 might be attended with the most alarming consequences 
 in the present critical state of the country." Lord 
 Grenville disclaimed on his own part, and that of his 
 noble friend, Lord Grey, anything like animosity. No 
 such fceline; had ever entered their minds. The Earl 
 of Liverpool made a similar disclaimer for himself and 
 his colleagues. 
 
 On the following day, Earl Moira resumed the dis- 
 cussion by denying that such feelings were entertained 
 by the Prince Regent, and, attributing the failure of the 
 negociation to a misconception. This brought up Lord 
 Grenville, who argued that misconception was im- 
 possible, as the document submitted to him had clearly 
 stated the Prince Regent's pleasure as to the persons 
 who should fill particular offices in the Government.
 
 348 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 Lord Moira still insisting that there had been a mis- 
 conception, Earl Grey rose and read the minute, adding 
 that both Lord Wellesley and Lord Moira had expressly 
 stated that they had no authority to depart from such 
 instructions. Lord Moira, however, could not be got 
 to alter his view of the case, that it was merely a state- 
 ment of a wish on the part of the Prince Regent, who 
 believed the proposed persons would be acceptable to 
 Lords Grey and Grenville. Lord Erskine declared 
 that he had regarded the proposal in the same light 
 as Lords Grey and Grenville, and that their accept- 
 ance of office upon such terms would have deprived 
 them of the power of acting conscientiously ; and 
 after a few more remarks from other noble lords, the 
 discussion closed. 
 
 It is almost impossible to convey an adequate idea of 
 the uneasy feeling that was spreading among the more 
 disinterested portion of the political world, in conse- 
 quence of the obstacles that prevented a satisfactory 
 arrangement between the several negociators for a new 
 Administration. Jt is evident that the chiefs of the 
 Opposition knew the insecurity of the position to which 
 they were invited, and would not accede to any pro- 
 posals which did not afford those guarantees they 
 required; whilst the Prince, forced by the pressure of 
 public opinion to look for assistance where lie least 
 desired to obtain it, took advantage of every manoeuvre 
 suggested to him, to lender such assistance temporary, 
 or to prevent its being given. Each of the high con- 
 tracting partie8 was equally alarmed, whenever there
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 349 
 
 seemed a prospect of their junction ; and in such ;i 
 mood they were, of course, ready to avail themselves of 
 any incident, however trifling, that permitted their 
 breaking off the negociation. 
 
 RIGHT HONOURABLE THOMAS GRENVILLE TO THE 
 MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 June 4. 
 Dearest Brother, 
 
 There has been a letter from Moira to Grey, in which lie 
 labours to prove our misapprehension of the proposal, and 
 avers that the intention was to have made all the other 
 members of the proposed Cabinet subject to Lords Grey and 
 Granville's approbation, and in like manner, every other 
 branch of the Administration, &c, all of which, is the very 
 reverse of Lord Wellesley's paper. Grey's answer has been 
 one of personal kindness to Lord Moira, but stating that the 
 general character of Lord Wellesley's paper appeared to him 
 to demand the answer that is made, and referring entirely to 
 the formal paper and the formal answer, as the only safe 
 grounds of negociation, instead of resorting to subsequent and 
 individual explanation. 
 
 They are all gone to Windsor, to the Queen, on the King's 
 birth-day, which gives us a holiday for to-day; but 1 am 
 strongly persuaded that to-morrow will bring another pro- 
 position of some sort. 
 
 I am assured that the Queen and the Duke of York are 
 both anxious with the Prince, to resort to the Opposition 
 fairly, because they sec no other chance of any Government, 
 and are beginning to take great alarm. 
 
 This is to me ver\ fearful, for 1 still wish for Welleslej or
 
 350 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 Moira to Lave a Government of their own in the present 
 moment. 
 
 RIGHT HONOURABLE THOMAS GNENVILLE TO THE 
 MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 June 5, 1812. 
 Dearest Brother, 
 
 I write to say that there is nothing to say. 
 
 The Prince returned from Windsor last night at ten, and 
 nothing has been heard this morning from any authentic 
 source. 
 
 It seems quite ascertained that Canning, as well as 
 Wellesley, disclaim all share in Lord Moira's proposed 
 Government; and, therefore, nothing remains but for Lord 
 Moira to throw himself upon the old Government, or to 
 bring a more unqualified and admissible offer to Opposition. 
 
 "William's Dropmore sympathies teach him to tell himself 
 that Lord Moira will to-day announce his having made pro- 
 gress in a new frame of Government, in which case, 1 
 Grcnville will set forth to Dropmore to-morrow. He cannot 
 more fervently wish himself there, than T wish him there, 
 but my mind misgives me as to Lord Moira's embryo, and 1 
 am still fearful that something will a! last be said that may 
 mil bear a negative. 
 
 I Bupposeyou have heard of Lord Cholmondeley's luck: 
 the old Lord Orford made a settlemenl in 1 78£, in favour of 
 
 Trefusis Lord Clinton, as heir to the old man's mother, who 
 had been a Kolle ; bill il appears that, lie had subsequent 1\ 
 made a mortgage, which operated as a resumption of the 
 
 settlement, and vests the (state in Lord Cholmondeley, as 
 Lord Orford's representative, and the Leasehold in .Mrs. John 
 
 I'. inier. This blot has been hit, b\ Lord ( "Union's w ant in-
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 351 
 
 to raise money oil mortgage, and in examining his title. It 
 appears, by the opinion of Richards and Romilly, that Lord 
 Clinton has never had any title, so that he will have rents to 
 refund, and timber &c., &c., and, moreover, all his leases 
 being void, the estate will come to Lord Cholinomlrlrv out of 
 lease, and, therefore, worth £28,000 per annum : Sir 11. Palk 
 loses £44,000, which he had lent Lord Clinton on mortgage 
 
 LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Camelford House, June 5, 1812. 
 My dearest Brother, 
 
 1 have been able only to write to you a few short notes ; 
 bnt you will allow for the hurry of such a moment, especially 
 as I sensibly feel that I am not what I was, and thai I 
 must now have air and -exercise, and relaxation, which 1 
 could formerly dispense with, when business was to be done, 
 and make the business itself stand for all. But tins will 
 not do now ; and as often as I try it, I am tired out, and 
 obliged to stop. 
 
 I grieve to say it, but my own opinion now is that the 
 thing must finally come to us in a shape in which we shall 
 be compelled to look at it. The present state of tilings 
 is, as I suppose you understand, that Moira stands charged 
 to form a government, and is at this hour, not only first, but 
 sole Minister, having no associate that I can hear of, but 
 Sheridan. 
 
 Erskine, Grant, AVellesley, and Canning, are said to have 
 all refused to have any concern with the undertaking. 
 Whether he will look to the old Ministers, I know not, but 
 I do not expect he will ; and if lie does not, where else he 
 is to go, I cannot conceive. lie complained to Erskine 
 that Grey's answer to his explanatory letter (which answer
 
 *"> ; 
 
 52 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 was couched merely in terms of personal courtesy) seemed 
 intended to shut the door against all further explanation. 
 Grey authorized Erskine to say that it Mas meant neither 
 to preclude, nor to invite, fresh discussion. This may possi- 
 bly lead to more writing, but I do not believe the Prince 
 Regent is vet in such a state of mind as to enable him to 
 see his situation clearly before him, and to act upon it in 
 the only reasonable way, by submitting to the necessities 
 imposed upon him by the constitution of the limited mo- 
 narchy which he administers. 
 
 In the mean time, the people grow impatient, and the 
 House of Commons indignant; the money will not hold out 
 many days longer, and we seem to be threatened with war 
 from America. It is a dreadful prospect, but I fear the 
 burden must come upon the shoulders of the two people 
 in England who, perhaps, least deserve it; and come with 
 the increased weight arising from tlie declared hostility of the 
 Prince we arc to serve. 
 
 Such as it is, however, there it is — the wine is poured 
 out — // faut le boire. 
 
 The Earl of Moira addressed a note (June 5,) to 
 Lords Grenville and Grey, and proposed an interview, 
 hinting that lie had not yet obtained the Prince Regent's 
 permission to address them formally. Their reply of 
 the same date declined entering upon unauthorized dis- 
 cussions, but professed readiness to receive his Royal 
 Highness's commands through anj channel he might be 
 pleased to signify to them. This elicitedfrom Lord Moira, 
 (Hi the following day, that he possessed the Prince's in- 
 structions to take sirp.s towards the formation of a
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. .'i03 
 
 Ministry, and to address himself with that object to 
 them ; and he required to be allowed to bring Lord 
 Erskine. On the same day, the four Lords assisted in 
 the conversation detailed in the minute. .But Lord 
 Grenville's and his brother's statements of what occurred 
 in the interviews, must have precedence. 
 
 LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MABQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Cleveland Square, June 6, 1S12, half -past 5. 
 
 \Ye had last night, a paper from Moira, inviting further 
 interview, which we declined on the ground of the want of 
 authority. To-day, he has obtained full powers to treat with 
 us without restriction or limitation, "vv'e discussed satisfac- 
 torily some points of measures, but no official arrangements. 
 Grey asked whether the Household was reserved. He said 
 the Prince had made no reserve on that point, but that he, 
 Moira, never could concur in such a measure. We said we 
 deemed it indispensable to act on the same principle now, 
 as had been usually acted upon in similar instances; and 
 here the thing broke off, and the conversation ended; and 
 we reduced it to a minute something longer than the above, 
 but substantially the same. 
 
 I have not time to copy the papers for you to-day. I 
 hardly dare hope that the thing is over yet. My apprehen- 
 sion is that the Household officers will resign; though I 
 rather hope that the Prince or Moira will make a point 
 of keeping them ; for the nearer I look at this, the less hope 
 I can have of really doing any good. I do not expect that 
 our ground will be popular with our friends, but I think it is 
 solid. 
 
 VOL. I. A A.
 
 354 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 EIGHT HONOURABLE THOMAS GRENVTLLE TO THE 
 MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Cleveland Square, June, 1S12. 
 My dearest Brother, 
 
 You will read in the papers of the strange discussion that 
 took place yesterday in the House of Lords ; where Moira, 
 having asserted that no stipulation had been made m Lord 
 \A ellesley's proposal, either for any particular office, or any 
 particular person, was answered by Lord Grey's reading from 
 the proposal itself the precise stipulation of First Commissioner 
 of Treasury, and the names of ATellesley, Moira, Erskine, and 
 Canning. Lord Moira tried to explain this away, but made; 
 a most miserable and unintelligible piece of work of it, 
 which nobody ever affected to comprehend j he turns out in 
 all these details to be much below the estimation in which he 
 was held; he made a fruitless effort yesterday evening, by 
 desiring the Duke of Bedford to carry a paper to the Lords 
 Grey and Grenville, in which he professed to be ready to 
 hold a conference with them for explanation, if they thought 
 the conference would lead to such an amicable understanding 
 as might induce the Prince to authorize Moira to communi- 
 cate with them, See. To this, they answered in writing, with 
 terms of civility to Lord Moira, that they could not seek for, 
 or enter into individual explanation thai was unauthorized by 
 the Prince, nor could take an_\ step towards the offer of any 
 suggestion 01 advice to his Royal Highness, without having 
 been previously commanded so to do. Thej all slept upon 
 this answer, ami this morning Lord Moira sent Erskine with 
 a cote from himself, Baying that he had received the com- 
 mands of the Prince Regent to form the plan of a Govern- 
 ment, ami specially to communicate upon it with Lords Grej
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 355 
 
 and Grenville, and, therefore, offered to call upon them. Lord 
 Grey was out, and could not be found till near two, at which 
 time, they both went to Lord Moira's house, together with 
 Erskine, who attended at Lord Moira's desire. 
 
 It is now live, and they are still in St. James's Place, so 
 that I fear no result will be known before the post goes out ; 
 but they went with an intention to desire to have in writing 
 whatever Lord Moira had to propose to them, and I trust tiny 
 will adhere to this resolution, the necessity of which appears 
 plainly enough from yesterday's House of Lords. I am, 
 myself, uneasy to find the negociation resumed, having 
 taught myself to believe that, for many reasons, it was 
 desirable, if possible, that our friends should not come in 
 till another experiment should have been made and failed. 
 
 The best chance for the escape of our friends is, that the 
 Prince should still have instructed Lord Moira to make some 
 preliminary reserve ; if so, they are free again, for they are 
 well agreed and determined to decline all discussion, unless 
 the whole subject be entirely free and unshackled, both as to 
 measures, offices, and men ; yet, by the length of the con- 
 ference, I fear it is all going on. 
 
 Minute of a Conversation between Lords Grey 
 and Grenville, and Lord Moira. 
 
 St. James's Place, June 0, 1812. 
 
 Lord Moira stated to Lord Grey and Lord Grenville, that 
 he was authorized by the Prince Eegent to consult with them 
 on the formation of a new government; and satisfactory 
 explanations having taken place between them, respecting 
 such measures as appeared to be of the greatest urgency 
 at the present moment, more especially with reference to the 
 
 A A 2
 
 356 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 situation of his Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects, and the 
 differences now unhappily subsisting with America ; and that 
 Lord Moira had received this commission without any restric- 
 tion or limitation whatever being laid by the Prince, on their 
 considering any points which they judged useful for his 
 service; they expressed their satisfaction with the fairness of 
 this proposal, and their readiness to enter into such discus- 
 sions as must precede tlie details of any new arrangement. 
 As a preliminary question, which appeared to them of great 
 importance, and which they thought it necessary immediately 
 to bring forward, to prevent the inconvenience and embarrass- 
 ment of the further delay which might be produced if the 
 negociation should break off in a more advanced state, they 
 asked whether this full liberty extended to the consideration 
 of new appointments to those great offices of the Household, 
 which have been usually included in the political arrange- 
 ments made on a change of Administration, intimating their 
 opinion, that it would be necessary to act on the same prin- 
 ciple on the present occasion. 
 
 Lord Moira answered, that the Prince had. laid no restric- 
 tion upon him, in that respect; and had never pointed, in 
 the most distant manner, at the protection of those officers 
 from removal; thai it would, however, be impossible for 
 him to concur in making the exercise of this power positive 
 and indispensable in I In; formation of the Administration, 
 because he should deem it on public grounds peculiarly 
 objectionable. 
 
 To this, Lord Grey and Lord (irenville replied, they also 
 
 acted on public grounds alone, and with no other feelings 
 whatever than thai which arose from the necessity of giving 
 to a new Governmenl thai character of efficiency and stability, 
 
 and (hose marks of the Constitutional BUpporl of (he Crown, 
 which were required to enable it to act usefully for the
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 357 
 
 public service; and that on these grounds, it appeared to 
 
 them indispensable that the connection of the great offices 
 of the Court with the political administration, should be 
 clearly established in its first arrangements. 
 
 A decided dilference of opinion as to this point, having 
 been expressed on both sides, the conversation ended here, 
 with mutual expressions of regret. 
 
 Nothing was said on the subject of official arrangements, 
 nor any person proposed, on either side, to fill any particular 
 situations. 
 
 RIGHT HONOURABLE THOMAS GRENVILLE TO THE 
 MARQUIS OE BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Quarter past 5. 
 
 My brother and Lord Grey are just come in from Lord 
 Moira to tell me that it is all well over. Lord Moira announced 
 that he was ready to treat without any reserve on the part of 
 the Prince. They talked generally of Ireland, America, and 
 Spain, and then occasion was taken by Lord Grey to 
 
 William tells me he has written to yon a few lines which 
 will better explain the thing. 
 
 He is afraid, and so am I, that Hertford and Yarmouth 
 will resign. How can Lord Moira forget that in our last 
 government, to which he belonged, we all made it a great con- 
 cession to the King, to suffer him to keep a part of his House- 
 hold ; how then can Lord Moira assert his principle against 
 touching the Household ? 
 
 LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Camclford House, June 8, 1812. 
 Every thing is, I believe, happily settled, and Lord Moira' s
 
 358 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 Government is launched. "Wellesley and Canning join it, 
 they keep Melville, and get Lord Chichester as a recruit ! It 
 is also said, that Sheridan is to strengthen their Cabinet by 
 his accession to it. About the Great Seal, I hear nothing. 
 Moira told us in the conversation of Saturday, that he had 
 explained to Eldon that they could not sit in Cabinet together, 
 because though Eldon professed himself ready to go into the 
 consideration of the Catholic Question, still his consideration 
 of that question would be so different from Moira' s, that they 
 could not act together. 
 
 "Whether the necessity of the present hour will alter this or 
 not, I cannot say. On this will probably in some degree 
 depend how far the old Government will support or oppose, 
 though their disposition must be to the latter, from their 
 dreadful animosity to "Wellesley. 
 
 I would send you a copy of the minute of the conversation, 
 but I have no other, and I may want it in the House to-day, 
 and have nobody here to copy it. The substance, and, 
 indeed, all the material words, you will see faithfully stated 
 in the 'Morning Chronicle* and 'Press/ 
 
 It has been confidently stated, that when Lord 
 Moira asked the Prince Regent whether his Royal 
 Highness would consent to part with his Household, 
 the Prince answering in the affirmative, his Lordship 
 " chivalrously" assured him that he would not consent 
 to one of them being changed. It should be re- 
 membered that the officers of the Royal Household, as a 
 matter of course, resigned with the ministry. In this 
 instance, there were particular reasons for the Prince 
 desiring them to remain. The reasons why Lord 
 Grenville ought to have insisted on their departure, 
 arose from a knowledge of the ill-feeling he had excited
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 359 
 
 in the Hertford family by his recal of Lord Yarmouth 
 from Paris, when the latter was acting as a negociator 
 in 1806. But neither Lord Grenville nor Lord Grey 
 could have expected to have profited by their resigna- 
 tion. Indeed, the ill feeling must have been strengthened 
 by it; and the channel for making it formidable could 
 not be removed. Lord Moira must have been perfectly 
 aware of this. 
 
 Moore, in one of his gossiping letters, treats this 
 incident very much as it deserves to be treated. " It 
 will puzzle me to tell you why Lord Moira, from a high- 
 flown sense of honour, quite above the common flight 
 of common understandings, has thought it right, and 
 loyal, and patriotic to keep in a set of ministers, whom 
 he has hitherto appeared to think knaves and fools, and 
 to be the champion of Lord Yarmouth, &c, for whom 
 he feels a thorough contempt. And when he thought 
 the salvation of the country depended upon Catholic 
 Emancipation, and the Repeal of the Orders in Council 
 — in short, upon a total change of men and measures, 
 why he sacrificed his poor, dear country, and only 
 thought of saving Lord Hertford's and Lord Yarmouth's 
 places, and all in the name of honour, is what I never 
 can tell you. At least, I can only tell you that his 
 friends say it was all honour— that Lord Yarmouth 
 had behaved particularly ill to him, and that he felt it 
 was a point of honour not to allow the Prince to 
 dismiss him, lest it might be supposed he was actuated 
 by personal pique ; that it would be acknowledging that 
 he believed in the influence of the house of Hertford
 
 360 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 over the Prince, if he recommended their dismissal ; 
 that Lord Grey and Lord Grenville insisted upon it in 
 so high a tone, that yielding to them was lowering the 
 Prince; so that over and above his own tremendous 
 honour, he took the Prince's also under his protection — 
 c'etait bien peu de chose. There he made his stand. 
 And I am firmly persuaded that he acted a most dis- 
 interested part, and that he has been the dupe of his 
 own honourable feelings, and the Prince's tears.'" 
 
 There is a passage in one of Miss Godfrey's letters to 
 Thomas Moore, in which, after relating the manner in 
 which the Regent slighted Lord Moira after the 
 negociation, she adds : " next day the Prince had a 
 great dinner of what he called friends, to which Lord 
 Moira was not invited, and three times that day, before 
 dinner and after dinner, he declared that if Lord Gren- 
 ville had been forced upon him, he should have abdi- 
 cated. This was his expression — a friend of our's was 
 there, and asked if this declaration was to be kept a 
 secret, and one of the Princes who was present told him 
 not, that the Regent wished to have it known. This is 
 an absolute fact, and shows what a dupe poor Lord 
 Moirawas." 2 
 
 As initials only are generally used for names in this 
 correspondence, most probably Lord Grenville has here 
 been substituted for Lord Grey, against whom the Prince 
 had more than once expressed a decided aversion, in 
 consequence of the freedom of some of his remarks in the 
 
 1 "Memoirs," Vol. i., p. 2 V >7. 
 
 2 "Idem," Vol i., p. 896.
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 361 
 
 House of Peers. Against Lord Grenvillc, as already stated, 
 the feelings of his Royal Highness were not so strong. 1 
 
 Sheridan in the course of this negociation, contrived 
 another spiteful trick against the particular objects of 
 his malevolence, Lords Grenville and Grey; for when Lord 
 Yarmouth empowered him to communicate to those 
 noble Lords, the intention of the Household to resign, 
 he said and did all he could to prevent such resignation, 
 suppressed the message, and when asked by Mr. Tierney 
 whether snch a step was in contemplation, offered to 
 bet five hundred guineas, that such an idea had never 
 been entertained. In this transaction, his biographer 
 completely breaks down in his apologies, and ventures 
 scarcely a word in his defence. Indeed, he considers it 
 " the only indefensible part of his whole public life." Mr. 
 Moore confesses, " he was in some degree, no doubt, 
 influenced by personal feelings against the two noble 
 Lords, whom his want of fairness on the occasion, was so 
 well calculated to thwart and embarrass. But the main 
 motive of the whole proceeding is to be found in his 
 devoted deference to what he knew to be the wishes of 
 that personage, who had become now more than ever 
 the mainspring of all his movements — whose spell over 
 him in this instance, was too strong for even his sense of 
 character, (?) and to whom he might well have applied 
 the words of one of his own beautiful songs. 
 
 " Friends, iovtime, fame itself, I'd lose, 
 To gain one smile from thec \' n 
 
 1 See ante, pp. 296, 298, 300. 
 
 2 Moore's " Life of Sheridan," Vol. II., p. 426.
 
 362 the court of England [1812. 
 
 Such a line of argument does not improve the case, 
 either of Sheridan or of his patron ; and we refrain 
 from expressing the opinion both its admissions 
 must excite in every well-regulated mind. This, how- 
 ever, was the last opportunity Sheridan ever possessed 
 of doing mischief in the same direction. Shortly after- 
 wards, his connection with the Court and with Parlia- 
 ment ceased, never to be resumed ; and the remainder 
 of his career was a slough of despond. 
 
 On Lord Liverpool announcing that the Prince Regent 
 had appointed him First Lord of the Treasury, and 
 that the other appointments would be filled up as 
 speedily as possible, Lord Moira went into a 
 detail of his abortive negociation, in which, so far from 
 attributing his failure to animosities, he affirmed that 
 he had found harmony in every direction ; adding, that 
 Lords Grey and Grenville had met him in the spirit 
 of frankness, and he had only to regret that their 
 view of their duty had not permitted them to come to 
 that arrangement which he so anxiously desired. 
 
 Tins conciliatory speech, and more to the same pur- 
 pose, did not produce the desired effect. The Duke 
 of Norfolk referred to the Address of the House of 
 Commons, urging the formation of a more efficient 
 administration ; which brought Lord Liverpool on his 
 legs, to express that both himself and his colleagues 
 had been most anxious that there should be no ob- 
 Btacle to the formation of a strong administration.
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 363 
 
 On hearing this assertion, the Marquis Wellesley rose, 
 and gave the last speaker a positive eontradietion, 
 assuring the House that he had been met with frank- 
 ness in every quarter, except from the ministers and 
 their friends, whom he charged with being the only 
 obstacles to the formation of the desired administration. 
 This brought up Lord Harrowby to demand an ex- 
 planation, which elicited from Lord Wellesley a more 
 distinct charge against Lords Harrowby and Liverpool. 
 Lord Harrowby then made a denial of personal animosity, 
 and complained of the publication of Lord Welleslev's 
 statement respecting the motives for his resignation 
 under Mr. Perceval. The publication of this, Lord 
 Wellesley disclaimed, and stated it to have been in 
 language that he would not have sanctioned. After 
 a few words from Lord Harrowby, Lord Grey expressed 
 his conviction that in the offer made to himself and 
 Lord Grenville, it was intended that all their principles 
 and measures should be overruled, but acquitted Lords 
 Wellesley and Moira of any knowledge of the secret 
 management that accompanied the business. Lord 
 Moira, however, declined to accept a compliment 
 to his honour at the expense of his understanding; 
 which caused Lord Grey to explain that such was 
 the impression on his mind : when Lord Moira 
 professed himself satisfied, and the conversation 
 terminated. 1 
 
 On the 11th of June, an animated discussion took 
 place in the House of Commons, on Mr. Wortley's 
 
 1 Sec "Debates."
 
 364 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 motion for an address to the Regent, when Lord 
 Yarmouth stated it had, from the first, been the inten- 
 tion of the Household to resign. Mr. Canning asserted, 
 that in a conversation in which the Prince had offered 
 to part with them, Lord Moira had expressed his 
 determination that none of them should resign, and Mr. 
 Tierney expressed his disbelief in their ever having had 
 the slightest intention of resigning, which was based 
 upon a wager offered by Sheridan, for five hundred 
 guineas, that nothing of the kind was in contemplation. 
 Lord Wilton brought forward an amendment on the 
 address, expressing a desire for an Administration in 
 which the country could place confidence ; but it was 
 lost by a majority for ministers of one hundred and 
 twenty-five. 1 
 
 A few days afterwards, Mr. Sheridan attempted 
 more than one explanation, but as he acknowledged to 
 the wager, and that he disliked the idea of the House- 
 hold resigning, he left the case exactly as it stood. 
 
 The fact was, great pains were taken to lay the blame 
 on Lords Grenville and Grey, as men who had proved 
 themselves impracticable, unreasonable, and exacting ; 
 nothing, however, could be more opposed to the facts ; 
 which a calm review of the negociations, coupled with a 
 knowledge of the peculiar position of some of the most 
 zealous friends of the Government, must satisfy every 
 unprejudiced mind. 
 
 There was no more Parliamentary discussion on these 
 delicate points, though there was a sharp debate in the 
 
 1 Bee " Debates."
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 365 
 
 House of Lords on the 1st of July, when the Marquis 
 Wellcsley moved a resolution, pledging the House to 
 the consideration of the Catholic Claims, next Session, 
 which was lost by a majority of one only. On the 
 30th, Parliament was prorogued with the usual speech. 
 
 Lord Eldon, probably aided by Lord Sidmouth, ap- 
 pears to have been the chief source of all these fruitless 
 communications. In a letter to his brother, written 
 about the 18th of May, he confesses to a foregone con- 
 clusion. " Most think that Wellcsley and Grenville 
 will not come upon these terms ; they will be accepted 
 upon no other. My opinion is, that both are so sick of 
 being out, that they will come upon such terms. If 
 they don't, we shall try what we can do without them. 
 Upon this, there are three opinions — two among us: 
 that is, I think that may and ivill go on — all the rest 
 think that it must be tried, but that it cannot go on, 
 and that things will fall into the hands of Grey and 
 Grenville, nearly forthwith. A third opinion comes 
 from gentlemen of the House of Commons, who think 
 it will go on, and who are not inclined to support at all, 
 if Wellesley and Grenville do come in. Upon this last 
 opinion, however, it is too late to act, if they bite. Lord 
 Sidmouth has behaved very well, certainly ; so has the 
 Regent." 1 
 
 Nothing can be more clear here, than the intention 
 that they should not " bite ;" or on the part of their 
 opponents, that they would not. 
 
 Something closely resembling corroboration of this 
 
 1 Twiss's " Life of Lord Eldon," Vol. I., p. -IDA.
 
 366 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 view of the case, exists in a letter from Lord Sidmouth 
 to his brother, dated May 15. "As to other points, 
 I can only say that it is the wish of the Prince Regent 
 to retain all his present servants, and that they will 
 not desert him. They are perfectly united, and I have 
 no doubt will act cordially together." 1 
 
 An excellent authority confidently states that the 
 whole of the negociations for a new ministry, were 
 conducted unquestionably with a previous determination 
 on the part of the Prince, and of those who enjoy his 
 confidence, that they should not end in Lord Grey and 
 Lord Grenville and their friends, being in power. 
 
 " The Lord Chancellor (Eldon) has never, from the 
 moment of the address of the House of Commons 
 being carried, shown the least symptoms of apprehen- 
 sion that he was to resign his office. During these 
 three weeks that the Ministers have been represented 
 by themselves, as holding their offices only till their 
 successors should be named, he has given judgment 
 in none of the numerous causes, petitions, and motions, 
 which have been long waiting his decision ; though 
 there never before was an instance of a Chancellor 
 about to resign the Great Seal, who did not hasten to 
 clear away all the arrears of his Court. Instead of this, 
 Lord Eldon has been every day closeted with the Duke 
 of Cumberland ; and during several days in the term, 
 the Court has been entirely shut up, while his 
 Lordship was employed in some way never known to 
 the suitors of his Court, or to the public. We have 
 1 Dr. ivil.w'.s " Life of Lord Bidmouth," Vol. m.
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 3G7 
 
 even had the Duke of Cumberland coming down to 
 Westminster Hall, and sending for the Chancellor 
 out of Court. The whole matter has ended pretty 
 much as I expected. It might have been much worse, 
 if Lords Grey and Grenville had not been deterred 
 from taking office by the obstacles which were pur- 
 posely thrown in their way. They would have been 
 suffered to remain in the ministry but a very short 
 time ; some pretext would have been anxiously 
 watched for, and eagerly seized, to turn them out with 
 loss of character ; or a new cry against Popery would 
 have been raised, and they would probably have been 
 the victims of it. " ] 
 
 The following letter affords strong confirmation of 
 the foregoing statement respecting a pre-conceived in- 
 tention, on the part, at least of the Prince Regent's 
 friends, that these negociations should be nothing but 
 a Comedy of Errors. 
 
 RIGHT HONOURABLE THOMAS GRENVILLE TO THE 
 MARQULS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 June 9, 1812. 
 Dearest Brother, 
 
 Freinantle's coach-letter of this day, will have tokl you the 
 
 1 "Diary of Sir Samuel Romilly," Vol. in., p. 42. — But the partj 
 of which Lords Greuvillc and Grey were the leaders, appear to have 
 been quite as averse to a change of position as themselves. Mr. 
 Henry Brougham, then rising into influence, writes, "The opposition, 
 (with a few exceptions) are all against their coming into office, and ! 
 am sure Whitbread, Coke, &c., will be decidedly so." — "Diary of the 
 Times of George IV," Vol. i., p. 139.
 
 368 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 result of what passed yesterday in the two Houses, and the 
 newspapers of this post will give you the details. I learn 
 from every body that Lord "Wellesley's and Lord Grey's 
 speeches were as good for their respective purposes as it was 
 possible to be., and the general cry in the House of Lords was 
 very manifestly and decidedly with us ; nor was Liverpool able 
 to rouse himself from the most striking appearance of fear 
 and dejection. 
 
 Our friends speak likewise with satisfaction of the House of 
 Commons, and with a confident expectation of a majority for 
 Thursday. Those who are in the House may be better judges 
 than I can be, who am out of it ; but, for myself, I am com- 
 pletely disgusted and scandalized to see, that after such an 
 outrageous insult offered to the House of Commons, after the 
 unprecedented contempt shown to their address, by the re- 
 appointment of the same Lord Liverpool, Castlereagh, &c, in 
 the very teeth, too, of the promise of the Prince Regent in his 
 answer that he would lose no time, &c, after all this, to see 
 that neither Ponsonby nor Tierney, nor any one member of 
 Parliament thought fit to call the attention of the House to 
 what had just happened, and that there should be nothing 
 but a quiet talk about Orders of Council, and a general rush 
 to the House of Lords, to hear the sport there— all this docs, 
 I confess, look to me like the consummation of the insignificance 
 and degradation of the House of Commons. Of course, I do 
 not hold the language of disappointment as to Thursday's 
 division, because that language always is disadvantageous on 
 critical questions. But to you, 1 have no Bcruple of saying 
 that I do not at all partake of the numerical confidence with 
 which I sec our friends cheering cue another for Thursday. 
 The game now playing against us is a desperate chance 
 indeed, which, if the Souse of Commons were true to itself, 
 
 would he a fearful hazard for a good deal more than the per-
 
 IS! 2.] DURING THE REGENCY. 369 
 
 sonal safety of Ministers, but desperate as this game is in 
 appearance, I feel quite convinced that it is a deliberate plan, 
 de\ ised with long preparation, and, therefore, probably assisted 
 with such force as our adversaries believe will safely carry 
 them through. As long ago as Sunday sen'night, Lord 
 Hertford told old Sloane that he would ensure to him the 
 continuance of the old Government ; as long ago as Thursday 
 last, your friend Ward, sent up for Sir M. Sykes from the 
 country, telling him that he would be wanted to support the 
 old Government, who were expected to be called to resume their 
 offices by the Kegent ; and early on Sunday, a great prelate, a 
 friend of mine, remarking to the Duke of Cumberland that 
 Moira was said to have completed, his Government, was 
 answered, " do not be such a fool as to believe him — it is to be 
 the old Government again." 
 
 VOL. I. B B
 

 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 [1812.] 
 
 COMMENDATION OF THE CONDUCT OF LORDS GRENVII.LE AND GREY, AND 
 
 THEIR DEFENCE MEETING OF THE FRIENDS OF GOVERNMENT 
 
 RUMOURS RESPECTING THE NEW MINISTRY — THE PRINCE REGENT 
 
 DECIDES ON RETAINING HIS OLD GOVERNMENT LORD GRENVILI.F.'s 
 
 CONGRATULATIONS ON HIS NARROW ESCAPE — DEBATES IN PARLIAMENT 
 
 LORD SIDMOUTH APPOINTED SECRETARY OF STATE FOR THE HOME 
 
 DEPARTMENT AFFAIRS IN THE PENINSULA, AND VICTORY' OF 
 
 SALAMANCA — GRAND CAVALRY CHARGE — MINISTERIAL DELINQUENCIES 
 LORD WELLINGTON POWERFULLY SUPPORTED BY LORD CASTLEREAGU . 
 
 B 11 1
 

 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 One of the most gratifying among contemporary 
 evidence of the upright conduct of Lord Grenville and 
 his friends while mixed up with these " remarkable 
 transactions," will be found in a letter written on the 
 18th of June, by a statesman of high character. "I 
 would have written to you more frequently," he says, 
 " during the late remarkable transactions in polities, if 
 the nature of what passed, and the way in which I obtained 
 from time to time some knowledge of it, had admitted 
 of any intelligible communications in an abridged shape. 
 The apparent changes of conduct succeeded each other 
 so rapidly, that the story of one day looked like nothing 
 but a contradiction of that before it, though all have, in 
 the end, proved to be true. Nor was it possible, while 
 the thing was going on, to adopt with confidence any 
 conjecture that seemed to solve such contrarieties, until 
 the most recent disclosures explained them, by proving 
 a depth of intrigue, which upon mere guess was hard to 
 be believed. The result has probably been an unfortu- 
 nate one for the country, because an Administration
 
 374 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 with Grenville, Grey, and some others included in it, 
 might perhaps have brought about successfully some of 
 those changes in our policy, both foreign and internal, 
 which thev think so desirable : at the same time the 
 public voice would second them so reluctantly in those 
 measures, and would be so much upon the watch to 
 dissappoint them, if there was any difficulty to be over- 
 come, that I trembled for my friends and for their cause, 
 when I thought them upon the brink of an Adminis- 
 tration, in which they were preparing to undertake 
 the government under such difficulties as the present, 
 without either Court favour or a popular cry. From all 
 this they were saved : not by any want of courage on 
 their side, but by the triumph of inveterate duplicity, 
 and the low arts of a palace, over an inflexible and proud 
 integrity." 1 
 
 The same upright and able politician in writing to 
 the historian Hallam, on the 24th of July, adds : 
 
 " I regret very much that you are not satisfied with 
 the conduct of Lord Grey and Lord Grenville, in their 
 rupture of the negotiation. It is perhaps a nice question 
 of conduct, and one of those in which there is hardly any 
 other test but success, to be resorted to. Upon the 
 whole circumstances, particularly with what has been 
 added to our knowledge of them by Lord Moira's 
 subsequent conduct, and by Lord Spencer's statement in 
 the House of Lords, I think their mode of closing the 
 negociation was the most honourable and upright for them. 
 
 Mi Ci i cncc of Francis Horner, M.] Vol. n.. 
 
 Ml.
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 375 
 
 selves, though with a little more reserve they might have 
 left it to he terminated with more disgrace by the Prince. 
 I was prepared, I own at the same time, to pardon them 
 if they had been less sturdy about the Household, and 
 thought if there was a possibility of their getting power 
 with the views they had of using it, that they might 
 be defended against the abuse that was in preparation for 
 them, if they should have yielded to the Court its pre- 
 tensions respecting the Household. I am now satisfied, 
 looking back to the whole intrigue, that they never had 
 any chance of coming into office ; and am somewhat 
 inclined to apprehend, that the high tone of personal 
 honour, and the strict stoical maxims of political conduct, 
 which the present leaders of the Whig Opposition are 
 guided by, in their negociations about office — and without 
 the observance of which, power can have but little to 
 gratify such men — are not calculated to obtain place for 
 them, except in a favourable conjunction of accidents, or 
 to win immediate favour for them with the public, 
 whether they gain the places, or are dissappointed. I 
 will not say that nothing of the peculiarities of temper 
 was to be detected in their prompt and peremptory 
 manner of negociating ; but on the other hand, they 
 negociated with all the odds against them, arising from 
 their integrity and rigid honour being known to those 
 who intrigued against them with fewer scruples. Never 
 was there a time in my remembrance of politics, which 
 brought out in so strong a light, the characters of all the 
 persons engaged in the transactions ; and I am sorry to 
 say, that some, of whom I was anxious to form, or to
 
 376 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 keep a high opinion, such as Canning and Whitbread, 
 sunk a great way in my estimation before it was all over." 
 But the whole play had not been played out, as 
 will be seen by a perusal of the continuation of the 
 Correspondence. 
 
 EARL SPENCER TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 House of Lords, June 9, 1S12, quarter past 5, p.m. 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 As I ventured to scribble a line to you from hence, yester- 
 day, I take the opportunity of doing so again to-day, to tell 
 you the little news I have been able to pick up here, since I 
 came down to the House; some of which is curious enough. 
 
 There was a meeting at Fife House this morning, of the 
 friends of the present Government, at which I understand, 
 upon good authority, it was agreed to entertain the Catholic 
 Question, in some shape or other, during this Session. I am 
 not sure in what shape exactly they mean to entertain it, as it 
 is repeated by some persons that they will agree to Canning's 
 motion, and by others, that they will go into committee in 
 both Houses on the subject; but they certainly have deter- 
 mined to yield in some degree (at least apparently) —that (hey 
 really mean to yield, I cannot, nor will you believe. 
 
 Lord Moira has accepted the Garter — whether as a calm to 
 his honour or his understanding, it is not for me to say. 
 
 The Duke of Norfolk applied for an audience of the Prince 
 Regent, which was declined, and his Grace went out of town 
 Lasl night. 
 
 The friends of Governmeni talk ven Banguinely of the 
 event of \\ <ut lev's motion on Thursday ; our friends, however, 
 
 ;irc equally sanguine. 
 
 5 -, u\\ dear Lord, ever truly, 
 
 Spenoeb. 
 
 1 "l>i;in and Correspondence ol Branch Horner," Vol. u., p 113.
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 377 
 
 LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Camelford House, June 9, 1812. 
 
 I had not the means of writing to yon yesterday from the 
 House, to apprise you of the first change of scene in this 
 very lively farce. What it was that disconcerted Moira's, 
 or rather Sheridan's plan, I know not ; for to a late hour 
 yesterday, it was all going on, and what is curious (but 
 certain), Canning, in the course of yesterday, solicited both 
 Liverpool and Vansittart to take office in this new govern- 
 ment. 
 
 Whitbread has been, for the last two or three days, in 
 constant communication with Moiraj and the general idea 
 is, that he was to take office, aud to lead the House of 
 Commons — not extremely disposed, I believe, to be so Led. 
 But how this was to be reconciled with his declaration, at 
 Pousonby's meeting, that he never would act with Canning, 
 I cannot undertake to say. 
 
 I have no doubt but that both Moira and Sheridan have 
 been dupes to the Prince Regent, or rather to Eldou ; and 
 that the present denouement is what was from the first in- 
 tended. 
 
 People reason variously about the probabilities of Thursday. 
 My own guess is, that the Ministers will have a majority ; 
 as both Whitbread and Sheridan, as also Canning, will all 
 declare against our demand of the Household; and will, 
 consequently give a loop-hole for country gentlemen and 
 rats to vote against the motion, even if they themselves should 
 vote for it; which Sheridan probably will not do, aor, 
 perhaps, the others. 
 
 If my conjecture is right, I shall be released in three days, 
 to my infinite joy; and the pleasure of receiving you at 
 Dropmore will only be postponed for a very short period.
 
 378 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 But in such times, no man can answer for anything twelve 
 hours together. 
 
 I own I am a little sorry that Moira's government was not 
 tried. It would have been a grand spectacle. 
 
 RIGHT HONOURABLE THOMAS GRENVILLE TO THE 
 MARQUIS OP BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Cleveland Square, Friday night, half-past 12. 
 
 My dearest Brother, 
 
 I have just left Camelford House, and do most heartily 
 congratulate you on the intelligence that the dangers and 
 responsibility of the present moment will continue in the 
 present hands. 
 
 Adam has just announced to my brother the Prince's 
 desire to see him and Lord Grey, on Sunday morning ; and 
 has privately communicated to them, by the Prince's desire, 
 his intention of continuing the present Ministers ; although 
 it is too late, we hear, to pursue you with this happy com- 
 munication to-night, I leave it as I go to bed, with orders 
 for its being left with you at an early hour to-morrow. The 
 terms of the message, and the appointment for Sunday, are 
 all as gracious as possible, and filled with expressions of 
 kindness. It is received by Lord Grenville as final, but 
 must not be indiscreetly mentioned till after the formal au- 
 dience on Sunday. Rejoice with me, my dearest brother, 
 at this providential escape. 
 
 RIGHT HONOUBABLE THOMAS GEENTOLE TO Till: 
 MABQ1 IS OY BUKINGHAM. 
 
 Cleveland Square, June 10. 
 DeAEI ST BbOTH] r, 
 
 (Uthough Morpeth doee mi coasider the Canmngiles as
 
 IS 12.] DURING THE REGENCY. 37i) 
 
 desperate for Thursday, yet I confess I have very little 
 reliance on our supposed superiority of numbers. I know 
 that M. A. Taylor doubts if he can vote, though he was 
 with us in the last address. Treinaine is quoted as being to 
 vote against us; and the Burdettites are expected either to 
 be absent, or to be against us ; but what I regard as the 
 worst feature of the whole, is to find that there is no esprit 
 de corps upon the subject of this exertion of royal authority 
 in the face of the Address of Parliament, and that this great 
 constitutional question has sunk away from the estimation of 
 the House, and will add another instance to the indignities 
 which during the last four years have so unremittingly been 
 heaped upon the House, by their scandalous dereliction of 
 all their constitutional powers, authorities, and privileges. 
 
 General Maitland is come to town, and gives, as I hear, a 
 very unfavourable picture of the state of things in his military 
 district; and the report is revived of American war being 
 commenced by their having sent out the few frigates they 
 have, to strike at some of our convoys. I do not find that 
 this is authenticated, but it is more believed than it was. 
 At Lord Liverpool's meeting of Parliamentary friends, it 
 was intimated that a mere motion to consider of the Catholic 
 Laws would not be resisted by the new old government. 
 I suppose this is meant to catch Canning, of whose assistance 
 they certainly entertain great hopes; though Morpeth, in 
 judging from G. Leveson's language, does not entertain that 
 belief as much as the public does. 
 
 Still I am persuaded that we shall be beat on Thursday, 
 in which case Lord Grenville will go to Dropmore on Friday, 
 where I trust I shall very soon find you and him.
 
 380 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 LOKD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Camelford House, June 10, IS 12. 
 
 I have nothing new to tell you to-day. There seems great 
 reason to suppose that Wortley will be beat to-rnorrow. But 
 whether his motion shall be carried or not, I feel very con- 
 fident the result will be an union between the present 
 Ministers and Canning, but probably to the exclusion of 
 WeUesley, who stands too ill with these men to allow of their 
 wishing or his consenting to, an union. 
 
 I hope to leave town on Friday. I shall probably stay for 
 the Levee on that day, and go down to Dropmore in the 
 evening. I have little doubt that the cry of the House of 
 Commons will be in favour of the Prince Regent's right to 
 name his own Household ; a point which the King has thus 
 been able to establish for his son, though he could never 
 carry it for himself. 
 
 I greatly rejoice in the escape I have had. Such a Court, 
 and such a Parliament, in such a state of the country, are too 
 much for any men to contend with. Had the thing been 
 fairly offered, 1 musl have tried it, but 1 believe tilings must 
 prove still worse (as they are rapidly doing) before either the 
 IVince Regent or the public will feel its real situation; and it 
 iii;i\ then be too late. 
 
 Mil. W. II. FfiEMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF 
 BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Souse of ( ton us, 5 o'clock, June 10. 
 
 There la aothing new, excepting Lord Sidmouth is Home 
 Secretary, vice Ryder, and Lord Bathurst, War Secretary, vice 
 Liverpool, and Lord Harrowby, President of Council.
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 381 
 
 Our numbers for to-morrow promise well, as to our friends, 
 and if they cannot bring more than two hundred, we shall 
 beat them; but they are moving heaven and earth, and a 
 great impression has been made by the rejection of the 
 Household. 
 
 Lord Moira has actually taken the blue ribband, but I 
 know he said to-day the Government could not stand. 
 
 I have just seen Wortley's motion for to-morrow, which is 
 the most milk and water thing that can be, and which, in my 
 opinion, ought to be seconded by Lord Castlereagh. It regrets 
 that his Royal Highnesses endeavours to comply with the 
 wishes of the House in forming a strong Government, have 
 not been crowned with success, and it hopes that he will lose 
 no opportunity in endeavouring to add to the strength of the 
 present. This, however, as to the motion, is immaterial— it is 
 a trial of the strength of the new-formed Administration, 
 and as such, will decide their fate, whether it is couched in 
 one form or another. 
 
 W. H. F. 
 
 LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Camelford House, June 11, 1S12. 
 
 There seems no doubt of our being happily in a minority 
 again to-night. We have just (to my great satisfaction) 
 decided to resist Wortley's motion ; and when that is disposed 
 of, to move an address of our own, in which we shall, of course, 
 be beat. 
 
 I, therefore, go out of town to-morrow evening after I 
 have, as is proper, made my dutiful acknowledgment at the 
 Levee, for the signal marks of confidence and favour with 
 which we have been honoured on this occasion. 
 
 Lord Moira wants to have another discussion in the House
 
 382 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 of Lords, sensible, I believe, that the Prince Regent did not 
 come off best in the last set-to. I have desired him to fix 
 either Wednesday or Thursday for it ; probably he will take 
 Thursday, that the Cabinet may have its dinner on Wednesday. 
 I shall only go up for that day, and Tom and Lord Grey will 
 remain with you at Dropmore, where, in consequence of 
 Temple's letter to him, we shall expect you on Monday. 
 
 Nothing new stirring to-day. Sidmouth is Secretary of 
 State for the Home Department, as best qualified to conciliate 
 the Catholics. Lord Bathurst and Castlereagh the other two. 
 The former probably only a stop-gap for Canning. But his 
 two colleagues do not seem very attractive. 
 
 It is necessary to return for a short time to Pen- 
 insular affairs, which were daily assuming greater 
 importance. The strong places, Ciudad Rodrigo and 
 Badajoz, had fallen into the hands of the British Com- 
 mander, who had made all his preparations for an 
 advance into Spain by the 13th of June, and it was 
 fully expected that no very long time would elapse 
 before he would come into collision with the powerful 
 force under Marmont. The two commanders met, 
 and a trial of generalship of the most remarkable 
 character ever exhibited in the great game of war, was 
 protracted for several days. For the details and the 
 result, the reader is referred to the secret despatch that 
 follows the communications of the two admirals.
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGKNCY. 383 
 
 ADMIRAL BERKELEY TO THE MARQUIS OF 
 
 BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 May 25. 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I wrote to you yesterday by the packet, but WeHesLey's 
 despatches did not arrive until this morning, and I have sent 
 the 'Phoenix* off with them. Soult has escaped from the 
 British with the loss of cannon, baggage, military chest, and 
 ammunition ; so that he will fall an easy prey to Silveira, and 
 the Portuguese army, who Wellesley met in Ins chace at 
 Montalegre, and as they were fresh and in good order, left 
 him to pursue the scattered French, and returned with the 
 British to Oporto, in his way to the Tagus, to oppose Victor. 
 The peasants are killing the French in detail, and some 
 thousands of prisoners have been brought in. 
 
 The weather has been very bad, and Soult is now experienc- 
 ing what poor Moore did. Tell Lord Braybrooke no officer 
 is returned wounded of the 14th, since poor Hawley ; there- 
 fore, he may be certain Neville is safe. Our little Harvey is 
 very well. The Guards were the last engaged with the 
 enemy, and behaved uncommonly well. 
 
 God bless you, my dear Lord, 
 
 I remain, ever yours, most affectionately, 
 
 G. Berkeley. 
 
 ADMIRAL FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF 
 BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Off Ferrol, June 23. 
 My Lord, 
 
 I believe I told you in my last, that three hundred Chasseurs 
 
 were on their march from Malaga to Ferrol, to complete the 
 
 French ships, since which eight Chasse Marees axe arrived at
 
 384 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 Seideira, a very small port, four or five leagues to the north- 
 east of Ferrol, laden with naval stores. These have been sent 
 overland to Ferrol, and a great part is canvas, if report says 
 true. The French offieers will sell their stores to any body 
 that will buy them. I observe, that since Mr. Le Brun has 
 been here, the French captains at Corunna are much more on 
 their guard than they were two months ago ; they are not so 
 fond of being in the same society with us, and as one of the 
 captains told me, that Le Brun had remarked to him, that 
 however it might be requisite in point of good manners to 
 converse in mixed society \\ ith us, the quarrel between 
 the two nations was such as almost to make it personal be- 
 tween every individual. Whether this was meant as a hint to 
 them I can't say, but they have certainly altered in their 
 deportment since. The captain of the Dutch ship called on 
 me on shore ; I was not within, but have conversed with him ; 
 lie is a good honest Dutchman, and would, I believe, be much 
 better satisfied to serve with our squadron than the French. 
 Admiral Cornwallis writes to Cochrane, that the ships here 
 are not to be relieved for some time. I confess I believe we 
 are just as well here as elsewhere, whilst the fine weather con- 
 tinues ; but if we .ire not caulked, and the hull repaired before 
 winter, the ship will founder — the leak in the bows continues 
 as before we went into dock, and the whole of the head was 
 washed a\\a\ in December. If you are anxious to have young 
 Parker join immediately, Admiral Young will find him a con- 
 veyance, I dare say. I received a letter from Mrs. Salter, 
 about her son. I fancy Probj got rid of him because he was 
 a little riotous —in three days he was completely master of the 
 youngsters' mess here, but by being stead} with him, he now 
 conforms like the rest, and will, 1 dare say, do very well. 
 
 M\ ship, as far as rigging and real service, is very well off, 
 nnd I have, hitherto, avoided any sort of represent at ion about 
 (he hull. I dread going into dock. I shall be obliged to
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 385 
 
 report before winter. Eliab Harvey, I find, goes back to 
 Rochcfort, to the no small annoyance of Sir Robert Calder. 
 Jervis is to come here again, he tells me. I read in the 
 papers so much of what is going on in England, (hat every 
 arrival becomes highly interesting. 
 
 I beg to be remembered to your Lordship's family, and 
 remain ever, with great truth, 
 
 Your Lordship's most sincere, 
 
 And faithful humble servant, 
 
 T. H. EltEMANTLE. 
 
 TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHM. 
 
 T— n, August U, 1812. 
 
 Ministers have taken more than the ordinary licence, upon 
 such occasions, witli Lord Wellington's late dispatches re- 
 lative to the glorious victory over Marmont. Had the 
 originals transpired, they would have fully confirmed the 
 truth of what I have already stated to your Lordship ; 
 namely, that Lord Wellington must retrograde in consequence 
 of Ins want a of money. In point of fact, on or about the 
 tenth of July last, his military chest did not contain 20,000 
 dollars. Indeed, so hopeless was Lord Wellington himself 
 of his ability of even maintaining himself at Salamanca, that 
 he totally destroyed those forts which had cost him a regular 
 investment, and many brave men, lest they should again 
 form the strength of the enemy on their falling into his 
 hands. 
 
 The two armies had remained looking at each other for 
 nearly a fortnight, on the opposite banks of the river, when 
 Lord Wellington found that he must fall back. During this 
 interval, the soldiers of both sides bathed together, and fre- 
 quently swam over, and interchanged civilities with each 
 
 VOL. I. C C
 
 386 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 other. Lord Wellington began to move on the 15th and 
 16th of July, and was followed closely by Marmont over 
 the Douro, on those days. On the 17th, Lord Welling- 
 ton approached the Tonnes, nearer by about six miles ; 
 and took up a strong position. He halted, the 18th, 
 when Marmont made a masterly movement to turn our 
 right ; but was most gallantly repelled by the cavalry under 
 Cotton. On the 19th, 20th, and 21st, still retreated on an 
 average ten miles a day, and as closely pursued ; although, 
 at the same time, with an extreme of caution and generalship 
 on the part of the enemy, quite admirable. On the first of 
 those days, after our army had marched, Lord Wellington 
 made a reconnoissance, with a very small escort, and his 
 personal staff, when two squadrons of French hussars pushed 
 for him, and chased him full ten miles, as hard as his horse 
 could gallop ! nor did he escape without the greatest diffi- 
 culty. On the night of the 21st, his position at once 
 covered Salamanca, and the great road to Ciudad Rodrigo. 
 
 The despatches have given sufficiently accurate details 
 of the battle of the 22nd. But it may not be known 
 to your Lordship, that at two on the afternoon of that day, 
 Lord Wellington was just on the point of again marching 
 to his rear, and abandoning Salamanca, when the ill star 
 of Marmont induced the latter, in his eagerness to out-llank 
 us, to weaken his centre, and gave the possibility of attacking 
 him with advantage. The anxiety of Lord Wellington, 
 between tins moment and half-past four, was terrible. Just 
 at the half hour, as nearly as possible, he halted (for the 
 armies were manoeuvring full two hours and a half, inarching 
 in parallel directions, ami for the most part, so close that the 
 French word of command was as plainly heard as our own), 
 fronted, and moved forward. At live, the enemy felt the 
 British bayonets, and iii half an hour their left was anni- 
 hilated. For the first tunc since we have interfered in fch
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 387 
 
 Peninsula, the French, on this occasion, were beaten out of 
 their tactics. They fled without order in every direction, 
 throwing away their arms, &c. • and had not the darkest 
 night perhaps that ever was known, covered their flight, they 
 must all have been taken or destroyed. 
 
 In the admirable charges made by the British cavalry, 
 Lord Wellington was always among the first; and Lord 
 Clinton describes him as having been several times in the 
 greatest danger; he was hit twice, and blood drawn from 
 the right thigh by a shot which carried away one of his 
 holsters. Of Marmont's fate, nothing is certainly known. 
 Lord Clinton saw the bed covered with blood, where his arm 
 was amputated, very high up near the shoulder. All the 
 French accounts say he has since died of his wounds, some 
 at one place, some at another. The Portuguese, however, 
 say that he got to Burgos, and was still alive, proceeding to 
 France in a litter. He has also a bad wound, but of what 
 description I have not heard. 
 
 All accounts, agree in saying, that the charge made by 
 General Bock with his heavy Germans, on the morning of 
 the 23rd, was the finest sight ever seen. It was on the 
 French rear-guard, consisting of nearly three thousand men, 
 one thousand of which were cavalry, all strongly posted. 
 The French cavalry fled on the first onset; but the infant in- 
 formed into squares upon commanding situations; but were 
 instantly strewed upon the ground under our horses' feet, 
 and all who were not sabred were made prisoners. 
 
 General Bock had not quite eight hundred men in tin's 
 gallant affair, and it should seem that it has afforded the 
 ostensible cause for giving the German troops permanent 
 rank in our army. Lord Wellington, in addition to his 
 increase of honours, is to have the next Garter — to have 
 £100,000 in money, and to have the present pension attached 
 for ever to the title. So Lords Liverpool and Bathurst, on 
 
 c c 2
 
 388 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 casually meeting Lord Wellesley out riding on Friday last, 
 informed him was the intention of Government. 
 
 It would be difficult to give your Lordship an idea of the 
 despondence and grief of every rank in our army, during the 
 painful, but I suppose, necessary retreat of our army. 
 Even Lord Wellington lost his usual flow of spirits. He 
 describes Marmont's movements as the most masterly that 
 could be conceived. In his position, on the right bank of the 
 Douro, he could not be attacked; and for six successive days 
 of almost constant manoeuvring, he never made the slightest 
 mistake, or exposed himself to be attacked, without our being 
 subjected to the certainty of being beaten. Indeed, he seems 
 to have had a perfect consciousness of his own powers, for so 
 sure was he of his game, that on the night of the 21st, in 
 general orders, Salamanca and its dependent suburbs and 
 villages were distributed into quarters for his army, for the 
 following night, and I have actually seen (found in the pockets 
 of the killed) short billets of such appropriation, directed to 
 officers commanding battalions, &c. 
 
 Providentially, however, his judgment failed him in the 
 critical moment. He seems to have been puzzled between 
 his wish of getting between us and Salamanca, and at the 
 same time to get possession, if possible, of the high road to 
 Portugal, by Ciudad llodrigo. For this purpose, while he 
 kept marching to outflank our right, he kept his right 
 stationary, and thus a perilous chasm was left in the centre, 
 which Lord Wellington, with the true spirit of military 
 science, and with (lie finest coup-d'crif, instant Iv penetrated. 
 Perhaps, too, he lost himself in the elevation of seeing us 
 retire before him day after day for nearly a week, and never 
 calculated upon our turning upon him. 
 
 When Lord Wellington saw his time, the words he uttered 
 were, "Now, bj (j — , 1 shall hit him." And hit him he did, 
 in every sense! Marmont had 45,000 men in the field.
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 389 
 
 What our force was, I cannot at present exactly tell, bul 
 certainly not so many by seven or eight thousand. 
 
 But, notwithstanding, it has pleased God that instead of a 
 retreat into Portugal, with all the effects of disgrace and dis- 
 comfiture, we have gained ground and a glorious victory. 
 Still it will be impossible for Lord Wellington to do more 
 than maintain himself at Valladolid and Cuellar ; and he will 
 have another general action to fight before he can thoroughly 
 break the army of the north, strengthened as it will now be, 
 by Suchet and Joseph. Lord Wellington does not hesitate 
 charging this unpromising aspect of things, not only upon 
 the ill-judged economy of Ministers, who have crippled him, 
 but also upon the failure of the expedition to Catalonia, which 
 your Lordship will hear with indignation and surprise, has 
 actually been stopped by orders from the present wretched 
 ministers. It is true, they have, since tilings have taken the 
 present turn, ordered it to go on again — but the moment — 
 even the season for efficient co-operation has been wantonly 
 thrown away ; and instead of affording the means of turning 
 the glorious victory of Salamanca to the actual and immediate 
 expulsion of the French, it can now answer no other end than 
 that of a simple reinforcement, while, in the meantime, your 
 Lordship will find that Suchet will cut up those troops in 
 Catalonia and Valencia, which were organizing in expectation 
 of the English armament. A determination to depart at any 
 rate, and upon every occasion, from Lord Wellesley's policy, 
 seems to be the only cause which can be assigned for this 
 extraordinary conduct of Government. In the same spirit of 
 folly, they have suffered America to get the start of us — have 
 allowed themselves to be check- mated by Denmark — have 
 caused the delay of Bernadotte's expedition, which may now 
 never take place, and, in fine, have done all that they could, 
 both at home and abroad, to ruin the common cause, and run 
 the risk of losing the greatest game ever played by contending
 
 390 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 nations. AVhen all this is brought before the country, as it 
 assuredly ivill, I cannot think that it is their projected taxes 
 upon English capital, and Irish property, that can save 
 them. 
 
 Notwithstanding all that Lord Wellington had done 
 and said for Spain, he was quite as much at the mercy 
 of Spanish incapacity and presumption, when in pos- 
 session of their capital in August, 1812, as when 
 anxious to advance to their assistance from Portugal 
 almost at the commencement of the war. His letter, 
 addressed to Sir Henry Wellesley, dated the 23rd of that 
 month, contains more than the usual amount of com- 
 plaint and abuse of Spanish officers, civil and military 
 — evidently not without ample provocation. He asks, 
 " What can be done for this lost nation ? As for raising 
 men or supplies, or taking any one measure to enable 
 them to carry on the war, that is out of the question. 
 Indeed, there is nobody to excite them to exertion, or to 
 take advantage of the enthusiasm of the people, or of 
 their enmity against the French. Even the Guerillas 
 arc getting quietly into large towns, and amusing them- 
 selves, or collecting plunder of a better and more valuable 
 description, and nobody looks forward to the exertions to 
 be made, whether to secure or improve our advantage." 
 
 lie continues: "This is a faithful picture of the 
 state of affairs ; and though I still hope to be able to 
 maintain our position in Castille, and even to improve 
 our advantages, 1 shudder when 1 reflect upon the 
 enormity of the task which I have undertaken, with
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 391 
 
 inadequate powers myself to do anything, and without 
 assistance of any kind from the Spaniards, or, I may 
 say, from any individual of the Spanish nation." 1 
 
 This is strong language, but it is the language of 
 fearless truth, which this truly illustrious man never 
 hesitated to speak or write. We should like to reprint 
 the whole of this letter, as the best reply that could be 
 given to the attacks that have been made upon the 
 Grenvilles for the opinions they expressed upon the 
 war ; but the reader, who has not the valuable labours 
 of Colonel Gurwood to refer to, must be satisfied with 
 a few more sentences : " If for any cause," he asks, 
 as though about to echo the sentiments of Lord Gren- 
 ville, " I should be overpowered, or should be obliged to 
 retire, what will the world say ? What will the people 
 of England say ? What will those in Spain say ? That 
 we had made a great effort, attended by some glorious 
 circumstances ; and that from January 1812, we had 
 gained more advantages for the cause, and had acquired 
 more extent of territory by our operations, than had 
 ever been gained by any army in the same period of 
 time, against so powerful an enemy ; but that, being 
 unaided by the Spanish officers and troops — not from 
 disinclination, but from inability, on account of the 
 gross ignorance of the former, and the want of dis- 
 cipline of the latter, and from the inefficiency of all the 
 persons selected by the Government for great em- 
 ployment, we were at last overpowered, and compelled 
 to withdraw within our frontier." 
 
 i «« 
 
 Despatches," Vol. ix., p. 374.
 
 392 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 " What will be Lord Castlereagh's reply to the next 
 proposition for peace ?" he then asks. " Not that we 
 will not treat, if the government of Joseph is to be the 
 guaranteed government, but he will be too happy to 
 avail himself of any opportunity of withdrawing with 
 honour from a contest in which it will be manifest 
 that, owing to the inability of those employed to carry 
 it on, on the part of the Spaniards, there is no prospect 
 of military success. Thus, this great cause will be 
 lost, and this nation will be enslaved for the want of 
 men at their head capable of conducting them." 
 
 It is evident that our great Commander looked to 
 Lord Castlereagh in this emergency, with more anxiety 
 than hope. He appears to be striving to reconcile 
 himself to some diplomatic compromise, that would 
 save the honour of the English army, and the credit of 
 the English government. Happily for both, equally 
 so for the fame of Lord Wellington, the Minister's 
 resources were more than sufficient to meet the diffi- 
 culties of the situation — almost desperate as they 
 seemed. His capacity for the most onerous, the most 
 exacting official employment, was displayed throughout 
 the war, in a manner that must always maintain his 
 name in the front rank of eminent British Statesmen, 
 notwithstanding the misrepresentations and prejudiced 
 statements of political opponents. There can be no 
 difficulty whatever in proving, that if the military glory 
 of terminating with complete success this arduous 
 contest with the most powerful and warlike nation in 
 
 1 'Despatches," Vol. a.., p. 876.
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 393 
 
 Europe, is due to this able General ; the ministerial 
 fame of assisting and directing him with the necessary 
 material and counsel, is equally due to the able Minister. 
 
 What was accomplished in the first campaign, under 
 his auspices, as narrated by Sir Henry Wellesley, in a 
 despatch to Lord Castlereagh, three days later than that 
 of Lord Wellington just quoted, was a happy presage 
 of what was to follow. 
 
 " I beg to offer to your Lordship my congratulations 
 upon the raising of the siege of Cadiz, an event, 
 perhaps, the most important of this extraordinary cam- 
 paign. I do not believe that our military annals 
 afford an example of a campaign, the circumstances of 
 which are more creditable to our arms, or attended 
 with more substantial advantages : two fortresses 
 and two fortified posts taken, almost in the presence 
 of two French armies, each of which equalled in strength 
 that of the Allies ; one of these armies defeated in a 
 pitched battle, with the loss of half its numbers ; the 
 enemy driven from the interior provinces ; the capital 
 recovered, and the siege of this important post raised, 
 which will, I expect, be followed by the complete 
 evacuation of Andalusia; and all this achieved in a 
 campaign of about five months' duration." 
 
 'Letters and Despatches of Viscount Castlereagh," Vol. nil., p. 272. 
 
 i u
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 [1812.] 
 
 lord Liverpool's negociations with mr. canning — reconciliation 
 
 of viscount castlereagh and mr. canning the leadership of 
 
 the house of commons — incivility of ministers to maro.uis 
 
 wellesley reconciliation of lord sidmouth and mr. canning 
 
 the wellesley and canning party position of lord 
 
 wellesley his desire to serve under lord grenville 
 
 madness of the o.ueen of naples more secret history 
 
 hostility of marquis wellesley to the government — lord 
 Wellington's private communication to him, and his reply — 
 napoleon in russia — surrender of income by the joint tellers 
 
 of the exchequer lord wellesley attacks the government 
 
 in the house of lords the princess of wales and the 
 
 princess charlotte destruction of the french army on its 
 
 retreat from moscow bribes offered to england.
 

 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Something more remains to be told respecting the 
 " strange eventful history " of the Liverpool Admi- 
 nistration ; but we leave it to a well-qualified pen. 
 There is, however, one remark that, cannot in justice be 
 avoided here. The interview so graphically narrated 
 in the next letter, there is no doubt took place, very 
 much in the manner it is described. That Lord Castle- 
 reagh should insist upon retaining the leadership of the 
 House of Commons was a matter of course — the posi- 
 tion was due to him on account of the ability, as a 
 Minister, he had displayed in official situations of great 
 difficulty and responsibility — he possessed it before 
 Mr. Canning's co-operation was sought, and, in the 
 first opening of the negociation, his retaining it was 
 mentioned as a condition. Mr. Canning, it is evident, 
 was ambitious of its pre-eminence and its patronage. 
 It is natural, therefore, that Lord Castlereagh should 
 have firmly withstood this attempt to dispossess him of 
 his well-earned honours, made by one from whose 
 jealousy he had already greatly suffered. But lie is
 
 398 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 not only blameless here. The conviction is expressed 
 in a subsequent portion of the Correspondence, that the 
 entire negociation was a sham. This would imply that 
 Lord Castlereagh lent himself to the deception — an 
 inference totally at variance with his sense of honour, 
 possessing, besides, the glaring improbability that he 
 would copy that crooked course of policy he had indig- 
 nantly denounced. 
 
 TO EARL TEMPLE. 
 
 T— n, Sept. 2, 1812. 
 My Lord, 
 
 In this letter, I propose to detail to your Lordship 
 the steps taken by Government (whether with views 
 real or pretended) to connect Lord Wellesley and Canning 
 with their administration, and the ostensible causes of their 
 failure. 
 
 About a week before the recess, Lord Liverpool sent 
 for Mr. Canning, and told him that he had it in command 
 from the Prince Regent, to say how much it would gratify 
 his Royal Highness to see him (Canning) one of the members 
 of his Government, as well from feelings of personal conside- 
 ration, as from the conviction of its being highly beneficial to 
 the public service. That these sentiments were perfectly in 
 unison with his own (Liverpool's) and that he had sent for 
 him to come to an understanding upon that subject before 
 Parliament broke up. Canning here asked Liverpool if it were 
 meant that the overtures thus made, were understood to extend 
 to Lord Wellesley as to himself. To which Liverpool re- 
 plied, " certainly." Canning then said, that Lord Wellesley 
 and himself considered they were at liberty to act in conjunc- 
 tion with any man, or set of men, provided that they were not
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 
 
 399 
 
 expected, in the slightest point, to depart from those principles 
 of policy to which they held themselves inviolably bound, 
 namely, the carrying on the war in the Peninsula with vigour, 
 and the giving the Catholic Question a due consideration, in 
 the approaching Session of Parliament. Lord Liverpool was 
 willing that such should be the basis of the proposed negocia- 
 tion. Canning making no objection, it was then arranged, 
 first, that a meeting should take place between Canning and 
 Castlereagh : then, that a reconciliation, should take place 
 and their respective pretensions, both in regard of office, and 
 weight in administration, be equitably settled. Next, that 
 overtures should be directly made to Lord Wellesley, and 
 lastly, that as there was now scarcely any or no difference 
 existing between the parties, respecting the war, that Lords 
 Sidmouth and Wellesley should confer upon the Catholic 
 Claims, and endeavour to frame such measures upon that 
 head as would be acceptable to the moderate men of all parties. 
 At parting, Lord Liverpool asked Canning if he thought 
 Ireland, with a seat in the Cabinet for Mr. Pole, would be 
 acceptable to Lord Wellesley : to which Canning could give 
 no answer. 
 
 In two days after this, Canning and Castlereagh had the 
 proposed meeting ; which, apparently, was a very cordial one, 
 shaking hands, mutual acknowledgments of heat— happiness 
 at meeting— professions of regard — wish for renewal of con- 
 nexion and great admiration of each others' talents, integrity, 
 &c, were interchanged, Liverpool only being by; and they next 
 proceeded to discuss their respective pretensions. It was 
 first mooted that Canning should return to his old situation, at 
 the Foreign Office ; to which Castlereagh agreed, on its being 
 expressly stipulated in writing that he was to continue to 
 manage the House of Commons — a point which he would not, 
 holding himself as the successor and representative of " the 
 great and good Mr. Perceval," ever recede from. To this,
 
 400 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 Canning objected, that such a stipulation was a direct 
 acknowledgment of inferiority, and that the insisting upon it 
 at such a stage of the negotiation, was dictated in a spirit of 
 jealousy, it behoved him to be wary of; but that to show his 
 wishes for the proposed union, he was willing to take the 
 Secretariat upon a perfect footing of equality with Lord 
 Castlereagh, and that their respective influence in the House 
 of Commons should be left to find its own level, without any 
 aid to either, save to that which their offices, their personal 
 friends and attachments would naturally give them. This 
 proposition Castlereagh positively rejected, repeating the same 
 thing over and over again, of his pious regard to the memory 
 of Mr. Perceval, frc, and the meeting broke up, re wfecta. 
 
 In two or three days after this, Liverpool again sent for 
 Canning, told him that the Prince was greatly disconcerted 
 and vexed at the failure, and had desired him to see Canning 
 again, adding (confidentially) that the Prince had said, " You 
 must put a little more bait on the hook." In consequence of 
 which he, Lord Liverpool, had no objection now to say, that 
 if Lord L. Gower's coming into the Cabinet were an object to 
 Mr. Canning, it should be effected. Canning said that it 
 indubitably was a very great object, but that he could not 
 allow of Lord Castlereagh' s exclusive lead in the Commons. 
 However, he was very willing, in order to mark the perfect 
 equality between them more distinctly, to allow that the 
 management of the House should be put into Braggc Bat hurst's, 
 or Vansittart's hands, and thus terminate all rivalry upon (lie 
 subject. It took another day, to get Castlereagh's decision 
 upon this latter proposition, but it met with the same fate as 
 the former. Castlereagh coldly and obstinately maintaining 
 lus point. AAlength, Canning, seeing nothing better could 
 be done, on the very Last daj of the Session, but at a late 
 hour of it, made au offer, to Leave Castlereagh in this so 
 much-prized management, provided that he Canning should
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 401 
 
 be the organ through which all communications should be 
 made to the House of Commons from the Throne j in other 
 words, to be considered the leading Secretary of State, in 
 that chamber of Parliament. This proposition, apparently so 
 moderate, was again negatived by the inflexible Castlereagh, 
 and the Session closed, without, indeed, seeing the hands of 
 Government strengthened, but leaving them masters of the 
 field, and Ministers of the country— at least till Parliament 
 should meet again. 
 
 TO EARL TEMPLE. 
 
 T— n, Sept. 4, 1812. 
 My Loud, 
 
 In my letter of yesterday, I have been particular in marking 
 the dates of the various overtures which were made, as they 
 bear on the period of the recess ; for scarcely had that event 
 taken place, or at least a very short time afterwards, when 
 Canning, Lord "Wellesley, and their respective friends, became 
 fully persuaded that the whole proceeding was bottomed in 
 knavery and deceit, on the part both of the Prince and the 
 Government, and was solely intended to cajole Lord Wellesley, 
 and to prevent Ins making his so often-threatened speech upon 
 the causes of his retiring from office, and, consequently, the 
 exposition of the weak and vacillating policy of Ministers, 
 which it has become well understood, he meant to deliver 
 during the last days of the Session. It is true that the 
 intercourse between Lord Liverpool and Canning continued 
 with great civility for a fortnight or longer after that event, 
 but with a gradual diminution of ardour on the part of the 
 Premier; and, at length, terminated rather abruptly, upon 
 Canning's casually asking what would be the course of pro- 
 ceeding were he (Canning) to assent in toto to Lord Liver- 
 pool's proposition for a junction ? To which the latter re- 
 VOL. I. D D
 
 402 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 plied it would then be his duty to a set of men who had 
 so firmly stood by him, to submit it to them, and make it a 
 Cabinet Question. Neither eagerness for office, nor credulity 
 itself could submit to be further imposed upon ; for it was 
 rather too gross to affect a belief that any four of a Cabinet, 
 so composed as the present, would deliberately vote them- 
 selves out, for the purpose of introducing others to their 
 situations ; men, too, whom they professed to hate,, and whom 
 they are known to fear. 
 
 Be all this as it will, the stratagem had the desired effect. 
 Lord Wellesley, always averse, as well from speaking as from 
 the necessary preparation for it, was too happy to evade it, 
 on very slight suggestions of his personal friends, that it 
 would be injudicious so to do ; and thus a second opportunity 
 was lost of arraying the whole judgment of the United 
 Kingdom, in opposition to the present men, and of redeeming 
 the pledge he had certainly given (to his adherents, at least) 
 of at once revenging himself, and exposing them. Of his 
 means of doing this, in a degree far more ample than any one 
 not most intimately versed in what has been going on these 
 last two years, would credit, your Lordship may be assured. 
 Happily, the moment for doing so, although postponed, is 
 not abandoned. Nor will what I have just stated to your 
 Lordship, serve to blunt the edge or point of the powerful 
 weapons he means to wield against them. 
 
 Your Lordship will have observed that no direct propo- 
 sitions whatever were made to Lord Wellesley : that he has 
 had no intercourse with these people during this ncgociation, 
 nor since that, period the slightest. On the contrary, on 
 even possible occasion, they have marked their incivility 
 towards him, by even means in their power. So far from 
 Letting him see Lord Wellington's despatches, they nave not 
 transmitted him even the ordinary official bulletins. 
 
 But the comical part of all this is, that their antipathy
 
 IS 1 2.3 DURING THE REGENCY. 403 
 
 extends to their quondam humble servant, but late apostate 
 from the Intolerants, W. Pole, who has his full share of their 
 abhorrence and contempt. The first intimation he had of 
 his successor in office, was through the newspapers; nor, 
 although he continued to do business with Lords Liverpool, 
 Sidmouth, and Castlereagh, to the last moment, did one 
 of them ever allude to his quitting Ireland, or ask his 
 advice, or pay him any compliment whatever. From Peel 
 still less ; for he announced his succession to the Secretary- 
 ship, by going down to the Irish Office, with his clerks, 
 and taking possession of it, without further ceremony. 
 What is yet thoroughly unaccountable, is that Pole received 
 a letter bearing date, the fifth of July, and delivered in due 
 course from the Duke of Eichmond, expressing his Grace's 
 wish that he who was on the spot, would let him know who 
 and what was the new Secretary; and in other respects a 
 civil letter, which pleased Pole very much — when, lo ! a few 
 minutes after reading it, he read Mr. Peel's appointment, 
 in the ' Dublin Gazette ' of the fourth ! 
 
 When I speak of no intercourse, &c., I mean to be under- 
 stood as not including Lord Sidmouth. It had been ori- 
 ginally understood that Lords Sidmouth, Buckinghamshire, 
 B. Bathurst, and Vansittart, had signed the round robins 
 against Lord Wellesley — put out by his late colleagues. 
 Lord Sidmouth, as soon as he understood that such was the 
 impression on Lord Wellesley's mind, called upon him, and 
 assured him that it was entirely a misconception, and con- 
 trary to the truth, either with respect to himself, Sidmouth, 
 or any of those who came into office with him. Tin's inter- 
 view begot others ; and a considerable intimacy exists at 
 present. I am not certain whether Lord Sidmouth speaks 
 fully upon state affairs in general, but certainly he does of 
 those of his own office, of which more in my next. In the 
 course of one of these interviews, Lord Sidmouth said, that 
 
 D D 2
 
 404 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 he had a great wish to be reconciled to Canning j that, having 
 conceived himself treated by that gentleman with a very 
 unbecoming levity, almost amounting to insolence, he was 
 determined not to come into office with him ; but, having 
 achieved that step by himself, all resentment in his mind had 
 ceased, and he wished much that Lord Wellesley would 
 bring about a meeting. This meeting accordingly took place, 
 and great cordiality exists between these three personages at 
 present. What may grow out of it, I cannot divine ; but 
 I certainly do not believe there is, just now at least, any view 
 to political connexion. 
 
 TO EARL TEMPLE. 
 
 Sept. 6, 1812. 
 
 The immediate consequence of the rupture of the nego- 
 tiations to which the preceding letters refer, was the formation 
 of the strictest political union between Lord Wellesley and 
 Mr. Canning, attended with all the formality of stipulations, 
 and witnessed by the leading friends of both. The leading- 
 features of this treat} were, first, that neither of the principals 
 should take office, without a fair offer being made to the 
 other; next, that each should use his utmost efforts to 
 exercise his parliamentary influence for the purpose of raising 
 the standard of a distinct political party, by the opening of 
 the next Session ; and lastly, that they should, in i)\v interim, 
 n<il enter into any union or connexion whatever, with Oppo- 
 sition, as such, nor, indeed, till the strength of all parties 
 showed itself in Parliament at the next meeting. These were 
 cemented and bound together by the strongest pledges, and 
 
 the positive determination never to swerve, in the minutest 
 degree, from anj principle which either had held out in this 
 last Session, as his public policy.
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 405 
 
 Considering, from the above premises, the existence of 
 such a party in the country, its present strength is puny 
 indeed, Canning bringing twelve, and Lord Wellesley elevi a 
 voices in the Commons to its composition; of the latter 
 number Wellesley Pole influences live. But the leaders of 
 it are sanguine in the expectation that Ihev will be joined 
 by many, when it is known that they are acting as a body 
 of all parties; particularly, as Canning says, if they have 
 between this and the meeting of Parliament, a few slices 
 of national calamity to help them out. Hitherto, however, 
 I cannot learn that they have filled their ranks with deserters 
 either from Government or the Opposition. Mr. Ward is 
 an exception of the latter class. He has avowed his deter- 
 mination of acting, in future, with Lord Wellesley, alleging, 
 as his excuse, that his mind Mas weary in endeavouring 
 to support the extremes of human opinion; for such were, 
 upon almost all points, those of Lord Grenville and Mr. 
 AVhitbread. The latter has been tampered with, although at 
 a distance, but quite unsuccessfully. 
 
 Having now given a thorough view of the political situ- 
 ation of Lord Wellesley, and of his far more active and 
 enterprising coadjutor, your Lordship will thence be far more 
 able than I can pretend to be, to decide to what it will lead. 
 Put I always wish it to be impressed upon your mind, that 
 Ireland, under Lord Grenville, woidd be the nearest object 
 to his heart, and to the wishes of his best friends; ami this 
 for many reasons. First, as with respect to pecuniary 
 matters, such a situation is absolutely necessary to his very 
 existence. He cannot now raise a shilling ; and one year 
 more at Apsley House, is the utmost to which his means can 
 by any possible contrivance extend. After that (and no 
 office), passports and Sicily. Next, to carry freedom thither 
 to the Catholics. The dominion of a whole country; the
 
 406 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 magnificence lie could exercise ; and, above all, the indolence 
 in which he might indulge, would, combined and multiplied 
 into each other, be infinitely more gratifying to him, than 
 a scantily paid premiership, and a conflicting cabinet. Your 
 Lordship may think this opinion controverted by recent tran- 
 sactions, and that he took the premiership unhesitatingly, 
 at the total expence of all that I have stated as just objects 
 of his preference. I will not now detain your Lordship 
 by proofs iu support of my opinion, but content myself with 
 stating that, had Lord Grey allowed him to come within his 
 guard, and not have confined him to the strictness of diplo- 
 macy in the pending negociation between them, although 
 Lord \Vellesley went to him, as first Minister, he was as 
 ready to lay it down for general accommodation, as he had 
 been, pro hac vice, to take it up. Tins fact, I protest, 
 solemnly, is within my own knowledge, and I could verify it, 
 were there a necessity. 
 
 I do not say that there are not among his nearest con- 
 nexions, those who, were the offer made to him, would insist 
 upon his being Minister, were it again offered to him. Such, 
 for example, as AYellesley Pole, Culling Smith, and some 
 others of this class and stamp ; and for reasons purely selfish. 
 But those with whom Lord Wellesley spends his whole time, 
 who are domesticated with him, and have by far the greatest 
 influence over him, such as Sydenham, Colonel Sliawe, Forbes, 
 fee., who know w r cll the horrors of a total want of money and 
 credit to such a man as Lord Wellesley, and who bear the 
 whole unpleasantness of it, would infinitely prefer Ireland, 
 or even [ndia again, to barren and penniless Cabinet situation 
 ■ — besides, Irish or Indian patronage could satisfy their 
 objects, though not those of the lirst mentioned class. This 
 latter dete.-t Canning, for his selfish knavery, to which Lord 
 
 Wellesley has been sacrificed more than once. By their views
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 407 
 
 and advice, Lord Wellesley, your Lordship may be assured, 
 will ultimately be governed. For my own part, as far as 
 I could take the liberty of suggesting in person, I made Lord 
 Grenville acquainted with the above; and had your Lordship 
 been in town, very different results would have taken place. 
 
 The ministerial measures, for some time after the 
 construction of the Government, appear to have been 
 anything but reassuring. Mr. Thomas Grenville, 
 writing on the 4 th of September, says : 
 
 EIGHT HON. THOMAS GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF 
 
 BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Elton, Sunday, 4 Sept. 
 My dearest Brother. 
 
 I have not a word of news, except that I heard yester- 
 day, from Lord Glastonbury, who does not complain of him- 
 self, though he does not appear sanguine as to the state of the 
 public ; his fears are, naturally enough, more pointed to 
 Ireland than to England ; I say more naturally, because that 
 has been likewise the bug-bear of my politics, but, in truth, 
 the weak shifting and unaccountable course pursued by our 
 Ministers, creates danger where none should be found. 
 
 It is evident from the following, that if her Majesty 
 of the Two Sicilies was not insane, she deserved to be 
 so considered. Other accounts, however, prove that 
 there was too much method in her madness, and tier 
 policy was deranged rather than her brain.
 
 408 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 ADMIRAL FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OE 
 BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Palermo, September 12. 
 
 My deah Lord, 
 
 Since the departure of Lord William Bentinck, nothing 
 material has occurred, except some orders given by General 
 Maitland, winch, I understand, are not approved of by the 
 Court. All accounts seem to agree that the Queen is at 
 times deranged— it is said that on reading the orders she was 
 so exasperated, that she tore the clothes off the back of her 
 attendant. One of the Barons — Villafranca — has, I understand, 
 made his peace (through the women) with the Queen, and is 
 to be released from his imprisonment j this has caused some 
 sensation among the Sicilian Barons, and I should not be 
 surprised if he was neglected by his friends, on his return to 
 Palermo. 
 
 This letter will go by the ' Canopus/ whose people have near 
 six years pay due to them. I should think Sir Edward Pcllew 
 will send some more ships here during the winter. I have, at 
 present, very little occupation, and am living on shore. The 
 intrigue and villainy of this place is hardly to be described. 
 The Queen has twice sent to desire I would go to her, but as 
 I am well assured no advantage can be gained by it, and that 
 it would occasion distrust among those I am acting with, as to 
 the Sicilian Barons, I have carefully avoided having anything 
 to say to her. 
 
 Should we be drove to the necessity of using force in order 
 to change the system, there can be little doubi as to the 
 event. [ feel quite confidenl the Neapolitan troops will not 
 •'ace ours, and 1 am of opinion thai if terms were offered, they 
 would join us — a squadron indie lia\ would alarm them, and 
 give the Sicilians confidence, as well as protection— but l
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 409 
 
 quite sure this can be brought about without bloodshed] 
 because the Queen seems determined, and will, at leasl, venl 
 her spleen upon those who are considered most attached to 
 our Government. 
 
 I send you the copy of a return of our army here and in the 
 Ionian Islands. You may depend on the correctness of it. 
 
 T. F. F. 
 
 It is very questionable from the remarkable state- 
 ment about to be published, that, numerous as had 
 been the acts in the political comedy that had been in 
 course of performance from the commencement of the 
 Regency, there was still room for more. Indeed, it 
 might be taken for a dramatic version of" the Story with- 
 out an End." One of the principal dramatis persona 
 had now to come forward in a manner that may almost 
 be said to have invested him with a new character. 
 His " part " contains the most curious revelations to 
 be found in this apparently inexhaustible " Cabinet 
 opened." The whole of the dialogue is well worthy of 
 careful perusal. 
 
 EAIIL TEMPLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM 
 
 Thursday, Nov. 12, 1812. 
 My deaii Father, 
 
 I have had much conversation to-day with D- 
 
 niust premise by saying, that I carefully avoided giving him 
 the least intimation of my being acquainted with any part of 
 the circumstances of which you informed me, neither do I 
 think that he is aware of them himself. ITe saw Lord 
 Wellesley about twelve days ago, who complained to him of 
 Canning's conduct, of his speeches, and his toasts (one ol
 
 410 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 which, however, the health of the King's Ministers, is 
 denied) that he, Wellesley, never could so identify him- 
 self with Mr. Pitt, in whose system of politics he had seen 
 several things that he could not approve of, and that he 
 had written to Canning to that effect ; that Canning's head 
 was turned by his success at Liverpool, and that it was likely 
 he was obliged to suit his election politics, by talking a 
 stonger Pitt language than he would abide by. He said, 
 "did you ever tell your friends that Canning and I differed 
 vitally upon one point in the late negociations?" and then lie 
 explained it to be that Canning was inclined to agree to form 
 the Government with such of the Opposition as they could 
 get to join them, but declared himself ready to form it to 
 their exclusion if they would not agree to his terms ; thereby 
 following Mr. Pitt's precedent, at the end of Addington's 
 Government : and, whereas, he, Wellesley, declared that he 
 would not agree to any government formed to exclude any 
 individual, thereby following Lord Grenville's example, at the 
 same period, which he thought was the right one to follow. 
 He added, "The result of all this may be, that Canning will 
 join the Government and I the Opposition, for nothing shall 
 induce me to form a government upon the old principle of 
 exclusion. I should consider myself as degraded if I acted 
 under Lord Liverpool, I would not act under Canning, but I 
 would act under Lord Grenville, and my wish is to take 
 Ireland under his Government." 
 
 I made D cautiously repeat the words, and gave him 
 
 notice I should report them. 
 
 Lord Welleslej thru asked him whether he thought anj 
 disposition existed in the quarter of the Grenvilles, to enter 
 
 into amicable discussions. D said there certainly was 
 
 individually, a strong desire to sec a co-operation, if it were 
 practicable, but thai it was impossible for him to say more 
 upon thai subject, as he knew no more,
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 411 
 
 You must now fit this on to what you told me, as well as 
 you can. I pressed D to fix the date of this conversation, 
 
 lie said it was between twelve and fourteen days ago. IN'ow, 
 was the communication which you mentioned, a, joint one, or 
 only from Lord Wellesley? Or was it made, as the result of 
 the letters which Wellesley said he hud written to Canning, 
 in consequence of his speeches and toasts? Lord Wellesley 
 stated that seventeen members, whom he named, and whose 
 names I am to have, had pledged themselves formally to him 
 (Wellesley), that Canning counted upon from twelve to fifteen 
 more, but as Canning was out of town, he could not give the 
 names. He declared, repeatedly, his decided hostility to the 
 Government, his determination to look to but one object, that 
 of their overthrow, and to follow them up upon every point of 
 their policy from the first day of the Session to the last, and 
 he is making speeches, and practising before the glass ac- 
 cordingly. 
 
 Henry Wellesley, Sydenham, Shawe, and Culling Smith, 
 constitute the Grenville party in his little Senate. Wellesley 
 Pole and Lord WelUnyton are anxious for him to coalesce 
 with the present men. The latter has been induced, evident h 
 by Castlereagh and Liverpool, to write to Lord Wellesley the 
 strongest and a very angry letter to him upon this subject, to 
 which Wellesley said he had written as strong and as angry a 
 reply, peremptorily refusing to have anything to do with the 
 present ministers. 
 
 Such are the details of my conversation with D . 1 
 
 thought it advisable to let D say when he shall next see Lord 
 
 Wellesley, that I was in town, that he had seen me, and that 
 he found me individually very anxious to see the means afforded 
 of co-operation between Lords Grenville and Wellesley ; that 
 this could only be brought about, if at all, by mutual ac< 
 modation and advances, and that we had felt during all the 
 discussions between Lord Wellesley, Canning, and the Govern-
 
 412 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 merit— though very little, if any, points of difference in opinion 
 existed between us— that neither "Wellesley nor Canning 
 had ever shown any inclination to let this agreement of opinion 
 ripen into political connection ; that it was impossible that 
 advances could be made by one party only, but that, indivi- 
 dually we should be very happy to see such mutual advances 
 as could make discussion possible, or give a prospect of its 
 being entered into with a reasonable chance of success. I 
 probably shall hear more to-morrow, which I will inforui you 
 of. In the meanwhile, pray let me know what is going on on 
 the other side. 
 
 I have just seen Count Nugent, who thinks Bonaparte will 
 make his stand between Smolensk and Witepsk. That 
 Bonaparte would have done better had he advanced no 
 further than those places, as now after being obliged to re- 
 trograde from Moscow, which is no military position, it may 
 not be so easy for him to maintain himself, as it Mould have 
 been had he made no such advance, and suffered no such 
 disgrace. He thinks another battle inevitable. Murat was 
 on the right of Moscow, Bonaparte at Moscow, Victor coming 
 up from Smolensk. Murat being overwhelmed, Bonaparte 
 found his flank turned, and himself obliged to evacuate 
 Moscow. I find that the tone about Spain is low. So said 
 Nugent, and so reported D — from Lord Wellesley. Bray tell 
 my wife that since I closed my letter to her, Lord Bathursl 
 has sent to me to say that some doubts exisl as to Harvey's 
 being killed. That Governrnenl have no account of it, and 
 thai they cannol find any private account of it from 
 
 any person arrived, or in any letter. At the same time, 
 
 Colonel Fuller, of the Guards, called at Admiral Harvey's 
 with the news ami the particulars. This suspense is worse to 
 his poor parents than the certainty of the worst. I have just 
 beard, from the authority of Bannerman, the East India 
 director, ami one of the Secret Committee, that Nugenl is to
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 413 
 
 remain Commander-in-chief with all emoluments, and in the 
 same relative position with Lord Moira as General Lake stood 
 in with Lord Cornwallis. 
 
 P.S. Lord Buckinghamshire has been out of town. 
 
 Cn. T. 
 
 The Joint Tellers of the Exchequer had come to the 
 determination of surrendering a considerable portion of 
 their emoluments, which, in consequence of the war, 
 had, of late years, grown to an unexampled amount. The 
 following letter, from the Marquis Camden, intimates 
 such an understanding; and that which follows from 
 the Chancellor of the Exchequer, shows that it was 
 acted upon. 
 
 EARL CAMDEN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 North Cray Farm, Nov. 16, 1812. 
 My dear, Lord, 
 
 Having been absent from hence on the day upon which 
 
 your letter arrived, and my letters not having been sent after 
 
 me, I did not receive your Lordship's letter till Saturday, 
 
 when no post left the neighbourhood of "Wilderness, and no 
 
 letters leaving London on Sunday, I could not reply to you till 
 
 this day, when I have an opportunity of sending to London. 
 
 Before receipt of that letter, and before I took any decisive 
 
 resolution upon it, I wished to converse with Lord Castlereagh 
 
 (only committing niyself) as to the temper of the House of 
 
 Commons, and the manner in which the subject of your i 
 
 would be met in Parliament, and any motion for Committee 
 
 of Inquiry resisted, and I found him of opinion thai with 
 
 such a sacrifice, the question would si ami extremely well. 1 
 
 came here for the purpose of communicating with him, and I
 
 414 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 am going to Mr. Long's from hence. I wish to see him 
 before I write more fully to your Lordship, and I think we 
 shall not subject ourselves to any inconvenience with respect 
 to the time of the delivery of our letter to the Chancellor of 
 the Exchequer, for Parliament meets only for the purpose of 
 formalities, on Tuesday. The Speech is not to be delivered till 
 the 30th, but your Lordship shall hear from me by to-morrow's 
 post, and you will receive my letter on Thursday. 
 I beg you to believe me, 
 
 Yours, most sincerely, 
 
 Camden. 
 
 RIGHT HON. N. VANSITTART TO THE MARQUIS 
 OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Great George Street, Nov. 23, 18] 2. 
 My Lord, 
 
 I have been honoured with a joint letter from your Lordship 
 
 and the Marquis Camden, communicating your very liberal 
 
 and public-spirited intention of contributing one third of the 
 
 net profits of your respective Tellerships to the public service, 
 
 during the war. I shall have great satisfaction in announcing 
 
 to the Board of Treasury, a resolution so honourable to your 
 
 public feelings ; and have the honour to be with sentiments of 
 
 the highest respect, 
 
 Your Lordship's faithful and obedient servant, 
 
 N. Vansittaut. 
 
 The Parliamentary Session opened by Commission 
 on the 24th of November, and on the 30th, the 
 Prince Regent delivered a speech from the throne. It 
 commenced with regrets for the King's continued 
 indisposition, passed on to praise the valour of our
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 415 
 
 forces in Spain, deplored the withdrawal from the siege 
 of Burgos, and the evacuation of Madrid, commu- 
 nicated new relations of peace and friendship between 
 Great Britain and Russia and Sweden ; praised the 
 efforts made by the Emperor of Russia against his 
 invaders, and the confidence he had placed in this 
 country ; also communicated a treaty with his Sicilian 
 Majesty, and commented on the war which had broken 
 out with the United States of America, and the favour- 
 able results of the campaign. The speech also referred 
 to the estimates, the charter of the East India Company 
 about to expire, the recent riots, and ended with the usual 
 assurances. On the motion of the address, the policy 
 of Ministers was severely handled by both the Marquis 
 Wellesley, and Lord Grenville ; and Mr. Canning, in 
 the House of Commons, spoke powerfully to the same 
 purpose. Nevertheless, the address was carried without 
 a division in both houses. On the 22nd of December, 
 Parliament adjourned till the 2nd of February. Two 
 additional illustrations of the Wellesley and Canning 
 schism, must close this chapter of political accidents. 
 
 LOUD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Dropmore, Nov. 25, 1812. 
 My dearest Brother, 
 
 D — came down here on Monday, by Temple's desire, to 
 tell me what particulars lie knew about AVellcslcv's present 
 feelings and intentions. I do not think I lure was much 
 more than I was aware of, except that lie described the con- 
 nection between Wellesley and Canning as much less close 
 than is commonly supposed. If he is right in this, I should
 
 416 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [181*2. 
 
 suppose the said connection will very soon terminate in open 
 separation, as the line which Wellesley is described as likely 
 to take, with respect to the Ministers, is one which I am 
 confident Canning will not take without such assurance of 
 good quarters and present pay, as he will most certainly not 
 receive from our army. 
 
 In truth, however, I am sick of the Mdiole concern, and 
 am more than ever averse to embark in the contests of a 
 fresh Parliament. I have received an answer from Grey, 
 very kind personally, but strongly declining to undertake 
 what I had proposed to him, and suggesting other ex- 
 pedients which are, I am certain, quite impracticable. The 
 thing must find its own level; for I cannot do what I 
 used, and am disposed to do even less than I could. Nothing 
 restrains me but the resolution, that, as far as in me lays, 
 there shall be no break-up of a party such as the country re- 
 quires, to control such a court. I will write more from town 
 where I go on Friday. 
 
 LORD GRENYILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 Camelford House, Nov. 28, 1812. 
 My DEAltEST BltOTHEIt, 
 
 I have seen Wellesley this morning, and we have had 
 a long conversation — not on projects of political union, but 
 on the subject of debate for Monday. 
 
 lie is extremely eager, and will, I doubt not, make a very 
 good and very \inluif attack on Liverpool and Co. Nor 
 do I think we shall find it difficull to keep dear of all that 
 could mutually embarrass our debate. He is fully prepared 
 
 on Inland, Spam, and America; and a.s this must lead 
 into debate, I must not decline mtj share in it, however little 
 desirous of exhibiting any mure mi that scene.
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 417 
 
 I believe there is no stipulated union formed between him 
 and Canning. All the rest must wait for time and accident. 
 lleport says, that Canning is grown more hostile to the 
 Government, which is likely enough, since the opinion of 
 their weakness is so much increased. 
 
 In the meantime, the characteristics of Court life 
 were quite as singular as those which marked the career 
 ' of the politician. It must not be forgotten, that by this 
 period there was another sphere for royalty added to 
 those enumerated in a preceding page, which, by many 
 persons, was regarded as almost on a par with Carlton 
 House in dignity and influence, notwithstanding that it 
 put forth no pretensions to be so considered. This was 
 M***** House, the frequent resort of the Prince 
 Regent. His grcat-great-grand-fathcr, George the 
 First, is reported to have sought the apartments of 
 a lady, a, reputed favourite, and entertained himself 
 the whole time of his stay, by clipping, with a pair 
 of scissors, paper, into the shape of a well-known 
 toy. His descendant, however, it may readily be 
 believed, did not amuse himself in a manner so puerile, 
 while enjoying the society of so clever a woman as 
 the Marchioness of H* ### * ; but we have every reason 
 to suppose that his employment was almost as 
 innocent. He shaped politics instead of paper, and cut 
 out cabinets instead of groups of ladies. Like Louis 
 XIV, he may have sought the society of a staid matron, 
 as much for advice as amusement ; and, despite the 
 scandal, unjustly we think, created by such demonstra- 
 
 VOL. I. E E
 
 418 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 tions of his friendship, his fair friend and counsellor 
 was, at heart, perhaps, not less worthy of her post than 
 was Madame de Maintenon. The public press, the cari- 
 caturist, and the Houses of Parliament, attacked the 
 intimacy with their sharpest weapons ; but it continued 
 to flourish. We have shown what use the Opposition 
 made of their knowledge of its existence ; but it is not 
 too much to state that, had the lady not been so con- 
 sistent a partizan of their political rivals, her name 
 would never have transpired — her reputation could not 
 have been affected. 
 
 This "pestilent influence," as it was termed, sank 
 into comparative insignificance compared witli the 
 degrading intimacies assiduously cultivated by the 
 Princess of Wales. Her Royal Highness had a house 
 at Blackheath. In this neighbourhood, the Princess 
 often amused herself by dragging her reluctant suite 
 after her, in prolonged rambles over the heavy fields and 
 impassable lanes. This was only a little less reprehensible 
 than her midnight scrambles through the streets of 
 London, when going to a public masquerade in disguise. 
 But joining, or rather leading in, vulgar frolics, formed 
 the least objectionable portion of her offences against 
 good taste and decorum. Acquaintances were formed 
 With persons totally out of her sphere, and her inti- 
 macy with them became a source of astonishment and 
 alarm, even to the least critical of her attendants. 
 Some of these vagaries soon became more widely 
 known, and did not fail to reach Carlton House, 
 where they very naturally increased the long-cherished
 
 1812] DURING THE REGENCY. | 1 [) 
 
 desire for a divorce — a desire the Ministers were 
 obliged to acknowledge they could not gratify. 
 
 The Opposition had for some time contemplated the 
 possibility of making political capital for themselves out 
 of the position of the Princess ; and a variety of 
 speculations were indulged in by some of the leaders in 
 which their advocacy of her cause formed a prominent 
 feature. Francis Horner had written a letter to John 
 Allen (September 14th, 1811). "I suppose the coro- 
 nation of his wife may be left to the new king's fancy. 
 If he means any further indignities, or to impose any 
 hardships upon her, it will be disgraceful to the 
 nation to suffer them. With all her folly and low 
 vices, she is a stranger ; and though she has not 
 conducted herself in her disgrace so as to deserve any 
 respect, she has already been used very ill." 1 Probably, 
 nothing- so illogical ever was written by a clever man. 
 Why a nation that had been outraged and scandalised 
 for years by this woman's acknowledged " folly and low- 
 vices," should be disgraced by allowing the mildest 
 penalty that could be inflicted upon their possessor, we 
 can no more explain than the rest of the sentence ; for 
 if she did not deserve any respect for the manner in 
 which she had conducted herself in her disgrace, what 
 claim could she put forward for more honourable treat- 
 ment than she received ? As for her being a stranger, 
 Her Royal Highness had been seventeen years in the 
 country, and few persons born in it had had bettej 
 opportunities of knowing its usages. It is also quite 
 
 1 " Memoirs and Correspondence," Vol. n., p. 103. 
 
 E E 2
 
 420 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 untrue that the Princess had been " used very ill." 
 Let any unprejudiced person, thoroughly acquainted 
 with her career and disposition, consider what female 
 society must have become, had such a woman been 
 placed at its head ; and then let him judge the pro- 
 ceedings of the Government to prevent this. Even 
 had all the accusations against her husband been true, 
 they would have afforded no justification whatever for 
 her conduct. 
 
 Among the inexcusable proceedings of the Princess — 
 and their name was legion — was an announcement in the 
 " Morning Chronicle," of the publication of a private 
 correspondence, apparently the confidential communica- 
 tions of the late minister, and of other friends and 
 counsellors of her Royal Highness, now members of 
 the Government. Ostensibly it was to make known 
 her " wrongs," to the public — really it was to extort 
 something by way of hush money, from her imprudent 
 correspondents. She was brooding over a great revenge, 
 and her principal attendants were most unpleasantly made 
 accomplices before the fact. " Her Lady-in-waiting said 
 to me," observes an eye and ear- witness " all the day 
 long her Royal Highness continues to talk of wishing 
 people dead, and I must not dire to contradict the wish 
 ] have been an accomplice in murder many a time, if 
 silence gives consent." 1 
 
 But her great source of enjoyment about this period, 
 was a cottage at liayswater, where according to the 
 same authority, " she received a set of persons wholly 
 
 " Diary of the Time of George IV.," Vol. 1., p. 74.
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 421 
 
 unfit to be admitted to her society." Her unseemly 
 frolics were indulged in without restraint, varied only 
 with complaints and schemes equally unbecoming. " To 
 kill the Regent ; then go abroad with a Court of her own 
 making, of which the fiddler is to be king ; this is her 
 favourite plan." 1 It so happened that the first part of 
 the plan had no immediate chance of success : she then 
 turned her attention to the second. The musician, 
 however, preferred enjoying his royalty where he was. 
 
 Another amusement of her Royal Highness was to 
 influence the Princess Charlotte to oppose the wishes of 
 her father. It was proposed that the Duchess of Leeds 
 should succeed Lady de Clifford, as instructress to the 
 young Princess, but it was insinuated that governesses 
 were now no longer wanted. " After dinner," states our 
 informant, " the Princess received a letter from the 
 Princess Charlotte, who told her she had written to the 
 Prince, her father, refusing, but in a very respectful 
 manner, to have any more governesses, and gave Princess 
 of Wales an account of a dispute she had with the 
 Queen and her aunts about it. The Princess of Wales 
 was in the third heaven of delight." 
 
 Her Royal Highness, it must in justice be stated, had 
 a more serious occupation. This was, preparing, as it 
 was said, under the auspices of Mr. Brougham, an attack 
 upon the Prince and the Government, in the shape of a 
 declaration of her rights and wrongs, from the pub- 
 lication of which she anticipated the most important 
 advantages. But the quarrel between father and 
 1 " Diary of the Times of George IV.," Vol. i., p. 194
 
 422 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 daughter was not neglected during its composition. 
 The Prince went to Windsor with the Lord Chancellor, 
 but found the Princess Charlotte perfectly refractory. 
 The arguments of the Regent, the Queen, the Princesses, 
 and Lord Eldon were equally unavailing. " Charlotte 
 never spoke or moved a muscle," said the Princess of 
 Wales, " and the Prince and the Chancellor departed as 
 they came. Nothing could be more determined or im- 
 moveable than she was. In short, we must frighten 
 the man into doing something, otherwise he will do 
 nothing ; and if mother and daughter cannot do this, 
 nothing can. On Sunday, I shall send my letter; but 
 I do not think gentle means will ever avail — if we were 
 in past times !" and her Royal Highness looked quite 
 fearful as she spoke. 1 The Princess of Wales's enjoy- 
 ment of her daughter's determination, was followed by 
 tears of vexation. The next day, her Royal Highness 
 received a communication from the Princess Charlotte, 
 statin"; that she had received the Duchess of Leeds as 
 her governess. 
 
 Events of infinitely more importance were in process 
 of development about the same period. To these we 
 must now refer. Never had the eye beheld so ma- 
 gnificent an army as that which, under the command of 
 the great Napoleon, crossed the Niemen towards the 
 latter end of June, for the conquest of Russia. Infantry, 
 cavalry, and artillery, in the finest condition, splendidly 
 equipped, with a corresponding train of baggage- 
 waggons, and other carriages for transport, for several 
 
 1 " Diary," Vol, ,.. p. 192.
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 423 
 
 days filed over the river in numbers that literally could 
 not be counted, so immense was the host. His Generals 
 were worthy of his soldiers ; and the latter were not 
 more formidable in numbers than in discipline. It u 
 deservedly styled "the Grand Army;" and comprised 
 301,976 men, 85,000 horses, and more than 1000 
 guns ; but others shortly afterwards followed, which 
 raised the aggregate to 647,158 fighting men. Such 
 it was in summer. Before half the winter had expired, 
 by captivity, by battle, and by cold, this wondrous arma- 
 ment had diminished into a mere section. 125,000 
 had been killed, 132,000 perished by cold or fatigue, 
 190,000 were prisoners, exclusive of 3,348 generals 
 and other officers: 75 eagles and 929 cannon were 
 captured ; and the illustrious Commander saved himself 
 from the same fate by a timely flight, which, on the 
 1 8th of December, enabled him to reach the Tuileries 
 in safety. 
 
 The story of this unparalleled disaster must be suffi- 
 ciently known ; but one of the material causes of its 
 extent and completeness, appears to have escaped general 
 notice. Vast has been the glory which Russia has 
 claimed for this thorough discomfiture of her formidable 
 enemy ; but the military advantages obtained by her 
 during the campaign, form but a small item towards 
 that extraordinary overthrow ; and her legitimate suc- 
 cesses may be said to have owed much to the material 
 assistance and encouragement the Emperor Alexander 
 received from the British Government. The chief 
 element in this triumphant resistance, may be traced to
 
 424 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 the counsels of that member of the Cabinet who had 
 supported the cause of Russia among his colleagues, 
 and enabled her to make so firm a stand against what 
 must otherwise have been an overwhelming invasion. 
 Lord Castlereao-h had contributed more towards this 
 humiliation of Napoleon, than the Russian chroniclers 
 have thought proper to admit. He made their army 
 an instrument both of offence and defence, such as the 
 Russian empire had never before produced. The rest 
 was accomplished solely by a climate that did them 
 better service in the campaign, than a dozen Barclay de 
 Tollys, Bagrations, and Kutusoffs could have given, 
 had they been seconded by the entire male population 
 of the country capable of bearing arms. 
 
 It should not be forgotten, that a few years before, 
 the Czar had confessed that he had been forced to make 
 peace with Napoleon, because he had been denied the 
 assistance from England he required. If the absence of 
 such aid, so largely contributed to that amicable arrange- 
 ment with France, called the Treaty of Tilsit, it is but 
 fair to attribute to its presence, a corresponding share 
 in the terrible repulse and desolation of " The Grand 
 Army," with which her formidable Emperor had sought 
 to conquer the dominions of his late ally. 
 
 In these observations, the writer has no idea of 
 diminishing the value and importance of the patriotic 
 impulse which was carefully fanned into a flame at the 
 approach of the invader — the bravery of the Russians 
 could not be disputed; but patriotism, the most glow- 
 ing, and valour the mosl demonstrative, without an
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 425 
 
 ample provision of what is properly eallcd the sinews of 
 war, have often signally failed in every object for which 
 they were excited. It has been so in Poland, in the 
 Tyrol, in Hungary, and in other places — it might have 
 been so in Russia, had she been allowed to wage the 
 contest no better prepared for it, than she was in 1807. 
 Lord Castlereao'h had been entrusted with all the 
 
 O 
 
 arrangements for placing Russia in a condition to cope 
 with her great adversary. The result has been des- 
 cribed. 
 
 Temptations were not wanted to draw England into 
 earnest co-operation with Russia. When the French were 
 in Moscow, the Baron Von Stein, a German statesman 
 of great sagacity, in the confidence of the Czar, strongly 
 pressed upon his principal advisers, Count Miinster 
 and Pozzo di Borgo, the advantage to be derived from 
 inducing Great Britain to take the lead in a settlement 
 of the affairs of Germany ; when Napoleon was retreat- 
 ing, every argument was employed upon the British 
 Government to get them to accept a German legion, 
 and take the field with as little delay as possible between 
 the Elbe and the Rhine ; moreover, Von Stein forwarded 
 from St. Petersburg, through the English ambassador, 
 a memorial, suggesting a division of Germany between 
 Austria and Prussia, and the addition of Holland to the 
 dominions of England. 1 Another project equally 
 seductive, was drawn up by Count Minister. This was 
 the creation of a kingdom, composed of the Nether- 
 lands, Hanover, Westphalia, and the neighbouring 
 1 " Das Lcbcu des Ministers, Freiherm vom Siciu."
 
 426 THE COURT OF ENGLAND [1812. 
 
 provinces, to pass to a male heir of the Royal Family 
 of England, when the Princess Charlotte should succeed 
 to the throne. Gneisenau, another of these clever 
 disposers of nations, also strongly recommended to the 
 British Government, the appropriation of the Nether- 
 lands, and of all territorial conquests on the continent. 
 Most probably, these temptations came from the Czar, 
 with the expectation of being allowed to realize large 
 profits in some other direction ; but the reply of Lord 
 Castlereagh was of a similar character to that given by 
 his distinguished predecessor, when Napoleon offered to 
 divide the continent with George the Third — the same 
 in substance as when the late Emperor Nicholas offered 
 to England, through Sir Hamilton Seymour as liberal a 
 bribe to be permitted to take advantage of " the sick 
 man." Lord Castlereagh appears to have remembered 
 Tilsit, and to have kept steadily in view the honour, as 
 well as the real interests of the British Empire. 1 
 
 The gigantic power and colossal resources of Russia, 
 have been dwelt upon by certain writers, evidently from 
 a firm conviction that the one existed on a solid founda- 
 tion, and the others were inexhaustible for purposes of 
 offence; but recent events have enabled the present gene- 
 ration to ascertain the true character of that magnificent 
 mirage, which satisfied their fathers of the overvvhelm- 
 ing greatness of this prodigious empire. With such a 
 knowledge of a carefully cultivated delusion, it is im- 
 possible to read without a smile, the following laboured 
 deductions. 
 
 1 " Dcspatchei "i Yi <•> ant Cutloreagh."
 
 1812.] DURING THE REGENCY. 427 
 
 " It has been observed that Russia can hardly fail in 
 the end to obtain the victory over all her enemies, for 
 she has two powerful enemies — time and space. Re- 
 lying with well-founded confidence on the inaccessible 
 nature of the Muscovite territory, secured from attack 
 on the north and east by the ices of the Pole, and the 
 deserts of Tartary — open to invasion by the European 
 powers only on the frontier of Poland, and capable 
 there of wearing out even the greatest armies of the 
 Western world, by simply retreating until the invader is 
 enveloped in clouds of Asiatic horse, or finds his 
 winding-sheet in the snows of an arctic winter, the 
 Cabinet of St. Petersburg has the means, without 
 material danger to itself, of profiting by the weakness 
 and dissensions of its enemies. By never provoking 
 war till a favourable opportunity occurs of prosecuting it 
 to advantage, it can march, without ever receding, from 
 one acquisition to another." 
 
 This was the impression that generally existed 
 some forty years since — we now know better. 
 
 1 " Alison's History of Europe," lxxi. 13.

 
 APPENDIX.
 
 

 
 THE 
 
 PRINCESS CAROLINE OF BRUNSWICK. 
 
 As Lord Grenville was Secretary of State for Foreign 
 Affairs, when the marriage was negociated between the 
 Prince of Wales and the Princess Caroline of Bruns- 
 wick, it might be imagined that he had incurred a 
 share in the responsibility that attaches to every one 
 who assisted in bringing about that most " untoward 
 event." It is but justice to his memory, to show how 
 completely he was innocent of any participation in 
 it. 
 
 It appears that the first Lord Malmesbury, while occu- 
 pied in watching the intrigue of Prussia with the French 
 Convention, in the autumn of the year 1794, received 
 at Hanover, on the 14th of November, the nomination 
 to a special mission to the Court of Brunswick, to 
 demand the Princess Caroline in marriage for the 
 Prince of Wales. There appears considerable mysti- 
 fication respecting the terms of this mission. The 
 nomination arrived by the post ; and it is affirmed
 
 432 APPENDIX. 
 
 that, as it came direct from the King, and was ex- 
 tremely brief in its purport, it admitted of no reference 
 to his Majesty's Ministers. In an absolute monarchy, 
 such missions may be common enough ; but it is cer- 
 tainly not in accordance with the constitutional character 
 of the British empire. The reader, however, should 
 be reminded that, at this period, the Prince of Wales 
 was involved in pecuniary embarrassments to an immense 
 amount, that had long been to him a source of the 
 deepest pain and humiliation — that a remedy for so 
 grave an evil had been suggested in a marriage, on 
 which occasion Parliament was to make the most liberal 
 arrangements to emancipate his Royal Highness from 
 his liabilities, and enable him to commence a new 
 career, with every prospect of happiness. The 
 Prince having acceded to these proposals, the King 
 named one of the daughters of his sister, the Duchess 
 of Brunswick, as his Majesty's selection of a bride for 
 his son, and appointed Lord Malmesbury to negociate 
 the marriage without delay. The plenipotentiary lost 
 no time in proceeding to the Court of Brunswick — 
 not to make the object of his mission known there, 
 because it had preceded him ; but to claim the Princess, 
 and carry her to England. How he executed this 
 mission, he must be allowed to relate in his own 
 words. 1 
 
 The distinguished writer, in the Diary he wrote at the 
 
 1 The following extracts are taken from the "Diaries and Corres- 
 pondence of James Harris, Earl of M:ilnicsl)iir\ ." The -'ml edition, 
 Vol. in., commencing at p. L48.
 
 APPENDIX. 433 
 
 time, has preserved many very curious notices of the va- 
 rious members of the ducal family, to whose Court he was 
 accredited, with whom he was in daily intercourse, and 
 some still more curious conversations ; but we quote 
 only passages that indicate the character of the Princess, 
 and show the progress of his negociation. 
 
 1794. Thursday, November 28. "The Princess 
 Caroline much embarrassed on my first being presented 
 to her — pretty face —not expressive of softness — her 
 figure not graceful — fine eyes — good hand — tolerable 
 teeth, but going — fair hair, and light eye-brows — good 
 bust, but what the French call des epaules impcrti- 
 nentes. Vastly happy with her future expectations." 
 
 December 5th. " After dinner, he (the Duke of 
 Brunswick) held a very long and very sensible discourse 
 with me about the Princess Caroline. * * * The 
 Duke requested me to recommend to her discretion, 
 not to ask questions, and, above all, not to be free 
 in giving opinions of persons and things aloud ; and he 
 hinted, delicately, but very pointedly, at the free and 
 unreserved manners of the Duchess, who at times is 
 certainly apt to forget her audience. He desired 
 me to advise her never to show any jealousy of the 
 Prince, and that if he had any gouts, not to notice 
 them." 
 
 December 6th. Mademoiselle Hertzfeldt (the Duke's 
 mistress) repeats to me what the Duke had before 
 said; stated that she was not clever, or ill-disposed, 
 but of a temper easily wrought on ; and had no tact. 
 She said my advice would do more good than the 
 
 VOL. I. F F
 
 434 APPENDIX. 
 
 Duke's, as, although she respected him, she also feared 
 him, and considered him as a severe, rather than 
 an affectionate father — that she had no respect for 
 her mother, and was inattentive to her when she 
 dared." 
 
 The observations of the Ambassador, with the in- 
 formation derived from the best sources, were far from 
 satisfactory. But, as appears from the interesting 
 work, for which the public are indebted to his grand- 
 son, the present Lord Malmesbury, he had no option, 
 but to accept the Princess, " all faults and errors, not- 
 withstanding." What he considered to be in his power, 
 he attempted, and gave the young lady, on the following 
 day, advice of which she evidently stood very much in 
 need. " Sat next Princess Caroline at supper. I 
 advise her to avoid familiarity ; to have no confidantes ; 
 to avoid giving any opinion ; to approve, but not to 
 admire excessively ; to be perfectly silent on politics 
 and party ; to be very attentive and respectful to the 
 Queen ; to endeavour, at all events, to be well with 
 her." Had she followed this good counsel, instead of 
 acting in perfect opposition to every portion of it, it is 
 probable that she might have lived a very different life. 
 But it was not in her nature to pay the slightest atten- 
 tion to wholesome instruction. It appeared to be 
 forgotten as soon as heard. 
 
 A day or two afterwards, Lord Malmesbury became 
 her adviser at greater length, and apparently with 
 increased earnestness. In reply, she was inquisitive 
 about a lady supposed to have much influence with the
 
 APPENDIX. 435 
 
 Prince of Wales, and added, " I am determined never 
 to appear jealous. I know the Prince is le'ger, and am 
 prepared on this point." " I said," writes the Am- 
 bassador, " I did not believe she would have any 
 occasion to exercise this very wise resolution, which 
 I commended highly ; and entreated her, if she saw 
 any symptoms of a gout in the Prince, or if any of 
 the women about her should, under the love of fishing 
 in troubled waters, endeavour to excite a jealousy in 
 her mind, on no account to allow it to manifest itself; 
 that reproaches and sourness never reclaimed any 
 body ; that it only served as an advantageous contrast 
 to the contrary qualities in the rival ; and that the 
 surest way of recovering a tottering affection, was soft- 
 ness, enduring, and caresses ; that I knew enough 
 of the Prince, to be quite sure that he could not 
 withstand such conduct, while a contrary one would 
 probably make him disagreeable and peevish, and 
 certainly force him to be false and dissembling." 
 
 There seems something approaching the prophetic, 
 in the probability here held out — but with the Diarist's 
 knowledge of the present, the future was extremely easy 
 to indicate. His knowledge increased day by day ; 
 additional revelations from different members of her 
 family, and from Mademoiselle Hertzfeldt ; and frequent 
 opportunities for confidential conversation with the 
 Princess, unpleasantly confirmed his first impressions. 
 Nevertheless, he wrote letters to the Prince of 
 Wales, and continued acting mentor to the Princess, 
 in conversations of increasing delicacy and confidence. 
 
 F F 2
 
 436 APPENDIX. 
 
 In one that took place on the 1 6th of December, a 
 little secret information escapes, that adds considerably 
 to the interest of the situation. " She talks about the 
 Duke of Clarence," writes the Diarist, " whom she 
 prefers to the Duke of York ; and it struck me to-day, 
 for the first time, that he originally put her into the 
 Prince's head, and tha' with a view to plague the Duke 
 and Duchess of York, whom he hates, and whom the 
 Prince no longer likes ; well knowing the Princess 
 Caroline and Duchess of York dislike each other, and 
 that this match would be particularly unpleasant to 
 her and the Duke. I praise the Duke of York to her, 
 and speak with great applause of the behaviour of the 
 Duchess, who, by her discretion and conduct, has con- 
 ciliated to herself the good will of the whole nation. 
 I did this to pique her, and to make her anxious to 
 do the same." 
 
 The entry proceeds : " She has no fond, no fixed 
 character, a light and flighty mind," and he proceeds to 
 read her a grave lecture on a desire she had expressed, 
 of becoming popular. It is singular, how all these 
 characteristics, against the influence of which, the Ambas- 
 sador was constantly warning her, subsequently developed 
 themselves without the slightest attempt at control. 
 
 The conversations continued, and the Princess, who 
 had previously presented him with a diamond watch, 
 more than once expressed a wish, that on her arrival in 
 England, Lord Malmesbury should fill a distinguished 
 post in her household — far from acting upon this wish, 
 however, ho prudently dissuaded her.
 
 APPENDIX 437 
 
 On the 20th of December, he writes, " Walk with 
 Sir B. Boothby. We regret the apparent facility of the 
 Princess Caroline's character — her want of reflection and 
 substance. Agree that, with a steady man, she would 
 do vastly well, but with one of a different description, 
 there are great risks." 
 
 Lord Malmesbury contented himself with his 
 confidential conversations with the Princess, "with 
 more freedom than usual," which were sometimes 
 anything but desired. For instance, " She talked 
 of her aunt, the abbess — said she had endeavoured 
 to inspire her with a diffidence and distrust of me — had 
 represented me as un Jiomme dangereux. J tried to 
 get rid of this sort of conversation, but the Princess 
 stuck by it, and I was forced to say that I believe her 
 aunt had forgotten that twenty years had elapsed since 
 she had seen me or heard of me ; and that, besides, 
 such an insinuation was a tacit accusation of my being 
 very foolishly unprincipled. She sajd she meant well, 
 that she, perhaps, thought too partially of me herself, 
 and was afraid for her. It was in vain to attempt to 
 turn the subject. She went on during the whole supper 
 — was in high spirits, and laughed unmercifully at 
 her aunt, and her supposed partiality for me." 
 
 A most extraordinary conversation between a 
 plenipotentiary, and the selected bride of his future 
 sovereign. But this was only the first of a series. 
 On the 28th, more delicate subjects were approached, 
 in consequence of the Princess having received an 
 anonymous letter, " aimed at Lady ; its object to
 
 438 APPENDIX. 
 
 frighten the Princess with the idea that she would lead 
 her into an affair of gallantry, and be ready to be con- 
 venient on such an occasion. This did not frighten 
 the Princess, although it did the Duke and Duchess, 
 
 and on my perceiving this, I told her Lady would 
 
 be more cautious than to risk such an audacious 
 measure ; and that, besides, it was death to presume to 
 approach a Princess of Wales, and no man would be 
 daring enough to think of it. She asked me whether I 
 was in earnest. I said such was our law ; that any- 
 body who presumed to love her was guilty of high 
 treason, and [would be] punished with death, if she 
 was weak enough to listen to him : so also, would she. 
 This startled her." 
 
 All this, if not very edifying, is eminently charac- 
 teristic. A few lines entered on the last day of the 
 month, when they had started on their homeward 
 journey, are en suite. " Princess wanted me to be in 
 the same coach with her. I resisted it as impossible, 
 from its being improper. She was disposed to laugh at 
 the matter. I discountenanced it." 
 
 From this date, the revelations of her character be- 
 come more and more unpromising. On the prac- 
 tice of benevolence being recommended to her, she 
 gives ten louis to a beggar, and when he admires 
 the coin, offers the same number of double louis, 
 very seriously, to her astonished instructor : saying, 
 11 Cela ne me fait rien — je ne m'en soucie pas — je 
 vous prie de leu prendre." 
 
 In vain he continues to direct her as to her be-
 
 APPENDIX. 439 
 
 haviour. " Princess Caroline very gauche at cards — 
 speaks without thinking — gets too easy — calls the ladies 
 she never saw, " Mon cceur, ma chere, ma petite." I 
 notice it, and reprove it strongly. The Princess, for the 
 first time, disposed to take it amiss. I do not pretend 
 to observe it." This was on January 4th. In con- 
 sequence of the French army having advanced near 
 Baren — too near their intended route to make it safe to 
 continue their journey in that direction, the travellers 
 were obliged to turn back. The Plenipotentiary, ap- 
 parently pleased with the obedience of his charge, in 
 following his directions, gives an estimate of her 
 character a trifle more favourable than the former one, 
 but sums up much in the same manner. " In short, 
 the Princess, in the hands of a steady and sensible man 
 would probably turn out well, but where it is likely she 
 will find faults analogous to her own, she will fail." 
 
 On the 12th of the month, there is more fault-find- 
 ing. " Presidente Walmoden, Princess Caroline affects 
 to dislike her, to call her a bore, &c. I say she 
 ought to ask her to play with her ; she does it 
 but reluctantly, and during the party whispers and 
 giggles with some of the young women. 1 notice 
 this to her afterwards, as what I could not 
 approve; I do it as gently, but as strongly as I 
 dare. She at first disposed to contend the point with 
 me, but at last confesses I am right, and promises to 
 correct herself." In spite of this promise, two days 
 later, there is the following entry : — " Princess Caroline 
 foolish about Paget — uncivil to him — I remonstrate —
 
 440 APPENDIX. 
 
 she says she disliked him at first sight — I reprove this 
 sort of hasty judgment — read a lecture upon it — she 
 argues — is inwardly angry, but conceals it." Again, 
 on the 1 7th, she was reproved for her levity. On the 
 18th, Princess Caroline very missish at supper. I much 
 fear these habits are irrecoverably rooted in her ; she is 
 naturally curious and a gossip. She is quick at ob- 
 serving, and she has a silly pride of finding out every- 
 thing — she thinks herself particularly acute in discovering 
 likings, and this leads her at times to the most improper 
 remarks and conversation. I am determined of taking 
 an opportunity of correcting her, coute qui coute." 
 
 On the 21st, " Princess Caroline has a tooth drawn 
 — she sends it down to me by her page — nasty and 
 indelicate." On the 23rd, after another lecture, on 
 retiring, she said, ' she hoped the Prince would let 
 her see me, since she never could expect any one 
 would jnve her such good and such free advice as 
 myself; and,' added she, ' I confess I could not bear 
 it from any one but you.' " 
 
 Despite of this tender effect, on February 3, his 
 charge was again at fault. " Princess too childish, and 
 over merry at supper." Very shortly, however, more 
 serious matters came to be reprehended. 
 
 February 18, " Argument with the Princess about her 
 toilette. She piques herself on dressing quick. I dis- 
 approve this. She maintains her point; I, however, 
 desire Madame Busche to explain to her, that the 
 Prince; is very delicate, and that I e expects a long and 
 very eare(' u ] toilette de proprete*, of which she lias no
 
 APPENDIX. 44 1 
 
 idea. On the contrary, she neglects it sadly, and 
 offensive from this neglect. Madame Busche executes 
 her commission well, and the Princess comes out the 
 next day, well washed all over." 
 
 The Prince of Wales was known to be one of the 
 most fastidious men in Europe, and yet for him such a 
 wife had been selected. 
 
 Another lecture was given on the 28th, on impro- 
 priety of conduct: again on March 1. "I also took 
 frequent opportunities of speaking very seriously to the 
 Princess Caroline, on her not showing due respect to 
 the Duchess, her mother — of her sneering and slighting 
 her ; and on this point, I went, perhaps, beyond the 
 bounds of decorum, as it appeared to me of the last 
 consequence to make her feel, in the most strong 
 manner, the necessity of her attending to these sort of 
 duties. She, at first, took it amiss, but very soon 
 after, admitted the truth of what I said, and observed." 
 Apparently her invariable practice — but attended with as 
 invariable a result — complete oblivion. 
 
 On March 6th, another serious entry occurs in the 
 diary, and we should be doing injustice to the zealous 
 mentor, and his careless pupil, if we did not 'give it 
 entire. " I had two conversations with the Princess 
 Caroline. One on the toilette, on cleanliness, and on 
 delicacy of speaking. On these points, I endeavoured, 
 as far as was possible for a man, to inculcate the 
 necessity of great and nice attention to every part of 
 dress ; as well as to what was hid, as what was seen. (I 
 knew she wore coarse petticoats, coarse shifts, and thread
 
 442 APPENDIX. 
 
 stockings, and these never well washed or changed often 
 enough.) I ohserved that a long toilette was necessary, 
 and gave her no credit for boasting that hers was a 
 short one. What I could not say myself on this point, 
 I got said through women; through Madame Busche, and 
 afterwards through Mrs. Harcourt. It is remarkable, how 
 amazingly on this point her education had been neglected, 
 and how much her mother, although an Englishwoman, 
 was inattentive to it. My other conversation was on the 
 Princess's speaking slightingly of the Duchess — being 
 peevish towards her, and often laughing at her, or 
 about her. On this point, I talked very seriously in- 
 deed — said that nothing was so extremely improper, so 
 radically wrong ; that it was impossible, if she reflected 
 a moment, that she should not be sorry for everything 
 of the kind which escaped, and I assured her it was the 
 more improper, from the tender affection the Duchess 
 had for her. The Princess- felt all this, and it made a 
 temporary impression ; but in this, as on all other subjects, 
 I have had but too many opportunities to observe that 
 her heart is very very light, and unsusceptible of strong 
 or lasting feelings. In some respects, this may make 
 her happier, but certainly not better. I, however, must 
 say," adds the Plenipotentiary, for whom there was 
 balm in Gilead, " that on the idea being suggested to 
 her, that I should remain on business in Germany, and 
 not be allowed to attend her to England, she was most 
 extremely afflicted, even to tears, and spoke to me with 
 a kindness and feeling I was highly gratified to find 
 in her."
 
 APPENDIX. 443 
 
 We cannot help coming to the conclusion that his mis- 
 sion would have been more satisfactory, had Lord Malmes- 
 bury found in her Serene Highness something more in 
 unison with her position and prospects. Is it possible to 
 imagine a young woman likely to confer so little credit 
 on either? In a few days she was to be the wife of 
 the Heir Apparent of the British Empire; to be at the 
 head of all the elegance and fashion of the Court of 
 St. James's ; and to be domesticated with those models 
 of courtly propriety, the Queen and the Princesses ; 
 this singular example of Court breeding, who was 
 obliged to be continually lectured on the use of soap 
 and water, and the advantages of clean linen ; who was 
 equally ignorant of the minor accomplishments of 
 writing and spelling; who habitually sinned against 
 all the laws of propriety; who constantly insulted her 
 mother, and w 7 as vulgarly familiar with strangers — in 
 short, who was ignorant of every element of moral and 
 intellectual education, and persisted in betraying habits 
 that girls of humble rank would have carefully con- 
 trolled. Such was the destined partner for life of a 
 man so spoilt by indulgence, that his union with a 
 sensible, prudent and amiable woman, presented the 
 only chance that could exist for his reformation. Some- 
 thing more, even than this — important though it was 
 — was demanded ; security for the honour of a nation, 
 which is always more or less bound up with the 
 dignity and respectability of those set in authority 
 over it. 
 
 On April 1, he was again obliged to reprove the
 
 444 APPENDIX. 
 
 Princess for indelicacy of language. This appears to 
 have been for the last time, for on the 5 th he pre- 
 sented his charge at St. James's. But so little had 
 she profited by his frequent lectures, that when ad- 
 mitted to the presence of the Prince, she was evidently 
 not presentable. The memorable incident that oc- 
 curred, is thus related. 
 
 " T immediately notified the arrival to the King and 
 Prince of Wales ; the last came immediately. I, ac- 
 cording to the established etiquette, introduced (no one 
 else being in the room) the Princess Caroline to him. 
 She very properly, in consequence of my saying to 
 her it was the right mode of proceeding, attempted to 
 kneel to him. He raised her, (gracefully enough,) and 
 embraced her — said barely one word, turned round, 
 retired to a distant part of the apartment, and calling 
 me to him, said : ' Harris, I am not well ; pray get 
 me a glass of brandy.' I said : ' Sir, had you not 
 better have a glass of water?' Upon which he, much 
 out of humour, said with an oath : ' No. I will go 
 directly to the Queen :' and away he went. The 
 Princess, left, during this short visit, alone, was in a 
 state of astonishment, and on my joining her said : 
 ' Mon Dieu ! est-ce que lc Prince est toujours comme 
 ccla? Je le trouvc tres gros, et nullement aussi beau 
 que son portrait.' I said his Royal Highness was 
 naturally a good deal affected and flurried at this first 
 interview, but she certainly would find him different at 
 dinner. She was disposed to further criticisms on this 
 occasion, which would have embarrassed me very much
 
 APPENDIX. 445 
 
 to answer, if, luckily, the King had not ordered me to 
 attend him." 
 
 Lord Malmesbury appeared to pretend ignorance of 
 the cause of the sudden and striking demonstration of 
 the Prince, who so prided himself on his good breeding, 
 that only a very extraordinary provocation could have 
 made him behave in such a manner ; but if the reader 
 refers to the first intimation the Ambassador has given of 
 the uncleanliness of his charge, he will find a ready solu- 
 tion of the mystery. His Royal Highness, as we have 
 already intimated, was singularly fastidious ; and he 
 could not control a sudden revulsion of feeling. But 
 we must leave the Diarist to complete the picture. 
 
 "At dinner, at which all those who attended the 
 Princess from Greenwich assisted, and the honours 
 of which were done by Lord Stopford as Vice-Chamber- 
 lain, I was far from satisfied with the Princess's be- 
 haviour ; it was flippant, rattling, affecting raillery and 
 wit, and throwing out coarse, vulgar hints about Lady 
 
 , who was present, and though mute, le cliable 
 
 n'en perdait rien. The Prince w T as evidently dis- 
 gusted ; and this unfortunate dinner fixed his dislike, 
 which, when left to herself, the Princess had not the 
 talent to remove ; but by still observing the same 
 giddy manners, and attempts at cleverness and coarse 
 sarcasm, increased it till it became positive hatred." 
 
 What other result could have been expected ? The 
 Princess had thrown to the winds all the good advice 
 she had received. The lectures at Brunswick were 
 forgotten in London ; the exhortations so carefully in-
 
 446 APPENDIX. 
 
 culcated about an elaborate toilette ; about propriety 
 of manners, and delicacy of language ; about improper 
 familiarity and indecorous trifling, were totally un- 
 heeded. She behaved worse and worse every day, 
 particularly before the select company that met at the 
 dinner-table when the marriage festivities were going 
 on. 
 
 " After one of these dinners," writes the diplomatist, 
 " where the Prince of Orange was present, and at 
 which the Princess had behaved very lightly, and even 
 improperly, the Prince took me into his closet, and 
 asked me how I liked this sort of manners. I could 
 not conceal my disapprobation of them, and took this 
 opportunity of repeating to him the substance of what 
 the Duke [of Brunswick] had so often said to me, 
 that it was expedient de la tenir serre'e ; that she 
 had been brought up very strictly ! and if she was 
 not strictly kept, would, from high spirits and little 
 thought, certainly emancipate too much." To this 
 curious explanation, the Prince said : ' I see it but too 
 plainly — but why, Harris, did not you tell me so before, 
 or write to me from Brunswick ?' On receiving this 
 very reasonable question, Lord Malmesbury replied, 
 that he was not sent on a discretionary commission, 
 but with the most positive commands to ask Princess 
 Caroline in marriage and nothing more; that he 
 satisfied himself with a strict performance of his orders, 
 which, he adds, " were as limited as they were im- 
 perative. That still," he continues, " had I discovered 
 notorious or glaring defects, or such as were of a
 
 APPENDIX. 447 
 
 nature to render the union unseemly, I should have 
 felt it as a bounded duty to have stated this ; but it 
 must have been directly to the King, and to no one 
 else." 
 
 It seems almost incomprehensible that a member 
 of the State of such high importance as the Heir 
 Apparent, should have a wife selected for him, 
 who apparently did not possess a single domestic, 
 intellectual, or moral qualification for the honourable 
 position she was to fill ; and that it was not per- 
 mitted that he should be made acquainted with her 
 characteristics, till too late to profit by the infor- 
 mation. Very natural is the close of the paragraph 
 in the Diary. " I saw it did not please, and left a 
 rankle in his mind." And a little further on, when 
 describing the marriage ceremony, which took place on 
 the 8th of April, he says, " The Prince very civil and 
 gracious, but I thought I could perceive he was not 
 quite sincere, and certainly unhappy ; and as a proof 
 of it, he had manifestly had recourse to wine, or 
 spirits." The hopeless misery of his situation must 
 have driven him to artificial excitement. We fancy 
 there were but few of his fashionable contemporaries 
 who would not have sought the same resource under 
 such a trial. 
 
 The last words of Lord Malmesbury, recording this 
 transaction, must not be omitted. " It is impossible 
 to conceive or foresee any comfort from this connection, 
 in which I lament very much having taken any share, 
 purely passive as it was."
 
 448 APPENDIX. 
 
 Lord Malmesbury's grandson, the editor of his 
 " Memoirs and Diary," assures us that his kinsman more 
 than once was on the point of expressing his opinion 
 to Lord Grenville and Mr. Pitt, of the unsuitableness 
 of the Princess Caroline for the Prince of Wales ; l but 
 that " the circumstances of his mission, and his belief 
 that her faults were of a remediable character," pre- 
 vented him. 
 
 Though there is no evidence that he consulted his 
 immediate superior, the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, 
 on the subject, in the despatches he forwarded to Lord 
 Grenville (as published in the volume from which we 
 have quoted), he did open his mind a little to the Duke 
 of Portland. In a letter, dated from Hanover, on the 27th 
 of January, he endeavours to excuse the removal of his 
 charge from Osnabruck, by stating that he anticipated 
 the arrival of the Comte d'Artois (afterwards Charles 
 X. of France), and " felt it highly improper that the 
 Princess of Wales, and a fugitive French Prince should 
 remain in the same place !" The Count, however, was 
 not the only object of his alarm, as he indicates in his 
 Diary, under the date, February 20. " Princess out 
 of humour. Very nonsensical confidence about Prince 
 of Orange — cannot be committed to writing." He 
 further excused himself for not taking her back to 
 Brunswick, because the ladies there were in the habit 
 of behaving too familiarly to her; and it was most 
 essential, "in times like these," that she 'should I I 
 properly the dignity of her high situation, and act 
 1 " Diaries ami Correspondence," Vol, in., p. 213.
 
 APPENDIX. 449 
 
 up to it ; which, he elsewhere proves, he never 
 could get her to do. He then assures the Duke, 
 that the manner in which she had conducted herself 
 since she left Brunswick, " has heen the most be- 
 coming possible." He ends with stating his con- 
 viction that the two months' delay in his return, 
 was " a most fortunate circumstance," as it " will form 
 and shape the Princess's mind and manners to her 
 situation." 
 
 At eight o'clock, on the evening of the 8th of 
 April, a brilliant company assembled in the public 
 apartments of St. James's Palace, and half-an-hour 
 later the procession was formed, and proceeded to the 
 Chapel Royal in the following order : 
 
 PROCESSION OF TIIE PRINCESS. 
 
 Drums and trumpets. 
 
 Kettle drums. 
 
 Sergeant trumpeter, 
 
 who filed off at the door of the chapel. 
 
 Sir Clement Cotterell Dormer, Master of the Ceremonies. 
 
 Her Serene Highness's Gentleman Usher, between two senior 
 
 Heralds. 
 Right Hon. Charles Crenville, His Majesty's Vice-Chamberlain. 
 
 Marquis of Salisbury, Lord Chamberlain. 
 The two Hon. Ladies Stewart, daughters of Lord Galloway, 
 
 strewing llowers. 
 
 HER SERENE HIGHNESS PRINCESS CAROLINE OF BRUNSWICK, 
 
 in a nuptial habit — a royal robe; silver tissue petticoat, 
 covered with silver Venetian net and silver tassels ; body and 
 VOL. I. G G
 
 450 APPENDIX. 
 
 train of silver tissue, festooned on each side with large cord 
 and tassels ; sleeves and tippet fine point lace, and the bands 
 of the sleeves embroidered with plumes of feathers ; a royal 
 mantle of crimson velvet, trimmed with ermine, silver cord 
 and tassels. 
 
 Her Royal Highness was led by the Duke of Clarence, 
 
 and attended by 
 
 The Marchioness of Townshend, the Countess of Jersey, 
 
 The Countess of Carnarvon, the Countess of Cholmondeley. 
 
 Ladies of the Household. 
 
 Miss Colman, Miss Erskine, 
 
 Miss Poyntz, Miss Bruhl. 
 
 Followed by 
 
 Lady Mary Osborne, Lady Caroline Villiers, 
 
 Lady Charlotte Spencer, Lady Charlotte Legge, 
 
 Bridesmaids. 
 
 PROCESSION OF TIIE PRINCE, 
 
 arranged in the same order as that of the Princess, with the 
 
 addition of the officers of his Royal Ilighness's Household. 
 
 His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales 
 
 in his Collar of the Order of the Garter, supported by 
 
 the Bachelor Dukes of Bedford and Roxborough. 
 
 PROCESSION OF TIIE KING. 
 
 Two Sergeants-at-Arms. 
 
 Drums and trumpets. 
 
 The Knight Marshal. 
 
 Pursuivants. 
 
 Heralds. 
 
 Duke of Portland, Duke of Leeds. 
 
 Duke of Dorset, Lord Steward of the Household.
 
 APPENDIX. 451 
 
 Provincial Kings-of-Arms. 
 
 Earl of Chatham, Lord Privy Seal. 
 
 Earl of Mansfield, Lord President of the Council. 
 
 Bishop of London. Lord Chancellor. 
 
 Archbishop of Canterbury. 
 
 Two Sergeants-at-Arms. 
 
 Gentleman Usher. 
 
 Sir Isaac Heard, Garter Principal King-of-Arms, with 
 
 his Sceptre. 
 
 Gentleman Usher. 
 
 Duke of Norfolk, Earl Marshal, with his staff. 
 
 Princes of the Blood Royal. 
 
 Lord Chamberlain. 
 
 Sword of State. 
 Vice-Chamberlain. 
 
 HIS MAJESTY. 
 
 In the Collar of the Order of the Garter. 
 
 Captain of the Yeomen of the Guard. 
 
 Colonel of the Life-Guards in Waiting. 
 
 Groom of the Bed-chamber in "Waiting. 
 
 William Price, Esq., Vice-Chamberlain to the Queen. 
 
 Lord Harcourt, Queen's Master of the Horse. 
 
 Hilt MAJESTY. 
 Lord Morton, Queen's Lord Chamberlain. 
 
 THE PRINCESSES. 
 
 Each supported by her Gentleman Usher. 
 
 Ladies of her Majesty's Bed-chamber. 
 
 Maids of Honour. 
 
 Women of the Bed-chamber. 
 
 G G 2
 
 452 APPENDIX. 
 
 The marriage ceremony was performed by the Arch- 
 bishop of Canterbury, assisted by the Bishop of London, 
 the former standing on the right, the latter on the 
 left of the altar. At the conclusion of the anthem, 
 the procession returned, much in the same order as 
 before, except that the Prince led the Princess, and 
 was attended by two married Dukes — Beaufort and 
 Leeds. 
 
 Afterwards the company went to Buckingham 
 House to a magnificent supper, and about twelve 
 o'clock the Prince and Princess retired to Carlton 
 House, where, the next morning, they were visited by 
 the King and Queen, before they set out for Windsor, 
 where they were followed by their Royal Highnesses. 
 Illuminations, fire-works, and other public demon- 
 strations, testified the interest taken by all classes, in 
 this union, and several addresses of felicitation were 
 presented to the King, the Queen, and to their Royal 
 Highnesses by different public bodies. The answer 
 of the Prince of Wales to that of the Lord Mayor and 
 Aldermen of the City of London, thanks them for 
 their congratulations, and expresses satisfaction at the 
 interest his marriage had excited, and gratification at 
 the expression of their affectionate attachment, but 
 maintains an ominous silence respecting the Prin- 
 cess, and his prospects of happiness. Grand fes- 
 tivities were continued at Court, and entertainments 
 given by the principal nobility for some time after 
 the nuptials.
 
 APPENDIX. 453 
 
 Every day aggravated the evils of this mesalliance. 
 The Princess, who, at Brunswick, had been so curious 
 
 about Lady , whose intimacy with the Prince of 
 
 Wales was well known at her father's Court, and who, 
 on her arrival at St. James's Palace, rattled on before 
 strangers with coarse and vulgar raillery, respecting this 
 lady in her presence, accepted her as one of her at- 
 tendants, and almost as eagerly took her into her con- 
 fidence. It wanted but this to make the imbroglio 
 
 intolerable. It is probable that Lady made the 
 
 most of her position, for which there is no doubt she 
 applied with no amiable motive, and the intractable 
 natures of this royal pair were driven into an irrecon- 
 cilable quarrel. On the birth of their first child, the 
 Princess Charlotte, the Prince of Wales separated from 
 his wife entirely. This proceeding, unexplained, appeared 
 so harsh, that it procured the Princess many powerful 
 friends, among whom, the warmest, and the most 
 zealous, was always the King. Whether it was, because 
 the marriage was his own act — whether from affec- 
 tion to his sister's child — or whether influenced by 
 his^ feelings against his son ; certain it is, that 
 George III. countenanced his daughter-in-law in a 
 manner that much increased the unpleasantness that 
 existed between father and son. The Princess may 
 have deceived him, which was no difficult matter 
 for her ; certain it is, that he more than once strongly 
 expressed his belief in her wrongs. Queen Char- 
 lotte, she did not deceive — no such expression ever
 
 454 APPENDIX. 
 
 was uttered by that admirable lady — and if there 
 was one person the Princess of Wales detested as 
 much as she did her husband, it was her husband's 
 mother. 
 
 Whatever may be thought of the mission of Lord 
 Malmesbury — his prudence when it was over was 
 most exemplary. He did not become the Cham- 
 berlain of the Princess of Wales, as she had 
 desired at Brunswick ; it appears as though he 
 most carefully avoided her society for many years 
 afterwards. 
 
 END OF VOL. I. 
 
 I. O N I) O N • 
 
 Printed by Schulze and Co., 13, Poland Street.
 
 lately Published, Illustrated with Portraits of the "Right Honourable Thomaf 
 Grenville, and the Right Honourable C. ./. Fox, Price 30*. bound. 
 
 THE THIRD AND FOURTH VOLUMES, 
 
 COMPRISING THE PERIOD FROM 1800 TO 1810, AND COMPLETING THE WORK, 
 
 OF T1IK 
 
 MEMOIRS OP THE COURT 
 
 AND 
 
 CABINETS OE GEORGE III. 
 
 FROM ORIGINAL FAMILY DOCUMENTS. 
 BY THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM AND CHANDOS, K.ii. 
 
 OPINIONS OF THE PRESS. 
 
 The Times. 
 
 " These volumes consist in the main, of letters written hy the two brothers, 
 Lord Grenville, and Mr. T. Grenville, to their elder brother, the Marquis of 
 Buckingham, for his information as to the political circumstances of the time. 
 In the two former volumes a great amount of curious gossip, and of valuable 
 information was contained relative to the formation of the Coalition Ministry, 
 the King's illness in 1788, and the early period of the war with revolutionary 
 France, Volumes 3 and 1 take up the tale where volumes 1 aud 2 had left it ; 
 and herein we find a tolerably connected narrative of the many stirring his- 
 torical events which occurred between 1800, when Lord Grenville and Talleyrand 
 were in correspondence respecting Bonaparte's poposals for peace, until the 
 return of the King's malady in IS 10, aud the debates in Parliament relative to 
 the Regency. The present collection is more valuable than the last, inasmuch 
 as Lord Grenville, having attained higher dignity and experience, is a more 
 dispassionate observer of passing events. Whoever would desire to read the 
 running comments of so eminent and well informed a man as Lord Grenville 
 upon a decade so interesting as that of 1800 — 10, would do well to consult 
 these volumes. Lord Grenville was certainly among the most far-sighted men 
 of his time ; and to him from the first, belongs the credit of appreciating truly 
 Napoleon Bonaparte's position and designs. He did so even to a higher degree 
 than Pitt ; and it is most remarkable how far his predictions have been verified 
 by the event, even when submitted to the sharp test of the judgment of posterity. 
 The principal points on which bght is thrown by the present correspondence 
 are, the negociations before and after the Treaty of Amiens, untd the time of 
 its rupture — the true character of Addington's Administration, and the relations 
 between 'the Doctor' and Pitt — the formation of the Pitt and Sidmouth 
 Cabinet, when the King's prejudices against Charles Fox were found to be 
 insurmountable — the Grenville and Fox short Administration — the Duke of 
 Portland's Cabinet — the expedition to" Portugal, with its climax at Cintra — 
 the Duke of York's scandal with Mrs. Clarke — Sir John Moore's retreat, with 
 the earlier Spanish campaigns of Sir Arthur Wellesley, and, finally, the 
 disastrous Walcheren affair. There is much curious matter interposed in the 
 shape of precis upon the situation of affairs written from time to time by Lord 
 Grenville himself; and perhaps still more curious reports made to the Marquis 
 
 of Buckingham by a certain , whose name remains a mystery, but who 
 
 seems to have beeu tolerably well acquainted with the arcana imperii at the 
 beginning of the century. There is much in these volumes which well deserves 
 perusal. There is a portion of their contents which possesses nearly as high a 
 claim upon our instant and careful consideration as the Minutes of the 
 Sebastopol Committee."
 
 COURT AND CABINETS OF GEORGE III.— VOLS. HI & IV. 
 
 opinions of the press — continued. 
 The Athenjeuu. 
 "The present volumes exhibit the same features as the former portion of the 
 series. The general reader is entertained, and the reader for historical purposes 
 is enlightened. Of their value and importance, there cannot be two opinions. 
 There are abundant revelations of interest to arrest attention in many of these 
 papers. On the characters of George the Fourth and the Duke of Wellington 
 there are some very valuable letters. In Court scandals, the affairs of the 
 Duke of York and Mrs. Clarke are brought under notice ; and in what we may 
 designate as public scandals, the ' horrors of routine' receive abundant 
 illustrations in the letters about the Walcheren Expedition, and on the 
 Peniusular War. Our extracts sufficiently show the high interest belonging 
 to these volumes." 
 
 The Examiner. 
 
 " These volumes worthily complete an undertaking which will earn for the 
 house of Buckingham the thanks of not a few historians. We have before us 
 the secret movements of parties, the motives of individuals, the minute 
 anatomy of every political act and word laid bare. All the town gossip has been 
 preserved; we have innumerable authentic anecdotes, and full personal details 
 about every person on the public stage ; and as for the King and his unhappy 
 family, we have their sayings and doings, their whims and blunders, and every 
 scrap of scandal connected with their domestic affairs, made out for nearly 
 every day in every year." 
 
 The Spectator. 
 " These volumes throw new light on the great subjects of the period. There 
 is a good deal of interest in their comments, especially on such matters as the 
 Walcheren Expedition — Mrs. Clarke's exposure of the Duke of York — the 
 intrigues of Canning, who comes out badly — the behaviour of the Prince of 
 Wales, who comes out selfish, small, mean, and false. The letters of the 
 leading correspondents are of a high class. The collection is well edited for 
 popular purposes." 
 
 The Standard. 
 
 "These volumes comprehend a period the most important in the events 
 relating to our domestic affairs and lorcign relations to be found in the British 
 annals, told, not only by eye-witnesses, but by the very men who put them in 
 motion. The volumes now published immeasurably exceed their predecessors 
 in interest and importance. They must find a place in the library of every 
 English gentleman." 
 
 The Observer. 
 " A more valuable addition to the political literature of the country has not 
 been produced for some time, than t lir.se memoirs. They throw a ilood of light 
 upon the policy and conduct of the successive governments of this country 
 during the latter period of the eventful reign of George III. They admit us 
 into the secret arcana of the actions and the motives of the principal actors in 
 I In' great events which took place, and while they afford some glimpses of noble 
 and heroic conduct, they expose a vast mass of that hollowness 01 profession, 
 and those scllish motives which liv turns animated and influenced the conduct 
 of many of our public men. The opinions expressed, as well as the facts 
 tilled, may lie read with interest by all classes, and studied with peculiar 
 profit by the historian. The noble editor of these interesting volumes deserves 
 tie- thanks o]' the public for the ability he has displayed in arraugiug these 
 valuable contribution , to the political history of our country." 
 
 ill RSI \M' BLAI ki I i, PUBLISHERS, SUCCESSORS TO I1ENIIY COI.BL'HN, 
 IS GREAT MAHi.iiouoiHJir BTREET. ,
 
 <WMINIVrH\/x 
 
 .vUlVANI.HFr. 
 
 ., CM- 1 All HIP;, 
 
 i\ri Aiimyi,. 
 
 c 
 
 < 
 
 e 
 e 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY 
 
 Los Angeles 
 
 This book is DUE on the last date stamped below. 
 
 
 *W 
 
 r Ifj 
 
 
 ' *V ckoes^ 
 
 NOV 23 1383 
 
 ORION jj|n?flfl 
 LD/URL ^ U * 
 
 9&SL "*<»™ 
 
 $S5l mow 
 
 DEC 2 1989 
 
 RENEWM 
 10 URL 
 BENEWAL 
 MIUR-L 
 
 Form L9-Series 4939 
 
 SE 
 
 inT 
 
 P » 1989 
 1 3 1989 
 
 
 m im mi tm 
 
 ^MWmO-JO^ 
 
 ^flOJITCHO^ 
 
 ^JIMNV-SO!^ 
 
 ^OFCAllFOfy/, ^OF-CALIFORfc 
 
 naii-v 
 
 
 OS 
 
 o 
 
 ^lOS-ANGElf^ 
 
 so 
 
 •.maim 3\^ 
 
 
 
 5f- 
 
 
 ^clOS-ANGflfr.* 
 
 <$HIBI< ^-lIBRARYQr 
 
 1 ir^ ^ 5
 
 vvlOS-ANCElfj> 
 
 "%]3ain(h\w 
 
 ^OFCAUFO/ I II 
 
 58 00507 7002 
 
 Dl I 
 
 
 I V3K 
 
 ^0JI1V3-J^ 
 
 5? 
 
 & 
 
 
 \MEUNI 
 
 IV s 
 
 II1V3J0 V 
 
 
 ^OFCAf 
 
 p 
 
 ">i- >*** 
 
 
 *■ 
 
 ^\ 
 
 ~T1 
 
 
 -n 
 
 v ^^. 
 
 O 
 
 ii_ L> 
 
 
 p ^* 
 
 ^ 
 
 %M\ 
 
 % 
 
 
 —n 
 
 
 rS 
 
 
 
 
 
 ■<■ _ r 
 
 
 < i ^4»-_ 
 
 O 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 *r linn 
 
 » p\ 
 
 
 
 rf 
 
 NWERS/^ 
 
 \)f 
 
 UC SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY 
 
 AA 000 390 008 1 
 
 
 PAD 
 
 Y^ 
 
 
 
 ^QJ; 
 
 ■0F-CALIF0% 
 
 
 g 
 
 -n <— ' 
 
 O lL 
 
 **10S. 
 
 £ 
 
 o 
 
 \tf-l 
 
 Mil 
 
 
 2 V *■"/ Y] =o 
 
 i3*)i