.:. : j. .,;_. |, >,!; : .:].:;. ,;
 
 es indicating the number of Agrarian Crimes for every $,000 Acres, upon the Returns 
 made to the House of Commons, from ist January, 1879, to 3Oth June, 1886. 
 
 The Agrarian Crimes are less 
 than l for every 5,ooo Acres. 
 
 The Agrarian Crimes are 
 1 for every 5.WOO Acres. 
 
 The Agrarian Crimes are 
 
 3 for every 5,OOO Acres. 
 
 The Agrarian Crimes are 
 
 4 for every 3,000 Acres. 
 
 The Agrarian Crimes are The Agrarian Crimes are 
 
 | 'i for every 5,000 Acres. 5 for svery 5,ooo Acres. 
 
 rhite portion indicate* that part of Ireland which has not succumbed to the National Land League and the doctrine 
 of Outrage and Murder, and in which Agrarian Crimes are considerably less than 1 for every' 5,000 Acres. 
 J.B. // mill be seen that where Crime is highest the Parnellite vote is largest. (See Parliamentary Maj>.) 
 
 AGRARIAN GRIMES MAP 
 
 OF IRELAND. 
 
 Cj
 
 Shades indicating the proportion of Parnellite votes and Loyalist votes in those coun 
 which M.P.'s for Mr. Parnell have been elected. 
 
 The Parnellite Vote 
 X to 1 and under. 
 
 The Parnellite Vote 
 4 to 1 to 6 to 1. 
 
 4 
 
 The Parnellite Vote 
 11 to 1 to 20 to 1. 
 
 The Parnellite Vote 
 ".\ to l to 30 to 1. 
 
 The Parnellite Vote O The Parnellite Vote 
 
 7 to 1 to 1O to 1. SI to l to 47 to 1. 
 
 The White portion indicates that part of Ireland which hag not succumbedtoth^Wational Land league and th 
 of Outrage and Murder. It is entirely represented by Unionist Members of Parliament, with two exceptio 
 
 Belfast, which has recently been the scene of fatal rioting, and the City of Londonderry. 
 N.B. // wilt be seen that where the Paineltite mite is largest Crime is highest. (See Agrarian Crimes 1 
 
 PARLIAMENTARY MAP 
 
 OF IRELAND.
 
 "AS IT WAS SAID." 
 
 EXTRACTS FROM 
 
 PROMINENT SPEECHES AND WRITINGS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 PARNELLITE PARTY 
 
 18781886: 
 
 WITH 
 
 CLASSIFICATION AND INDEX 
 
 AND A SKETCH OF 
 
 THE SEPARATIST MOVEMENT, 
 
 ILLUSTRATED WITH 
 
 AGRARIAN CRIMES' MAP, 
 
 AND 
 
 PARLIAMENTARY MAP OF IRELAND. 
 
 PREPARED AND PUBLISHED 
 
 BY THF. 
 
 IRISH LOYAL AND PATRIOTIC UNION, 
 
 1O9, GRAFTON STREET, DUBLIN. 
 26, PALACE CHAMBERS, WESTMINSTER, LONDON. 
 
 OCTOBER, 1886.
 
 A SKETCH 
 
 THE SEPARATIST MOVEMENT 
 
 From 1878 to 1886. 
 
 i. 
 
 Parnellite movement, both in its scope and characteristics, 
 stands out quite distinct from other Agrarian, Home Rule, 
 and Fenian movements in Ireland. Combining, with elements of a 
 quite new character, some of the most prominent points of each of 
 its predecessors, it yet forms, as a whole, a completely new departure 
 in Irish politics. The dream of " an Irish Republic, free and 
 independent," amongst the disaffected classes of Irishmen, is as old 
 as any of the historical events which can be called to mind regarding 
 Ireland ; but the efforts in this direction, to a great extent, lacked 
 practical shape and form till Mr. Parnell and his associates betook 
 themselves to the work of agitation. There had been amongst the 
 "Extreme" moves, an Irish Rebellion in 1798, a Young Ireland 
 movement in 1848, and a "Fenian" rising on a very small scale in 
 1867 ; and amongst the milder stages of the revolutionary fever, 
 there were to be numbered O'Connell's agitation, which succeeded 
 in gaining Catholic emancipation ; and Isaac Butt's Home Rule 
 
 3959??'
 
 IV 
 
 Association, which, prior to the dictatorship of Mr. Parnell, laboured 
 to bring about some federal arrangement. .Both types of agitation 
 had their admirers and supporters, and both had a distinct follow- 
 ing. Men through whose veins the hot blood of revolution coursed 
 swiftly and violently, would only have to do with those active 
 measures which suited their appetite and temperament, treating with 
 scornful opposition those other classes who took sides with the 
 quieter methods of O'Connell and Butt ; Avhile the followers of the 
 latter, on their side, refused countenance to all other but the con- 
 stitutional form of procedure. It was for Mr. Parnell, however, to 
 change all this, and to work with such magical effect as to draw all 
 sorts and conditions of men of a " Separatist " way of thinking into 
 league with one another. 
 
 Mr. Charles S. Parnell, M.P., at present member for the City 
 of Cork " Rebel Cork " as it is affectionately termed by the 
 " Extremists" is a remarkable man. The eldest son of an Irishman 
 who married an American lady of Republican ideas, he has from his 
 very earliest days been trained to nurture an almost unaccountable 
 hatred of all things British, and in private, as well, indeed, as in 
 public, he makes no effort to shroud these thoughts of his. 
 Entering the Imperial Parliament in 1875, at a time when he was 
 twenty-nine years of age, he very soon acquired notoriety b} 
 the way in which he obstructed the public business of the Legis- 
 lature. At the time he entered Parliament, Mr. Butt's Home 
 Rule movement (on Federal lines) was in full swing : and Mr. 
 Parnell became nominally a member of the party which supported 
 the claim for this method of settlement of the Irish difficulty. But 
 while nominally a member of the Butt section, he very quickly broke 
 away from the leadership of Mr. Butt, and, joining with Mr. Joseph 
 Biggar, M.P., Mr. John Barry, M.P., Mr. Lysaght Finnegan, M.P. r 
 and Mr. O'Connor Power, M.R ^who acted with Mr. Biggar, M.P., 
 very constantly until Mr. Parnell got into Parliament, but after that 
 not quite so prominently 1, and occasionally Mr. R. Power, M.P.. 
 Mr. W. H. O'Sullivan, M.P., and one or two others all past or 
 present members of the Fenian conspiracy formed a sort of 
 advanced section in the Irish party in Parliament of that period. 
 Mr. Philip Callan, M.P., who afterwards became a rather noted
 
 obstructionist, at this period adhered to Mr. Butt's leadership, and, 
 indeed, opposed Mr. Parnell very violently up to the time of 
 Mr. Butt's death, and afterwards ; but he subsequently gave valuable 
 assistance in developing the organised obstruction tactics initiated 
 by the new leader. 
 
 Mr. Parnell and his confreres lost little time in showing their 
 condition of mind in the matter of hatred of all things English, and 
 while, on the one hand, they spoke continuously and strongly in 
 favour of the policy of Fenianism [when Irish debates were before 
 the House of Commons], they, on the other, brought what has been 
 called " the policy of exasperation " and obstruction to a positive 
 science. As Mr. Parnell himself said, this policy was " perfectly 
 simple." once the rules of procedure in the House of Commons 
 had been sufficiently mastered. Faulty and inadequate as these rules 
 were they had proved fully equal to all the requirements of debate 
 till Mr. Parnell and his followers came to deal with them. Once 
 they took them in hand, by a combination of cunning and entire dis- 
 regard of gentlemanliness and courtesy, they succeeded in turning 
 the House of Commons into a "bear garden," and making legisla- 
 tion for certain periods impossible. Such was the inadequacy of the 
 powers given to the Speaker, that member after member could get 
 up, speak on the most uninteresting subjects in the most ridiculous 
 manner, and generally obstruct in the most pertinacious way, while 
 still within their rights, as the rules then existed. 
 
 II. 
 
 While Mr. Parneli was at this time acting more or less in the 
 capacity of an independent member, the action of himself and those 
 who worked with him was attracting, for a wonder, the favourable 
 notice of those " Extremists " who had hitherto " stood afar off" from 
 the base of Parliamentary agitation. The clever combination of 
 Fenian advocacy and Ministerial opposition which he practised, began 
 to produce an effect upon those whose sympathies where touched by 
 the first, and whose hatred of Government was in a degree satisfied
 
 by the second. Butt's influence began to be undermined, curious 
 talk began to be indulged in, there was a general shuffling of the dry 
 bones, and anti-English spirits began to talk of something being " in 
 the air." 
 
 There were, also, new influences being brought to bear on Irish 
 politics at this time, for, as a result of the agitation in Parliament and 
 Ireland on their behalf, the remaining Fenian prisoners who were still 
 in custody, were set at liberty on tickets-of-leave. Their release took 
 place on December iQth, 1877, and chief amongst them was Michael 
 Davitt, who had been convicted on a charge of treason-felony, and 
 had been sentenced to fifteen years'" penal servitude. Mr. Parnell, 
 quick to profit by the low murmurings and suggestive hints which 
 came to him from the different elements of Irish disorder with which 
 he had to do, resolved upon a bold stroke ; and he quickly placed 
 himself in line with the adranccd men by breakfasting the released 
 Fenians the morning of their arrival in Ireland at Morrison's Hotel, 
 Dublin. This was a bold move for the Obstructionist Leader to 
 take, for the men with whom he now allied himself had each a history, 
 and that not a very satisfactory record. Davitt, the principal of them, 
 had been proved to be in some prominent way connected with the 
 doings of the Assassination Committee of the Fenian Society, 
 whose Oath is as follows : 
 
 "/ hereby solemnly swear and make oath before the most high God, before 
 whom I expect to be judged, that I will seek out and leave no means untried 
 utterly to exterminate as enemies of Irish liberty, any persons who shall be 
 guilty of perfidy, or of giving to our foes, the British authorities, any informa- 
 tion which shall lead to the arrest or sentence of members of the I. /?. B." 
 
 McCarthy, another of them, had been found guilty of swearing into 
 the Fenian Brotherhood the soldiers of the Queen who were in the 
 regiment of which he himself was a sergeant : and of being further 
 connected with some hellish plot to poison the officers : and the 
 remaining two somewhat insignificant prisoners, had equally unhappy 
 records according to their positions. 
 
 Whether or not the plan of the new campaign, in which Messrs. 
 Parnell and Davitt were to play such leading parts, was discussed in
 
 Vll 
 
 any detail at this first meeting or not, it is hard to say ; but it is 
 remarkable that Davitt allowed very little time to elapse before he 
 took to active work in the way of developing the new departure. 
 Davitt knew far better than Mr. Parnell how to work the " Extreme'' 
 men, and he lost no time in putting himself in touch with them. 
 His lengthened confinement placed him at a disadvantage, of course, 
 as regards full knowledge of the condition of affairs then existing : 
 but he quickly got over this difficulty, and put himself aii courani 
 with all matters of importance by a quickly-undertaken tour amongst 
 the most important centres of revolutionary activity. Nor was he 
 idle in other ways, for communication was immediately entered into 
 by him with the Fenian leaders in America. America has always 
 been the hotbed of Fenianism, or, perhaps it would be more proper 
 to say of Irish revolutionary scheming. For scores of years it has 
 been the "City of Refuge" for all those guilty of treasonable designs 
 or practices against the British Government ; while at the same time 
 it is the home of all the "ne'er-do-weel's" of the Irish population : 
 who either " leave their country ior their country's good,'' or for 
 other reasons of a less undesirable nature, emigrate to what will 
 continue to be regarded by them, as the land of freedom and plenty. 
 Therefore it is that Irishmen of the lower class, if they be not sworn 
 to damage the British Government before arriving, are certainly not 
 allowed to remain free from the shackles of secret societies for any 
 length of time. It used to be a phrase of mockery and contempt in 
 the lips of these opposed to Fenianism, that it was "the servant- 
 girls of New York" provided the subscriptions wherewith the ' ; war " 
 was carried on against England ; but experience has proved that far 
 more dangerous elements have to be grappled with, when Irish 
 American Fenianism comes to receive attention. 
 
 III. 
 
 As was the case in Ireland just at this period, so it Avas in 
 America. Things were very much out of gear. Dissensions and 
 opposition by different cliques to the different methods employed
 
 " to free Ireland," had left matters in a complete state of disorganisa- 
 tion. But if there were spirits like Parnell and Davitt in Ireland 
 anxious to make some forward movement of a strong and determined 
 type ; there were not to be found wanting in America men of similar 
 ways of thinking, and of ready capacity to fall in with, and work the 
 idea. The movement, too, was exceedingly well-timed, for just at 
 the moment old men were being discredited, and younger and more 
 daring tempers were coming to the front. O 'Donovan Rossa was 
 fast losing his influence, and men like John Devoy, convicted ot 
 swearing British soldiers into the Fenian organisation ; John Breslin, 
 at one time a Government official in Richmond Prison, who had 
 played false to his trust and assisted the Fenian chief, James Stephens, 
 to escape ; General Bourke, who had headed a Fenian rising, been 
 sentenced to death, and subsequently amnestied; and others of a 
 similar type, were taking the reins in hand. The characters and 
 intentions of these men can be fully appreciated when it is stated 
 that they were the trustees of a fund called the "Skirmishing Fund,'' 
 subscribed by the Irish Americans for the purpose of damaging the 
 Empire in every possible way, blowing-up public buildings (for even 
 at this time 1878 dynamite was talked of), assassinating obnoxious 
 individuals, and like methods of "warfare." They were typical 
 Extremists in thought, word, and deed. But all the same they were 
 not averse to joining hands with the Irish leaders for the purpose of 
 becoming more powerful, and subsequently subordinating the views 
 of these others to their own. 
 
 An understanding was soon arrived at between the Constitu- 
 tionalists [Messrs. Davitt, Parnell, and others] on the one side, and 
 the Irish-American representatives on the other; and public indication 
 was soon given of the lines of the " new Departure." Air. Parnell, as 
 became his new position, was the first to lead off. Speaking at a 
 Home Rule Convention in Dublin, he fiercely assailed the policy 
 hitherto acted upon by Mr. Butt, declared for thorough -going 
 "obstruction" in Parliament; and delivered a remarkable speech, 
 marked throughout by the fierce hatred of Imperialism, of which 
 mention has already been made. "We have been told," said Mr. 
 Parnell, " that the Irish have lain down like dogs under the heels of 
 the English. That Ireland has given up the contest she has carried
 
 on so long. Have we given it up? I don't believe it. I don't 
 believe we have given up that fight. I believe you want that fight 
 
 carried on The country has seen the men of energy and 
 
 activity encumbered by inactivity and obstruction [this was not 
 Parliamentary obstruction], and they have felt it was almost hope- 
 less to work under present circumstances and present conditions.'' 
 England, he went on to explain, had given Ireland the power of a 
 franchise equal to her own, and she should now either cast about her 
 for some method of depriving Ireland of this weapon or give Ireland 
 her rights. " She cannot recede from the issue," he continued, " she 
 must either give yours [rights] or surrender her own. There is 
 no option, no escape for her. ... I said when I was last on 
 this platform, that / would not promise anything by Parliamentary 
 action for any particular line of policy, but I said we could help you 
 to punish the English; and predicted that the English would very soon 
 get afraid of the policy of punishment}' And so he boasted of English 
 hatred, and the crippling of the British Legislative procedure to 
 willing ears. 
 
 Mr. Parnell, having kept his part of the bargain and broken with 
 Mr. Butt and the Moderates of the Constitutional side of the agita- 
 tion, the Irish-Americans were not slow to fulfil theirs. Accordingly 
 a despatch was immediately cabled to Mr. Parnell, signed by the 
 men already referred to, and running in the following terms : 
 " The Nationalists here will support you on the following conditions : 
 i. Abandonment of the Federal demand and substitution of a 
 general declaration of self-government. 2. Vigorous agitation of the 
 land question on the basis of a peasant proprietary, while accepting 
 concessions tending to abolish arbitrary eviction. 3. Exclusion of 
 all sectarian issues from the platform. 4. Irish Members to vote 
 together on all Imperial and home questions, adopt an aggressive 
 policy, and energetically resist coercive legislation. 5. Advocacy 
 of all struggling nationalities in the British Empire and elsewhere/'
 
 [V. 
 
 This move was a startling volte-face from the position hitherto 
 occupied by the " Extreme " section : and although matters were 
 fully understood at " headquarters " with regard to the ins and 
 the outs of the " New Departure," some explanation was necessary 
 for the general crowd of conspirators. And this explanation 
 Mr. John Devoy. the leading spirit amongst them, supplied in the 
 following statement, which obtained publicity through the press : 
 " Ireland can never be freed." said he, ''through the British Parlia- 
 ment or by constitutional agitation in any form : but constitutional 
 agitation is one means of advancing our cause, and we should avail 
 ourselves of it. The world judges us, and, above all, England's 
 enemies judge us. by our public representatives, and in the times 
 that are coming we can't afford to be misrepresented any longer. 
 Tin re is no use sending men to the British Parliament to beg, but 
 we can send men there to protest before the world against England's 
 right to govern Ireland; and when all is ripe we can command our 
 representatives to withdraw from the British Parliament and meet 
 in Ireland as a national legislature. It is only through such means 
 that the whole Irish race the world over can be aroused, and then 
 active sympathy enlisted, and when that occurs the work is half 
 done, and we can wait patiently for the result. 1 ' ' Do the Irish 
 Nationalists intend to abandon their physical force theories and 
 mainly depend on constitutional agitation?'' asked The New York 
 Herald reporter, referring to the cable despatch. " Not by any 
 means,'' was the reply. "We simply don't believe in little insur- 
 rections that England can crush in a few days or weeks. We 
 propose that, in the event of war, Ireland shall keep quiet ; that the 
 organised Nationalist outside of Ireland shall actively assist England's 
 enemies and hurt her whenever and wherever they can.'' 
 
 But while advanced and constitutional politicians might be quite- 
 happy at forming such an alliance as this, it was (mite another and 
 f;ir more difficult thing to get the great mass of the people in Ireland, 
 who did not and would not belong to revolutionary societies as such, 
 into line with the new movement. But Devov and his associates
 
 were in no way nonplussed by these difficulties which stared them in 
 the face. " No party or combination of parties in Ireland,'' said he r 
 "can ever hope to win the support of the majority of the people 
 except it honestly proposes a radical reform of the land system;" 
 and, continued he, while it might probably be necessary to await the 
 establishment of an Irish Parliament before the confiscation and 
 abolition of landlords, which he advocated, could take place, still, " in 
 the meantime, good work will have been done, sound principles, 
 inculcated, and the country aroused and organised." In short, the 
 land agitation was to be used as a means to an end. for the purpose 
 of arousing and organising the country. The old cry of exorbitant 
 rent was to be raised, and, by banding the people together in a land 
 organisation, the nucleus of the future Army of Independence was to 
 be formed. The plot was further developed in perspective by Devoy's 
 suggestion of having the municipal offices filled by Nationalists, 
 which would, he said, lead up to a condition of things by which, 
 "with men of spirit and determination as parliamentary represen- 
 tatives, backed by the country and by millions of the Irish race over 
 the world, there would be no necessity to go to London either to 
 beg or obstruct." 
 
 With the platform thus put together by the united exertions of 
 the different parties to the treaty which had for its ultimate object 
 the Disruption of the Empire, there was little delay in getting the 
 new movement fully under weigh. Meetings were immediately held in 
 the south and west of Ireland, and, working on the money supplied 
 from the "Skirmishing Fund," organisers were at once sent over 
 Ireland to put matters in train. The public meetings started off with 
 an enormous gathering at Irishtown, in County Mayo, on the 
 aoth April. 1879, where Thos. Brennan, the future Land League 
 Secretary and then Fenian, provoked cheers for Cetewayo by the 
 statement that their fight was one for independence : and that they 
 should be glad to see their enemies obstructed and harassed, no 
 matter where or by whom, whether it be in Westminster or Zululand, 
 whether the attacking party be commanded by a Parnell or a Cete- 
 wayo. Mr. Parnell was not present at this gathering, which partook 
 more or less of the character of a "test" meeting, but he put himself 
 en evidence at a meeting in Westport in the month of June following,.
 
 where the question of rents was first definitely raised ; and where he 
 administered the advice to the tenants " to keep a firm grip of their 
 holdings," or in other words to refuse the payment of rent, and to offer 
 organised resistance to evictions. Davitt promulgated his principles 
 for the new agitation at Castlebar in August, and read to the meeting 
 he then addressed, the proposed constitution of the new organisation; 
 -and on the 2oth of October following the first meeting of the Irish 
 National Land League, as it was called, took place in Dublin, 
 Mr. Parnell, M.P., being present, but not in the chair. 
 
 Two resolutions adopted at this meeting call for notice : the first 
 ran in these words : "That none of the funds of this League shall 
 be used for the purchase of any landlord's interest in the land, or for 
 furthering the interest of any parliamentary candidate," and it was a 
 pretty plain indication that at this time there still remained a certain 
 amount of scepticism regarding the efficacy of Constitutional pro- 
 cedure, and an intention to keep the money free for >; active 
 service." And the second resolution was to the effect that the 
 President of the League (Mr. Parnell had accepted this position) 
 should be requested " to proceed to America, for the purpose of 
 obtaining assistance from our exiled countrymen and other sympa- 
 thisers'' for the objects of the League. Of course it is not to be 
 understood for a moment that the Land League was the only organisa- 
 tion which undertook the collection of funds to relieve the distress 
 which undoubtedly existed in Ireland at this time. Quite the oppo- 
 site. The Duchess of Marlborough, the Lord Mayor of Dublin, the 
 New York Herald, and several other individuals and institutions 
 inaugurated funds ; and their collections were quite enormous in 
 amount when compared with what was received by the Land League. 
 One peculiarity connected with these funds was, that whereas full and 
 complete balance-sheets were forthcoming regarding all those outside 
 the Land League's undertaking, it has hitherto been found impossible 
 to obtain any accurate statistics regarding the disbursement of the 
 amount collected by Mr. Parnell and his colleagues. They did 
 publish a balance-sheet of the ' Relief Fund ''' up to a certain date, 
 but not afterwards, and there remained a surplus which has not 
 been accounted for.
 
 V. 
 
 Meetings now succeeded each other with great rapidity in 
 Ireland, and although, generally speaking, the speeches were 
 delivered with a due regard to the requirements of the moment, in 
 showing a moderate front ; at times there were significant passages in 
 the orators' harangues, and the hearers broke forth into such cries as 
 " We don't want to be loyal;" "We will get it [so-called justice] by 
 physical force;" " By the rifles ;" " We will fight for it;" "A cheer 
 for the Fenians;" "Another cheer for the Fenians;" &c. The 
 spirit of hatred, and almost devilment, which was communicated to 
 the people by the hints and inuendoes employed on the platforms 
 began to manifest itself, and the lawlessness of the worst portion of 
 the population to produce saddening results. The Agrarian Crime 
 Returns soon disclosed a decided, if gradual, rise. Davitt spoke in 
 Castlebar in September, and while there had only been forty-five 
 outrages in the previous month, this number was increased by twenty 
 in the month referred to. In October the numbers stood at one 
 hundred; in November, at one hundred and sixty-seven; and, vary- 
 ing, in December numbered one hundred and thirty-five. 
 
 Mr. Parnell left Ireland at the end of the year 1879, an d, in 
 company with Mr. John Dillon (an enthusiast of the strongest 
 possible anti-Imperial views), landed at New York on the gth of 
 January, 1880, where Mr. Timothy Healy, then private secretary 
 to him, shortly afterwards joined them. He was everywhere 
 received by the Fenians with open arms, and not alone by the 
 Republican portion of the American community, but by very 
 many others who sympathised with the then condition of Ireland, 
 threatened as she was with a visitation of famine. Mr. Parnell 
 was all things to all men, and when in the midst of his Fenian 
 colleagues he grew positively eloquent on the subject of physical 
 force. At Cleveland, three weeks after he had landed, he told 
 his hearers, when speaking of the use of arms in the freeing of 
 Ireland, "Well, it may come to that some day or another." At 
 Rochester, subsequently, " he was bound to say that every Irishman 
 should be prepared to shed the last drop of his blood in order to
 
 obtain a solution " of the question. Because the New York Herald 
 had taken the landlord side of the struggle, he said, " The best 
 punishment for the New York Herahl, when it goes to the lower 
 regions, would be to send the Irish land system and the British 
 Government with it." At Pittston, on February i6th, he told his 
 hearers that " from the blood of the brave Connemara women who 
 resisted the home-destroyers (this is an euphemism for landlords) 
 shall spring up a power which will sweep away, not only the land 
 system, but the infamous Government that maintains it ; '' and at 
 Cincinnati, just a week afterwards, he boasted of the coming downfall 
 of the landlord system, which had been ''the corner-stone of English 
 misrule. Pull out that corner-stone, break it up, destroy it, and you 
 undermine English misgovernment," he continued, and then went 
 on to make the momentous assertion that " none of us whether 
 we be in America or in Ireland, or wherever we may be will be 
 satisfied until we have destroyed the last link which keeps Ireland 
 bound to P^ngland." Of course all these statements were rapturously 
 applauded. Why should they not be ministering, as the speaker 
 was, to the revolutionary sentiment of his hearers? 
 
 But while Mr. Parnell was haranguing the forces of Irish- American 
 Fenianism in this way, he was too practical to forget the special object 
 of his mission; and he made quite as much headway in the matter of 
 getting money from both the revolutionary section and the moderate 
 sympathising native American. As a result of this visit hand League 
 branches were started right through the United Stales for the 
 ostensible object of collecting funds to aid the distressed Irish at 
 home, and with the more secret aim of organising the brethren, so 
 that the "sea-divided Gael 7 ' might all be joined together in this kist 
 .grand move for what Mr. Parnell described as the destroying "of the 
 last link which keeps Ireland bound to the Empire." 
 
 The American tour was, however, brought to an abrupt termina- 
 tion at the commencement of March, i 880, when a hurried summons 
 was cabled to Mr. Parnell to return to Ireland for the General 
 Election, which was to take place almost immediately. The work of 
 organisation had gone on apace during his absence, and when he 
 .irrived back in Ireland things were very pleasantly situated for him.
 
 All the resources of the Land League were immediately brought into 
 play in order to have candidates returned who bore the imprimatur 
 of Mr. Parnell. The " Nationalist " Leader had already indicated 
 what his policy in the choice of candidates would be. He wanted a 
 certain type of Parliamentary representative who should be young 
 and clever, able to study and become acquainted with matters in 
 Parliament connected with Imperial interests; and who could, by speak- 
 ing and discussing the details of these, pursue to the full the " policy of 
 exasperation." It was not a very high ideal, but it was one suited to 
 his particular position. He wanted to give satisfaction to those 
 behind him, and he could not do so save by clothing Parliamentary 
 representation with some of the attractiveness, which it could only 
 have in Fenian eyes, by bringing the Imperial Legislature into con- 
 tempt. Another requirement of this new type of Irish representative 
 was to be found in the fact that, as a general rule, he was not to be 
 a man of much social standing ; for the policy which it would be 
 necessary at times to pursue would necessitate an entire absence of 
 scruple, principle, and independence. 
 
 VI. 
 
 The working of this policy served to demonstrate the way in which 
 public opinion was being paralysed in Ireland, and the hold which 
 the organisation was getting over the entire South and West. A 
 number of men unknown, save in the secret councils of Fenianism, 
 were returned to Parliament ; their only plea for public recogni- 
 tion or distinction being that they were undoubtedly possessed of 
 ability, even though misdirected in its application. Not one of 
 them had a stake in the country, and, with some couple of excep- 
 tions, they were all impecunious. At the time it was matter for 
 wondering comment that they should have been able to defray the 
 expenses of their return to Parliament, much less to maintain them- 
 selves in London; and, for a period, though various suggestions were 
 made, the matter remained in uncertain obscurity. But time brought 
 the solution of the difficulty, as it almost ahvavs docs, and it then
 
 crept out that the money which had been subscribed for the allevia- 
 tion of distress and the purposes of Land Agitation alone ; and 
 which was precluded by the special resolution already quoted, from 
 being applied to parliamentary expenses, had been pretty freely used. 
 But of the money question more anon. The reference to it is only 
 useful here as demonstrating at what an early stage the unscrupulous- 
 ness of the Agitators was shown. 
 
 Meantime, the undercurrent of Agrarian agitation had been 
 assuming more alarming proportions, and the results of the gospel of 
 hatred and rapine were making themselves felt. And it became a 
 subject for strong remark that crime always followed in the track of 
 the organisation's development. In January, 1880, twenty-six meet- 
 ings were held throughout the southern portion of the country, and 
 no less than one hundred and fourteen crimes were reported : in 
 February there were fifteen meetings and ninety-seven crimes; in 
 March twenty-two meetings and eighty-three crimes ; and in April, 
 although there were only four meetings, the elections had just 
 terminated. the people were so stirred to passion that there were 
 sixty-seven crimes. In May, June, and July, there were only some 
 seventeen meetings each month, yet there were eighty-eight, ninety, 
 and eighty-four crimes reported. With the rising of Parliament in 
 August the members were set at liberty to pursue their speech-making 
 and inciting in Ireland ; and, accordingly, the meetings doubled 
 trebled, and quadrupled in quantity, and crime increased to a pro- 
 portionate extent. In August thirty-eight meetings stood on the 
 list, opposed to one hundred and four crimes ; in September the 
 numbers were thirty-two meetings and one hundred and sixty- 
 seven crimes ; in October seventy-seven meetings and two hundred 
 and sixty-eight crimes ; in November one hundred and nineteen 
 meetings and five hundred and sixty-one crimes ; and, in the last 
 month of the year, the meetings numbered one hundred and ninety 
 and the crimes eight hundred and sixty-seven. In short, the total 
 of the crimes which had occurred in 1879 was eight hundred and 
 sixty-three, while those in 1880 numbered two thousand five hundred 
 and ninety. 
 
 So hot, indeed, were things becoming in Ireland, that the Govern- 
 ment of the day (a Liberal Administration led by Mr. Gladstone)'
 
 XVII 
 
 found it necessary to place fourteen of the principal leaders a.nd 
 speakers on their trial. The jury, however, could not agree, and 
 Mr. Parnell and his colleagues were once more at liberty. But if 
 the prosecution was abortive as far as the Government were con- 
 cerned, the Parnellites thought the opportunity too good to allow 
 it to slip, and much capital was made out of the occurrence ; the 
 Government were defied and ridiculed ; and, ever eager to profit 
 financially by the varying phases of the movement, a Fair Trial 
 Fund was started, the moment the prosecution was notified. Your 
 Irish patriot of the latter-day type, ii la Parnell, never forgets the 
 treasury. Like the leader of the Salvation Army, he considers the 
 proceedings could not be regarded as formal unless there is a 
 collection. 
 
 Elated with their triumph over the Government, the Agitators 
 went ahead with amazing recklessness ; and their commendation of 
 crime and outrage was the most striking characteristic of their stand 
 at this time. The Extremists had no cause for finding fault with the 
 way in which "the treaty " was working. They had pledged their money 
 and support if, under the Parliamentary movement, " active " work 
 was allowed to progress. And active work was progressing with a 
 vengeance. In the year 1881 (there is no use in troubling with 
 further details regarding each month's quota) the total murders, 
 outrages, &c., mounted up to the enormous number of 4,260 1 
 "You can carry and use pistols," said one Land League organiser. 
 "I say you must organise and establish a branch of the Land 
 League. There has been more good done since this week there has 
 been a landlord shot at Ballinrobe ! " shouted another to an excited, 
 -cheering crowd of hot-blooded peasants. 
 
 " You, the members of the Local Land League, can use your 
 exertions to get everything in favour of a person who is charged 
 with such a crime as shooting a landlord," said J. G. Biggar, 
 then and still a Member of the Imperial Parliament ; and Mr. 
 Brennan, the Secretary of the organisation, who was always fond of 
 telling what the " tyrants " suffered in the French Revolution, read 
 with pride, from one of his reports to his Central Council, that 
 " early in March about two hundred persons were arrested in the 
 
 B
 
 xvni 
 
 west of Ireland, and tried on the charge of assaulting process- 
 servers. The League defended all the prisoners, and succeeded in 
 getting verdicts of respital in most cases, but seventy-five persons 
 were convicted," &c. After the reading of which report a resolution 
 was passed to support the families of the prisoners, and to attend to 
 their lands and dwellings during their confinement. And so, by 
 incitement from the platform, and commendation and assistance 
 from the League itself, murder was idealised and crime transposed 
 to virtue. In order to the better assistance of their ends, a weekly 
 journal, called United Ireland, was started in Dublin, and by this 
 organ the most revolutionary of sentiments were sent flying over the 
 entire of the country. 
 
 VII. 
 
 It seemed as if there were no bounds to the fiendish proclivities- 
 of the new class of Irish patriots. Despite all the efforts made to 
 close up the tenantry in one solid rank, the gospel of plunder failed 
 to present attraction ; and there remained some who, despite the 
 teachings and warnings which were addressed to them, dared to 
 transgress the unwritten law, and to act in direct contravention to- 
 the orders of the Agitators. It became necessary, therefore, to punish 
 persons acting in this way ; and not alone to punish them, but to 
 make of their cases, lessons which would have the effect of deterring 
 others from doing likewise. The Reign of Terror was not complete, 
 and another weapon required to be introduced, to the keeping of 
 lands from which tenants had been evicted, out of cultivation. 
 Accordingly, therefore, Mr. Parnell, in words of strange significance, 
 enunciated another article in the new creed as follows, his remarks 
 being addressed to a meeting of tenants in Ennis, in the county 
 of Clare : 
 
 "When a man takes a farm from which another has been evicted, you must 
 show him you will find what the meaning of the word ' show ' is afterwards on 
 the roadside when yovi meet him, you must show him in the streets or the town,
 
 XIX 
 
 you must show him at the shop counter (a voice, ' shun him ' ) no, the word 
 was not ' shun ' but 'show' in the fair, and in the market-place, and even in the 
 house of worship. Leaving him severely alone, by putting him into a moral 
 Coventry, by isolating him from the rest of his kind, as if he were a leper of old; 
 you must show him that that is your detestation of the crime he has committed, 
 and you may depend upon it, that if the population of an entire county in Ireland 
 carry out this doctrine, there will be no man so full of avarice, so lost to shame, 
 as to dare the public opinions of all right-thinking men within the country, and to 
 transgress your unwritten code of laws. " 
 
 These remarks were principally directed to what the League 
 described as "traitorous tenants;" but the new application of warfare 
 was too effective to be confined to tenants. Obnoxious persons, land- 
 lords, agents, and others of different classes, were soon encircled within 
 its operations; and from the fact that Captain Boycott, a land agent, 
 was one of the first systematically affected by it, the method of 
 treatment became known as " Boycotting;" which title still exists, 
 and has, ere this, found a place in the reprints of our modern 
 dictionaries. What Boycotting in time really amounted to, is best 
 described in the following quotation : 
 
 " It means that a peaceable subject of the Queen is denied food and drink, 
 and that he is ruined in his business ; that his cattle are unsaleable at fairs ; that 
 the smith will not shoe his horse, nor the carpenter mend his cart; that old 
 friends pass him by on the other side, making the sign of the cross ; that his 
 children are hooted at the village school; that he sits apart like an outcast in his 
 usual place of public worship ; all for doing nothing but what the law says he has 
 a perfect right to do. I know of a man who is afraid to visit his own son. A 
 trader who is even suspected of dealing with such a victim of tyranny may be 
 ruined by the mere imputation : his customers shun him from fear, and he is- 
 obliged to get a character from some notorious leaguer. Membership of the 
 National League is, in many cases, as necessary a protection as ever was a 
 certificate of civism under Robespierre. The real Jacobins are few, but the masses 
 groan and submit." 
 
 Boycotting was an idea hitherto unthought of in the range of 
 agrarian procedure, and it proved such a powerful weapon in the 
 hands of an unscrupulous section of the community that it began to 
 be practised in the most wholesale manner. Its application could not 
 be affected by law, owing to the peculiarity of its inception and the 
 manner of its practice. The law, while it can take cognisance and 
 
 B 2
 
 powerfully punish criminal conspiracy and procedure, cannot proceed 
 against a man or body of men for refusing to hold social intercourse 
 with another ; or for withholding those interchanges of every-day life 
 which tend to produce comfort or to foster progress. And so the 
 new method throve and prospered, and Government looked on 
 askance but powerless. But the development of the practice was in 
 no way cloaked as regards its results; and, whilst the Agitators them- 
 selves sought to shirk the responsibility for the attendant consequences, 
 there was no lack of testimony as to the truth of the situation. 
 ''What is meant by Boycotting?" asked the Right Hon. W. E. 
 Gladstone, the then leader of the Liberal Government, who held the 
 reigns of power; and, answering his own query in the House of 
 Commons at Westminster, he replied, " In the first place, it is com- 
 bined intimidation. In the second place, it is combined intimidation 
 made use of for the purpose of destroying the private liberties of 
 choice by fear of ruin and starvation. In the third place, that being 
 what ' Boycotting' is in itself, we must look to this: that the creed of 
 ' Boycotting,' like every other creed, requires a sanction, and that the 
 sanction of ' Boycotting ' that which stands in the rear of ' Boycot- 
 ting,' and by which alone ' Boycotting' can in the long run be made 
 thoroughly effective is the murder which is not to be denounced." 
 
 But "Boycotting" and other methods and systems of League 
 procedure, flourished and progressed, despite the denunciations 
 indulged in, and so hot was the situation towards the end of the year 
 1 88 1, that Mr. Parnell and some of his leading followers were arrested 
 under what was termed a " Coercion Act ;" but what was simply a 
 measure passed into law in order to allow the Executive to grapple 
 with the extraordinary state of things brought about by the agitation, 
 and on suitable cause shown to confine men without trial. The 
 measure to an outsider may seem a little arbitrary, but it should be 
 remembered that an exceptional state of affairs existed ; and such a 
 Reign of Terror was in force as to make it impossible for those 
 charged with administering the law, to obtain convictions. Murders 
 of the most horrible and brutal character were each day staining the 
 annals of the country ; and although little doubt existed as to their 
 origin and source, the conspiracy was so complete as to prevent the 
 whole truth becoming known. Events crowded upon each other
 
 very quickly at this period, and from the arrest of Mr. Parnell and 
 others in October, 1881, something like 1,000 of the conspirators 
 throughout the country were imprisoned under the special Parlia- 
 mentary powers spoken of to the month of May, 1882, the times 
 were of a very stirring character indeed. All the principal leaders of 
 the conspiracy were unfortunately unavailable for arrest ; as gentle- 
 men of the peculiar type of bravery of the Messrs. Redmond, quietly 
 scuttled away to Australia on hearing that warrants were out for their 
 arrest ; and turned the period of their absence to good account by 
 collecting money from the Colonists by misrepresentation. In 
 Colonial lands these gentlemen executed a complete volte-face by 
 taking to singing " God Save the Queen '" instead of cursing the 
 Queen and all things English ; and speaking in honeyed language 
 instead of the wild revolutionary sentences which attached themselves 
 to their utterances on Irish soil. The Messrs. Redmond, it may be 
 mentioned in passing, are credited with collecting ; 15,000 as the 
 result of their mendacity. 
 
 After the arrest of the prominent Leaguers, a Ladies' Land League 
 was started, and " the mothers, the sisters, the cousins, and the 
 aunts ;> of the " Nationalists " inside and outside of prison, set to 
 work to collect funds to sustain the so-called needy brethren, and to 
 make the lot of those in confinement as easy as possible by the 
 supplying of such luxuries as prison regulations allowed. And by 
 this means a good many of the characteristics of martyrdom were 
 tacked on to the cases of those who were undergoing the just 
 consequence of their wrong-doing. The only other remarkable 
 matter which occurred during the imprisonment of the leaders which 
 calls for notice at this point was the issue of a " No-Rent Manifesto," 
 signed by them and smuggled out of the gaol in which they were 
 confined. The manifesto called on the people to pay no rent while 
 their self-styled leaders were confined ; and although not universally 
 adopted, the advice [if the document, indeed, should not be styled 
 the command] led to a very alarming condition of affairs all over the 
 country, the obligations and forces of the law being set at naught in 
 the most determined manner.
 
 XX11 
 
 VIII. 
 
 This state of incipient rebellion culminated in what is known 
 world-wide as the " Phoenix Park Murders," whereby Lord Frederick 
 Cavendish, M.P. [on the day of his arrival as new Chief Secretary for 
 Ireland], and Mr. Thomas Henry Burke, the Under-Secretary, met 
 their deaths on the 6th of May, 1882. The record of the 6th of 
 May, 1882, is the record of a crime of almost unparalelled audacity, 
 and unequalled atrocity. The civilised world shivered as the revolt- 
 ing details flashed across the electrical wires of Christendom ; and 
 there is scarce need now to burthen this sketch with a recital of the 
 horrible facts. In the calm of a summers evening, ere daylight had 
 taken its departure, these two gentlemen, walking in the Phoenix 
 Park, were set upon and unmercifully butchered by a body of 
 so-called " Irish Nationalists ; " who seemed for the moment to 
 cease to be human, and to be effaced from the Divine image. The 
 crime was the work of the active section of the Irish "Nationalist" 
 Party, who took to themselves the name of the "Irish Invincibles." 
 They had been organised by the notorious John Devoy, whose name 
 has already appeared in these pages in connection with the Parnellite 
 negotiations with the " Extremists " in America. 
 
 While Devoy arranged with the Obstructionist section he organised 
 the " Invincibles," and laid the foundation of future movement in the 
 direction of dynamite explosions. So far back as January, 1881, he 
 made his intentions, or rather moves, quite clear in a speech which 
 he delivered to the New York Branch of the Irish National Land 
 League, in which lie indicated the policy of reprisals as follows : 
 "Our aid has hitherto given the people the impetus that has 
 brought about this state of things. Shall we desert them in the hour 
 of peril? No ; for every Irishman murdered we will take in reprisal 
 the life of a British minister. For every hundred Irishmen murdered 
 we will sacrifice the lives of an entire British Ministry. For a whole- 
 sale massacre of the Irish people we will make England a smouldering 
 ruin of ashes and blood. The receipts of the Land League are now
 
 jioo a day, and that is ample for their wants, but we want a fund 
 that will aid us in carrying out this design." And then he referred 
 to the " Skirmishing Fund," urging that it was quite unable to meet 
 the drain upon it, and therefore should be augmented without delay. 
 
 The murders were, however, a little inopportune, and placed 
 certain parties of a " National " way of thinking in an awkward pre- 
 dicament. Mr. Parnell and others of the leaders had just been 
 released from prison prior to the assassinations, they undertaking, by 
 arrangement with the Government of the day, to assist in passing 
 certain measures into law which would have a satisfactory tendency 
 in the country. The arrangement has come to be known as " The 
 Kilmainham Treaty," [Kilmainham was the name of the prison in 
 which Mr. Parnell was confined] and it is not a creditable record 
 either to Mr. Gladstone's Ministry, who sought the aid of the Agitator 
 who had come to be styled the " Uncrowned King" of Ireland, or to 
 Mr. Parnell ; who, in the course of communications on the matter, 
 offered to use the Land League organisers who had got up the out- 
 rages, and who had planned the " Invincible" operations but of this 
 latter Mr. Parnell had to say nothing to reduce the country to a state 
 of quiet. But, as has been already said, the Nationalist leaders were 
 placed upon the horns of a dilemma by the murders. To retain 
 their position in public estimation, it became necessary that they 
 should at once repudiate the assassinations ; and at the very great risk 
 of having their stroke of policy mistaken and misunderstood, they 
 immediately issued a manifesto condemning and deploring what had 
 taken place. 
 
 Of what happened after this between the conspirators behind the 
 scenes, the world still remains in ignorance, but there were not want- 
 ing indications to show that the recriminations were of a strong and 
 decidedly bitter character. Those of an "Oppositionist" way of 
 thinking wanted to have a still further proof of the would-be-believed 
 opposition of the League to this kind of thing, supplied by the offer 
 of a reward for the discovery and conviction of the murderers ; but 
 even the public treasurer of their funds -Patrick Egan scoffed at 
 the idea, and refused outright to give any such lying representation 
 of what their true feelings were. Telegraphing, four days after the
 
 XXIV 
 
 murders, to the editor of the Nationalist daily paper in Dublin, 
 he said, " Editor, Freeman, Dublin : In The Freeman of yesterday, 
 Mr. James F. O'Brien suggests a reward of ^2,000 out of the Land 
 League fund for the discovery of the perpetrators of the terrible 
 tragedy of Saturday. Remembering, as I do, the number of 
 innocent victims who in the sad history of our country have been 
 handed over to the gallows by wretched informers, in order to earn 
 the coveted blood-money, and foreseeing the awful danger that, in 
 the present excited state of public feeling, crime may be added to 
 crime by the possible sacrifice of guiltless men, I am determined 
 that if one penny of the Land League fund were voted for such 
 a purpose, I would at once resign the treasurership." And his 
 action in this respect was warmly commended in the "Extremist" 
 press. Mr. John Devoy, still the spokesman of the active section, 
 writing, in regard to the matter, in his American organ, said, " Patrick 
 Egan has spoken out like a man against the adoption by Irishmen of 
 the base English policy of suborning informers. He declares that 
 should a penny of the Land League funds be devoted to such an 
 object he will resign the treasurership. Mr. Parnell should at once 
 repudiate the attempt made from this side to connect him with action 
 so culpable and un-Irish. By consenting to become the trustee of 
 the Irish-American blood-money he would forfeit the sympathies of 
 his warmest admirers." And again, at a later date, he wrote. "The 
 Irish members have not yet recovered their heads. At a meeting of 
 the Irish Parliamentary party on Wednesday (loth May) the opinion 
 was expressed, that if Mr. Gladstone's Bill be confined to its nominal 
 objects the improvement of the administration of justice and the 
 suppression of secret societies it would meet with very general 
 acceptance. IT WOULD SEEM THEY ARE TIRED OF GETTING MONEY 
 FROM AMERICA, AND ARE WILLING TO PUT DOWN THE MEN WHO 
 PLACED THEM WHERE THEY ARE." 
 
 IX. 
 
 But the assassinations of the 6th of May, 1882, if they were 
 horrible and ghastly in their inception and development, were fated
 
 to lead to a somewhat better condition of things in Ireland. The 
 arm of Parliament was strengthened. There was little desire now 
 to halt in the matter of placing exceptional powers at the disposal of 
 the Executive ; and a better and a stronger state of mind succeeded 
 that condition, in which men and legislators had previously looked 
 rather stupidly on, while civil war was marching apace. The funerals 
 of the murdered officials had scarce been concluded, ere Government 
 was called upon to legislate in the matter of Irish criminal procedure. 
 And as a result of what had then taken place, the Crimes Act of 1882 
 was placed upon the statute book. By this measure it became possi- 
 ble to change the venue and remove prisoners for trial from disturbed 
 districts where verdicts of acquittal were foregone conclusions 
 to places such as the chief city in Ireland, where impartial con- 
 sideration could be given to the cases, undisturbed by local 
 influences and terrorism ; to arrest men without the delay necessi- 
 tated by the ordinary law ; to summon witnesses [like as was in the 
 case in other parts of the United Kingdom, but not, unfortunately, 
 hitherto in Ireland], and examine them with regard to their private 
 actions ; and to suppress public meetings and newspapers, when such 
 tended to produce crime or incite to outrage. The measure became 
 law on the nth of July, the delay in passing it through its different 
 stages, being caused by the fierce opposition of the Parliamentary 
 representatives of the " Nationalist " party, who used obstruction in 
 every possible form to prevent the Government proposals becoming 
 law. But to no effect. 
 
 The Land League had been suppressed on the 2oth October, 
 1881; Davitt had been previously re-arrested for some inattention to 
 the requirements of his " ticket-of-leave ;" the Crimes Act now came- 
 into operation and the remedial legislation of the previous year or 
 two was obtaining consideration and trial, so that there was not 
 much "active" work engaged in as far as outward appearances went. 
 Slowly but surely the power of the law, commenced to make 
 itself felt ; and under the new methods sanctioned by the Legislature, 
 things commenced to right themselves. Informers became only too 
 eager to tell the secrets of the different conspiracies ; details regarding 
 the various murders came to light with rapid succession ; juries, 
 commenced to convict ; the men who had been arrested on suspicion..
 
 XXVI 
 
 and since released, now secretly left the country, as information 
 regarding their wrong-doing came to hand ; and convicted 
 " Nationalist " murderers, had to pay the penalty of their crimes 
 on the gallows. The evidence of the different informers was 
 always distinct and startling in its significance. Carey, the sub- 
 leader of the Phoenix Park murderers, and whilom companion of 
 certain of the Fenian Members of Parliament ; who had obtained 
 a seat in the Dublin Municipal Council through the advocacy of 
 the special " National " organ, United Ireland, was of opinion, when 
 -examined by the Crown, that the money for the Phoenix Park 
 murders " must have come from the Land League " an opinion 
 in which his colleagues of the " Invincible " conspiracy shared. 
 Another informer, speaking of the working of the " Invincible " 
 organisation in the country, said it had been arranged at the outset, 
 that " the Land League would supply the new society with arms." . . . 
 The members were all to get their expenses, and were to " go into 
 different counties, and even England, to shoot landlords, bailiffs and 
 spies, and the Land League would pay their expenses." While a 
 .third, who was the chief leader of the Moonlighters in the south of 
 Ireland [the name being taken by lawless peasants who went about 
 disguised at night shooting persons and breaking into dwellings], told 
 the Court that he got "^12 on two occasions from Dublin. . . . There 
 were also rewards given for bravery, at these outrages, in money, and 
 -a Parnell medal was sometimes given." 
 
 But this reassertion of the claims of law and order in no way 
 suited the temper of the Nationalists, whilst the disclosures which were 
 forthcoming filled them with anger and dread. Accordingly, there 
 commenced a terrible outcry ; and insinuations were made about juries 
 being packed, and unfair trials taking place. The administration of 
 justice was impeached; and charges of the most corrupt and iniquitous 
 character were launched against the Executive. The Irish World, 
 the great American organ of the active section, commenced a series 
 of articles glorifying the crimes of the past, and inciting to still 
 greater atrocities ; and to make murder an attractive and paying 
 proceeding, a special fund was opened to support the families of 
 those who had been convicted in connection with the Phoenix 
 Park and other assassinations. Sums of ^300 each were
 
 distributed amongst the various families of the imprisoned or 
 executed " Invincibles." 
 
 Meantime efforts were being made to resuscitate the suppressed 
 organisation, and, under a new title, it once more sprang into being, 
 the name now bestowed upon it being the " National " instead 
 of the " Land " League ; and things went very merrily forward 
 for the agitation. As Irish parliamentary seats became vacant, 
 they were filled up by Mr. Parnell's nominees ; his staff com- 
 menced to gain substantial recognition for alleged services in 
 Parliament in the way of money testimonials ; and the people were 
 being either persuaded or coerced to join the resuscitated organisa- 
 tion. Where coaxing and persuasion failed to obtain their 
 allegiance, "Boycotting" was put in full swing, and the work 
 was carried on so cautiously and dexterously that but little opening 
 was left for Governmental movement. Under the Crimes Act 
 regime, crime had visibly decreased. For the latter half of 1882, 
 when it first took effect, there were only 836 crimes recorded ; for 
 the following year, 1883, the number was only 834; and for the 
 year 1884 the record showed 744. From January to June, 1885, 
 there were 373 crimes, and from April to June there were 299 
 people wholly or partially Boycotted this latter period being the 
 first for which a " Boycotting" record is available. 
 
 X. 
 
 This brings this narrative up to the middle of last year, 1885, 
 when the Crimes Act, being only a three years' measure, lapsed ; 
 and, owing to parliamentary troubles, was allowed to go unrenewed. 
 A new element was introduced into Irish politics at this time, by the 
 formation of the Irish Loyal and Patriotic Union, of which some- 
 thing has been said in the opening pages. Although the platform of the 
 Union has now been broadened and strengthened by the addition of 
 several planks; it was originally started in April, 1885, with the specific 
 object of testing the strength of the Parnellites at the polls, in the course
 
 XXV111 
 
 of the General Election which then threatened. A new and popular 
 franchise had been created by the Reform Act of the then ministry,, 
 and the Parnellites loudly boasted they would " sweep Ireland." 
 And it was to bring out the truth in regard to this that the Union was 
 first formed. But it was no easy task which those who established the 
 Loyal and Patriotic Union set themselves to do. Loyalty there was in 
 Ireland, but it was undoubtedly loyalty under cover ; and where it had 
 been hitherto manifested it found expression in different camps. For 
 six years previously the Loyalists of Ireland had unquestionably been 
 foolish ; for, for that period they had remained apart, clinging to the 
 old traditions of party, and, in some cases, of creed ; being therefore 
 weakened because of the absence of unity. And other difficulties of 
 a different character had also to be overcome. Classes were disunited 
 too. The landed interest stood apart from the commercial interest, 
 and although the latter were ready to admit that the interests of both 
 were bound up together ; still considerations of prudence and fear 
 held them back from openly espousing an unpopular cause for the 
 landed interest was unpopular because it was, as Mr. Parnell himself 
 explained, the corner-stone of British rule in the country. And still 
 yet another barrier to unity remained in the case of Ulster, the northern 
 province of Ireland. Ulster was distinctly Protestant in its religious 
 view, as opposed to the Roman Catholic sentiment of the South and 
 West; it was also distinctly Orange in its religious bias; and because 
 of its being, by reason of these circumstances, very little tinged with 
 the "Nationalism" of the time, it held aloof from the Union move- 
 ment for a little time. But ultimately all became welded together, 
 and for the first time in Irish history there was a combined Loyalist 
 party fronting the party of Disintegration. 
 
 The elections of 1885 were fought out in Ireland with results 
 which were not by any means unsatisfactory. The boast of the 
 Parnellites that the South and West were " solid " with them, 
 received a check ; and it was plainly demonstrated that, even 
 with the practice of the most cruel intimidation and coercion, 
 the Parnellite party could only get 227,019 electors to cast their 
 votes for them, out of the 364,767 which formed the register of 
 the contested constituencies. This applied only to three southern 
 provinces, to which efforts of the Irish Loyal and Patriotic Union
 
 XXIX 
 
 were at this time confined ; but when the Ulster returns were 
 included, the case for the Unionists was wonderfully strengthened ; 
 and when all the voters were added together, it was shown that only 
 .295, 269, out of the total Electorate of 585,715, voted for the 
 " Separatists," or little more than one-half. The abstentions, how- 
 ever, did not affect the return of the Parnellite Members of Parlia- 
 ment for three-fourths of the Irish constituencies. 
 
 When the elections had concluded, the platform of the Union 
 was considerably broadened ; and arrangements were at once made 
 for developing the work outside Ireland. Offices were opened 
 in London for the supplying of information on Irish affairs ; and 
 efforts were immediately set on foot to educate public opinion in 
 England and Scotland, both by the holding of public meetings and 
 the distribution of literature. In holding public meetings the Union 
 but followed the ordinary course of stirring public opinion : in open- 
 ing a special Press Bureau, however, rather a novelty was introduced 
 in respect to Ireland ; but the success which attended the venture 
 fully realised the hopes which were entertained regarding it. It may 
 be of interest to mention at this point, as indicating the amount of 
 the work accomplished in this direction, that up to the present date 
 there have been circulated from the offices of the Union, over 
 10,000,000 of leaflets, 439,000 pamphlets, and 143,200 posters, all 
 of which have been distributed broadcast over the face of the United 
 Kingdom. 
 
 While the Irish Eoyal and Patriotic Union were working in this 
 way, the Parnellites were by no means idle in the matter of fostering 
 the discontent, which they brought to life in the earlier days of the 
 conspiracy. It has not been thought advisable to weigh down this 
 summary of history, with quotations from speeches of a similar 
 character, delivered right through the campaign which the agitators 
 carried on ; but some little space may well be taken up here, with a few 
 excerpts from the speeches delivered at this period, indicating as they 
 do, the continuance of the same desires and intentions with them. For 
 instance, Mr. W. H. Redmond, M.P., one of the brothers who 
 visited Australia for the League [in order to escape punishment], 
 speaking in the House of Commons during the discussion on the
 
 XXX 
 
 Reform Bill and addressing the Ministry of the day said : " You need 
 not think that it (the Reform Bill) will have the effect of staying the 
 agitation of a Separatist character which exists in Ireland, for if you 
 give us this Bill, or twenty more Bills of the same description, we will 
 never cease from that agitation until we fully obtain our object." Mr. 
 Sexton, M.P., was of opinion that "the people of Ireland had learned 
 that they must fight the Government, foot to foot, and that they 
 must pursue a policy of retaliation and give back blow for blow;" 
 while Mr. T. D. Sullivan, M.P., glorying in his lawlessness, told a 
 gathering of peasants in the County Carlow, that " The trouble in 
 Egypt (cheers for the Mahdi) was less perilous to the existence of the 
 Government at this moment than the trouble with Ireland. The 
 trouble with Russia (cheers for Komaroff) was less perilous ; and for 
 his own part he was glad to say that our own little island was the 
 greatest trouble the English had (cheers). They had been told the 
 Government was likely to go to smash over this question. Well, the 
 sooner the better (cheers). At all events, he thought the Irish Party 
 could promise this, that if the Crimes Act, or any substantial portion 
 of it, was to be renewed, it would not be until after a hard fight 
 for it." 
 
 Nor was the Leader [Mr. Parnell] himself behindhand, for r 
 speaking at Arklow, County Wicklow, in the month of August, 1885, 
 Mr. Parnell said : "I firmly believe in, perhaps a few months, certainly 
 not longer than a few years, we will bring back to you, to your soil, 
 and to the people of Ireland, the right to govern Ireland at home, 
 and to banish English misrule for ever." 
 
 XI. 
 
 The Parliament elected in 1885 was not fated to be of long 
 duration. The verdict of the polls was to displace Mr. Gladstone's 
 Liberal Ministry, and to return a Conservative administration to 
 power. But not for long. For, defeated on a side issue (they had 
 but a very slender majority), they gave up the seat of office again to
 
 XXXI 
 
 Mr. Gladstone; who now appeared in a totally different role from 
 everything that he had previously appeared in ; and, despite all his 
 previous statements to the contrary, went in fully for Home Rule. 
 Speaking during the November elections at Edinburgh, he had said 
 (and this was before the result of the elections were known) : 
 
 " I will suppose that, owing to some cause the present Government has dis- 
 appeared, and a Liberal Party was called to deal with this great constitutional 
 question of the government of Ireland in a position where it was a minority 
 dependent on the Irish vote for converting it into a majority. Now, gentlemen, 
 I tell you seriously and solemnly that, though I believe the Liberal party to be 
 honourable, patriotic, and trustworthy, in such a position as that it would not be 
 safe for it to enter on the consideration of a measure in respect to which, at the 
 first step of its progress, it would be in the power of a party coming from Ireland 
 to say : ' Unless you do this and unless you do that, we will turn you out 
 to-morrow. ' " (Cheers. ) 
 
 Yet this is exactly what the right honourable gentlemen did now 
 do. Admitted to office on sufferance by the Irish Party, he 
 immediately set himself to curry favour with them, by completely 
 turning round and ignoring all the honourable dictates of his 
 previous position. He simply set all prior utterances at naught, 
 and presented the truly unfortunate spectacle, of an aged statesman 
 false to the traditions of his party and his great personality. But, 
 for the honour of the great English party, it must be recorded that it 
 refused to follow him in a body. Like the Veil of the Temple, the 
 party was rent in twain by the adoption of the new policy, and a 
 section, now known by the title of the " Liberal Unionists," broke 
 away. And be it noted the " Liberal Unionist " section contained, 
 and does contain, the most honourable and capable of Liberal 
 Administrators, like the Marquis of Harrington, M.P., Mr. Joseph 
 Chamberlain, M.P., and others. 
 
 Mr. Gladstone introduced his Home Rule Bill, which practically 
 amounted to a "Bill for the better guaranteeing of Independence to 
 Ireland," and he was defeated. And another General Election 
 ensued on the Prime Ministers' appeal to the country for an 
 endorsement of his policy. But, thanks to the work of the Irish Loyal 
 and Patriotic L^nion, and other Unionist Associations, the country
 
 XXX11 
 
 Avas properly educated on the subject, and gave a distinct repudiation 
 to the " Separatist " policy. As a consequence, Mr. Gladstone and 
 his Home Rule followers now inhabit the cold shades of opposition ; 
 and an " Unionist " but not Coalition Government occupies the 
 seat of power. The Unionist Liberals ceased not to be less Liberal 
 because they spoke and agitated against Home Rule ; and when a 
 cordial offer was made to them to join the present Ministry, they 
 refused the alliance which would necessitate a change of traditional 
 policy, while giving every guarantee to support the Conservatives in 
 their Imperial, as opposed to the Gladstonian-Separatist, policy. 
 
 And so it is to-day as regards the Parliamentary position. But 
 in Ireland itself matters have not made such favourable progress. 
 The lapse of the Crimes Act has given a new lease of life to 
 outrage and crime, which still continues to be indulged in to a very 
 large extent. This is shown by the Returns of the outrages indulged in 
 since the Act ceased its operation. For the last half of the year 1885 
 there were five hundred and forty-three crimes reported a doubling 
 of the numbers for the first half and eight hundred and ninety-one 
 or three times as many cases of Boycotting. From January up 
 to June, 1886, there were five hundred and fifty-three crimes and 
 eight hundred and ninety-nine cases of Boycotting reported through 
 Government Returns. To sum up the whole criminal record of the 
 past seven years, it may be said that there have been during this 
 period no less than 14,374 cases of law-breaking, ranging over 
 murder, manslaughter, conspiracy to murder, firing at persons, assaults 
 on police, bailiffs and process-servers, cutting and maiming of persons 
 and cattle, &c. 
 
 And if the Agitators can at all bring it about, there will be found 
 to be even worse times in store for Ireland. While the editor of 
 United Ireland^ after private conferences with the American directors 
 of the "Extremist" section, appeals to the Dublin populace to "give 
 a good account" strange phrase this, in view of the Phoenix Park 
 murders of the successor to Lord Fredk. Cavendish, M.P., and 
 others, and "to go on as they have been going;" a priest of the 
 Roman Catholic Church, speaking at the Dublin Meeting of the 
 League, tells his hearers that the sparing of such men as landlords 
 " strains to its utmost the teaching that we are not to murder an
 
 XXX 111 
 
 individual," the sentiment being warmly applauded ; in addition 
 to which a member of the Parliamentary party advises the people 
 to pay no rent, but " be evicted with their rents in their pockets." 
 With all these influences at work there is little of a moral tone 
 being left in the people to whom such teaching is addressed, 
 and the kindly traits of the Irish tenantry are fast becoming 
 a tradition of the past. No later than a fortnight prior to the 
 time this is written on the 2gth September in fact the mother 
 of a man named Michael Hill died in the King's County. Hill was 
 unpopular, and " Boycotted " because of the fact of his working on 
 an evicted farm the man having no other means of supporting his 
 dying mother. And what happened ? He could not obtain in 
 the town adjoining where his mother's corpse lay, a coffin to enclose 
 her remains. Although he offered to pay in cash any reasonable 
 sum demanded no undertaker would supply him, while, as a matter 
 of fact, three of those to whom he applied, had, at the time of his 
 application, the required article in stock. As a consequence the 
 poor fellow was obliged to drive off during the night a distance of 
 fourteen miles, to a place where he was quite unknown, in order to 
 procure one. And this was all because he was Boycotted ! 
 
 It may very fairly be asked, are people who act in this way past 
 all redemption, and outside the power of their spiritual instructors ? 
 This question opens up a new aspect of the subject which is not a 
 pleasant matter for contemplation. Ireland's population is very 
 largely composed of Roman Catholics, and in the disturbed districts 
 the great majority of the community are members of this faith. At 
 the very outset of the agitation, the Roman Catholic priesthood 
 bitterly opposed the movement ; while some of the oldest and 
 most revered of the Church's prelates issued warning injunctions 
 against the whole scope and tendency of it. But to little avail. 
 Gradually the land became flooded with Communistic theories, 
 and the freedom of thought, which at first only attached to 
 questions of land, eventually extended to the matters of religion. 
 And the position of the Roman Catholic Church in Ireland 
 grew to be a very critical one indeed. The place occupied 
 by the old and honoured parish priests, allowed of their speak- 
 ing their minds firmly and determinedly, against the commu- 
 
 c
 
 rustic doctrines which were preached ; but the great mass of the 
 younger curates scattered over the country, had other and more 
 difficult influences to contend with. Recruited in a very large 
 degree from the classes which sided against the law, and imbued 
 themselves with some of the free theories of latter-day literature, 
 they were driven by a combination of circumstances,- partly by 
 inclination, and partly by necessity in order to retain their hold over 
 the people, to take a stand which is open to much question and 
 serious comment. And the necessities of the position affected not 
 the rank and file of the clergy alone, but subsequently branched 
 upward in significant ways. 
 
 XII. 
 
 One other subject remains to be dealt with, and one alone. That 
 is the financial aspect and characteristics of the Parnellite movement. 
 For money has played no mean part in the workings of the past 
 seven years. Indeed, as a financial speculation, the Parnellite type 
 of Irish Patriotism has proved second to none. It will surprise 
 many people, though it is, nevertheless, an undisputed fact, that 
 from the starting of the Parnellite conspiracy to March last when 
 the last Return was made by a competent authority the total 
 subscriptions amounted to something like ,670,000, or con- 
 siderably over half-a-million of money. Very much more than 
 the half of this came from the Extremists in America; and 
 so prominent have the American subscriptions figured in the 
 acknowledgments of the Agitators, that the phrase " American 
 Paymasters '' has come to be pretty freely employed in speaking of 
 those who really direct and control the movement. The greatest 
 possible amount of scandal has attached to the financial matters of the 
 League; and although charges of misappropriation and embezzlement 
 have been repeatedly made against some of those charged with 
 administering its funds, no proper balance-sheet has been forth- 
 coming. At the time when Patrick Egan, the treasurer-in-chief, lied 
 the country, on being implicated in the Fenian part of the conspiracy
 
 by the " Invincible " informer, Carey, it was a matter of notoriety 
 that, although official ^acknowledgments in the daily press indicated 
 the receipt by him of an enormous sum subscribed to that period, 
 his statement of account showed a deficit of ,3,658. os. T,d. on the 
 Distress Fund; ,8, 461 on the Defence Fund; and ,137,417 on 
 the Land League Fund. These are typical instances, which have 
 been multiplied long ere this. There is no use troubling the reader 
 with further details, for what has been already said will have fully 
 indicated the immense financial aid which has been, and in all pro- 
 bability will be, forthcoming to aid the "Separatist" policy; and the 
 unscrupulous character of the men themselves who are carrying 
 it out. Full details of the financial matters of the Parnellites will 
 be found under Section VI., pages 109, no, in of Appendix.
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 SECTION I. THE PROLOGUE TO THE CONSPIRACY. Michael 
 
 Davitt and John Devoy ...... i 
 
 II. SPEECHES BY MR. CHARLES S. PARNELL. On the 
 Policy of Obstruction Of Local Control On 
 Murder On General Land Policy On Dynamite 
 On Hollowness of Land Act On Initiation of 
 Boycotting On Rebellion as a Means of obtaining 
 Separation On Separation as the Ultimate Object 
 of the Conspiracy ....... 5 
 
 III. GENERAL PARNELLITE UTTERANCES BY MEMBERS 
 OF PARLIAMENT, ORGANISERS, &c. Incitements to 
 Murder Typical References to Fenianism and 
 Rebellion On Hatred to England and Separation 
 On 1 boycotting On General Land Question On 
 Local Government Proposals . . . -7 
 
 IV. CRIME STATISTICS. Table of Outrages The Con- 
 nection between the Parnellitcs and Outrages, The 
 Invincibles, Moonlighters, c. The Parnellite 
 Secret Service Fund Specimens of American and 
 Irish Assassination Literature The Irish U'or/tf 
 and the Parnellites No Rent Manifesto . . . 8C> 
 
 V. THE PARNELLITES AND EARL SPENCER . . . iof> 
 
 VI. NOTES ON PARNELLITE FINANCE, and the Sources 
 
 of the Parnellite Income ...... 107 
 
 VI I.-- -NOTES ON THE CHICAGO C'ONYENTION . . .112 
 
 .. VIII.- SOME LIBERAL STATESMEN AND THK PARNELI.ITES. nf> 
 INDEX 131
 
 SECTION I. 
 
 THE PROLOGUE TO THE CONSPIRACY. 
 
 THE CONFESSIONS OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 " When I was in prison I spent my time thinking of what plan could 
 be proposed which would unite all Irishmen upon some one common 
 ground. I saw that the movements for the independence of Ireland had 
 failed for two reasons : first, that there never had been one in which the 
 people were united ; second, because the movements had been wholly 
 sentimental. I saw that for Irishmen to succeed they must be united, 
 and that they must have a practical issue to put before Englishmen and 
 the world at large. Sentiment cannot be relied upon to move neighbouring' 
 nations ; and when changes of great political importance, involving an 
 alteration in the policy of a country like England conservative and some- 
 what slow to move are to be brought about, there must be something 
 practical in the issue put forward. I saw all this, and I made up my mind 
 that the only issue upon which Home Rulers, Nationalists, Obstructionists, 
 and each and even- shade of opinion existing in Ireland could be united 
 was the land question. 
 
 " I inquired, and found that the seasons of 1877 and 1878 had been 
 poor, and that a famine was expected in 1879. All the farmers and cottiers 
 were in debt to the landlords and shopkeepers. One day in Claremorris, 
 Co. Mayo it was in March, 1879, I was in company with John W. 
 Walsh, of Balla, who was a commercial traveller. He is now in Australia 
 in the interests of the Land League. He knew the circumstances of 
 every shopkeeper in the West of Ireland, their poverty and debt, and
 
 the poverty of the people. He gave me a great deal of valuable informa- 
 tion. I met some farmers from Irishtown, a village outside of Clare- 
 morris, and talked to them about the crops and the rent. Everywhere I 
 heard the same stoiy, and I at last made a proposition that a meeting be 
 called in Irishtown to give expression to the grievances of the tenant- 
 farmers, and to demand a reduction of the rent. We were also to urge 
 the abolition of landlordism. I promised to have the speakers there, and 
 they promised to get the audience. I wrote to Thomas Brennan, of 
 Dublin, John Ferguson, of Glasgow, and other Irishmen known for their 
 adherence to Ireland's cause; and I drew up the resolutions." 
 
 u In this manner the agitation was carried on from its inception to 
 August, 1879. Here I must give you a piece of 'secret history' in con- 
 nection with the agitation. In August, 1879, two months before the 
 National Land League was organised, seeing that some money was neces- 
 sary, / put myself in communication witJi Patrick Ford, of the Irish 
 World ; John Boyle O'Reilly, of the Boston Pilot ; John Devoy, the late 
 Patrick Mahon, of Rochester ; and Dr. William Carroll, of Philadelphia- 
 I represented to them, as personal friends of mine and representative-men 
 in America, the importance of this agitation in Ireland. What had been 
 done up to that time had received very little attention in America except 
 in the Irish World and the Boston Pilot. I told them the agitation had 
 been carried on to that point at the personal expense of a few men, and 
 that in order that it should be made a great movement it would be neces- 
 sary to start an auxiliary movement in America, so as to allow those who 
 had been driven out of Ireland by landlordism to co-operate with us in 
 our efforts to drive landlordism out in turn. The answer to these letters 
 was from Patrick Ford. He enclosed a draft of ,303. 8s., and intimated 
 that the mo/icy was advanced to him by the trustees of the National Fund, 
 to be sent to me to aid me in carrying on the movement in Ireland, and 
 to obviate the necessity of my coming to America to lecture in order to 
 procure funds. He thought, as the National Fund had been subscribed by 
 victims of landlordism, no one would object to have some of the money used 
 against landlordism in Ireland. I wish to emphasise the fact that I had 
 made no demand or request for any part of the National Fund, but that 
 the money was sent in answer to my request for assistance in a lecturing 
 tour." 
 
 [It is but fair to add that Davitt paid this money back out of the pro- 
 ceeds of lectures ; but, of course, this does not affect the argument that 
 money to start the agitation came out of the Fenian Treasury in the 
 
 first instance.] 
 
 MICHAEL DAVITT, Interviewed.
 
 [Extracts from a Letter from JOHN DEVOY, of the Fenian Brotherhood, 
 to the EDITOR of the Freemari s JournalJ\ 
 
 " The question whether the advanced Irish National Party the party 
 of separation should continue the policy of isolation from the public life 
 of the country which was inaugurated some twenty years ago by James 
 Stephens and his associates, or return to older methods methods as old, 
 at least, as the days of the United Irishmen is agitating the minds of 
 Irish Nationalists on both sides of the Atlantic just now, and certainly no 
 small incident has aroused such wide discussion in Ireland for many a day 
 as the publication of the views of the exiled Nationalists resident in New 
 York on the subject. This shows conclusively the importance of the action 
 proposed. All intelligent Irishmen feel that the entrance into the every-day 
 political life of the country of a large class of men with strong opinions 
 and habits of organisation, but who have hitherto held aloof from it or only 
 acted on rare occasions when principle was considered at stake, would 
 be an event that would largely influence the future of Ireland. England's 
 difficulty is only Ireland's opportunity if Ireland knows how to use it." 
 
 " The object aimed at by the advanced National party the recovery 
 of Ireland/ s National independence and the severance of all political con- 
 nection with England is one that would require the utmost efforts and 
 the greatest sacrifices on the part of the whole Irish people. Unless the 
 whole Irish people, or the great majority of them, undertake the task and 
 bend their .whole energies to its accomplishment unless the best intellect, 
 the financial resources, and the physical strength of the nation be enlisted 
 in the effort it can never be realised. I have often said it before, and I 
 repeat it now again, that a mere conspiracy will never free Ireland. I am 
 not arguing against conspiracy, but only pointing out the necessity of Irish 
 Nationalists taking whatever publication for the advancement of the 
 National cause they may find within their reach such action as will place 
 the aims and objects of the National party in a more favourable light 
 before the world, and help to win the support of the whole Irish people." 
 
 " Those who propose the new departure merely want to provide good 
 wholesome work for the National party, which will have the effect of 
 bringing all sections of Nationalists into closer relation by giving them a 
 common ground to work upon, a platform really broad enough for all 
 to stand upon, demanding no sacrifice of principle." 
 
 " I yield to no man living in the lengths I am prepared to go to get rid 
 of foreign domination in Ireland, but I refuse to be guided by the narrow 
 dogmatism through the instrumentality of which a few pigmies managed 
 for a sad decade or so to retain a leadership for which neither nature nor 
 training ever fitted them."
 
 "The lack of political training and of practical acquaintance with 
 public business such even as could be acquired by membership of a town 
 council has always told heavily against the Nationalists; while their 
 absence from such bodies left the whole country in the hands of the West 
 Britons, who are only a miserable minority. The more this is examined 
 the more ruinous this policy of isolation will appear, and the more advan- 
 tages to be derived from an organised, steady and persistent effort to get 
 possession of those local bodies will be seen." 
 
 ''With the majority of these bodies in our possession, even without 
 the Parliamentary representation, we should be in a position to do many 
 things we can only dream of now. With the municipal bodies and men of 
 spirit and determination as Parliamentary representatives, backed by the 
 country and by millions of the Irish race scattered over the world, there 
 would be no necessity to go to London cither to beg or to obstruct, and 
 Irish Nationalists would have no more Tallaghts or 'cabbage gardens' 
 flung in their faces." 
 
 " Xo party or combination of parties in Ireland can ever hope to win 
 the support of the majority of the people except it honestly proposes 
 a radical reform of the land system. No matter wliat may be said in 
 favour of individual landlords, the whole system was founded on robbery 
 and fraud, and has been perpetrated by cruelty, injustice, extortion, and 
 hatred of the people." 
 
 " Let a beginning be made with the absentees, the English lords and 
 the London companies who hold stolen land in Ireland, and there will be 
 enough of work for some years to come. But I shall be told the English 
 Parliament will never do any of these things. Then, I say, these things 
 must only wait till an Irish Parliament can do them better: but in t/ie 
 meantime good work will have been done, sound principles inculcated, and 
 the country aroused and organised." 
 
 " To those who arc alarmed at language like this in regard to the 
 Land Question I would say: 'Look at France, at Prussia, and at the 
 mutterings of the coming storm in England, and ask yourselves what is 
 going to become of the land monopoly after a few more years of commer- 
 cial and manufacturing depression a depression sure to continue, because 
 the causes of it are on the increase.' The English are a very practical 
 and a very selfish people, and will not let any fine sentiment stand in their 
 way when they think it is their interest to redistribute the land. What, 
 may I ask\ would become of Hie Irish landlords especially the rack- 
 renting, evicting ones /// case of a social convulsion in England? It is a 
 question which they themselves must decide within the next few years. 
 With them or without them the question will be settled before long, and 
 many who now think the foregoing assertions extravagant will consider 
 them very moderate indeed, by-and-byc." New York, December \ \th, 1878.
 
 SECTION II. 
 
 SPEECHES BY MR. CHARLES STEWART 
 PARNELL, M.P. 
 
 ON THE POLICY OF OBSTRUCTION. 
 
 [At a " HOME RULE" MEETING in DUBLIN, February 5th, 1879.] 
 
 " I wish to explain in a few words what I wish the Irish party to do, 
 and Mr. Butt to do. The late Mr. Rouyanc it was who said to me, and 
 .said to a good many others, 'That the Irish party would never be a power 
 in the House of Commons until they took in English and Imperial ques- 
 tions.' He used to say, 'Depend upon it, as long as you keep bringing 
 forward the Land Bill, or the Franchise question, or other Irish questions, 
 they won't care anything about you. They will perhaps listen, or perhaps 
 they will not, but in any case they will come in with a big number of 
 members to vote you down when the division bell rings, and they will be 
 perfectly ready to surrender a few Wednesdays for these discussions. 
 They will be nothing the worse of it, and you will be nothing the better ; 
 but depend on it, it is for some of you young men of the party, who have 
 time and health and strength to go into these questions, to take up these 
 Bills and discuss them in detail, and to show that if you are not allowed 
 to govern yourselves at home, you can at least help them in governing 
 England." 
 
 [At BELFAST, February loth, 1879.] 
 
 " It is perfectly simple give me any single Irish question, and it is a 
 mere matter of detail to arrange and carry out the purpose of impressing 
 the Government with the necessity of dealing with the Irish question." 
 
 D
 
 [At CORK, October 4th. 1880.] 
 
 " Now we are a. party occupying an independent position in the House 
 of Commons, pledged to remain aloof from every English party who will 
 not concede to Ireland the right to home government ; pledged, in the 
 words of Mr. Fred. Lucas, to be a separate element in the Legislature, 
 and, if necessary, ' disorderly, disorganising, interfering with every busi- 
 ness that may be transacted, as far as it is expedient or feasible.' (Cheers.) 
 We can push the policy just as far as we like. We may never trench on 
 it at all. We may let this weapon lie in its scabbard, as we did last 
 session, but the weapon is there, you have it in your hand, and when all 
 other resources have failed, it is as sharp and as potent and as powerful 
 for a party of forty against the present Whig Ministry as it was for a 
 party of seven against the last Tory Government. (Loud cheers.)"- Irish 
 Times' report. 
 
 ON THE POLICY OF LOCAL CONTROL. 
 
 [At WATERFORD, December 6th, 1880.] 
 
 " 1 always like to take every opportunity of pressing on the attention 
 of my fellow-countrymen the necessity of taking possession of all the local 
 bodies in this country, beginning with the Corporations and ending with 
 the Poor Law Boards. (Applause.) There is no reason why all these bodies 
 should not be absolutely in the power and control and direction of the 
 people. (Applause.) In a short while we hope to replace the present system 
 of county government by irresponsible grand juries with one which will give 
 full and complete representation to those who pay rates. We shall have 
 in each Irish county a little Parliament (hear, hear;- and it will be the 
 duly of the Irish members to insure, when the question of county govern- 
 ment comes before the House of Commons, that the people shall be 
 properly and thoroughly represented on these boards, and that full power 
 shall be given to the county boards to control all the affairs of the 
 county." 
 
 ON THE SUBJECT OF MURDERS. 
 
 [At NEWARK, NEW JERSEY, January 6th. 1880.] 
 '' I think these people murdered yesterday will help us forward now.'
 
 [At BROOKLYN, January i5th, 1880.] 
 
 "Mr. Gladstone, in one of his Midlothian addresses, said that it was 
 not until a policeman had been shot at Manchester by a Fenian, and 
 Clerkemvell Prison had been blown up, that the Irish Church question 
 came within the domains of practical English politics. He admitted in 
 that way that you have to act upon English public opinion in some 
 extraordinary and unusual manner in order to obtain any attention for 
 the Irish question. \Vc are, therefore, obliged to make the situation a 
 very hot one indeed. We desire to restrain this movement within the 
 strict letter of the law, and we have strong hopes of passing over this 
 winter without much bloodshed or suffering ; but it is impossible to suppose 
 that the great cause can be won without shedding a drop of blood." 
 
 [At NEW Ross, 26th September, 1880.] 
 
 " I had wished, in referring to a sad occurrence which took place 
 lately the shooting, or attempted shooting, of a land agent in this 
 neighbourhood I had wished to point out that recourse to such measures 
 "/ procedure is entirely unnecessary, and absolutely prejudicial, WHERE 
 THERE IS A SUITABLE ORGANISATION AMONG THE TENANTS THEM- 
 SELVES.''' 
 
 [At CLEVELAND, UNITED STATES.] 
 
 " I think you will say, ladies and gentlemen, that if you, or some of 
 you that I see here, had been there, not one of these policemen would 
 have returned home alive (loud applause, and cries of 'give us a chance'). 
 I say that the British Government that does these things, which brings 
 on these conflicts between the people and the police, which sends the 
 police to assist the landlord in collecting rack-rents rack-rents which are 
 put there, and cannot be paid, I charge this Government with deliberately 
 conspiring to murder the people of Ireland." Xation, February I4///, 1880. 
 
 [At CORK, October 3rd, 1880.] 
 
 " Recollect, when we hear such feeling and sentimentality about the 
 suffering that has been inflicted by foolish or unreasonable people on 
 the lower animals, and when we hear of the occasional result of appeal to 
 the wild justice of revenge which has been made in one or two instances 
 during the present year, I think I am bound to point out that if the lives 
 of a few landlords have been taken, on the other side the lives of 25,000 
 of the people of this country have been taken." 
 
 D 2
 
 [Quotation used at State Trials.] 
 
 "What is responsible," said Mr. Parnell, "who is responsible for the 
 murders of landlords which have from time to time, at all times in our 
 history, taken place in this country? It is admitted by everybody that 
 English-made law is responsible; and I say that the people who are 
 primarily responsible for the murder of Lord Mountmorres, if it was an 
 agrarian crime and of that I have very great doubt are the House of 
 Lords, who, by rejecting the Compensation for Disturbance Bill, took the 
 arbitrament of this question from the courts of law, and placed it in the 
 hands of the people." Irish Times, January is/, 1881. 
 
 ON THE GENERAL LAND POLICY. 
 
 [At CLAREMORRIS, COUNTY MAYO, May ist. 1880.] 
 
 " You to-day will remember the pledge you made twelve months since 
 in these historic plains, that you will keep a firm grip on your holdings, 
 that you will refuse to pay an unjust rent, that you will stand by this 
 struggle until the land of the country has passed into the hands of the 
 people of the country (cheers). If you do this to-day we can promise you 
 victory. The Irish National League was then a struggling institution 
 without funds. Our people were then starving. To-day the National 
 League is known all over the world. Australia, America and Canada, 
 are pouring money into our coffers to help us in your defence (cheers) . 
 They will give millions to break down this land system, but don't attempt 
 to pay unjust rents in this coming summer, unless you wish us to appear 
 again as beggars for you in all parts of the world (cheers). They are 
 willing to send us money to help you in this fight, but think that you 
 should do something for yourselves, that you should not wilfully plunge 
 yourselves into poverty and famine by contriving to pay these rack-rents. 
 (A voice, 'We will not.') And this is a reasonable position which they 
 have taken up. The land of Ireland is amply sufficient to feed all her 
 population, but if you persist in sending every ready penny you have, in 
 selling all the food of the country to procure the ready penny, and in 
 sending all your money out of the country to support landlords in luxury, 
 you cannot in future expect the sympathies of the civilised world (cheers). 
 I am sure that, warned by the teachings of the past, you will renew your 
 determination to stand by your rights (cheers). It is impossible for the 
 six hundred thousand tenant-farmers to be overwhelmed if they combine
 
 together. It is impossible for even the tenant-farmers of a single county 
 to be thrown out if they combine together. We will protect you in the 
 courts by righting points of law (cheers), and out of the courts by creating 
 an irresistible public opinion against any landlord-exterminator who may 
 venture to trespass on your rights ; and if by chance in any place the 
 landlord should get the upper hand of the tenant, we will see that better 
 and happier homes are procured to take the place of those they have lost. 
 But in order to do this you must take our advice and stand firmly, and give 
 us notice when any of you are threatened with eviction or disturbance 
 from his holding, and, above all things, you must form large organisations 
 which will be able to investigate those cases, and to see how and in what 
 direction the exertions of the Land League may be best applied." 
 Nation, May Sth, iSSo. 
 
 [At KILKENNY, October 3rd, 1880.] 
 
 "And if you organise yourselves in the county of Kilkenny, if you join 
 the National Land League (cheers), and send us information as to the 
 rents of the tenantry throughout this country, as soon as we get the 
 information we will organise a strike against rent on the estate of every 
 rack-renting landlord in Kilkenny (cheers). As soon as you form your- 
 selves into branches of the Land League, and send us the rentals and the 
 poor law valuation of every tenant-farmer in the county, we will select out 
 of the number for you those holdings which are obviously paying a rack- 
 rent, and we will come down and assist those tenants to strike against 
 the payment of further rent to such landlords (cheers). But we wish you 
 to do this in a methodical way ; you must organise yourselves ; you must 
 collect the information and send it to us; and then we will select a certain 
 number of landlords in this and every other county, and we will call upon 
 he tenants on these estates to refuse to pay any more rent until those 
 rents are permanently reduced (cheers); and we will stand by the tenantry 
 in this struggle : we will help you with all the resources at our command ; 
 and there are millions of your country-men and country-women in America 
 who will help you also (cheers), who will send you money to keep up this 
 struggle as long as you bear yourselves like men (cheers). And then 
 when we have fought out these bad landlords, and have reduced them to 
 their knees, and when we have settled the question w.ithout any Act of 
 Parliament, as far as the bad landlords are concerned, we shall not find 
 it any more difficult to reckon with the good landlords whom my friend 
 Mr. Marum is so anxious about (loud cheers)."- Nation, October Q(h, 
 1880.
 
 10 
 
 [At CLARA, 2oth February, 1881.] 
 
 " We may anticipate some evictions ; we may suppose that the land- 
 lords, encouraged by coercion, will attempt to evict some of their tenants. 
 I don't myself think that the evictions will be very numerous ; but a prac- 
 tical piece of advice that I must give you would be this : that where the 
 landlord persists in evicting any tenant, the tenant should call his neigh- 
 bours in a few days before the eviction and plough up all the ground 
 (cheers and laughter), and leave it with him in that condition ; they will 
 then not be able to turn in cattle upon the lands to graze your fields 
 (cheers)." Nation, February 26th, 1881. 
 
 ON THE DYNAMITE POLICY. 
 
 [At WEXFORD, October Qth, 1881.] 
 
 "Mr. Gladstone accuses me of not having repudiated what he calls 
 the dynamite policy. Well, I am not aware that Mr. Shaw has repudiated 
 that dynamite policy either. But I will tell you what Mr. Shaw did. Mr. 
 Shaw did not repudiate the dynamite policy any more than I did, but I 
 will tell you what he said eighteen months ago. He said that his blood 
 boiled whenever he saw a process-server (laughter) and that he never 
 saw one without feeling inclined to take the lynch-pin out of his cart. 
 (Renewed laughter.) That speech of Mr. Shaw's was a clearer incitement 
 to an act of violence than anything ever said by any of the men that are 
 
 in any of the jails throughout the country Mr. Shaw has not 
 
 the courage to meet the process-server openly, as many of the men and 
 women of Ireland have done.'' Freeman's Journal, October loth, iSSi. 
 
 ON THE HOLLOWNESS OF THE LAND ACT OF 1881. 
 
 [At DUNLIN, September ryth, iSSi.] 
 *' To Coi.l.ixs, President Land League, Boston. 
 
 The Convention has just closed, after three days' session. Resolutions 
 were adopted for National self-government, the unconditional liberation of 
 the land for the people, tenants not to use the rent-filing clauses of the 
 Lund Act, and follow old Land League lines, and rely upon the old 
 methods to reach justice. The executive of the League is empowered 
 to select test cases, /// order that tenants in surrounding districts may 
 realise, by the result of cases decided, the holloivness of the A ct. 
 
 (Signed) I'ARXKI.I,."'
 
 II 
 
 THE INITIATION OF BOYCOTTING. 
 
 [At ENNIS, September iSth, 1880.] 
 
 " When a man takes a farm from which another has been evicted, you 
 must show him you will find what the meaning of the word ' show ' is 
 afterwards on the roadside when you meet him, you must show him in 
 the streets or the town, you must show him at the shop counter (a voice, 
 * Shun him') no, the word was not 'shun,' but 'show' in the fair, and 
 in the market-place, and even in the house of worship. Leaving him 
 severely alone, by putting him into a moral Coventry, by isolating him 
 from the rest of his kind, as if he were a leper of old ; you must show 
 him that that is your detestation of the crime he has committed ; and you 
 may depend upon it, that if the population of an entire county in Ireland 
 carry out this doctrine, there will be no man so full of avarice, so lost to 
 shame, as to dare the public opinions of all right-thinking men within the 
 country, and to transgress your unwritten code of laws." 
 
 ON REBELLION AS A MEANS OF OBTAINING 
 SEPARATION. 
 
 [At LIVERPOOL, November 30 th, 1879.] 
 
 "There was nothing he (Lord Beaconsfield) would like better than 
 that the Irish people should take the law into their own hands, as he had 
 taken it into his that they should trample upon it, tear it in pieces, and 
 
 get into conflict with his police and military However, they 
 
 intended to allow him to be disappointed upon that occasion. The 
 people of Ireland would not choose his time and his opportunity they 
 
 would choose their own time and their own methods Deprive 
 
 them (the landlords) of the position of an English garrison in Ireland, 
 and then the last knell of English power and Government in Ireland 
 would have been sounded. In conclusion, he said : Let me see all 
 classes, all creeds of my countrymen united together, and, believe me, we 
 will not then have any English ministry attempting to indict our country- 
 men for sedition and treason. Let us see, as in 1782, ONF. HUNDRED 
 THOUSAND SWORDS, BOTH CATHOLIC AND PROTESTANT, LEAPING 
 [ROM THEIR SCABBARDS, AND BELIEVE ME, FELLOW-COUNTRYMEN, 
 IT WILL NOT BE A QUESTION OF CHICANERY OR OE ACTS OE PARLIA- 
 MENT, OR OF ANYTHING THAT CAN POSSIBLY INTERFERE BETWEEN 7
 
 12 
 
 THK RIGHTS OF OUR PEOPLE TO MAKE THEIR OWN LAWS ON THE SOIL 
 
 OF IRELAND He believed the time would come when those 
 
 thousands, of whom Mr. Killcn spoke, would awaken from their slumbers 
 and HERALD THE IRISH NATION IN ITS FUTURE PATH OF LIBERTY 
 AND GREATNESS." 
 
 [At BALLA, December, 1879.] 
 
 " There are men in this land movement who consider that the free 
 rights of Ireland must be won by the bloody battle fight and the sword/' 
 
 [At CLEVELAND, UNITED STATES, January, 1880.] 
 
 " It has given me great pleasure during my visit to the cities of this 
 country to sec the armed regiments of Ireland who have frequently turned 
 out to escort us, and when I saw some of these gallant men to-day, who 
 are even now in this hall, I thought that each one of them must wish with 
 Sarsfield of old, when dying upon a foreign battlefield, ' Oh, that I could 
 carry these arms for Ireland.' " 
 
 [At DUBLIN, on April 291)1, 1880, on his return from America.] 
 
 " I have worked hard to do my duty for this country, and I shall 
 endeavour to work for it as long as I live. And now, before I go I will 
 tell you an incident that happened in America. A gentleman came to 
 the platform and handed me 25 dollars, saying, ' HERE ARK 5 DOLLARS 
 FOR BREAD AND 2O DOLLARS FOR LEAD.' (Mr. Boyton, a Land League 
 organiser, subsequently referred to this anecdote at a Land League 
 Meeting, assuring his audience that those 20 dollars were perfectly safe, 
 and added that, as 'Mr. Forster in the House of Commons refused to say 
 what he did with the ,30,000 spent as secret service money, so they 
 would refuse to say what they were going to do with the 20 dollars.'" 
 
 [At GALWAY, October 25th, 1880.] 
 
 "Well, we sailed for New York, and it was only on my entry to New 
 York that I first commenced to appreciate the undeveloped power that is 
 available for your succour, not only in the matter of charity, but in other 
 matters of a very different nature, if you call upon them. (Loud cheers.) 
 Well, I pass from this subject of our countrymen abroad with this remark: 
 that I feel confident that if you ever call upon them in another field, and 
 in another way, for help, and if you can show them that there is a fair and
 
 13 
 
 good chance of success (enthusiastic cheering) that you will have their 
 assistance their trained and organised Assistance for the purpose of 
 breaking the yoke that encircles you, just in the same way as you had 
 their assistance last winter to save you from famine." (Cheers.) Irish 
 Times. 
 
 [At ROCHESTER, U.S.A.] 
 
 " We have proposed a constitutional and peaceful plan of solution. 
 As an Irishman, I am bound to say that every Irishman should be 
 prepared to shed the last drop of his blood in order to obtain such a 
 solution. Yet, at the same time, it would be criminal to hurl the unarmed 
 and defenceless people on the points of British bayonets in a hopeless 
 struggle. In order to make you acquainted with what is being done in 
 the nineteenth century by the authority of the Queen of England, I 
 cannot do better than to call a witness who will not be accused of 
 prejudice. I refer to the Xew York Herald (hisses), which has taken the 
 landlords side of the question, which is a very much harder task than the 
 discovery of Livingstone. ! The best punishment for the Neiv York 
 Herald, when it goes to the lower regions, would be to send the Irish 
 Land System and the British Government with it." 
 
 [At LIMERICK, November 2nd, 1880.] 
 
 '' If we, after a reasonable time, and after having been enabled to use 
 those methods which we may desire, and which we deem essential and 
 necessary for the purpose if we fail by Parliamentary action in West- 
 minster in obtaining the restoration of our Irish Parliament, I should 
 consider it my duty to return to my countrymen to consult with them as 
 to the action which we ought to take, and to decide whether the repre- 
 sentatives of Ireland ought any longer to continue parties to the sham of 
 Parliamentary government, so far as Ireland is concerned, which takes 
 place in Westminster, and if the decision of the country was that we 
 ought no longer to continue on these lines, it would be the duty of the 
 people of Ireland to direct us as to what lines or method should be 
 adopted under the circumstances.''' 
 
 [At WATERFORP, December 6th, 1880.] 
 
 " We stand to-day in the same position that our ancestors stood. We 
 declare that rr is THE DUTY OF EVERY IRISHMAN TO FREE HIS 
 COUNTRY IF HF. CAN. We refuse to inflict needless suffering on the 
 masses of our people. We will work by constitutional means AS LONG AS
 
 14 
 
 IT SUITS us. We refuse to plunge this country into the horrors of civil 
 war when she has not a chance ; but I ask any man at this board, I ask 
 any true Irishman, be he priest or be he layman, whether he would not 
 consider it the first duty of an Irishman to do what he could to enable his 
 country to take her place amongst the nations of the world. If it could 
 be shown to him that THKRK WAS A FAIR PROSPECT OF SUCCESS FROM 
 THE SACRIFICE, I ask my reverend and lay friends whether they would 
 not consider it their highest duty to give their lives for the country that 
 gave them birth/' 
 
 ON SEPARATION AS THE ULTIMATE OBJECT OF THE 
 CONSPIRACY. 
 
 [At PITTSTON, U.S.A., February i6th, 1880.] 
 
 " I promise on our side to fight this battle as pluckily as you can wish. 
 (Loud applause.) Up to this time the landlords and Government have 
 failed to give assistance, but the fiendish work of eviction is still pursued, 
 but from the blood of the brave L'onnemara women who resisted the home 
 destroyers shall spring up a power which will sweep away, not only the 
 land system, but the infamous Government tJiat maintains it:' (Cheers.) 
 
 [At CINCINNATI, U.S.A., February 231^1, 1880.] 
 
 " Justice and the many, against injustice and the few, must win. 
 (Applause.) With your help in keeping our people alive this winter I 
 feel confident we shall kill the Irish landlord system. (Applause.) And 
 when we have given Ireland to the people of Ireland, we shall have laid 
 the foundation upon which to build up our Irish nation. (Loud applause.) 
 The feudal tenure and the rule of the minority have been the corner-stone 
 of English misrule. Pull out that corner stone, break it up, destroy it, 
 
 and you undermine English misgovernment. (Applause.) 
 
 And let us not forget that that is the ultimate goal at which all we Irish- 
 men aim. None of us whether we ate in America or in Ireland, or 
 wherever we may be will be satisfied until we have destroyed the last 
 link which keeps Ireland bound to l-~ngland." (Applause.) 
 
 [At CORK, March 22nd, 1880.] 
 
 Replying to Nationalists' address on his return from America, he said 
 that their refusal to take any part in the elections, he was sure, was drier- 
 mined upon after due consideration, and he added that : " In America
 
 BOTH YOUNG AND OLD WERE DETERMINED TO UPHOLD THE CAUSE 
 THEY UPHELD IN IRELAND THE RIGHT TO TAKE HER PLACE AMONGST 
 
 THE NATIONS." In another speech on the same occasion, he said : "The 
 time was not far distant when their countrymen in every part of the 
 civilised world would be all united with them as one man in helping 
 
 Ireland to SPRING TO HER FEET AND STRIKE OFF THE DETESTABLE 
 
 YOKE OF IRISH LANDLORDISM. And when they had shattered this 
 infamous system, the time would not be far distant when Ireland would 
 gain the greater right the right of Self-Government THE RIGHT OF 
 NATIONHOOD If we succeed in emigrating the Irish land- 
 lords the ENGLISH GOVERNMENT WILL SOON HAVE TO FOLLOW THEM." 
 
 [At BEAUFORT, Co. KERRY, May i6th, 1880.] 
 
 " We will see that the people will not be swept from the country while 
 there is money to defend them in the courts of law. The National Land 
 League has plenty of money at its disposal for the purpose of defending 
 the tenantry of Ireland. Your fellow-countrymen in America will send 
 you as much money as you want. Everywhere throughout the States I 
 found the greatest anxiety to help you. Do not, then, be afraid ; band 
 yourselves together ; organise yourselves (cheers) against the landlord 
 system ; and, believe me, the day is dawning when we shall have taken 
 the first great step to strike down British misrule, and the noble dreams of 
 Grattan, Emmet, and Lord Edward Fitzgerald, and of every Irish patriot, 
 ought at all times to be brought to a triumph and realisation." (Cheers.) 
 
 [At Exxis, September 2oth, 1880.] 
 
 "We have been accused of preaching communistic doctrines when we 
 told the people not to pay an unjust rent, and the following out of that 
 advice in a few of the Irish~counties had shown the English Government 
 the necessity for a radical alteration in the Land Laws. But how would 
 they like it if we told the people some day or other not to pay any rent 
 until this question is settled ? We have not told them that yet. I suppose 
 the question will be settled peaceably, fairly, and justly to all parties. If 
 it should not be settled, we cannot continue to allow this millstone to 
 hang round the neck of our^country, throttling its industry, and preventing 
 its progress. It will be for the consideration of wiser heads than mine, 
 whether, if the landlords continue obdurate, and refuse all just concessions, 
 we shall not be obliged to tell the people of Ireland to strike against rent 
 until this question has been settled. And if the 500,000 tenant-farmers of 
 Ireland struck against the 10,000 landlords, I should like to see where 
 they would GET POLICE AND SOLDIERS ENOUGH TO MAKE THEM PAY."
 
 i6 
 
 [At GALWAY, October ist, 1880.] 
 
 " I expressed my belief at the beginning of last Session that the 
 present Chief Secretary, who was then all smiles and promises, would not 
 have proceeded very far in the duties of his office before he would have 
 found that he had undertaken an impossible task to govern Ireland, and 
 that the only way to govern Ireland is to allow her to govern herself. 
 (Cheers.) And if they prosecute the leader in this movement, it will not 
 be because they wish to preserve the lives of one or two landlords much 
 the English Government care about the lives of one or two landlords 
 ['Nor we: away with them air] but it will be BECAUSE THEY SEE THAT 
 BEHIND THIS MOVEMENT THERE IS A MORE DANGEROUS MOVEMENT, 
 TO HAVE A HOLD OVER IRELAND; because they know that if they fail 
 in upholding landlordism here, and they will fail, they have no chance of 
 maintaining it in Ireland, BECAUSE THEY KNOW THAT IF THEY FAIL IN 
 
 UPHOLDING LANDLORDISM IN IRELAND THEIR POWER TO MISRULE 
 
 IRELAND WILL GO TOO. I wish to see the tenant-farmers prosperous ; 
 but, large and important as is the class of tenant-farmers, constituting, as 
 they do, with their wives and families, the majority of the people of this 
 country, I WOULD NOT HAVE TAKEN OFF MY COAT AND GONE TO THIS 
 WORK IF I HAD NOT KNOWN THAT WE WERE LAYING THE FOUNDA- 
 TION IN THIS MOVEMENT FOR THE REGENERATION OF OUR LEGISLA- 
 TIVE INDEPENDENCE. (Cheers.) Push on, then, towards this goal, 
 extend your organisation, and let every tenant-farmer, while he keeps a 
 firm grip of his holding, recognise also the great truth that he is serving 
 his country and the people at large, and helping to break down English 
 misrule in Ireland." 
 
 [At CORK, October 3rd, 1880.] 
 
 " It is time for the Irish landlords to come forward and to make their 
 propositions. We have made ours, and determined to do our very utmost 
 to make Ireland great, glorious, prosperous and free to take the power of 
 governing Ireland out of the hands of the English Parliament and people, 
 and to transfer it into the hands of our own people. Determined as we 
 are to achieve these ends, we believe that we can only achieve them by 
 making the land of Ireland as free as it was when the waters of the Flood 
 left it." 
 
 [At Tii'PERARY, October 31 st, 1880.] 
 
 " Put your shoulder to the wheel. Never mind those threatened prose- 
 cutions. As long as we arc governed from England every agitation is
 
 17 
 
 bound to be misrepresented and misunderstood ; every politician who 
 comes down and really directs the people the way they ought to go, who 
 really makes a successful movement against an unjust law, must expect 
 to take his place in the dock. That has been the history at all times of 
 constitutional agitation, and the story is just as old as the hills. Irish 
 agitation has always been, and always will be prosecuted till we get our 
 own Parliament again (loud cheers); and when we have our own Legis- 
 lature restored to us when we have to depend, not on the public opinion 
 of the people of England for reform, but on the public opinion and 
 knowledge of their own affairs of the people of Ireland, we will have 
 a natural system of government in the country, and a natural system of 
 land tenure." 
 
 [At DUBLIN, September 26th, 1881.] 
 
 " Believe me, the spirit that is alive in Ireland to-day, a spirit which is 
 exhibited by the silent martyrs in Kilmainham and other jails ; a spirit 
 which is exhibited by Michael Davitt far off in Portland Prison, willing to 
 suffer fi\ e more long years of penal servitude, provided that you on your 
 side do your part and your duty ; a spirit which is shown in every quarter 
 and in every corner of Ireland. That spirit, fellow countrymen, will 
 never die until it destroys the ALIEN RULE WHICH HAS KEPT OUR 
 COUNTRY IMPOVERISHED AND IN CHAINS, AND SWEEPS THAT DETEST- 
 ABLE RULE, WITH ITS BUCKSHOT AND ITS BAYONET, FAR AWAY OVER 
 THE CHANNEL, WHENCE IT CAN NEVER RETURN/' 
 
 [At CORK, October 6th, iSSi.] 
 
 "This struggle is simply a renewal of the old fight which has lasted so 
 long. You were never nearer winning it than you are to-day. You never 
 had such an opportunity of victory as you have to-day. You were driven 
 out of Ireland by your English conquerors. WHERE ARE THEY NOW? 
 THEY DID NOT THRIVE IN IRELAND. They stole the land of Ireland, 
 but they did not gain the affections of the Irish people. And we have 
 ROW a demand from the much-persecuted, the decimated Irish nation, for 
 the restoration of their land, and after that for the RESTORATION OF 
 THEIR GOVERNMENT/' 
 
 [At WEXFORD, October loth, 1881.] 
 " He (Mr. Gladstone) would have you to believe that he is not afraid
 
 i8 
 
 of you, because he has disarmed you, because he has attempted to disor- 
 ganise you, because he knows that the Irish nation is to-day disarmed as 
 far as physical weapons go, but he does not hold this kind of language 
 with the Boers. What did he do at the commencement of the session ? 
 He said something of this kind with regard to the Boers. He said that 
 he was going to put them down, and as soon as he had discovered that 
 they were able to shoot straightcr than his own soldiers, he allowed those 
 few men to put him and his Government down ; and although he has 
 attempted to regain some of his lost portion in the Transvaal by subse- 
 quent chicanery and diplomatic negotiations, yet that sturdy and small 
 people in the distant Transvaal have seen through William Ewart 
 Gladstone ; and they have told him again for the second time that they 
 will not have their liberties filched from them ; and I believe, that as a 
 result, we shall see that William Ewart Gladstone will again yield to the 
 people of the Transvaal. And I trust that as the result of this great move- 
 ment we shall see that, just as Mr. Gladstone, by the Act of 1881, has eaten 
 all his old words, has departed from all his formerly declared principles, 
 now we shall see that these brave words of this English Prime Minister 
 will be scattered as CHAFF HKFORE THK UNITED AND ADVANCING 
 
 DETERMINATION OF THK IRISH PEOPLE TO REGAIN FOR THEMSELVES 
 THEIR LOST LAND AND THEIR LOST LEGISLATIVE INDEPENDENCE." 
 
 [At CORK, December iSth, 1882.] 
 
 " Both the English parties know well that the next general election in 
 England will be turned by the votes of the Irish electors living in England. 
 They tell us that no English ministry and no Liberal member 
 must ever entertain for a moment the idea of National self-government 
 for Ireland. I believe that the time is rapidly approaching when they 
 will have to entertain that idea, or SOME OTHER IDEA THAT THEV MAY 
 NOT LIKE SO WELL." (Applause.) 
 
 [At the NATIONAL LEAGUE in DUBLIN, August 29th, 1883. 
 
 u I believe that the clay is not very distant that not many years ui!I 
 go by before we shall have gained the full programme for which the 
 Irish National League was formed. It is now no longer a question \\ith 
 the great body of Englishmen as to whether the Irish shall have self- 
 government : but as to the amount of self-government they will he willing 
 to accept." (Applause. 1 IrisJi Times, August joth, iSSj.
 
 19 
 
 [At the ROTUNDA, DUBLIN, upon receiving Testimonial, ^40,000, 
 December i3th, 1883.] 
 
 "Until the English Liberals and Radicals learn the first lesson of the 
 political creed that every nation, every country, has a right to be governed 
 according to the will of the majority of that country, they will fail, as they 
 have always failed, in their self-imposed task of governing the Irish 
 
 people Beyond a shadow of a doubt it will be for the Irish 
 
 people in England, poorly as they are supported, and isolated as they are, 
 and for your independent members, to determine at the next general 
 election whether Tory or Liberal Ministers shall rule England. This is a 
 great force and a great power; if we may not rule ourselves, we can at 
 least cause them to be ruled as we choose. This force has already gained 
 for Ireland inclusion in the coming Franchise Bill, and we have reason to 
 be proud, hopeful and energetic ; determined that this generation shall not 
 pass away until it has bequeathed to THOSE WHO COME AFTER us THE 
 
 GREAT BIRTHRIGHT OF NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE AND PROSPERITY/-' 
 
 [At the REDMOND BANQUET, April 6th, 18^4.] 
 
 "With the added numbers that the general election will bring, with 
 the increased weight that union has added to our forces, and with the 
 determined energy which I anticipate all the provinces will bring to bear 
 at the general election, I anticipate that the result will be of the utmost 
 importance in the triumphal solution of the Irish question; and we shall 
 find, when we will be able to speak with the voice of a United Ireland, 
 and with the majority of its representatives from every province as mem- 
 bers of our part}-, that not MANY DAYS will elapse before we shall be able 
 to obtlin THE FULLEST MEASURE OF SELF-GOVERNMENT THAT HAS 
 ENTERED INTO THE IDEAS OF REASONABLE IRISHMEN." 
 
 i At DROGHEDA, April 15111, 1884.] 
 
 "I said in New York, in 1879. when I landed there, what I say to you 
 
 to-night, that you must either pay for the land or fight for it 
 
 Constitutional agitation and organisation can do a great deal to whittle 
 down the price that the landlord asks for his land, but it must be paid for 
 unless you adopt the other alternative, WHICH 1 SAY NOTHING ABOUT. 
 . . . . In my judgment, the Irish land question, if it is to be settled 
 by Constitutional means, will have to be settled before the National 
 question can be settled by Constitutional means. I do not express any 
 opinion as to whether either of these questions is likely to be, or can be,
 
 settled by Constitutional means, but my proposition is this that the Irish 
 land question must be settled BEFORE the National question if Constitu- 
 tional measures are adopted The landlords of Ireland will 
 
 have to be got rid of before we can hope to unite North and South, 
 Catholic and Protestant, in such a way as to present our demands for 
 National self-government, in an overwhelming fashion, in the English 
 
 Parliament And we have proceeded upon that assumption. 
 
 Now, sir, I don't mean to say that the price of land has touched bottom 
 as yet in Ireland, or anything like it, but I do ask the people of Ireland, 
 as rational beings, not to be turned aside from the idea that they have 
 followed, and followed successfully for the years of the Land League 
 agitation, not to be turned aside to the pursuit of a will o' the wisp 
 (i.e., Davitt's Nationalisation of the land scheme), which is an impossi- 
 bility, and which may lead to serious disunion, and which undoubtedly 
 will postpone the settlement of the land question, and make the heart 
 grow sick regarding the probability of the restoration of an Irish Parlia- 
 ment." 
 
 [At Mr. SEXTON'S RECEPTION on his return from the UNITED STATES, 
 September 9th, 1884.] 
 
 " He (Mr. Sexton) has learned something during his short absence. 
 He has learned to appreciate the enormous power, for the benefit of 
 Ireland, which our countrymen in America are able and willing to wield ; 
 and he is in a better position now than he was a short time since, to 
 estimate what are the chances, the overwhelming chances, in FAVOUR 
 OF IRELAND'S FREEDOM. He will return to his task amongst us with 
 renewed hope, and confidence, and belief in his country's future, with 
 greater determination to trample down and overcome all obstacles till our 
 hopes arc realised, TILL WE HAVE BANISHED FOREIGN MISRULE; and 
 until that day comes- and we believe it will not be a distant one when 
 our Irish Parliament will re-assemble in College Green, and be able and 
 willing to mete out just laws to our people, and to maintain the DIGNITY 
 AND INDEPENDENCE OF THE NATION AT HOME AND ABROAD." 
 
 [At CLONMEL, January 9th, 1885.] 
 
 ' We claim for Ireland and for the masses of the people the restitution 
 of her Parliament, her independent Parliament, of which she was cheated 
 and deprived towards the close of last century. That Parliament, in deed 
 as well as in name, was an independent one. It had a right to grant 
 supplies for Imperial purposes as well as for Irish purposes. And if it
 
 had been composed of men of sincerity, men who were elected by the 
 people of Ireland, instead of men elected by a very small class, undoubtedly 
 it would have preserved the Nationality of the country, and strengthened 
 its own Constitutional powers ; and we should have in existence to-day an 
 assembly of which we would have been proud, and which would have 
 been the crowning of that happiness, peace, and prosperity of Ireland, 
 without the necessity of agitation, or for movements such as that of the 
 Irish Land League. But local self-government is one which we could 
 not leave to be developed even under an Irish Parliament. If we had an 
 Irish Parliament to-morrow, and we can never claim anything less we 
 can never claim, and do not intend to CLAIM, ANYTHING LESS THAN THE 
 PARLIAMENT OF GRATTAN if we had such an assembly it \\ould be 
 necessary for us, under its directing care and guidance, to develop our 
 institutions of local self-government.''' 
 
 [At CORK. January 2ist, 1885.] 
 
 " When the reckoning up came after the general election they in 
 Ireland would have cause to congratulate themselves on the possession of 
 a strong party. It would bear down all oppositions, and, aided by the 
 organisation of the country behind, they would be enabled to gain for 
 
 their country those rights which were stolen from her Every 
 
 Irishman should be forcibly driven back to the question of National self- 
 government for Ireland. He did not know how this question would 
 eventually be settled. He did not knosv whether England would be wise 
 in time, and concede to arguments the restitution of what was stolen from 
 them towards the close of last century. It was given to none of them to 
 know the future. They could not ask for less than the restitution of 
 < ".rattan's Parliament. They could scarcely, under the Constitution, ask 
 for more. BUT NO MAN HAD THE RIGHT TO FIX THE BOUNDARY TO 
 THE MARCH OF A NATION'; and while they struggled to-day for that 
 which it may seem possible for them to obtain, they might struggle for it 
 with the proud consciousness that they were doing nothing to HINDER OR 
 PREVENT BETTER MEN WHO MAY COME FORWARD IN THE FUTURE 
 FROM GAINING BETTER THINGS THAN THOSE FOR WHICH THEY WERE 
 NOW STRUGGLING." 
 
 [At CORK, January 23rd, 1885.] 
 
 " We are now in a position of more unconquerable force than ever to 
 win back our lost rights. We stand on unapproachable ground. We are 
 entitled to ask that that which has been stolen from us, by means which 
 
 K
 
 nobody now seeks to defend for a moment, shall be restored to us. We 
 might, perhaps, be unwise if we went farther than that demand. We- 
 
 should be certainly very foolish if we asked for anything less 
 
 I BELIKVK THAT IN THE NEAR FUTURE WE SHALL WIN OUR BATTLE. 
 
 When we have a united representation from Ireland amounting to 85 
 members, it will be impossible for any people, for any Parliament, even so 
 haughty and intolerant an assembly and people as the English Parliament 
 and people, long to withstand our claims. We have great helps ; we have 
 a race greater than our own across the Atlantic. We have a growing and 
 influential population in Australia. We have large contingents in England 
 and Scotland. With all these aids and all these helps, surveying our 
 position, I KNOW THAT ENGLAND HAS ALREADY IN HER OWN HEART 
 GIVEN UP THE CONTEST, and that it only remains for you to be as deter- 
 mined and as true as your brothers and sisters in every part of the world 
 to enable us and you to gain THAT RESTITUTION WHICH is OUR RIGHT. 
 
 AND LESS THAN WHICH WE WILL NEYER ACCEPT." 
 
 [At MILTOWN M ALB AY, January 25th, 1885.] 
 
 "During many centuries they had baffled the attempts of the English 
 enemy to drive them from the soil of sacred Ireland. He believed it was 
 for them to set the example to the Irish people, to nobly stand shoulder 
 to shoulder, and march from west to east, to recover inch by inch, slowly 
 but surely, EVERY ROOD OF I. AND WHICH HAD BEEN ROBBED FROM 
 THEM." 
 
 [At LONDON, March lyth, 1885.] 
 
 " I do not pretend to predict in what way the rights for Ireland will be 
 ultimately gained, but a man in my position ought to consider that in 
 anything he does, and in anything that he says, he ought not to hamper 
 the people in their march for their liberties- he ought not to prevent them 
 from obtaining the utmost and the FULLEST MEASURE OF THEIR 
 
 RIGHTS WHICH MAY HEREAFTER BECOME POSSIBLE. We can none of 
 us do more than strive for that which may seem attainable to-day ; but 
 we ought, at the same time, to recollect that we should not IMPEDE OR 
 HAMPER THE MARCH OF OUR NATION; that though our programme 
 may be limited and small, it should be such a one as shall not prevent 
 hereafter the FUI.I.EST REALISATION OF THE HOPES OF IRELAND."
 
 23 
 
 [At LONDON, July 2oth, 1885, Dinner to GENERAL COLLINS.] 
 
 " Our guest may have been ^and may be more advanced than us in 
 Irish politics I speak without knowledge on such points but he thinks 
 with me that it is for those at home, for the man who is riding the horse, 
 to judge whether the fence shall be rushed or taken slowly ; and being to 
 some extent myself in the position of jockey, I desire to give my own 
 opinion to-night that the situation in Ireland, just at present at all events, 
 demands cautious riding. Our movement this winter should be one 
 distinguished by its judgment, its prudence, and its moderation. . . . 
 I consider that those counsellors will be the best and wisest who will, 
 during the next few months, urge upon our people at home the exercise of 
 great caution and prudence in their actions, lest, unhappily, they should 
 mar what would otherwise most undoubtedly be the SPEEDY FRUITION 
 
 OF OUR HOPES AS A NATION, AND THE SPEEDY CONQUEST OF THOSE 
 RIGHTS IN THE LAND OF IRELAND WHICH WE HAVE FOUGHT FOR 
 AND STRUGGLED FOR DURING SO MANY YEARS." 
 
 [At ARKLOW, August 2oth, 1885.] 
 
 "Without a Parliament with powers for Ireland we can do nothing to 
 revive her industries. Without a freely elected National Assembly, with 
 power to control all the affairs of Ireland, and with power to protect her 
 industries, I give it as my opinion, as a practical man, that it is impossible 
 
 for us to revive our native industries If those who now for 
 
 the first time receive the right to vote will carefully undertake the sacred 
 duty of choosing the band of men to represent them, I firmly believe, in, 
 perhaps, a few months, certainly not longer than a few years, we will 
 bring back to you, to your soil and to the people of Ireland, THE RIGHT 
 TO GOVERN IRELAND AT HOME, AND TO BANISH ENGLISH MISRULE 
 
 FOR EVER." 
 
 [At DUBLIN, August 25th, 1885.] 
 
 " I hope it may be possible for us in the New Parliament to have a 
 programme and a platform with only one plank, and that one the plank 
 of National independence. I feel convinced that our great work and our 
 sole work in the New Parliament will be the restoration of our own 
 Parliament. And when we have obtained it, what will be its functions 
 and what will be its powers ? We shall require our New Parliament to 
 do for us these things which we have been asking the British Parliament 
 to do for us. . . . We have therefore a great work before us, both in 
 the English House of Commons, for a while, and also in the Irish
 
 Chamber. I hope it will be a single chamber, and that we shall not have 
 a House of Lords to cumber us. . . . It is upon our people at home 
 that the main burden rests. It is they, and they alone, who can now 
 defeat the Irish cause. If they maintain the fixity of purpose and the 
 union of the last five years, no power on earth can resist them. . . 
 I FEEL ASSURED THAT THE NEXT IRISH PARTY THAT WILL ASSEMBLE 
 SHALL BE THE LAST IN THE ENGLISH AND THE FIRST IN THE RESTORED 
 IRISH PARLIAMENT." 
 
 [At DUBLIN, August 26th, 1885.] 
 
 " 1 believe that we will get a settlement of our National question from 
 whichever Government or whichever party may be in power, whether it 
 be Whig or whether it be Tory. We are, therefore, in the position, that 
 no m itter which of the English sides wins or loses we are bound to win. 
 . . I desire nothing more than to place in the power of Irishmen, and 
 of the people of Ireland, the right to govern themselves and to manage 
 their own affairs. When we have restored to us our own Parliament it 
 will be possible for you to discuss and thresh out every question. Every 
 man of different ideas will then have a stage on which he will be able to 
 exemplify and enlarge his views, but for the present solidity is necessary 
 in our ranks. Our desire is to restore to you the power of making of laws 
 for yourself, and working out your own destiny. When you have got 
 that power I believe you will use it rightly and bravely, and THAT THK 
 IRISH NATION WILL PROSPER AND BE PERPETUAL." 
 
 [At DUBLIN MANSION HOUSE, September ist, 1885.] 
 
 "We arc told upon high authority that it is impossible for Ireland to 
 obtain the right of self-government. I believe that if it be sought to 
 make it impossible for our country to obtain the right of administering 
 her own affairs, that we will make all other things impossible for those 
 
 who so seek There shall be no legislation for England. 
 
 There is to be a kind of lion lying down with the lamb. There is to be 
 absolute union between all English parties upon great and important 
 home and Imperial questions, which will always engross their minds until 
 they have squelched us out. Well, I give you my candid opinion upon 
 this matter, and it is this that if they have not succeeded in squelching 
 us during the last five years, they are not likely to do it during the next 
 five, unless they brace themselves up to adopt one of two alternatives, 
 under the adoption of cither one of which we should ultimately win, and 
 perhaps win a greater share than we otherwise should. They will either 
 have to grant to Ireland the complete right to rule herself, or they will
 
 -3 
 
 have to govern us as a Crown Colony, without any Parliamentary repre- 
 sentati in whatever. The Government of Ireland as a Crown Colony 
 would simply lead to the concession of a Constitution similar to that 
 which is enjoyed, with the good will of England, by each and all of the 
 larger Colonies ; and that is practically what we have been asking for 
 Ireland. So that whether they choose to give us directly the right of self- 
 government in its fullest sense the right of National self-government 
 or whether they choose to govern us as a Crown Colony, it will come to 
 the same thing in the long run." 
 
 [At WICK.LOW, October 5th, 1885.] 
 
 " I have claimed for Ireland a Parliament that shall have power to 
 protect Irish manufactures if it be the will of the Parliament and of the 
 Irish people that they should be protected. But it is not for me to say 
 beforehand what the action of such a freely elected Irish assembly should 
 be. I may have my own opinion as to the best course for that assembly 
 to take, but I have claimed that no Parliamentary assembly will work 
 satisfactorily which has not free power over Irish affairs ; which has not 
 power to raise a revenue for the purpose of government in Ireland as 
 
 shall seem fit and best to that assembly I claim this for 
 
 Ireland, that if the Irish Parliament of the future considers that there arc 
 certain industries in Ireland which could be benefited by Protection, 
 which could be nursed by Protection, and which could be placed in such 
 a position as to enable them to compete with similar industries in other 
 countries by a course of Protection extending over a few years, the Parlia- 
 ment ought to have power to carry out that policy My advice 
 
 to English statesmen on this question (of guarantees against Separation) 
 
 is TO TRUST THE IRISH PEOPLE ALTOGETHER OR TRUST THEM NOT AT 
 ALL. Give our people this power to legislate upon all their domestic con- 
 cerns, and you may depend upon one thing: that the desire for Separa- 
 tion, the means of winning Separation at least, will not be increased or 
 
 intensified IT IS IMPOSSIBLE FOR US TO GIVE GUARANTEES, 
 
 but we can point to the past : we can show that the record of English 
 
 rule is a constant series of steps from bad to worse I am 
 
 convinced that the English statesman who is great enough to induce his 
 countrymen to give Ireland full legislative liberty will be regarded as one 
 who has removed the greatest peril to the British Empire a peril that 
 sooner or later, it may be sooner than later, will certainly find an oppor- 
 tunity of revenging itself by THE DESTRUCTION OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 FOR THE MISFORTUNES, THE OPPRESSIONS. AND THE MLSGOVERNMEN 
 OF OUR COUNTRY."
 
 26 
 
 [At CASTLEBAR, November 3rd. 1885.] 
 
 " Speaking for myself, and I believe for the Irish people, and for all 
 my colleagues, I have to declare that we will never accept either expressly 
 or implied, anything but the full and complete right to arrange our own 
 affairs, and to make our land a nation; to secure for her, free from outside 
 control, the right to direct her own cause among the peoples of the world"- 
 L 'nited Ireland Report. 
 
 [Interviewed by the New York Herald Correspondent, 
 November ;th, 1885.] 
 
 " I believe I can speak for all my colleagues, as well as for all the 
 leaders of the present movement in Ireland, when I say that none of us 
 would assume any responsibility, or take any part in the working of the 
 maimed and ineffective central body by which he (Lord Hartington) 
 proposes, under the name of Local Government, to meet our demand for 
 an Irish Parliament. For example, what Irishman of influence or im- 
 portance would undertake any responsibility in a Local Legislation 
 
 WITHOUT HAVING THE CONTROL OF THE POLICE FORCE?" 
 
 [At BANQUET to JUSTIN MCCARTHY, M.P., LONDON, 
 September 8th. 1886.] 
 
 " The question between England and Ireland is a simple one. It lies 
 in the recognition of Irish Nationality the right of Ireland to be a nation. 
 In these days when we hear of a Bulgarian nation why should we 
 not also hear of an Irish nation? The Bulgarian nation has undoubtedly 
 justified its right to be free, but its justification is of recent growth ; it has 
 not the ancient title, the sufferings, the struggles, and the exertions that 
 the Irish nation has, and yet the right of Bulgaria to nationhood has been 
 guaranteed by four of the great European powers. Why, then, is the right 
 of Ireland to be denied ?"
 
 SECTION III. 
 GENERAL PARNELLITE UTTERANCES. 
 
 INCITEMENTS TO MURDER. 
 
 BY MKMBKRS OF PARLIAMENT, ORGANISERS, &c. 
 
 [Rt. Hon. W. E. GLADSTONE, M.P., at DALKEITH, Nov. 26th, 1879.] 
 
 " Circumstances occurred which drew the attention of the people to 
 
 the Irish Church When it came to this that a great gaol 
 
 in the heart of the Metropolis was broken open under circumstances 
 which drew the attention of the English people to the state of Ireland, 
 and when in Manchester policemen were murdered in the execution of 
 their duty, at once the whole country became alive to Irish questions, and 
 the question of the Irish Church revived. It came within the range of 
 practical politics." 
 
 MR. JOSEPH BIGGAR, M.P., at CORK, March aist, 1880.] 
 
 "They had seen what Hartman had done in Russia, and if the Con- 
 stitutional course they were pursuing in Parliament at present failed in its 
 object, he thought Ireland might be able to produce another Hartman, 
 and probably with better results." 
 
 [Mr. BIGGAR, M.P., at CASTLEISLAND, October roth, 1880.] 
 
 " There is another question which has been raised very much. The 
 Land League are unfairly charged with the shooting of landlords. // is
 
 no part of (he duty oj the Land League to recommend the shooting of land- 
 lords for a great variety of reasons. They never have given any advice 
 of the sort, Mr. Hussey (a land agent) may be a very bad man, and plenty 
 of other men are as bad as Mr. Hussey, but I can tell you what the Land 
 League can do. Well, you, the members of the local Land League, can 
 use your exertions to get everything in favour of the person ivho is charged 
 with such a crime as shooting a landlord:' 
 
 [Mr. BFGGAR, M.P., at KINLOUGH, October 3ist, 1880.! 
 
 "It is your duty and it is your interest to give your assistance in such 
 a manner as you can easily do in certain ways which manner I will 
 now point out to you. We do not recommend shooting landlords. That 
 is an extreme measure, and certainly we cannot recommend it; and, besides, 
 it is held undesirable, for the interest of the cause, that it should be done, 
 for this reason, that when such a tiling takes place it is blazoned forth in 
 all the English newspapers, and prejudice is excited in the English mind 
 against the Irisli tenant-farmers, which is calculated to interfere to a 
 material extent with the advocacy of my friend, Mr. Parnell, and others, 
 on behalf of the tenant-farmers." 
 
 [Mr. BIGGAR, M.P., at BAILIEBORO', October 3ist, i88oj 
 
 " Now, our \vorthy chairman in his speech said, that it was undesirable 
 that anything in the way of violence towards the landlords should be per- 
 petrated. Now, on that subject I will say this that the Land League as 
 a body wants to do what is most beneficial, and they do not want that any 
 violence should be offered to the landlords. Now, one of tlie reasons is 
 tli is that persons wJio have undertaken to shoot landlords have missed 
 landlords and shot so in cone whom they did not intend. Now, that is one 
 objection which is palpable on the face of it. But there are other objec- 
 tions which have been raised against this agitation as a body that deeds 
 of violence have been committed on the part of the people who come to 
 Land League meetings ; and the result of that has been that it is calculated 
 to injure the cause of the tenant-farmers of Ireland in public opinion with 
 those likely to have the decision of the Irish land tenure. And you should 
 discourage deeds of violence tlicn. Then there is another objection, which 
 will undoubtedly be palpable to you all. If acting violently to an}' class 
 of people became the general thing the result would be that deeds of 
 violence would become general, and then bring discredit on the Irish 
 people. These are reasons that are sure to be felt."
 
 [MESSRS. EGAN, Treasurer, and BRENNAN, Secretary of Parnellite 
 
 League.] 
 
 "Patrick Egan and Thomas Brennan encouraged crime to a certain 
 extent." To what extent ? u Before the Political Prisoners were released 
 the Government would not let them out, and they urged that the only way 
 to get them out was to use violence on the Government officials that talk 
 would never get them out.'' Patrick Dclaneys (approver) evidence at 
 Sligo, May, 1884. 
 
 [THOMAS BRENXAN, Secretary of Parnellite League, at CARDEXS- 
 TOWN, May 23rd, 1880.] 
 
 "We had a good deal lately about giving to Caesar that which belongs 
 to Caesar. Most readily and heartily do we accept that doctrine ; but if 
 Caesar is to get his due, what compensation are Irish landlords to give 
 you ? . . . France, when she was getting shut of her landlords, did not 
 give them twenty years' compensation. No : she gave tlicin twenty feet (>/ 
 rjpc." 
 
 [THOMAS BREXXAX at TEKVNACREEXA, May 3oth, 1880.] 
 
 "From next Tuesday morning every man in this assemblage, every 
 man in Ireland, has a right to have a gun (cheers) and not only has a 
 right to have a gun^ for you always had that right, but yon have now a 
 right to show it : and before man}" weeks will have passed away vou wi!f 
 iiitvc a right to use it." 
 
 THOMAS BRENNAN at GAL WAY, November i5th, 1880. n 
 
 " The landlords were beginning to feel that there was a check on their 
 headlong course. Certainly, if there was justice at this side of the grave, 
 they would be made to feel the weight of all their crimes. The blood ol 
 the murdered millions cried to heaven for vengeance. He believed, 
 indeed, that the compensation most Irish landlords were entitled to would 
 be the prison or the rope, for having robbed and murdered the Irish 
 people." 
 
 [Mr. LALOR. M,P., at ATHV, October toth. 1880.] 
 
 " Their Archbishop that day in his pastoral showed that he appeared to 
 be under the impression that the Land League and he (Mr. Lalor; was a
 
 30 
 
 member of it were advising the people to shed the blood of the landlords. 
 He protested against the Archbishop saddling them with the responsibility 
 of ever)' assassination that took place in the country. Neither he nor 
 anyone else had a right to do it. They spoke in that way because one 
 poor fellow of the name of Mountmorres was shot the other day (groans). 
 . . . What the Land League did was to try to show them another road 
 besides shooting those men, who were not worth shooting. The French 
 people, at the time of their Revolution, took a method of getting rid of 
 their landlords that, unfortunately, they (the meeting) were unable to take. 
 No, they were not able at present to take the method that they took. He 
 wished they were (cheers). It \vas not there that he would be then. 7 ' 
 
 [Mr. SEXTON, M.P., at BAILIEBORO', October 2ist, 1880.] 
 
 " There is one point upon which this resolution is silent, and I think it 
 my duty to say that if any man be found among you to violate the rule 
 which you have laid down if any man be found who takes a farm from 
 which another has been evicted- it is your duty, it is your right, to make 
 evidenced the feeling which the action of that man caused in your minds. 
 You have no idea I am sure none of you would commit an outrage. 
 Outrage hurts our cause. It may gratify the feelings of one man, but it 
 raises the cry for coercion, which may, perhaps, interfere with the progress 
 of our movement, and do material hurt." 
 
 [Mr. SEXTON, M.P., at CORK, December lyth, 1882.] 
 
 "In every battle some men must suffer: in every battle some men 
 must fall." 
 
 [Mr. JOHN DILLON, M.P., in the HOUSE OF COMMONS.] 
 
 "What will a mere blood-tax do? It is quite useless. It may make 
 the Irish peasant sorry for the murder unless he obtains the advantage 
 of it." 
 
 [Mr. JOHN DILLON, M.P., at MONAGHAN, June i8th, 1883.] 
 
 " Two years and three months ago the Irish National Land League 
 was in its infancy ; two years have passed and the work then begun has 
 been marked indelibly on the pages of the country's history."
 
 [Mr. JOHN DILLON, M.P., quoted in House of Commons.] 
 
 " If I was an Irish farmer, and if I saw men come upon my land to 
 put me out of the land, then, whatever people might think, and although 
 they might come in the name and under the authority of the law, I would 
 shoot as many of them as I could." 
 
 [Mr. POWER, M.P., at LISMORE.] 
 
 " The people of Lismore had a special interest in the downfall of the 
 Government, for a member of the House of Devonshire, the Marquis of 
 Hartington, was the constant prop of coercion for this country, and was 
 the constant support of the system carried on in this country by Bolton 
 and French ; but thank goodness his power is broken. The great mis- 
 fortune which befel the family was attributed to his course of conduct 
 towards this country. He was warned over and over again not to persist 
 in his course, or honest men would be driven to means of redress which 
 otherwise they would not dream of, and he may thank his own hostility 
 and that of his colleagues towards this country for the untimely death of 
 his brother. (Cheers)." Cork Examiner, September 2gt/i, 1885. 
 
 [P. J. GORDON. Land League Organiser, at SHRULE, June 2oth, 
 
 1880.] 
 
 " I ask you, in the name of Ireland, to treat them with contempt pass 
 them by, don't speak to them in the fair. (A voice in the crowd ' Give 
 them \\hat Lord Leitrim got.') J. \V. Nally : 'You are too cowardly to do 
 that.' ''Mr. Gordon continued, without deprecating in any way this broad 
 hint of Xally's.) Remember there is a story about the boy in the bush. 
 When the old man asked him to come down he would not ; when he 
 threw a stick at him he laughed, but when he gave a blow of a stone he 
 came down at once. I don't want you to give a blow of a stone at the 
 landlords, but you may do it if you like." 
 
 [P. W. NALLY, Land League Organiser, at BOHOLA, July 24th, 1880.] 
 
 " This resolution that I proposed, that no man take another man's 
 land, that is fifteen months now, and it has not been digested yet. There 
 wants to be an injection. Like a doctor, if one pill does not do, to ad-
 
 32 
 
 minister a dozen to help them to operate. The Peace Preservation Act is 
 abolished altogether. Each of you can have a licence for ten shillings. 
 Well, by paying ten shillings you can shoot the whole year round. The 
 Act is that you can shoot jackdaws, magpies, vermin, and the nuisance.- 
 A voice : ' The police.' Nally : Don't shoot the police the landlords and 
 land-grabbers are not brought under it. (Laughter.) I am not telling you 
 to shoot, but I am telling you what you can do if you like. There is only 
 ten shillings licence for the whole year round. You will have to pay three 
 pounds for game, but the other applies to the vermin line. It is useless to 
 be proposing unity while we have such scoundrels amongst us. Without 
 unity we cannot get rid of the land-sharks and land-grabbers. I say you 
 must organise and establish a branch of the Land League. There has 
 been more good done since this day week there has been a landlord shot in 
 Balinrobe. (Cheers.) You all can have rifles, and any of you who are not 
 able to buy a rifle (cheers) or gun, have the pitchfork in your hand. 
 But you must pay ten shillings for the licence if you want to shoot the 
 vermin you know the vermin I mean, what is nibbling at your hearts. 
 (Laughter.) You know pills arc not bad, I mean for to help the 
 digestion.''- -( Laughter. ) 
 
 [P. W. NALLY at SHRULK, October 3ist, 1880.] 
 
 " I suggested on one occasion pills ; I have found out that the pills- 
 have got mild, and they are nothing but sweets. But now I suggest some- 
 thing stronger dynamite, gun-cotton, that is the only thing I suggest in 
 future." 
 
 [P. W. NALLY at CLKRHAUX, October loth, 1880.] 
 
 " I say, once and for ever, away with resolutions away with speechify- 
 ing away with anything but let them get in but let each and every 
 man in the village from which a farm has been taken let him come for 
 the pills and the pills only. (.\ voice ' Holloway's ointment/) Nally 
 'That is too mild. Jl7ten' the pills id 1 1 go tlicy want no ointment. Unite 
 and organise. Our meetings are like a drop of water in the ocean unless 
 you get the pills? '' 
 
 [P. W. NALLY at BALLIXROBF, December, 1882.! 
 
 " A thing occurred, some days ago, here (referring to the murder of a 
 bailiff named Ferrick). He got pills worse than Holloway's pills : people 
 are coming from Dublin and elsewhere; ye are the people give them the 
 pills. Do away with landlords and land-robbers. It is all in your own 
 hands." Evidence of Police-Constable Patrick Kelly.
 
 33 
 
 [Mr. MUFFNEY, Land League Organiser, at KNOCKMORK, 
 October 3151, 1880.] 
 
 " Tlie Land League counsels you to hold tlie harvest, and pledge 
 
 yourselves, before God and your country, that you will not take a farm 
 
 from which another has been evicted. You am carry and use pistols. 
 
 \ 'on may slioot ground game and overground game, such as rattlesnakes, 
 
 which you may point your gun at, and if they bite, shoot t/ietn." 
 
 [MICHAEL J. BOYTOX, Fenian Emissary and Land League 
 Organiser, at SHRUI.E, June 2oth, 1880.] 
 
 " I understand, my friends, that there is a party here who has got up 
 a system of reporting to the Government that the peaceable people of 
 Shrule and its surroundings were determined to cut one another's throats. 
 But 1 say, we have no intention of cutting the throats of our friends, but 
 1 don't care if half the throats of our enemies were cut before morning;' 
 
 r MiCHAEL J. BOYTON, at CAHERLiSTRAXE, September 5th. 1880.] 
 
 " There has been a return asked in the House of Commons the other 
 night for the number of cattle slaughtered in Ireland maliciously for the 
 
 last two years I tell you, I'd neither injure the sheep or the 
 
 cow of the land-robber who threw me on the world to starve. I would 
 say with the fellow who had his white trousers destroyed by a mad dog : 
 1 will neither beat nor abuse you, but I will cry mad dog till the people 
 hunt you down and kill you '.'" 
 
 [MICHAEL J. BOYTOX, March 5th, 1881.] 
 
 " We have seen plenty of landlords and agents that deserve to be shot 
 at any man's hands. I have always denounced the commission of outrage 
 by night, but meet him in the broad day-light, and if you must blow out 
 his brains, blow them out in the daytime. If the police come at night 
 and you have an old musket, or an old pistol, and your wife or daughter 
 is frightened, you can blow out his brains." 
 
 Mr. MATTHEW HARRIS, M.P., at GALWAY, October 24th, 1880.] 
 
 " And when I see this extermination, and when I see the weakness of 
 our people, and when I see tyranny triumphing over right and justice, and
 
 34 
 
 when I see my countrymen driven to the four winds of heaven, I say to 
 myself, and I say it here to-day, that if the tenant-farmers of Ireland shoot 
 down landlords as partridges are shot in the month of September, that 
 Matt. Harris never would say one word against them." 
 
 [M. M. O'Sui.LivAN, Assistant Secretary of the Land League, 
 at KEADUE, June 2oth, 1884.] 
 
 " It is for you to decide whether you will use every means in your 
 power to put an end to this system of landlordism like that brave woman 
 who, when the landlord came to shoot in her door, got the poker and split 
 the murderer's head." 
 
 [Mr. W. O'BRIKN, ex-M.P., at CARRICK-ON-SUIR, September 7th, 
 
 1884.] 
 
 " If they must have hunting at all, let them keep their hands in practice- 
 by hunting landlords. (Loud cheers.) Hunt landlordism up hill and 
 down dale until landlords arc as scarce as the foxes, that it is no\v their 
 desire to rear and protect. (Loud cheers.) Earl Spencer stated at 
 Gowran the other day that their were no more concessions to be given to 
 Ireland. Well, that was, in his opinion, a good indication that a change- 
 was coming. The)' said that before, and Fenianism gave them their 
 answer. (Cheers.) They renewed it again, and the Land League move- 
 ment made them change their tune. (A voice: 'What about Mr. 
 Gladstone?') Well, he is one of the best of the cut-throats. . . . Let 
 them go on, let them organise, let them pull together, until the sight of a 
 landlord in Ireland will be as rare an animal as the wolf." Irish 
 
 [Mr. WILLIAM O'BRIEN, ex-M.P., at DUBLIN, September 3rd, i886 r 
 on his return from the Chicago Convention.] 
 
 " Aye, it England had us still, as she once had all alone here to herself. 
 and nobod\ looking, there are men at the head of affairs to-day there 
 are manikin Cromwells and Churchills (hisses) yes, and as somebody 
 suggests, there arc Castlcrcaghs (groans) though he is a very diminutive 
 sort of Cromwell indeed. (Laughter). I say that, if these men had their way 
 as they once had in Ireland, they would not scruple to settle the Irish 
 question, would not scruple to settle the Irish difficulty as Cromwell
 
 35 
 
 settled it. (Groans). They would send their Sir Edward Bullers (groans) 
 they would flood the country with their valiant runaways from the Soudan 
 (cheers) and if they had their way they would leave us an island of corpses 
 and desolation. Thank God the day for that kind of thing is gone. The}" 
 are dealing now, not with this small land, but with the gigantic Ireland 
 across the Atlantic, an Ireland where the British Coercion Acts never ran 
 (cheers) and where a British red-coat never set his foot except to run. 
 (Laughter and cheers.) I will say no more to you now, because I know 
 you are exhausted. (Cries of '' No.") Well, any way, I am exhausted if 
 you are not. / want to say before I retire that these Irish- Americans- 
 are very e.\ircme men. So arc we a/I, I hope, extreme men. 
 (Cheers.) \Ve are all, / hope, as extreme as they in resenting and 
 
 resisting English rule in Ireland. (Cheers.) This is 
 
 the message that that great nation of ours across the water bade us 
 bring to you "Go on as you have been going. Give a good account of the 
 CJiurchills (hisses) and the Reaches (hisses) and the Castlercaghs 
 (prolonged hisses) and the Bullers (hisses) and all the rest of the Bit 1 1 
 family (laughter) who came over here to govern us against our will. 
 Go on as you have been going, and I promise you, for all these millions in 
 America, that they never will spare their treasury, aye, and if the chance 
 offers they never will spare their blood. (Loud cheers.) On and on until 
 this great fight is ended in the happiness and the independence of the bright 
 green land that bore us."' (Cheers.) Irish Times' report. 
 
 [Mr. T. M. HEALV, ex-M.P., at DUBLIN, September 3oth, 1884. 
 
 " You may argue, you may demonstrate, you may speechify, you may 
 assemble in your thousands, you may past resolutions, you may send 
 representatives to Parliament, but until the rattle of the slugs is heard on 
 the roadside, the Prime Minister of England will not even take the trouble 
 of investigating the ordinary facts in connection with the commonest 
 grievances of our native land.'' Freeman's Journal, October \st, 1884. 
 
 [The Rev. Canon DOYLE at NEW Ross, August 2ist, 1886.] 
 
 " He did not say that liberty was not worth a drop of blood. He would 
 say that it was worth much blood ; and he would also say that the people 
 must not be exterminated. These men who were trying to exterminate 
 the people had their Bibles, and they were gilt Bibles, too ; but did they 
 read in them about the rich glutton who refused the poor man the crumbs
 
 36 
 
 from his table ; did they see where, when he died, the sentence which God 
 passed upon him is given in the terrible words, " Sepultus in inferno:'' If 
 he went to hell for not giving alms to the poor, what hell would be dee]) 
 c-nough for those who rob and trample upon the face of the poor?" 
 
 [Mr. W. II. K. REDMOND, M.P., at ENNISKILLKX, Oct. loth, 1886.] 
 
 "We will have another Coercion Act. (Groans.) When I last heard 
 the Chief Secretary speaking in the House of Commons he said there 
 would be another Coercion Act. / said under my breath what I say here 
 now publicly, let them bring on their Coercion Act. (Cheers.) We fought 
 them before and we shall, if necessary, fight them again. :; (Loud cheers.) 
 Freeinatts Journal. 
 
 TYPICAL REFERENCES TO FENIANISM AND REBELLION 
 AS A MEANS OF OBTAINING SEPARATION. 
 
 [MICHAEL DAVITT at MIJ.LTOWN, Co. GALWAY, June i5th, 1879.] 
 
 " He urged them to organise. What had organisation clone for 
 Ireland ? and they said the organisation to which he had the honour to 
 belong the Fenian organisation (loud and prolonged cheers) they said 
 that that organisation disestablished the Irish Church. So said Mr. 
 Gladstone. Well, an organisation of the tenant-farmers would disestablish 
 the landlords in half the time (cheers). In conclusion, Mr. Davitt 
 counselled them to agitate, and said he did not look to the House of 
 Commons for a settlement of this question, but to the perseverance of the 
 Irish people on Irish soil." 
 
 [Mr. UIC.GAK, M.P., at BEKMONDSEY, March 3rd, 1879. 
 
 "By 'the Irish Race,' Mr. Biggar said he meant to include all 
 
 Irishmen of the Roman Catholic faith wherever they were to be found. 
 
 Protestants he did not consider Irishmen at all. By Mr. Gladstone's 
 
 Land Act the tenant-farmers of Ireland had been considerably benefited. 
 
 But how was the Act obtained? By fear. Mr. Gladstone
 
 37 
 
 himself admitted that it was the Fenian rising which impelled him to do 
 it. Now he (Mr. Biggar) would not say whether he himself was or was 
 not a Fenian, but if anyone called him a Fenian he would answer that he 
 did not count that any disgrace. Physical force was the one thing for 
 which the English governing classes cared. They cared nothing for 
 justice, they cared nothing for reason, they cared nothing for the rights of 
 the people, either Irish or English. They were moved only by their 
 fears. He urged all his countrymen to unite in some organisation he 
 did not care which and make as much display of physical force as 
 possible. They might be few in numbers, but when they remembered 
 the great results which flowed from the determined action of the handful 
 of men at Manchester and Clerkenwell, they could not doubt of their 
 ultimate success." Times report. 
 
 [Mr. JOHN DILLON, M.P., at TIPPERARY, October 3ist, 1880.] 
 
 " No, neither are the Irish Nationalists hostile to the Land League, 
 nor is the Land League hostile to the National Organisation. Our 
 movement and our organisation is a temporary organisation got up to 
 remove one of the greatest evils of English misrule in Ireland . . . 
 and which has always acted true to the spirit in which it was founded, as 
 a garrison to hold Ireland down under English misrule." 
 
 [Mr. T. P. O'CONNOR, M.P., at MAINE, October 26th, 1881.] 
 
 " The English Government is based upon murder, rapine, violence, 
 confiscation, sacrilege, buckshot, bayonets, and flying columns. Oh ! 
 that these latter were to meet the Irish people in America then, indeed, 
 would they be flying columns." 
 
 [J. W. WALSH, Land League Organiser, at SHRULE, June 2oth, 1880.] 
 
 "The spirit of Irish Nationality is as strong here to-day as it was 
 when the three noble souls ascended the scaffold of Manchester, and 
 raised that holy cry of Ireland 'God save Ireland ! ' I am here to-day 
 as an Irish Nationalist, to proclaim the doctrine of Irish Nationality. I 
 am one of those who have taken an active part in the movement since its 
 initiation. 
 
 395977
 
 38 
 
 " Shall you tell me that the Land League shall be a cloak to drown 
 National independence ? . . . Your sole object should be to attain, 
 
 once and for all, the independence of your native land I 
 
 would ask you to unite for the overthrow of that gross system that has 
 kept you the slaves of an occupant power, and then the overthrow of 
 another power, which you understand." 
 
 [J. W. WALSH at CI.ERHAUN, October roth, 1880.] 
 
 " I am one of those who believe in the amelioration of Ireland with 
 the sword, still I say, let all be combined and united first." 
 
 [THOMAS BRENNAN, Secretary to the Land League, at 
 TEEVNACREENA, May 3oth, 1880.] 
 
 " As an Irish Nationalist, I hope for and will work for my country's 
 independence ; and I believe that I cannot at prcsctit adopt a more feasible 
 plan to accomplish that purpose than by the destruction of what has been 
 the enemy's garrison in this country. (' Down with Landlordism.') '' 
 
 [THOMAS BRENNAN, ex-Land League Secretary, at SAX FRANCISCO, 
 January iQth, 1884.] 
 
 "We go to-day in Ireland for what is practicable. But even now we 
 keep an eye upon the possibilities of an appeal to the last resort to arms. 
 Should that day ever come, are there not thousands of Irishmen in this 
 country who will believe that a noble death is preferable to an ignoble 
 life? I know that there are thousands who, should that day ever come, 
 will sever every tie that is dear to serve the Mother Country." 
 
 [THOMAS BRENNAN, ex-Land League Secretary, at NEW YORK, 
 May 2ist, 1884.] 
 
 "There are men in Ireland to-day, as there always were, and I trust 
 always shall be, men who joyfully go to the prison cell and calmly mount 
 the scaffold steps, for they know that every hour spent in prison and every 
 drop of innocent blood shed but widens the gulf that separates the people 
 of rcland from the Government of Great Britain."
 
 39 
 
 [Mr. MORAN, Land League Organiser, at FINEA, May 27th, 1880.] 
 
 " This movement is one purely National It is because 
 
 this land movement is permanently practical Nationalist because it is 
 a movement of ' Ireland for the Irish.'" 
 
 [P. W. NALLY, at SHRULE, October 3151, 1880.] 
 
 " But I am firmly convinced that by first uprooting this system .... 
 by first laying the foundation-stone of National independence in the 
 destruction of Irish landlordism, you will then be able gloriously to build 
 that edifice for which Emmet died, and for which Lord Edward bled. I 
 have been told that there are here to-day only two parties, the National 
 Land League and the Fenians. (Cheers for the Fenians.) Mr. Walsh 
 Three cheers more for Fenianism. (Cheers.) Mr. Nally Are we to be 
 told here to-day that the National Land League and the Fenians cannot 
 unite ? We have only one enemy the English Government. For seven 
 hundred years they have tried to destroy our Nationality. We lived 
 through the Elizabeths, the Marys, and the Victorias, and we are destined 
 to-day to live until our nation is a glorious one an independent one and 
 glorious one. The cause of every tenant-farmer who is a Land Leaguer is 
 the cause of every man who is a Fenian." 
 
 [M. J. BOYTON, Land League Organiser, June i3th, 1880.] 
 
 "And I to-day want you to lift up your voices and hands to fight for 
 the green soil of Erin. There are great but misguided men who state 
 and write that we are leaving aside the great glorious cause of Irish 
 Nationality, and occupying our attention with the lesser one. // is false." 
 
 [M. J. BOYTON, at CAHIR, September iQth, 1880.] 
 
 " When they were able first to achieve their social independence, they 
 might form the rank and file of 250,000 Land Leaguers, select an Irish 
 National Guard, that, with the weapon of freemen slung on their arm the 
 rifle might one day fitly take the place of the organisation that a hundred 
 years ago gave Ireland a brief glimpse of liberty." 
 
 [M. J. BOYTON at DUNMANWAY, May 3oth, 1880.] 
 
 "There was a little story told by Mr. Parnell, at a meeting in the 
 Rotunda, at the conclusion of his address, to the effect that a certain 
 
 F 2
 
 40 
 
 American gentleman came upon the platform and said, ' Parnell, there is 
 twenty-five dollars, five for bread and twenty for lead.' Now, that simple 
 little bit of humour has put your hereditary enemy in a great flutter. 
 Therefore, I am not authorised by the President of the Irish National 
 Land League to tell you that was a bonafide transaction, that the man 
 gave him twenty-five dollars. I am authorised to tell you here, and I 
 came all the way down to D unman way, and those twenty dollars are 
 perfectly safe ; and that as Mr. Forster, in the House of Commons, on 
 Friday night, refused to tell your representatives what he was going to do 
 with the ,30,000 of Secret Service money, and that he has displayed 
 admirable reticence in doing so, we, in like manner, are not going to tell 
 Mr. Forster what we are going to do with the twenty dollars that has 
 since swelled into 20,000. The money gives 4 or 5 per cent, interest on 
 it, and we are turning it into good round sovereigns, with the imprint of 
 Her Most Gracious Majesty upon them. Therefore, I ask you in the 
 name of God, in the name of every honest Irishman, in the name of your 
 long-suffering country, to stick together like brothers, one and all. Show 
 us evidence that you are in earnest to help us, and take a share in this 
 twenty dollars by showing us that you will stand together." 
 
 [M. M. O'SuLLivAN, Assistant Secretary to the Land League, 
 at RAINSBOROUGH, July 4th, 1880.] 
 
 " It is not by words and by cheers that we can accomplish that end. 
 If it were it would be easy enough to gain independance. (Hear, hear.) 
 Let us look to America to-day. Let us look to every country in the world. 
 
 Can you point me to one ? What is it that has gained it? The 
 
 sword, and the sword alone ; the rifle and the man . These are the 
 
 only powers that can gain your independence, and any person tells you 
 the contrary tells you a lie. ' What rends in twain the dungeon's chain ? ' 
 
 ' the sword.' What is it that will right the oppression ? What is it 
 
 that will right Irishmen; and no man will say there is no oppression ? 
 
 Who can stand here and tell me that the Irish tenant-farmer is not a 
 slave, a slave to his landlord ? ' What rends in twain the despot's chain ?' 
 If we had no despots, if we had not the prison, we have got too much of 
 
 it. It is only in one way we can get rid of it. What is the of the 
 
 sword ? To free the slave ; to make all men free before the nation. Are 
 Irishmen cowards enough that they will not stand up and free themselves 
 as other nations have done? It rests for you to say whether you will or 
 not. This is a great day. Will you ask them another year to send you 
 alms ? Will you not stand up and say to them to-day, when they are
 
 celebrating their anniversary of independence, will you not say, 'You are 
 our brothers, we are ready to sacrifice our lives for our country as you 
 have done to free yours ?' Will that cry go to the world? ('Yes.') Are 
 you determined ? (' Yes.') Will you have that in your hearts ? (' Yes.') 
 It is rarely you are spoken to like this. Men have come forward to gain 
 notoriety to get into Parliament. They have duped you. The time has 
 come now when men, no better than yourselves, mean to shake off the 
 landlord yoke in this country, and also the yoke of British domination." 
 
 [M. M. O'SuLLivAN at FINEA, May 2yth, 1880.] 
 
 " Now, I am not going to speak on the National question to-day. I 
 am not sorry for it because I believe that the most of you will agree with 
 me that the National question must be settled in a place other than 
 Parliament, I will not speak on that question at present." 
 
 [P. J. GORDON at MILLTOWN, July 25th, 1880.] 
 
 " Why are you begging in your own country ? Because you are too 
 
 cowardly If you don't get it by fair means, I say you should 
 
 fight for it. I am glad, my friends, that Her Majesty's Government has 
 sent such a number of police here to-day (A voice 'To hell with them')." 
 
 [P. J. SHERIDAN," INVINCIBLE" EMISSARY at LACKAGH, 
 August ist, 1880.] 
 
 " Mr. Chairman and fellow-countrymen, I feel proud at seeing you 
 assembled here to-day in your thousands. We must assert our rights, 
 and if we do not get them through our members of Parliament, I would 
 ask you then to ring out your voices through the muzzles of~Minie' rifles 
 as well as from those platforms. We have America at our back, and she 
 is watching over us and helping us in the hours of our distress. (A voice 
 ' Cheers for America/) There are evictions in all parts of Ireland ; the 
 landlords are fighting against us with a strong hand. Organise your- 
 selves, then ; join the National Land League, and by this means you will 
 see your country what she once was, a free and prosperous country. 
 (Cheers). God forbid that we will ever forget to make Ireland a nation ; 
 and when I say Ireland a nation, I mean more than a green flag floating 
 from Dublin Castle ; I mean Ireland for the Irish. If the government of 
 Ireland Most of us here will agree that the highest form of
 
 42 
 
 government is a Republic. Well, you may establish an Irish Republic 
 on Irish soil ; but as long as the tillers of that soil are forced to support 
 class, your Irish Republic would be but a mockery of freedom." (Cheers). 
 
 [PATRICK EGAN, late League Treasurer, at a BANQUET in ST. 
 PAUL, MINNESOTA.] 
 
 " After ages of tyranny it has been no small trouble to bring forth 
 agitation in Ireland, and now no amount of coercion will bring back her 
 people into the old rut. They are perfecting the National League. They 
 are ostracising the landlords. A large number of our citizens are prepared 
 to fight for freedom, and I have no doubt that you in America are pre- 
 pared to assist them whenever a proper and suitable occasion presents 
 itself (loud cheers). To attempt to fight without the occasion would be 
 criminal. It had been said by Englishmen that it was best to let the sore 
 in Ireland grow to a head and then lance it. They will never have the 
 opportunity. We do not propose to give them such an advantage over 
 us. Mr. Egan then stated that a resolution was offered at the Philadelphia 
 Convention, and the same was sent to the committee on resolutions, to 
 the effect that a challenge should be sent to England that 10,000,000 Irish 
 in America should meet 30,000,000 English troops on a fair field, and that 
 the result should be final. The statement of this proposition caused long 
 continued applause that fairly shook the hotel." United Ireland, June 
 
 i, 1883. 
 
 [Mr. T. D. SULLIVAN, M.P. (Lord Mayor of Dublin, 1886), at the 
 NATIONAL LEAGUE MEETING, DUBLIN.] 
 
 " Irishmen only wanted peace ; they did not want agitation, but if 
 they did not get their rights there would be war." Irish Times, October 
 
 [Mr. W. O'BRIEN, ex-M.P., at PHCKNIX PARK, DUBLIN.] 
 
 " They might be quite sure that the nations of Europe, who were 
 watching the foreign and domestic relations of England closely just now, 
 had learned from the events of the past week that here in the heart of the 
 British Empire there was a nation of Irishmen, with the pulse of Irishmen 
 in other parts of the globe beating with them, whose relations with England 
 were simply the relations of civil war tempered by scarcity of fire-arms." 
 Freeman, April 6fh, 1885.
 
 43 
 [MR. W. O'BRIEN, ex-M.P., at KANTURK, Co. CORK.] 
 
 " England is now entering upon a gigantic struggle with Russia. 
 (Enthusiastic cheers.) It seems to me to be just the moment for the Irish 
 people to proclaim to the world, and to warn England, that in the hour of 
 her peril she will have to deal with an Irish nation, which she has 
 oppressed, impoverished, ruined, and plundered (prolonged cheering) 
 a nation which burns and longs for an opportunity of putting an end for 
 ever to English misgovernment in Ireland by peaceable means and by 
 friendly alliance, if that be possible ; but if not, by any means that God's 
 providence may send to close our long struggle for National indepen- 
 dence." (Prolonged cheering.) United Ireland, April i8//z, 1885. 
 
 [Mr. W. O'BRIEN, ex-M.P., in SHEFFIELD.] 
 
 " The Irish Nationalist party were now masters of the situation. If 
 they did not win now future generations might take up the cause, and 
 fight it out on the hillsides of Ireland, not with votes or pledges, but with 
 weapons some of them would prefer to have recourse to." Irishman, 
 July \7tJt, 1883. 
 
 [RKV. E. SHEEHY, C.C., Special Delegate of the Irish Land League, 
 at a CONVENTION, held in CHICAGO, in December, 1881.] 
 
 " I want to tell you here to-night, assembled delegates of the Irish- 
 American race in America, that we face landlordism and aim at its utter 
 destruction, but only as a stepping-stone, and as a means to a greater and 
 
 a higher end If your memory required any more vivid 
 
 pictures to remind you of, to convince you, how hateful and hideous a 
 thing landlordism is in Ireland you know that it has clothed the Irish 
 people in rags ; but I have to remind you, too, that it is landlordism 
 which has helped to load Ireland with chains. We will not be content 
 with casting off the rags, we shall break our chains likewise, and I, for 
 one, will not be content to hurl the broken links at the feet of our tyrant. 
 I would fain give expression to the hope, which has been the vow of ages, 
 that we act more with union and solidity, and drive them at the very heart 
 of our enemy. In France, landlordism was swept down and crushed 
 utterly into powder by the armed hand of Revolution. (A voice ' That's 
 what we must do.') If any gentleman will undertake the commission, he 
 will have my benediction." New York Irish World, December 17 'th, 1881.
 
 44 
 
 [Mr. RICHARD LALOR, M.P., at BRAY.] 
 
 " I thought when I was coming to Bray that I should have met with 
 fashionable ladies, young children, and old men, but I am glad to see that 
 the men before me are fighting men. (Cheers). I am rather old to fight 
 myself, but I like to be surrounded by men who can fight. I want the 
 young men who listen to me to remember the days when Ireland was a 
 nation when the whole of Ireland joined and drove the common enemy 
 
 from the country I ask the young men here, and the rising 
 
 generation, whether we are to be subject to a foreign country or to be 
 freemen. But I see no reason to doubt that we shall be free. I know 
 myself what is passing in the minds of many of the young men I see 
 before me, and what is passing in the minds of the young people of my 
 own county and round about that the day may not be far distant when 
 they will have to use that sort of force that every other country that 
 attained its liberty was obliged to have recourse to." Irish Times, January 
 5//i, 1883. 
 
 [Mr. MAYNE, M.P., at FETHARD, Co. TIPPERARY.] 
 
 " Would England fight one of the strongest powers of the world or 
 not? If England elected to fight Russia, she would have to consider 
 long before the struggle was over what she was going to do with Ireland." 
 United Ireland, April i8///, 1885. 
 
 [Mr. O'RYAN at ANACARTHY, Co. TIPPERARY, on April 26th, 1885.] 
 
 " A gentleman standing by him on the platform a stranger in Tip- 
 perary after looking on the surging masses below, said : ' These do not 
 look like men who, when they load the rifles, would forget to put in the 
 bullets. (Immense cheering). There was the character of the Tipperary 
 men in an epigram.' .... England was in difficulty and in danger. 
 (Loud cheering.) If they were only true to the Irish cause now, true to 
 themselves, true to their leaders, true to their friends beyond the seas, 
 victor)' would soon be with them." United Ireland, May 2nd, 1885. 
 
 [Mr. W. REDMOND, M.P., at CHICAGO, January 3oth, 1884.] 
 
 " There is not a supporter of Parnell in Ireland, or in America, or in 
 Australia, who, if a reasonable opportunity should arise for hastening the 
 liberty of Ireland by force, would not fly to it with the energy of hope 
 and frenzy of revenge. No, the Irish race scattered throughout the world 
 lias grown up with only one aspiration National independence. In
 
 45 
 
 three worlds it now presents itself in vigorous and distinct life. Three 
 worlds the Irish National League has drawn together like three leaves on 
 a single stem. Behold the League's new shamrock Ireland, America, 
 Australia! (Cheers.) .... It is the symbol of unity in Trinity ; it 
 is the symbol of Irish union, Irish determination, Irish youth and strength : 
 it is the symbol of Irish National independence to be achieved for Ireland 
 by the Irish race in its three homes Ireland, America, Australia." (Cheers.) 
 Irishman, March \st, 1884. 
 
 [Mr. W. REDMOND, M.P., at MIDDLETON, April i8th, 1884.] 
 
 " The Land League was founded to destroy landlordism. ... to- 
 banish poverty from Ireland. (Cheers.) The Land League was founded 
 for the purpose of recovering the land of Ireland this proud soil for 
 which their fathers bled (cheers) from the landlords, and giving it to 
 those who owned it before God the men who tilled the soil. (Cheers.) 
 Unfortunately, so enslaved had been the Irish people, that they were not 
 in a position to right their wrongs by having recourse, like the people of 
 America, to the use of forcible means." Freeman's Journal, April 
 igtft, 1884. 
 
 [Mr. W. REDMOND, M.P., at MEETING of NATIONAL LEAGUE in 
 DUBLIN, September i6th, 1884.] 
 
 "As sure as God made this earth, if Mr. ParnelFs methods, and the 
 Parliamentary party's methods, and the methods of that open organisation 
 
 failed, there would be other methods tried in this country 
 
 The Land Act was only given to them when fierce and strong ; the Church 
 was only disestablished because of the Fenian movement. He wondered 
 exceedingly what upheaval of the country would be the prelude to the 
 granting of Home Rule." Freeman, September ijf/i, 1884. 
 
 [Mr. W. REDMOND, M.P., at NURNEV, Co. KILDARE.] 
 
 " Mr. Parnell exhibited no intolerance of men who might be anxious 
 ultimately to liberate Ireland by the sword. . . . At a number of 
 meetings which had lately been held throughout the country cheers had 
 been given for the Mahdi (another cheer for the Mahdi) ; and he believed 
 that nothing which had occurred for years so much brought home to the 
 English people the bitter fact, and the great truth, that Ireland regarded 
 England as her enemy, and rejoiced at her misfortunes." United Ireland, 
 February list, 1885.
 
 4 6 
 
 [Mr. W. REDMOND, M.P., at DARLINGTON.] 
 
 " Would England blindly wait until the time came when she was being 
 hugged by the Russian bear, and became aware that Irish rifles were at 
 work ? " United Ireland, March 2 1 st, 1 885. 
 
 [Mr. W. REDMOND, M.P., at DUNDALK.] 
 
 " He rejoiced that in their resolutions they first declared their 
 unalterable determination to be satisfied with nothing that England 
 could give so long as Englishmen ruled them (cheers), and so long as the 
 English flag took the place where the green only ought to float. . . . 
 The old saying was as true now as in the days when Wolf Tone died, 
 that ' England's difficulty, under the providence of God, was Ireland's 
 opportunity.' " United Ireland, April \Wi, 1885. 
 
 [Mr. W. REDMOND, M.P., at NEWCASTLE-ON-TYNE.] 
 
 " Why have the Irish people voluntarily and heartily cheered the 
 Mahdi? Chiefly because the Mahdi is the enemy of England, and his 
 men are killing Englishmen. This is a hard and bitter, but most true, 
 fact (hear, hear). The Irish cheer the Mahdi because he is the enemy of 
 the English ! .... It is simply folly on the part of the English 
 people to shut their eyes to the fact which is patent to the whole world 
 that the great bulk of the Irish people are up and in a state of rebellion, 
 which, as my friend Mr. O'Brien said, is merely tempered by the 
 scarcity of fire-arms in the country." United Ireland, May 2. yd, 1885. 
 
 [Mr. W. REDMOND, M.P., at TAGHMON, Co. WEXFORD.] 
 
 " He would never raise his voice upon any platform except to proclaim 
 that constitutional means might fail, and if they did fail it was the duty of 
 every Irishman to look into his heart and see whether he was prepared to 
 do and die under the green flag." (Great applause). United Ireland, 
 May 3o///, 1885. 
 
 [Mr. W. REDMOND, at CASTLEBLANEY, August 9th, 1885.] 
 
 " They had not got sufficient weapons to fight for the land. If they had 
 even so many revolvers as the Emergency-men, or as many nice little 
 handy carbines as their friends the police, there would be very little time 
 taken up about this Land Purchase Bill in the House of Commons. 
 (Cheers.) But they were not able to fight. They were willing, they were 
 anxious, they would love it, but they were not able." Freeman, August 
 \oth, 1885.
 
 47 
 
 [Mr. W. REDMOND, M.P., at FORTNIGHTLY MEETING of NATIONAL 
 LEAGUE, DUBLIN, January zgth, 1886.] 
 
 " They only asked England for their just rights, and if she drove them 
 to despair they must take the consequences of despair. . . . To 
 threaten martial law in Ireland was like feigning to threaten a giant ; for 
 England had enemies in every quarter of the globe, and martial law in 
 Ireland might strike a note which might rouse the Indian princes into 
 great rebellion, and might bring the Russians into London to stable their 
 horses in the Houses of Parliament. . . . The Government ought to 
 punish Viscount Cole for urging that the Roman Catholics ought to be 
 hunted out of Fermanagh. If they did not do so he (Mr. Redmond) 
 \vould not be surprised if something happened to him (Viscount Cole). 
 If England did not grant Home Rule to Ireland, the alternative might be 
 something the English people did not expect." 
 
 [Mr. O'KELLY, M.P., at CASTLEREA.] 
 
 " There was an outlook of a great European war, and whatever would 
 be the result, no doubt the interest of Ireland would be to bring pressure 
 to bear on the Government to get her just rights" (cheers). United 
 Ireland, April \Wi, 1885. 
 
 [Mr. O'HANLON, M.P., at CAVAN.] 
 
 " He hated British rule, and he hated the British Parliament. The 
 people were now in a position to maintain their rights, and to insist upon 
 their representatives doing their duty, no matter whether it be in the 
 English House of Commons or any other place whether it be fighting 
 with the tongue, or pen, or anything else (applause) they were de- 
 termined to maintain t'heir right to a native Parliament." Irish Times, 
 October loth, 1885. 
 
 [Mr. ARTHUR O'CONNOR. M. P., at BORRIS, Co. CARLOW.] 
 
 " Now the Irish people had no arms, but a hundred years ago they 
 had their volunteers, and the volunteers of '82 gave them not in its 
 plentitude, but in a degree National independence, and that National 
 independence was what the people had in view, and which they would 
 recover, arms or no arms (cheers). The resolution of the Irish people to
 
 4 8 
 
 recover their National independence was inflexible and unswerving, and 
 come what might, the day was not far distant that would see the resurrec- 
 tion of the Irish people, as a free and emancipated nation (applause). 
 They should make one more grand effort at the next General 
 Election, and if with serried ranks and undivided forces, and a united 
 Parliamentary party appealing to the reason and the conscience and sense 
 of justice of those who now dominated them, they were unable to acquire 
 that reasonable concession which they were demanding, then they 
 would be justified in abandoning mere Constitutional means, and they 
 should look to such opportunities as providence might afford them to 
 vindicate their claims to freedom upon such fields as occasion might 
 present (great applause). [A voice A cheer for '98. Cheers.] What- 
 ever might be in store for them in the future, this he could say, that all 
 they possessed aye, even life itself would be worthily spent in striving 
 for their country's independence." (Applause). United Ireland, April 
 nth, 1885. 
 
 LEADING ARTICLES IN "UNITED IRELAND." 
 
 " It is quite possible, therefore, that the hour has struck for one of the 
 most gigantic death-struggles in which England was ever engaged one 
 in which, perchance, Ireland may be destined to be a not altogether 
 uninfluential factor." United Ireland, March Jth, 1885. 
 
 "An Indian mutiny would mark the first success of the Russian arms 
 on the frontier. An Irish rising would burst forth on the first signal from a 
 French warship. A French diversion in Canada would cause the insur- 
 rection which Riel has stirred up among the French half-breeds in the 
 far North-West to spread into a conflagration, which would probably 
 raise the French of Lower Canada in arms ; and the power of the 
 Dominion Government to cope with such an emergency would not be 
 augmented by the Irish-American raids across the frontier." United 
 Ireland, April 4///, 1885. 
 
 " It is not as in the days when the Franco-Dutch armament waited in 
 the Texel for a favouring wind till Tone's heart was sick, or when Hoche's 
 ill-starred fleet was blown out of Bantry Bay like a fleet of cockle-shells. 
 Any of these powers could defy the winds and evade the world-scattered 
 English fleet, and fling five or ten thousand veteran troops with supplies 
 of rifles, cannons and officers, upon any given point of the Irish coast. 
 And while an Irish rising with scythes and cudgels may seem the best 
 joke in the world to Mr. Chamberlain, a French army in possession of 
 Limerick, with all the hot-blooded youth of the country flocking thither
 
 49 
 
 to shoulder its hundred thousand French rifles and learn its French drill, 
 coincidentally with an Irish conflagration throughout Durham and 
 Lancashire, and an Irish eruption among the palaces and banking-houses 
 of London City, would not furnish nearly such cheerful food for merri- 
 ment to a Warrington audience." United Ireland, September igth, 1885. 
 
 [JOHN F. FINERTY at CHICAGO CONVENTION, August igth, 1886.] 
 
 " But we have taken the advice of our friends. We have done what 
 seemed best to them. We have treated them to the consideration which 
 ought to be given to the men who have come so far to meet us. We 
 assure than that so long as they manfully maintain the Irish principle, as 
 tJtey are pledged to do, so long as they accept no final settlements, so long 
 as they keep the green flag Jlying, and appeal to the best sentiments of the 
 JrisJi people, they will find no truer hearts, no warmer supporters, than 
 the old Fenians and the Irish National Extremists of the United States." 
 (Continued applause.) From tlie Chicago Citizen report, reproduced in 
 Irish World, September J^th, 1886. 
 
 [MICHAEL DAVITT at CHICAGO CONVENTION, August, 1886.] 
 
 " Mr. Davitt (in the course of a defence of the Parliamentary action) 
 then continued to say that he never boasted of what he had done or might 
 do for Ireland. If physical force became necessary he, too, would resort to 
 if." Chicago Citizen and Irish World reports. 
 
 [Mr. JOHN O'CONNOR, M.P., at CORK, August 5th, 1886.] 
 
 " The Irish in America not alone would be prepared to aid them in 
 the fight for freedom with dimes and dollars, but also with rifles and 
 bayonets if necessary. The mode in which the fight was to be conducted 
 rested with the Irish people themselves." 
 
 [Mr. T. SEXTON, M.P., at the BOSTON CONVENTION, August i3th, 
 
 1884.] 
 
 " We are assured by the hope that is in our hearts, and the certainty 
 that is in our minds, that the resources of English civilisation for 
 Irish misfortune are now exhausted, and that when we have placed in the
 
 House of Commons a party strong enough to defend the Irish popular 
 organisation against annoyance, intimidation and oppression; when we 
 have placed on the floor of the House a body of seventy or eighty men 
 strong enough to clog the wheels of English policy, and powerful enough 
 to offer a constant impediment to English rule of Ireland ay, of English 
 rule of England, unless Irish rule is allowed. When we have brought 
 about that consummation, and when that party are able to prove, as I 
 believe we have proved within the last four years, that we are determined 
 to tell the truth and shame whatever potentate may be concerned in its 
 suppression, then, I believe, the moment will have come that landlordism 
 and English rule together will have reached their last ditch, and fall, 
 never more to rise." 
 
 Mr. A. SULLIVAN, President of Irish- American National League, in 
 NEW YORK, May 2ist, 1884.] 
 
 " Time and Heaven have forged another sword. Its hilt is in the 
 giant grasp of a united Irish race, who will yet turn exile into victor)-. 
 For that sword no scabbard shall be wrought until Ireland, clothed in the 
 majestic robes of industry and peace, shall have taken her place amongst 
 the nations." 
 
 ON HATRED TO ENGLAND AND SEPARATION AS THE 
 AIM OF THE CONSPIRACY. 
 
 [Mr. T. M. HEALV, ex-M.P., at BOSTON.] 
 
 " We believe that landlordism is the prop of English rule, and we are 
 working to take that prop away. To drive out British rule from Ireland 
 we must strike at the foundation, and that foundation is landlordism." 
 Irishman, December 2^/1, iSSi. 
 
 [Mr. T. M. HEALV, ex-M.P., at NEW ORLEANS, January, 1882.] 
 
 " We wish to get rid of British rule in Ireland. Landlordism is tin- 
 prop of that rule, and it must be abolished. (Cheers). We are engaged in 
 a great struggle the reconquest of Ireland/' In concluding his address 
 he said that, " In spite of lowering clouds and an obscure sun, the glorious 
 light of liberty would soon irradiate Ireland, and gladden her suffering 
 people." (Loud applause). United Ireland, February 4///, 1882.
 
 [Mr. T. M. HEALY, ex-M.P., in NEW YORK, February, 1882.] 
 
 " This is a common-sense movement we are engaged in. (Cheers.) 
 It is a movement to win back from England the land of Ireland, which 
 was robbed from the people by the confiscating armies of Queen Elizabeth 
 and Cromwell. (Cheers.) It is alleged that the present movement has 
 nothing National behind it as if everyone of its leaders was not first 
 known and trusted because of his National aims. But I would remind 
 you that Mr. Parnell, in his Galway speech two years ago, explained the 
 basis of this movement when he told the Galway farmers that he would 
 never have taken off his coat in this movement were it not one with Irish 
 Nationality for its object. (Applause). . . . This organisation is not 
 for the enfranchisement merely of the farmers, or the labourers, or the 
 artizans, or the merchants we are going for the freedom of the entire 
 population of Ireland." (Cheers.) 
 
 [Mr. T. M. HEALY, ex-M.P., at WATERFORD, October 2ist, 1883.] 
 
 " The day when a particular class was allowed to sit in the legislature 
 and declare that laws could be imposed which extracted from the toilers 
 every penny they could earn had gone by. A democracy was arising in 
 England which would demand to know why one class of men should live in 
 riot and luxury and upon the misery and toil of another class. When the 
 poor men had the making of the laws instead of the rich men, justice would 
 prevail over the land, and every man would stand free upon a free soil." 
 
 [Mr. T. M. HEALY, ex-M.P., at LIMERICK ELECTION, 1883.] 
 
 " What did the men in the Liberties of Limerick want but to have 
 their farm at a fair rent and the land for themselves and their children ? 
 After that he (Mr. Heal)') would say that the people of this country never 
 would be satisfied, and never ought to be satisfied, so long as a single 
 penny of rent was paid for a sod of land in the whole of Ireland. The 
 people would never achieve what they were looking for by any milk-and- 
 water kind of business. If they wanted a proper policy carried out in 
 the House of Commons they must elect determined men who had given 
 earnest of their devotion of the National cause." 
 
 [Mr. T. M. HEALY, ex-M.P., at KILLUCAX, November 4th, 1883." 
 
 " But the turn in the tide had set in, and before the wrath of an indig- 
 nant people, landlordism and British domination was crumbling away. 
 (Cheers.) A party was formed now, led on by a chief who was not afraid
 
 to face the foremost champions of the Empire (great cheering for Mr. 
 Parnell) and whatever benefits might have been won for Ireland by the 
 assistance of those who had seconded his efforts, Parnell was the point of 
 .the pike. ." 
 
 [Mr. T. M. HEALY, ex-M.P., at DROGHEDA, November i8th, 1883.] 
 
 " Return honest men, and let them be as anxious to do so in municipal 
 affairs as in Parliamentary, and they should then have every department 
 of public life Parliamentary, municipal, and poor-law dovetailing each 
 other, and working together like a hinge, until in the end their work 
 would be crowned by a great Parliamentary party, headed by the most 
 glorious chief Ireland had ever possessed, who would sweep from his path 
 every obstacle to freedom, and take his place at the head of a Parliament 
 sitting in 'the Old House at Home.'' " 
 
 [Mr. T. M. HEALY, ex-M.P., at the PARNELL BANQUET, 
 December, 1883.] 
 
 " They (the Irish people) could still fire back blow for blow and hate 
 for hate, and so by patient enduring they could hope to establish in this 
 country an independent Parliament. . . . determined to work out 
 the end in view the freedom of their grand old nation." 
 
 [Mr. T. M. HEALY, ex-M.P. Speech in House of Commons.] 
 
 "The Government would find face to face with them in Ireland men 
 with no fear in their hearts, who would carry on to the bitter end the 
 glorious struggle for Irish Nationality." 
 
 [Mr. T. M. HEALY, ex-M.P., at NEWPORT, Co. MAYO, January, 
 
 1884.] 
 
 " The Government said, and others also said, the Land Act was a full 
 and final settlement of the Land Question. All he would say was, 'wait till 
 after the next general election,' and they would find out their mistake. They 
 were able to enforce their rack-rents by means of the Crimes Act, and was 
 it intended by the Government to make the Crimes Act perpetual in this 
 country ? (A voice 'we won't have it.") How would these rack-rents be 
 collected when the Crimes Act was no longer there ? Because, as sure as 
 the pressure of a bad harvest, or the renewed American competition came 
 upon them, not 'All the king's horses and all the king's men' would be 
 able to collect the rents which the Land Commissioners were now fixing 
 upon the tenants of this country." (Cheers).
 
 53 
 [Mr. T. M. HEALY, ex-M.P., at MULLINGAR, June ist, 1884.] 
 
 " Never since the passing of the accursed Act of Union had the hopes 
 of the Irish people for independence been more likely than now to be 
 
 accomplished The passionate effervescence of 'the Land League 
 
 movement might have passed away, but it had at least left a good deal 
 that was practical to follow it. (Applause.) They could not, of course, 
 unfortunately, send the British Government out of this country by a 
 coup de main. But while the mere effervescing characteristics of that 
 time might have passed away, there still remained behind a solid deter- 
 mination to work at that movement in which they and their friends had 
 struggled." (Applause). 
 
 [Mr. T. M. HEALY, ex-M.P., at KILKENNY.] 
 
 " Let the people cast aside all personal dissensions, and let them have 
 one enemy only, and that enemy the British Government." (Cheers.) 
 United Ireland, November 7 r //z, 1885. 
 
 [Mr. W. O'BRIEN, ex-M.P., at CAPPAMORE, September 3rd, 1883. 
 
 " Personally he had entered the English Parliament hating every stone 
 in its place and every bone in its body, and he had seen no great reason 
 to modify his regard for it ; and he hoped he was not presumptuous in 
 thinking the feeling was entirely mutual. But he told them candidly the 
 more he saw the place the more he was amazed and delighted to find the 
 power even a small phalanx of honest and determined men possessed in 
 that house to check the arm of tyranny at home, and force the demand for 
 Irish right and Irish freedom upon the attention and the recognition 
 
 of England The plan of meeting the enemy on his own floor, 
 
 and striking him with his own weapons, had not even yet got any fair trial 
 at all. There was no reason why they should not have six dozen men 
 pounding away at the work one dozen had been doing up to the present. 
 . . . . With such a party, he continued, working on the terrors, and 
 the convenience, and the practical good sense of England for the English 
 were an eminently practical people, and had a mighty respect for people 
 who knew their own minds with such a party working unitedly under 
 their far-seeing and indomitable leader, he was almost afraid to tell them 
 how much he expected the next few years to bring forth in the way of 
 material and National regeneration. (Cheers.) At the same time, he 
 believed as strongly now as ever that it would be an evil day for Ireland 
 
 G
 
 54 
 
 if all her eggs were put into the Parliamentary basket. The Irish cause 
 was the property of no particular party, and recognised no infallible policy. 
 ('Hear, hear.') Much depended on the Irish party in Parliament, but still 
 more depended on the Irish people and the Irish race throughout the 
 world." 
 
 [Mr. WM. O'BRIEN, ex-M.P., at RATHDOWNEY, Nov. 26th, 1883.] 
 
 " Mr. Gladstone used to talk a great deal of the Church Establishment. 
 Well, the Protestant Church Establishment was only as a gooseberry-bush 
 to a forest tree compared to the upas tree of landlordism that had blighted 
 Ireland, and drained away its life and substance. Mr. Gladstone did not 
 go in for half measures when he was cutting down the upas tree of the 
 Church Establishment. He did not go in for lopping a little branch here 
 and there, giving a judicial lease for ever to an infamous system. That 
 was the way he went at the Church, and let them believe him that if the 
 people of Ireland do their duty, he would have to do the same thing with 
 landlordism. He hoped their chairman would live to see the time when 
 the landlords would do what the parsons have done already compute, 
 compound, and cut. 
 
 [Mr. WM. O'BRIEN, ex-M.P., at LETTERKENNY.] 
 
 " If England's difficulty is Ireland's opportunity, as it is (cheers), 
 England's difficulties are at this moment crowding pretty thick upon her. 
 (Cheers.) (A voice, 'The Mahdi is the boy for her.') Her trade is bad 
 at home, and, as a voice behind me reminds me, her armies are not doing 
 a bit too satisfactorily out in the country of that black gentleman, the 
 Mahdi. (A voice, ' Three cheers for the Mahdi.') .... All sorts of 
 new democratic forces are rising up ; and if you, the people of Donegal 
 and the people of Ireland, only do your part here at home, as Mr. Parnell 
 and the men who fight under his banner will try to do in that foreign 
 Parliament in the citadel of the enemy, you will not have to wait long for 
 the opportunity of vindicating the rights of Ireland, and driving famine 
 and landlordism and English rule for ever from the shores of Ireland." 
 (Loud cheers.) United Ireland, February 2isf, 1885. 
 
 [Mr. WM. O'BRIEN, ex-M.P., at LETTERKENNY.] 
 
 "The English may howl until they are black in the face, but if they 
 find that sort of thing (i.e. eternal and unquenchable war in the House of 
 Commons with the tyrants of the Irish people) disagreeable for them, they
 
 55 
 
 have two remedies, and two remedies alone. They must either suppress 
 the representatives of Ireland altogether, and make up their minds to rule 
 us for evermore with the naked sword and the sword is sometimes a 
 double-edged weapon or else they will have to give us a Parliament of 
 our own (applause), in which the will and the wants of the Irish people 
 shall have full and free expression in which their aspirations shall find 
 
 satisfaction and contentment, and prosperity and freedom The 
 
 time has come when the Irish people may occupy the same position 
 between England and her foes as the Irish party occupy every night 
 between the rival English parties in the House of Commons." United 
 Ireland, March j//t, 1885. 
 
 [Mr. WM. O'BRIEN, ex-M.P., at TULLA.] 
 
 " We would be unworthy of our forefathers, we would deserve the scorn 
 and contempt of those who come after us, if in this day of dawning hope 
 and power for the Irish race we ever faltered or flinched until we have 
 banished the twin demons of landlordism and English rule for ever from 
 our shores, and until we plant upon the highest pinnacle of Dublin Castle 
 the flag of a redeemed and regenerated Irish nation." (Loud cheers.) 
 United Ireland, May y>th, 1885. 
 
 [Mr. WM. O'BRIEN, ex-M.P., at SHEFFIELD.] 
 
 "The cause of National Independence for Ireland is immortal and 
 indestructible. It depends upon no man and no party, and if they should 
 fail (but they would not) it would be taken up by other men in other times, 
 who would fight it out, perhaps not as they were doing it in Parliament, but, 
 
 perhaps, upon the hill-sides of Ireland Though they were not 
 
 irreconciliable with the English people, they were, and for ever would 
 remain, irreconciliable with English rule in Ireland." United Ireland^ 
 August \^th, 1885. 
 
 [Mr. W. H. K. REDMOND, M.P., at DUBLIN.] 
 
 "The Irish in America would rather win Ireland's liberty on Ireland's 
 hill-sides, but the Irish in America were generous, and they put them- 
 selves in their position. They saw that they were hemmed in by an 
 overwhelming power of their enemies, and they were willing to wait yet 
 awhile, and see whether Mr. Parnell and the Parliamentary party could 
 achieve what they were struggling for." Dublin Evening Mail, September 
 9///, 1884. 
 
 G 2
 
 56 
 
 [Mr. W. H. K. REDMOND, M.P., National League, DUBLIN.] 
 
 " The Irish in America wanted men not to falter in their expression 
 and in their determination to make this country free, and they were per- 
 fectly willing to aid this country in any attempt to obtain self-government 
 for Ireland, so long as the people of this country declared their determi- 
 nation never to cease agitation, and to use all the means in their power 
 till they drove every man of English blood from every official position in 
 this country." Irish Times, September \7tft, 1884. 
 
 [Mr. W. H. K. REDMOND, M.P., at the ROTUNDA, DUBLIN.] 
 
 " He was equally sure this meeting would bring consternation to the 
 hearts of Ireland's enemies; because it would show that, no matter how 
 they might differ as to the methods to be used, they were all united in 
 their hatred of England." (Cheers.) United Ireland, January 2^th, 1885. 
 
 [Mr. TV. H. K. REDMOND, M.P., in a Lecture at FERMOY.] 
 
 "There was this difference between Mr. Parnell's party and all other 
 parties, and it was to that difference that he attributed all the success 
 which they had achieved. There was not a single man, from Mr. Parnell 
 down to himself, who did not hate the Government of England with all 
 the intensity and fervour of his heart." United Ireland, June i^th, 1885. 
 
 [Mr. W. H. K. REDMOND, M.P., at GOREY.] 
 
 " They did not desire to have anything more to do with kings and 
 queens, for the only style of government to which Irishmen could look 
 for freedom and prosperity was one which would be democratic and 
 republican." Irish Times, August 24///, 1885. 
 
 [Mr. W. H. K. REDMOND, M.P., at BOHERNABREENA.] 
 
 '' He believed that it was their duty to God as well as to their country, 
 to do all that lay in their power to overthrow the domination of England. 
 (Cheers.) Thanks to the influence of the God-sent Archbishop of that 
 diocese, the Rev. Dr. Walsh, they had now the aid of the clergy in the 
 struggle of the people for their freedom." (Loud cheers). The Freeman's 
 Journal, November i6///, 1885.
 
 57 
 
 [Mr. W. H. K. REDMOND, M.P., in HOUSE. OF COMMONS, on 
 Franchise Bill.] 
 
 " I accept the Bill as far as it goes ; but you need not think that it will 
 have the effect of staying the agitation of a Separatist character which 
 exists in Ireland, for if you give us this Bill, or twenty more Bills of the 
 same description, we will never cease from that agitation until we fully 
 obtain our object." 
 
 [Mr. T. D. SULLIVAN, M.P., at ENNIS, October igth, 1880.] 
 
 " Now, one word in conclusion. There are people in this country who 
 are foolish enough to think that if the farmers of Ireland were made secure 
 in their holdings, if they were made comfortable and happy, they would 
 forget the National cause of Ireland. That slander has been uttered 
 upon the tenant-fanners, who are the bone and sinew of the Irish race. 
 Here to-day I denounce it as a slander (cheers) and if I could believe 
 that story for a single minute I never would stand upon a land platform. 
 But, my friends, I have a different opinion of the Irish race, and my belief 
 is this, that as you make them strong, as you clothe them and feed them, 
 and raise their hearts to a true perception of what the condition of the 
 people should be according as you educate them, and according as their 
 young people grow up about them, reading and thinking and learning for 
 themselves the history of their country and the history of the world, 
 stronger and stronger will grow the spirit of Irish Nationality in the hearts 
 of the people." (" Hear, hear," and " Bravo.") 
 
 [Mr. T. D. SULLIVAN, M.P., at MULLINGAR, June ist, 1884.] 
 
 " They would never lay down their arms till the full measure of 
 
 their rights was conceded Again, it was said that as soon as 
 
 the National party got 80 or 90 Parnellites into Parliament, the next thing 
 would be the repeal of the Union. ('Hear, hear.') To those who made 
 that objection he would reply, ' Right you are, old boy} (Cheers and 
 laughter.) Of course that was the next thing the Irish popular party 
 woald look out for, and strive to attain, for when the Irish people became 
 strong, independent, and prosperous in their own land, they would no 
 longer submit to the yoke of British slavery ('hear, hear'') and the 
 National party would never rest content till they achieved for Ireland its 
 full measure of National rights, and got back once more for their country 
 a native Parliament in the Irish capital, to take charge of the interests and 
 watch over the destinies of the Irish people." (Loud applause.)
 
 58 
 [Mr. R. POWER, M.P., at WATERFORD, September gth, 1883.] 
 
 " He wished it to be clearly and distinctly understood that they were 
 not prepared to accept any compromise of their National rights. No 
 milk-and-water measure would now satisfy this country; no committee 
 of Irish members to legislate upon fisheries and railways ; no grand and 
 extended corporations. No: they would accept an Irish Parliament or 
 they would accept nothing. It would be better the people of Ireland 
 should wait for a hundred years rather than they should lower their flag 
 and accept anything else than a Parliament of their own. (Applause.) 
 There were men whose contracted minds led them to believe that they 
 would seethe realisation of England's delirious dream namely, Ireland 
 a pasture-farm for the manufacturers of England ; but there were yet left 
 minds to work and hearts to beat for Ireland, and as long as there was a 
 particle of manhood left in this land, so long would they struggle for the 
 rights and liberties of Ireland." 
 
 [Mr. RICHARD POWER, M.P., at WATERFORD, 
 November i6th, 1885.] 
 
 " The result of his experience was to make him endeavour to sweep 
 away from the country every vestige of alien rule (cheers) and he could 
 safely say that the Irish cause had advanced more within the past three 
 years than within any period of our existence. The issue between England 
 and Ireland is plain and simple. We must govern ourselves, and be on 
 friendly terms with England, or she must govern us, and we must be her 
 implacable enemies." 
 
 [Mr. J. J. O'KELLY, M.P., at NEWCASTLE, October i6th, 1883.] 
 
 " A union based on bayonets," he continued, " was a union that might 
 disappear at any moment. Napoleon, who was a clever fellow in his 
 way, said they could do anything with bayonets except sit upon them. 
 (Laughter.) Well, he would tell those English gentlemen who thought 
 that Ireland could be kept under by bayonets that they made a sad 
 mistake. No doubt under certain conditions the English could hold 
 their own. The English told them that the right to rule themselves was 
 the best and greatest gift that could be given to a free people. Yet almost 
 in the same breath the English told them they would put the Irish down
 
 59 
 
 by force. Very well. That was the answer that Austria used to make to 
 Hungary. But Sadowa came! Did they think that the last Sadowa had 
 been fought? Do they think that there would be no more Sadowas? Any 
 man who thought so was likely to be mistaken. (Loud applause.) An 
 Empire which was based upon force, which imposed itself upon the people 
 by mere physical force, was in an unfortunate position and committed a 
 great blunder. When they had the opportunity of reconciling the people 
 to the Government by making just concessions they lost the opportunity 
 by not doing it in time. Anyhow they had reached that stage when it 
 would be difficult for that Government to control Ireland in future as she 
 did in the past. (Applause.) The political forces which the Irish would 
 be enabled to exert against her Parliament would make it an unprofitable 
 undertaking for her, and he hoped they would be enabled to create in the 
 minds of the English people the conviction that the future well-being of 
 Ireland itself necessitated the restoration to that country of the right to 
 make her own laws." 
 
 [Mr. J. J. O'KELLY, M.P., at SHEFFIELD.] 
 
 " He doubted if the Russian Government was half as much hated and 
 detested in Poland as the English Government is in Ireland. (' Hear, 
 hear.') Instead of being the means of separating the two countries and 
 driving them apart, Home Rule, if wisely granted, and in time (cheers) 
 would be the means of binding the Empire together. But if English- 
 men were unwise enough to endeavour to continue the rule under which 
 Ireland suffered, the seeds would be sown for the destruction of the 
 Empire. (Cheers.) England would have to face one of two things 
 to give Ireland Home Rule, or the question of the separation of the two 
 countries." (Cheers.) United Ireland, October yd, 1885. 
 
 [Mr. DILLON, M.P.,at DUBLIN LAND LEAGUE, October i4th, 1881.] 
 
 " One insult (the arrest of Mr. Parnell) heaped upon their leader by a 
 nation of cowards strengthened the feeling which was ever present to 
 his mind in favour of striking off the union with England." 
 
 [Mr. DILLON, M.P., at HOLYFORD, October ipth, 1886.] 
 
 "This is the cause which every Irishman can go into, whether he be 
 Catholic or Protestant, whether he be a Nationalist or not. It is a cause
 
 6o 
 
 which the Irish Nationalist can go into, because its object is to break 
 down and defeat the English garrison which holds this country for 
 England. Its object is to clear the path for Irish Nationality by eman- 
 cipating all the people of Ireland from the control of English landlordism, 
 and settling them in their own homes as free men." 
 
 [Mr. J. J. CLANCY, M.P., at CLONDALKIN, Co. DUBLIN.] 
 
 " He did not think the Co. Dublin had done its duty to the 
 National cause. What had they done to show that English rule was 
 hated in Ireland, and to show that until the Irish National flag floated 
 over a free Parliament in College Green there would be no peace or con- 
 tentment in Ireland?" United Ireland, February 8//i, 1885. 
 
 [Mr. J. J. CLANCY, M.P., at the ROTUNDA, DUBLIN.] 
 
 " Putting minor questions out of sight for the moment, they go first, 
 and above all, for the extinction of British rule in this island (cheers) 
 and the re-establishment in its integrity of Irish legislative independence; 
 and no man, be his personal character ever so high, need ever hope to be 
 officer of theirs, who did not himself desire that consummation in his 
 heart, and is not willing to take off his coat and work for it, and, if 
 necessary, to suffer for it." Irish Times, October \A,th, 1885. 
 
 [Rev. E. SHEEHY, C.C., at CHICAGO, December, 1882.] 
 
 " I want to tell you here to-night that we face landlordism, and aim at 
 its utter destruction, but only as a stepping-stone and as a means to a 
 greater and a higher end. ... If your memory required any more vivid 
 pictures to remind you of, to convince you, how hateful and hideous a thing 
 landlordism is in Ireland you know how it has clothed the Irish people 
 in rags but I have to remind you, too, that it is landlordism which has 
 helped to load Ireland with chains. We will not be content with casting 
 off the rags, we shall break our chains likewise and I for one will not 
 be content to hurl the broken links at the feet of our tyrant. I would fain 
 give expression to the hope that has been the vow of ages that we act 
 more with unity and solidity, and drive them at the very heart of our 
 enemy. In France landlordism was swept down and crushed utterly into 
 powder by the armed hand of revolution. (A voice, ' That's what we 
 must do.') If any gentleman will undertake the commission he will have 
 my blessing.''
 
 6i 
 
 [Mr. J. E. REDMOND, M.P., at OLDHAM.] 
 
 " They must be satisfied with nothing less than Ireland governed by 
 an Irish Parliament, elected by the Irish people alone, and responsible to 
 them alone." United Ireland, July 4///, 1885. 
 
 [Mr. JOHN DEASY, M.P., at NEWBRIDGE.] 
 
 " They could not regret any difficulty in -which England might find 
 herself placed. (Cheers). For instance, Irishmen could look upon the 
 struggle in Egypt with comparative indifference, except that their sym- 
 pathies lay altogether with those people who are fighting upon their own 
 soil for their own independence." (" Cheers for the Madhi," and cries 
 " That he may succeed.") United Ireland, February 2U/, 1885. 
 
 [Mr. JOHN DEASY, M.P., in DUBLIN, January ipth, 1886.] 
 
 " The Irish party were entering upon this Session of Parliament with 
 the utmost confidence, as they knew they had a united, determined, and 
 an organised people behind them. They would not abate one jot of their 
 demands, nor accept anything from either of the English parties unless 
 indeed, as a means to an end except the rights that belong to them." 
 
 [Mr. A. O'CONNOR, M.P., at MARYBOROUGH, October yth, 1883.] 
 
 " The land agitation was only a means to an end, and that end was 
 the re-establishment of the people as an independent nation, with the 
 destinies of the country in their hands, so that they should be able to say 
 to England, or to any other power that attempted to dominate the country, 
 ' Hands off; we can manage our own affairs ! ' " 
 
 [Mr. E. LEAMY, M.P., at CLONMEL, October 24th, 1880.] 
 
 " The three great obstacles to the National independence of Ireland 
 were the Catholic disabilities, 1829; the Protestant ascendancy, until the 
 disestablishment in 1870; and the third and last great obstacle was this 
 foreign system of land tenure. Let them get rid of this obstacle, and then 
 would be the time for willing hands to rear up the stately edifice of Irish 
 independence."
 
 62 
 
 [Mr. T. SEXTON, M.P., at DUBLIN LAND LEAGUE, Oct. i4th, 1881.] 
 
 " I will not mince my words, and I say that the one prevailing and 
 unchangeable passion between Ireland and England is the passion 
 of hate." 
 
 [Mr. T. SEXTON, M.P., at the PARNELL BANQUET, 
 December, 1883.] 
 
 " Hatred of oppression was a holy thing, and no rule was more 
 deserving of hatred as an oppressive one than England's rule of Ireland. 
 
 The people of Ireland had learned that they must fight the 
 
 Government foot to foot, and that they must pursue a policy of retaliation 
 and give back blow for blow." 
 
 [MICHAEL DAVITT, at BALLINASLOE, November nth, 1883.] 
 
 " He (Mr. Davitt) stood on the side of the people, and while he and 
 the people were willing to accept household suffrage as an instalment of 
 justice, he held that their right was the broader and more comprehensive 
 measure of universal sujfragc (cheers) and he was glad to find by their 
 approving cheers that that was their opinion also. (Cheers.) All the 
 manhood of Ireland, all its patriotic young men, were not in the possession 
 of households, and household suffrage would not give to them the consti- 
 tutional right to which every man was entitled. (Cheers.) What might be 
 the programme of Mr. Gladstone's Administration mattered nothing to 
 him. (' Hear, hear.') If they were "Milling to give Ireland household 
 suffrage, they would not hold it back because the people demanded universal 
 
 suffrage The landlords might think, owing to the present lull 
 
 in the movement, that the fight was over, and that the Land Act would 
 save their system from abolition. As well might they think that the 
 receding tide would never again sweep across the silver strand which it 
 momentarily leaves behind. By-and-by there would come sweeping 
 across the face of these three countries a wave of agitation which would 
 efface the very landmarks of land monopoly, and leave no other trace of 
 Irish landlordism but the historic record of its existence. (Loud cheers.) 
 Why did he predict so confidently that their movement would soon 
 triumph over the forces of landlordism and Castle rule ? Because across
 
 63 
 
 the Irish Sea they observed the English democracy demanding the same 
 social rights as the people of Ireland had thundered forth from a thousand 
 platforms during the last three or four years. The people of England 
 were beginning to understand the selfishness of Irish landlordism, and 
 when the thirty millions of people who lived by honest toil in the three 
 countries discovered that there was one lazy, good-for-nothing, aristocratic 
 landlord class (cheers), which neither webs nor spins, but lives in idle 
 luxury upon the sweat and labour of everybody else ; when the discovery 
 was fully made in England and Scotland, the Irish landlords would have 
 to look to themselves for resources and power to defend them in their 
 unjust position in Ireland, because the democracy of Great Britain would 
 no longer uphold their unjust and plundering system. Why, then, should 
 they halt in the struggle to overturn, by honourable and Constitutional 
 means, the system that has worked such evil to their fatherland ? Ever} 7 
 incentive that could stir the people on in the glorious cause implored them 
 to go forward, and not to be satisfied with miserable tinkering Land Acts, 
 which did not confer any benefit worth mentioning upon any class in 
 Ireland but the landlords." 
 
 [Mr. JOHN BARRY, M.P., at KILDARE, April i4th, 1884.] 
 
 " The agitation, in its more open and determined shape, they might not 
 be able to carry on so well in the future, but if they supplied its place with 
 a good, well-disciplined organisation, they would at all times be prepared, 
 as opportunity offered, to advance a step in the National struggle." 
 
 [Mr. MATTHEW HARRIS, M.P., at ATHY, June ist, 1884.] 
 
 " Mr. Parnell said at Drogheda there was no use disguising the fact 
 they must either pay for the land or fight for it. Well, the Nationality 
 of a country could not be purchased, and there was only one way of 
 obtaining it. (Applause.) He was not such an idiot as to say that they 
 would rush forward with empty hands, or under adverse circumstances, 
 or against very great odds ; nor did he say they should fight for the liberty 
 of the country under any form of circumstances, for they had a Govern- 
 ment reporter on the platform:'
 
 6 4 
 
 [Mr. THOMAS MAYNE, M.P., at LOUGHMORE, Co. TIPPERARY.] 
 
 " The Emperor of Austria granted independence to Hungary, and 
 to-day it was the backbone of the Austrian Empire. It was impossible 
 for Ireland not to hope for similar results from the conflict between 
 England and her present foes. So sure as England went to war with 
 Russia, so sure would she be defeated. (Loud and prolonged cheers.) 
 England would have to ask herself what was the weakness in her Empire 
 which placed her at the feet of the autocratic Czar. Ireland was her 
 weakness, which tied her best arm behind her back." United Ireland, 
 May 2nd, 1885. 
 
 [REV. MR. CANTWELL, P.P., V.F., DUBLIN NATIONAL LEAGUE. 
 September 23rd, 1886.] 
 
 "With regard to the closing sentence of Mr. Parnell's appeal to 
 America with regard to the Irish tenants, I will say that all our action 
 with regard to this intermediary question of the landlords and tenants is 
 only a step towards the great goal of Irish Nationality towards the 
 establishment of our native Parliament here it is only then that we will 
 be able to point to a peaceable and united Ireland." (Applause.) 
 
 [From The Irishman, January i2th, 1884.] 
 
 "While we arc waiting for an opportunity to free ourselves, we can 
 materially assist other nations to maintain their freedom. We are in a 
 position to do even more than this ; we can act an auxiliary part in favour 
 of any great Power that chooses to declare war against Great Britain. 
 Even Russia could count on the friendship of Ireland, should she decide 
 upon trying conclusions with our enemy. Our hand is for all nations 
 opposed to England. As our adversary has done unto us, so are we ready 
 to do unto her, when opportunity offers. The knowledge of this unfalter- 
 ing purpose endows us with an influence upon the foreign schemes of 
 England. If our antagonist wants to go to war abroad, she must take 
 Ireland into account as against her. In the meantime, it is satisfactory 
 to learn that we have it in our power to aid in maintaining the indepen- 
 dence of Egypt."
 
 65 
 [From United Ireland, February gth, 1884.] 
 
 "All hail to this most excellent Moslem. The more we hear of him 
 
 the better we like him We trust that our next news may be 
 
 that Gordon, who is advancing with specie towards Khartoum, has met 
 with the same handling as Baker. Nothing would give us greater satis- 
 faction than to chronicle the complete triumph of the Mahdi, and his 
 victorious arrival before the walls of Cairo. That the hand of Providence 
 should fall heavily on the British for their unrighteous war must make 
 every heart in Europe rejoice." 
 
 ON BOYCOTTING. 
 
 [Mr. T. M. HEALY, ex-M.P., at GALWAY, September i4th, 1884.] 
 
 " I say that a man who commits such a crime against his neighbour as 
 taking a little plot of land that had been made profitable by the sweat of 
 that neighbours hands, and by that of his predecessors, is as much a thief 
 in the sight of Heaven as if he had put his hand into your pocket. If he 
 takes it when the previous tenant had been unjustly evicted for the payment 
 of a rack-rent, it is not because British law gives power to a man to rob 
 and plunder that you are therefore to make yourselves parties in the 
 robbery, and are not as guilty as the landlord himself." Freeman, 
 September \yh, 1884. 
 
 [Mr. JOSEPH BIGGAR, M.P., at Land League, Autumn, 1880.] 
 
 " Now you would not be justified I can tell you this in threatening 
 the herd of a big grazier, you would not be justified in using any personal 
 violence towards him; but, as I have told you, you would be justified, and 
 thoroughly justified, in trying to persuade him to leave the occupation 
 which he then followed, and try to get one which would be less injurious 
 to his neighbours. (Cheers.) If this herd would refuse to take the 
 laudable advice of his neighbours, why then other means might be used.
 
 66 
 
 For instance, the shopkeepers in the village might cease to supply him 
 with the things he requires ; he might get no assistance in any of his 
 difficulties, and his position would become so intolerable that he would 
 probably give up that occupation. Then, when the matter had gone so 
 far, of course it would be inconvenient for the landlord to look after his 
 cattle himself. (Laughter and cheers.) Well then, you know, when there 
 is no one to look after the cattle, if by any means of course I have told 
 you before that above all things you should not attempt to maim or injure 
 the cattle of anyone, because no one could defend conduct of that sort 
 but I tell you what I might say on this subject, that there is no law, human 
 or divine, that would force you to look after this man's cattle if you were 
 not in his employ; and if you found the cattle straying on the road it 
 really would be nothing criminal to avoid taking any notice of the cattle. 
 (Laughter.) Then again, my friends, suppose the stone fences any of 
 the stone fences along the roadside were broken down, and the holes 
 were in them, of course you would not be called upon at all to repair these 
 fences, and you would not be called upon to point out to this landlord who 
 is doing such incalculable injury to the country to point out to him that 
 that injury had taken place in his fence." (Laughter.) 
 
 [Mr. T. P. O'CONNOR, M.P., at CHICAGO, December 3rd, 1881.] 
 
 " The landlord has not got any rent from the ten thousand who are 
 ejected from his farms, and he is not going to get any rent. What 
 becomes of the ten thousand farms meantime ? We will put the tenants 
 as near those farms as we possibly can ; and if I were an agent for an 
 insurance society I would not like to have my whole organisation and 
 corporation dependent on the ten thousand fanners who will go into the 
 farms that the other ten thousand have been evicted from.'' A'afiwi, 
 January 7///, 1881. 
 
 [Mr. T. P. O'CONNOR, M.P., at ST. JOSEPH, MISSOURI, 
 February, 1882.] 
 
 "The Land League binds members not to enter land from which 
 another has been evicted, and I am proud to say out of 600,000 not twelve 
 traitors have been found. I declare I should like to have an insurance 
 policy on the life of the man who would take possession of an evicted farm. 
 .... We have changed the whole tide of history, and a new epoch 
 has dawned for Ireland. The landlords are all driven out, and the aliens 
 will follow as soon as we can manage." I 'nitcd Ireland, February \ \th, 
 1882.
 
 6? 
 
 [Mr.T. HARRINGTON, M.P., Secretary, National League, at DUBLIN, 
 August 24th, 1886.] 
 
 " The time had come when they must show that they are not branches 
 of the League in name, but branches of the League in reality. The time 
 had come when they must boldly enter into the fight ; and when a tenant 
 was struck down in the war, they must gather round him, and they must 
 do everything in their power to give him encouragement and assistance. 
 They must see that if men were evicted and cast out of their holdings on 
 the world, that if men are singled out for eviction by the landlords 
 because they stood in defence of their brothers, they must see that if the 
 land from which these men were evicted be touched by any person on 
 God's earth but the rightful proprietors, it shall be a curse instead of a 
 blessing (loud applause). ... It was plainly the duty of the people 
 to combine in their own defence (cheers) ; and if the people go into this 
 struggle with consciousness of their strength, he had not the slightest 
 doubt that they would come out of the struggle victors. ... He had 
 no hesitation in saying that any body of tenants who would approach a 
 landlord to buy their holdings until all the evicted tenants on the pro- 
 perty were reinstated would be acting in the most shameful manner, and 
 would be a perfect disgrace to the tenantry' of Ireland." (Applause.) 
 Frceinatf s Journal, August 2^/1, 1886. 
 
 [Mr. JOHN DILLON, M.P., at KILDARE, i5th August, 1880.] 
 
 " The country should be so well organised that every farmer should 
 belong to a branch of the Land League, and the young farmers should be 
 prepared to march to the meetings, and in proper order too (cheers). 
 And when they had that organisation perfected, let the word go out that 
 no farm from which any man had been evicted should be touched or used 
 for human purposes until its rightful owner was put back upon the soil 
 (cheers). In the County of Mayo, where the organisation was now pretty 
 strong, they had many farms lying idle from which landlords could draw 
 no rent, because they had evicted tenants from them ; nor if the landlord 
 put cattle on them would the cattle prosper very much. They must teach 
 the landlords that if they evicted tenants they would not be the richer, 
 but the poorer. The people should be invited to join the Land League, 
 and if anyone refused to do so his neighbours would know that he had 
 turned his back upon the people."
 
 68 
 
 [Mr. VV. O'BRIEN, ex-M.P., at TULLA, 24th May, 1885.] 
 
 " I am sorry to observe by one of your resolutions that the land-grabber 
 is a species of reptile that is not yet quite extinct ; but whenever I find a 
 land-grabber still poisoning the air, I generally find it is rather the fault 
 of the people than the law, because I defy all the Crimes Acts that ever 
 were passed to prevent the people from making a land-grabber a man 
 who steals his neighbour's farm and cuts his neighbour's throat to make 
 him feel that he is an outcast and the object of scorn, and contempt, and 
 loathing in the sight of his neighbour. They may prevent you from 
 calling it Boycotting, but Boycotting by another name is just as effectual 
 a process." Freeman, April z^th, 1885. 
 
 [Mr. T. D. SULLIVAN, M.P., quoted at State Trials.] 
 
 " If you stand to each other like brothers, if you follow the advice that 
 has been given to you here to-day, leave these farms to grow thistles and 
 rushes, and if anyone is base enough to go into them, shun him. (A voice, 
 * Shoot him.') Let him be as an outcast amongst you, and his life will be 
 a life of shame, a life of misery ; and the shame will attach not only to 
 himself, but to his children and his children's children. Irish Times, 
 January \st, 1881. 
 
 Mr. ARTHUR O'CONNOR, M.P., at BORRIS, April 6th, 1885.] 
 
 " He would tell the man who dealt with any of the aiders and abettors 
 of land-grabbing at Graignemana (great groaning for the land-grabber), 
 he should tell that man that he was an impudent humbug ; he should tell 
 that man that he deserved to be Boycotted in his own circle. (Cheers.) 
 If that man had to confess that, after the eviction of a poor farmer in the 
 neighbourhood of Borris for the non-payment of an impossible rent, he 
 went to the wretched shop-keeping landlord for the farm of the evicted 
 man, or if he had to confess that he supplied money to enable other? to 
 do that infamous act, he would say that that man was a scoundrel and a 
 traitor, and deserved to be treated as such by his neighbours." (Applause). 
 Freeman, April ^th, 1885. 
 
 TDr. KENNY, M.P.] 
 
 " Boycotting, as sanctioned by the League, was only Boycotting 
 directed against the one great evil land-grabbing ; and it meant merely 
 letting severely alone no active violence."
 
 69 
 
 [The Rev. Mr. DUGGAN, C.C., at CROSSPATRICK, Co. KILKENNY, 
 August 3ist, 1884.] 
 
 " He could not, of course, recommend them to Boycott them (i.e., the 
 land-agents and bailiffs), because the Crimes Act was in being now, but 
 he would tell them what they could do they were not bound to walk with 
 them, or to marry them, but he would tell them what they were bound to 
 
 do in charity, they were bound to bury them There was a 
 
 place from which the tenants had been evicted, and now there were two 
 hundred acres of fine land all the farms, he might say, had been amal- 
 gamated into one, and they were the greatest benefit to the country. 
 The ditches along the road had been levelled, and all the people in the 
 country were sending in their horses, cows, and asses, and the cattle of 
 the country were so habituated to the spot now that if they were let loose 
 on the road five miles off they would take to it. Let them look at the 
 brute beasts setting them an example, and combining with them to make 
 their cause victorious. Just as if they could reason, and as if they had 
 said, ' We will go on to this ; it is the sweetest, because we are not paying 
 a penny for it.'" Freeman, September ist, 1884. 
 
 [Mr. R. LALOR, M.P., at CAHIR, Co. TIPPERARY, September 2oth, 
 
 1885.] 
 
 " They had landgrabbers at almost all periods of the world's history. 
 In ancient times they were a curse. If they looked in the Scriptures they 
 would find them denounced by the Lord Almighty Himself. If they 
 looked to the 2ist chapter of the Book of Kings, they would find the 
 name of a landgrabber handed down to the present day one that would 
 be handed down to the day of judgment. His name was Ahab, and he 
 coveted the land of his neighbour Naboth. He offered to buy it, but 
 Naboth, who, like many of those whom he saw there that day, did not 
 want to exchange for money the land of their fathers. His wife, Jezebel, 
 flouted and insulted him when he came back, and asked was he a fool, or 
 what sort of a ruler he was to be defeated by a farmer like Naboth. She 
 said she would soon get the land of honest Naboth. She, therefore, 
 summoned a packed jury who were her own magistrates, and called upon 
 Naboth to answer for crimes which were laid to his charge by suborned 
 witnesses or informers, whom the Bible called sons of the devil, and he 
 believed every word in the Bible to be true. On the evidence of these 
 perjured informers poor Naboth was condemned and stoned to death, and 
 the dogs licked his blood. The landgrabber Ahab had proved, as most 
 
 H
 
 such men do, that he was a hypocrite, and he was killed afterwards in 
 battle, and the dogs licked his blood. In this he was justly judged by 
 heaven." (Cheers.). Freeman, September 2isf, 1885. 
 
 THE NATIONAL LEAGUE SECRETARY ON THE USE AND 
 MISUSE OF BOYCOTTING. 
 
 " IRISH NATIONAL LEAGUE, 
 
 " 43, O'Connell Street, Upper, 
 
 " Dublin, September yth, 1886. 
 
 " DEAR SIR, I have received this day by post, from Very Rev. Dr. 
 Kavanagh, a brief statement of a case that has been discussed at your 
 branch in reference to the communication said to be held by Mrs. Fitz- 
 gerald with emergency-men. 
 
 " I think your branch would do well to accept the apology that has been 
 offered in this case, and not to take up the discussion of petty trans- 
 gressions of this kind, standing upon doubtful testimony. The branch 
 should be very slow to move in the consideration of questions of this kind, 
 and when it does move the evidence should be strong and conclusive, and 
 the offence alleged should be an offence calculated to give material 
 assistance of some kind to the Emergency Association. Mere casual 
 conversation or an incidental meeting is not a matter which should be 
 brought in to disturb the branch of the National League. 
 
 " I also observe that an effort has been made by your branch to take 
 into consideration the question of rents of tenants in towns, and there 
 would seem to be some identification between the committee of the branch 
 and the committee of a House League. Now, I have to caution your 
 branch that any motion taken by the House League must be altogether 
 distinct and separate from the work of the National League. We can 
 allow no intimate connection between them one is purely a local question, 
 upon both sides of which some of our best friends may possibly be ; the 
 other is a National question, and (as Mr. Parnell recently expressed to me 
 in conversation), unlike the House League, appeals for National sympathy. 
 
 " We can have no objection to a House League being formed for the 
 redress of grievances of householders in any particular town, but neither 
 the funds nor the organisation of the National League can in any way be 
 claimed for it, and we must have to dissolve any branch that lends itself 
 to the purpose. Yours truly, 
 
 "T. HARRINGTON. 
 
 "Mr. W. P. Talbot, Hon. Sec., I. N. League, Kildare." 
 (From Leinster Leader, Saturday, October gth, 1886.)
 
 SPECIMENS OF PROCEDURE re BOYCOTTING 
 
 " DUNMANUS. Here the spirit is in nowise abated, and continued 
 persecution is exercised towards persons hostile to the National League. 
 As an instance of the inhumanity of the League, I may mention that a 
 man who is well known in the district for the persecution he has suffered, 
 and whose wife is now dying, if not already dead, was informed by her 
 friends that the League w j ould not allow her to be visited while alive, but 
 in the event of her death would give leave to attend her wake and funeral ; 
 and although living within a short distance of her mother and a large 
 family of brothers and sisters, none dare to visit her lest they might incur 
 the displeasure of the League." 
 
 " CASTLELYONS AND RATHCORMAC. A new phase of the Boycotting 
 system has been developed here, a reward having been publicly offered 
 for information against anyone who is courageous enough to disobey the 
 orders of the League. The following is a copy of the notice referred to : 
 
 " ^5 Reward. Shopkeepers, farmers, tradesmen, car-owners, and 
 labourers, are strictly requested to have no dealings of any kind with the 
 following persons, viz. : That writ-serving little despot O'Riordan, solicitor, 
 of the firm of O'Riordan & Mandeville, at Fermoy and Mitchelstown, and 
 the clique who are assisting him in his dirty work ; Captain St. Leger Barry, 
 his agent, T. Ryall, and his two sons, John and Robert Ryall. The 
 above reward will be paid to any person who shall give such information 
 as shall lead to the detection of the backsliders and others who are assist- 
 ing the above-named in their felonious landlordism. God save Ireland." 
 
 " In addition, Mr. RyalPs labourers have been served with notices to 
 leave his employment, signed ' Captain Moonlight,' and, as a consequence, 
 some have left, but arrangements are made to send him men or any 
 assistance he may require, and a number of lambs have been sold for him 
 by your English agents." 
 
 " KANTURK. This district does not seem improved. One man writes 
 me ' I beg to inform you that the Boycotting is still practised towards 
 me, and I fear likely to continue until the Government proclaim or put 
 down the League, whose laws are the only laws acknowledged here. As 
 you are aware, I am under police protection, and were they withdrawn, 
 I am persuaded my existence in this world would be very short indeed. 
 I have not attended Mass for over twelve months, and it was only to-day 
 that I heard of Boycotting notices found posted at the chapel, threatening 
 a woman in the locality, whose only offence was attending my daughter- 
 in-law in her confinement." 
 
 And these are only three cases selected from a mass of instances. 
 
 H 2
 
 72 
 
 [REV. MR. CANTWELL, P.P., V.F., at National League, DUBLIN.] 
 
 " Well, now, gentlemen, there will be no great things gained without 
 a stiff fight, and the lines I would suggest to the tenantry to follow would 
 be these to stick together, and to be true to one another. The second 
 point would be, of course, to hold to the lines that kept the agitation up 
 so far that no one would take a farm from which another had been 
 evicted. (Applause.) I insist upon the point that should that cardinal 
 virtue of the programme be observed that no landlord, no matter who he 
 is, will be able to secure a substitute for the tenant ; and I would say, in 
 the second place, that should any neighbour or pretended friend of the 
 country so far forget the national principles, and end and object, as to come 
 and aid the landlord by taking possession of those farms, that his neigh- 
 bours will pass him by unnoticed, and treat him as an enemy in their 
 midst." (Applause). Freeman's Journal, September 2<^th, 1886. 
 
 ON LANDLORDISM AND THE RENT QUESTION IN 
 GENERAL. 
 
 [MR. JOHN DILLON, M.P., on the coming "No-Rent" Manifesto.] 
 
 "And he would tell them what the League would do if the landlord 
 refused justice to the people for another six months of the year. When 
 they should have enrolled 300,000 members of the League, if the land- 
 lords should persist in refusing the moderate demands of the people, they 
 would give out the word to the people of Ireland to strike against rent 
 altogether, and pay no more until justice was done to them. (Cheers). With 
 300,000 Irishmen enrolled as members of the Land League, all the armies 
 of England would not levy rent in this country. (Loud cheers). And then 
 they would ask harder terms from the landlords. In the meantime the 
 representatives of the people could paralyse the hand of Government and 
 prevent them from passing laws that would throw the people into prison 
 for organising themselves. They could obstruct the passing of coercive 
 laws, and set the people free to drill themselves and organise themselves. 
 They could take it out of the power of the police to arrest any man who 
 was out after eight o'clock at night. They would see that Irishmen had a 
 right to be out after eight o'clock, and all the night through if they thought 
 fit. (Cheers). They had a right to march to their meetings and to obey the 
 commands of their leaders, if they chose to do so. They would see that 
 every man in Ireland had a right to have a rifle if he liked." (Cheers). 
 Nation, August 21 st, 1880.
 
 73 
 [Mr. JOHN DILLON, M.P. Quotation at State Trials.] 
 
 " Let the farmers go in a body to the agent, or landlord, or steward, 
 and tell him what they consider is a fair value for their farms tell him 
 that they will give him that, and not one penny more, and that if he won't 
 take that, then to do his worst." Irish Times, January 4?A, 1881. 
 
 [MR. JOHN DILLON, M.P., in the House of Commons.] 
 
 " Not being an Irish farmer himself, he did not know what view they 
 took exactly with regard to evictions, but he might be allowed to say in 
 the House, that if he was an Irish farmer, and that a body of men came to 
 turn him out of his house and land, he should decidedly shoot as many of 
 them as he could manage to do, and take the consequences. He believed 
 if the farmers took that course evictions would soon come to an end in 
 
 Ireland He had been accused, as he had already said, of 
 
 advising the Irish people to procure rifles. The Home Secretary might 
 quote a dozen speeches in which he had given the same advice. He did 
 it for this reason that he considered that if the Irish landlords had the 
 knowledge that in every farmer's dwelling there was a rifle, it might 
 
 exercise some check upon their depredations The Irish 
 
 people had not the means of waging civil war. He wished they had." 
 Freeman! s Journal^ March 4///, 1881. 
 
 [MR. JOHN DILLON, M.P., at a Meeting of the Central Land League, 
 
 DUBLIN.] 
 
 " He had been accused in the House of Commons of saying an unjust 
 thing when he said the blood which was recently shed in attempts of the 
 kind was on their head, but he left it to reasonable men, what could they 
 expect if they sought to drive five or ten thousand desperate men out of 
 their homes ? Who was to blame if these men would not consent to be 
 driven out like rats without fighting ? He had heard it openly stated by 
 the people that they would not do it this time, that they would show fight, 
 and if they were to go out they would knock some people over before they 
 went. He would mention a case which did not get into the newspapers. 
 The other day an eviction was going to be carried out in his county. 
 Forty police came to carry it out. They fouud the door barricaded. The 
 priest stood by and said he would not interfere, but he thought it right to 
 inform the police that the first blow they struck, five or six would be shot, 
 as the men were inside with loaded rifles. The police held a consultation, 
 and went back to Nenagh. If evictions were carried out on a large scale
 
 74 
 
 in Tipperary the police must be prepared for fight or resistance ; the 
 people would resist, and the next time a man was shot in Ireland for 
 refusing to leave his home peaceably, the verdict would be, if he were not 
 very much deceived in the temper of the people, wilful murder, not against 
 the policeman who shot him, but against Gladstone and Forster, who 
 sent him there." (Applause). Nation, May, jth 1881. 
 
 [Mr. JOHN DILLON, M.P., at NATIONAL LEAGUE, Sept., 28th 1886.] 
 
 " What I want to assert is this, in reference to Lord Ashbourne's Act 
 it will be our business to see that wherever an Irish tenant purchases 
 his farm that he makes fair terms with the landlord that he purchases on 
 the basis of fair rents at a reasonable number of years that he, in fact, 
 buys at a price such as will make the instalments repayable to the 
 Government fair and reasonable, payments that will enable him to live 
 like an honest man, and that will not leave the country, when the Irish 
 landlords have escaped off with their share of the booty, to be disgraced 
 and bankrupt before the world." (Applause.) Freeman's Journal report. 
 
 [Mr. JOHN DILLON, M.P., at the National League in DUBLIN.] 
 
 " He said that this gentleman (Mr. John Adye Curran, Q.C., one of 
 the principal of those who were instrumental in bringing the Phoenix 
 Park murderers to justice) had been inflamed with the ambition of taking 
 a part in the pacification of Kerry ; but he (Mr. Dillon) thought it 
 would have been better for himself if he had confined himself to his 
 original obscurity. He got largely rewarded for his services more largely 
 than they deserved. (' Hear, hear.') The country was beginning to forget 
 him, Irishmen not being vindictive : but he must now, forsooth, come 
 down to join General Buller with the sophistry of the law in supporting 
 Kerry landlords in the robbery of their tenants. (Groans.) He, for his 
 part, wished to say, that as long as this system was continued by the 
 soldier and the lawyer he would do his best to expose the tricks of the 
 one and the brutality of the other." (Applause.) Freeniaits Journal, 
 October I3///, 1886. 
 
 [Mr. W. O'BRIEN, ex-M.P., on Hunting Landlords, at CARRICK- 
 ON-SuiR, September yth, 1884.] 
 
 "If they must have hunting at all, let them keep their hands in 
 practice by hunting landlords. (Cheers). Hunt them up hill and down
 
 75 
 
 dale, until landlords are as scarce as the foxes it is now their desire to 
 
 rear and protect. (Cheers) Let them go on, let them 
 
 organise, let them pull together, until the sight of a landlord will be as 
 rare an animal as the wolf. He urged them to avoid a land-grabber just as 
 they would any fox-hunting landlord." Irish Times, September %th, 1884. 
 
 [Mr. W. O'BRIEN, ex-M.P., on Prairie Rents, at BANSHA, 
 Co. TIPPER ARY, February 8th, 1885.] 
 
 " Organise every parish in this county ; cast out dissensions from 
 amongst you ; banish all local squabbles for the sake of our great cause ; 
 stand together shoulder to shoulder like comrades in a great campaign ; 
 remember, that if our struggle is a long and hard one, the rewards and 
 prizes of victory are very great ; prairie rents for the farmers ; less than 
 prairie rents, if possible, for the labourers (cheers) ; for all of us, a free 
 and happy Irish nation, disenthralled from the long sufferings of centuries, 
 invigorated and illumined with the sacred energy of National indepen- 
 dence." (Loud and prolonged applause.) United Ireland, February \&,th, 
 1885. 
 
 [Mr. W. O'BRIEN, ex-M.P., on the Abolition of Landlordism, at 
 GOREY, August 23rd, 1885.] 
 
 " When the complete programme of the Land League is accomplished, 
 landlordism would vanish from the country, and the soil of Ireland would 
 be free, its people owning no master but the Almighty, and owning no 
 flag but the green flag of an independent Irish nation." -Irish Times, 
 August 2^th, 1885. 
 
 [Mr. W. O'BRIEN, ex-M.P., on Tenants Striking Back, at ATHLONE, 
 September 27th, 1885.] 
 
 " He (Mr. Parnell) has counselled peace for this winter ; but Mr. Parnell 
 will only be a peacemaker up to a certain point. There is a point beyond 
 which neither Mr. Parnell nor all the policemen who ever wore green 
 coats put together could restrain the Irish people from striking back at land- 
 lordism when it threatens their lives and their homes." (Cheers) ..... 
 " We offer them peace, but we are quite ready for war (cheers), and what- 
 ever we lose, we have less to lose than they have, anyway." United 
 Ireland, October yd, 1885.
 
 7 6 
 
 [Mr. T. M. HEALY, ex-M.P., on Landlordism as the Prop of English 
 Rule, at BOSTON.] 
 
 " I say that the property of the Irish landlords deserves to be abolished 
 more than the property of slaveholders deserved to be wiped out by 
 the sign manual of Abraham Lincoln. We believe that landlordism is 
 the prop of English rule, and we are working to take that prop away. To 
 drive out British rule from Ireland we must strike at the foundation, and 
 that foundation is landlordism." Irishman, December 24^/1, 1881. 
 
 [Mr. T. M. HEALY, ex-M.P., on the No Rent Manifesto, in TEXAS, 
 January, 1882.] 
 
 " The landlord press of America attack this (the No Rent Manifesto) 
 but let them compare it with the tea incident in Boston Harbour. Now 
 it is rank treason. They raised the cry, 'no freedom, no tribute;' we 
 raise the cry, ' no liberty, no rent.' What was the cry of liberty in Boston 
 one hundred years ago becomes the cry of Communism in Ireland to- 
 day .... Landlordism is the prop of the British Government, and 
 it is that we want to kick away. The struggle is for Irish liberty, and 
 landlordism stands between us and the glorious sunlight." Unitea 
 Ireland, January i^th, 1882. 
 
 [Mr. T. M. HEALY, ex-M.P., on Tenants' Procedure at MEETING 
 of NATIONAL LEAGUE, June i3th, 1883.] 
 
 " He would never again be a party to recommending an estate to 
 strike for a reduction of rents until every man on the estate had put down 
 a year's rent, and banked it in the name of his parish priest or some local 
 leader of the National party." Freeman, June \^th, 1883. 
 
 [Mr. T. M. HEALY, ex-M.P., on Lord Bantry, c., at GLENGARIFF, 
 September i2th, 1885.] 
 
 " Lord Bantry, who owns every foot of ground as far as the eye can 
 reach, is a person who was drummed out of the British army for dis- 
 graceful conduct a person of such low and miserable disposition that, 
 having enlisted as a private in the Guards, he had to be expelled by the 
 
 Commander-in-Chief for being a ruffian It was very hard to 
 
 say in that part of the district if the big ruffians or the little ruffians were 
 the worst Lord Bantry, the expelled soldier, who had 'bad character'' 
 branded on his arm, if they could only get him to tuck up his sleeve, or
 
 77 
 
 Mr. White, who wrung from a miserable population at Esknowhena some- 
 thing like ^200 a year He would now come to another of 
 
 the satellites who were the revolving moons of the Glengariff firmament, 
 Lord Kenmare, and his agent Barrett. Now it was hard to say which of 
 these was worse than the other He would ask the Govern- 
 ment of the country, if they wanted peace in this island, to think for a 
 moment that there could be no contentment so long as landlords and 
 agents of this description were allowed to harass the people." 
 
 [Mr. T. M. HEALY, ex-M.P., on Funding the Rent and on Outrages, 
 at ERRIGAL, TRUAGH, October 4th, 1885.] 
 
 " He could tell the landlords, however, that if they carried on the 
 evictions there would be outrages. Because, as surely as smoke follows 
 fire, so surely, if they light the torch of destruction, and set it to the 
 houses of the poor, will the poor rely on the arm of justice where the 
 Government fails to protect them. The landlords at the present time 
 said they could not afford to give any further reductions ; they said if 
 they made any further reductions they could not live. Well, let them die. 
 If the landlords again had the campaign of evictions, what the Nationalist 
 leaders would have to recommend was this : that the half million of 
 tenant-farmers of Ireland should put up their rents into one common 
 fund, and instead of paying it to the landlords to pay it to trustees. They 
 would then have a sum of six or seven or ten millions of money as a 
 campaign fund a war-chest to fight the battle with (cheers) and he 
 believed if the landlords saw that the people had even a single million of 
 money to fight with, while they themselves had been delivered of their 
 rents, they should speedily give in and kick the bucket. Now that was 
 not a plan to be lightly undertaken. It was a project which, in his 
 opinion, should be the last resort of a desperate people ; but when those 
 ruffians for they were nothing less when those ruffians with J.P. and 
 D.L. after their names meet and talk about the necessity for further 
 coercion, let them take care that a Coercion Act was not applied to them- 
 selves because assuredly these people would not be as softly dealt with 
 as they had been four years ago." Irish Times, October 5//z, 1885 ; United 
 Ireland, October loth, 1885. 
 
 [Mr. JOSEPH BIGGAR, M.P., at MURRINTOWN, Co. WEXFORD, 
 September i4th, 1885.] 
 
 " Landgrabbers, in his opinion, were greater criminals than most men 
 who had died upon the scaffold. (Cheers.) It was not right to deal with
 
 78 
 
 a landgrabber, or to sell to him, and if they knew anyone who held inter- 
 course with a landgrabber they should treat him similarly. They should 
 not allow their children to go to the school to which a landgrabber sent 
 his children. If it were possible, they should not worship in the same 
 church with him." 
 
 [Mr. J. D. SHEEHAN, M.P., on 70 per cent. Reduction, at National 
 League Rooms, KILLARNEY.] 
 
 " That, as the landlord refused 70 per cent, to offer only 50 next time, 
 and nothing at all in March, as by then the new Irish Parliament would 
 allot the land free to the present holders without any compensation to 
 exterminating landlords." 
 
 [Mr. T. P. O'CONNOR, M.P., on the Abolition of Rent, at ST. Louis, 
 
 MISSOURI, U.S.A.] 
 
 " We have arisen to the station and dignity of political manhood and 
 strength in Ireland, and we will have it. (Loud cheering, in which 
 the speaker's voice was drowned.) I want you to understand, that 
 the reduction of rent we require is not a small, or a petty, or a legal 
 reduction, but the total abolition of rent. We want the people of Ireland 
 well fed, well housed to have the full rights of citizens and the full rights 
 of labour. (Loud cheering.) .... Gladstone wants a fixed rent ; 
 the Land League wants to abolish rent. Gladstone wants to retain the 
 relations of landlord and tenant ; the Land League wants to get rid of the 
 relations of landlord and tenant. (Cheers.) After seven centuries of 
 misrule, after a thousand defeats in battle, after ten thousand scaffolds, 
 after the million of cells, the Irish people are unconquered and unconquer- 
 able to the end of time." (Loud cheers.) United Ireland, January 28^, 
 1882. 
 
 [Mr. J. J. O'KELLY, M.P., on Crushing the Landlords, at DYSART, 
 November ist, 1885.] 
 
 " It was said that a certain section of the landlords were going to try 
 their power against the people this winter. They should be careful 
 whether they would try it or not. They had the power of dealing with 
 those who acted in this way. The Poor Law Guardians could put the 
 evicted on the rates, and eat the landlords' property up. The landlords
 
 79 
 
 were pushing their power to its utmost limits, and they will do it too, and 
 turn the poorhouses into hotels. (Cheers.) They would crush the land- 
 lords as completely as grapes in a wine press." (Cheers.) Freeman's 
 Journal, November -2nd, 1885. 
 
 [Mr. J. J. O'KELLY, M.P., at BREEDOGUE, Co. ROSCOMMON.] 
 
 " We, on your part, have told the people of England that you are not 
 able to pay without taking from your farms those things which are 
 necessary to the proper cultivation of your farms. If you allow yourselves 
 to be intimidated by agents and landlords into parting with your stock to 
 pay a rent which the land has not produced there will be a strong argument 
 next year when Parliament assembles to show we were not speaking the 
 truth when we said you were unable to pay, and that fact will not only 
 tell against our political power and influence with the English people, but 
 it will tell heavily against you in the settlement of the Land Question 
 when it comes." Roscommon Herald report, October yth, 1886. 
 
 [Rev. EUGENE SHEEHY, C.C., on the Landlords' Purse, in DUBLIN.] 
 
 " What is the purpose of Davitt's incarceration ? Vengeance upon 
 Davitt, because he brought the Land League into existence ; and I say 
 that you should give back a similar defiance, and say to our common 
 enemy : ' We will have vengeance upon you we will not knock your brains 
 out ; but we will aim a sure blow at you we will aim at your purse, and 
 that is the life and soul of a landlord." Irish Times, October yd, 1880. 
 
 [Rev. EUGENE SHEEHY, C.C., on Fair Rent.] 
 
 . . . . " Fair rent ! Fair rent is an abomination a crime not 
 alone against modern civilisation, but a crime against common sense and 
 a blasphemy against God." New York Irish World, December \"]th, 1881. 
 
 [Rev. EUGENE SHEEHY, C.C., on the Destruction of Landlordism, 
 at BRIDGEPORT, CONNECTICUT.] 
 
 " Landlordism will have to go ; or, if it stay, it will have a dishonoured 
 grave. (Cheers.) Gladstone puts 400 men in gaol, and then tells them 
 that he will release them if they will use their influence to induce the 
 people to pay their rent. Of course, they all refused After
 
 8o 
 
 700 years we are on our legs, determined to live, and we will not resume 
 our seat. We will go onward and upward, removing all obstacles, 
 until we attain the freedom of Ireland and her recognition as one of the 
 nations of the earth." (Cheers.) United Ireland, January 2%th, 1882. 
 
 [THOMAS BRENNAN. at MILLTOWN, Co. MAYO, July 25th, 1880.] 
 
 " We are here in open insurrection against landlordism, and we will 
 remain in insurrection against it until it is out of the power of the few to 
 rob men of the fruits of their industry. (Cheers.) I need not endeavour 
 to sketch for you the evils which landlordism has brought upon you. . . . 
 Will you, after your ceaseless toil, surrender the harvest which your sweat 
 has produced, and go forth to beg for charity? (A voice: 'No, by 
 heavens, we will not.') You will not. Then you must refuse to pay a 
 rent you cannot afford. (A voice : ' We'll give them a bullet first.') A 
 man who now pays an exorbitant rent is not only an enemy to himself but 
 also an enemy to the common good. Individuals should make self- 
 interest subservient to the common good of the community, but every 
 man should go on strike against a rack-rent. But we can never have an 
 effectual strike until we have organisation till all the farmers of Ireland 
 are in one grand organisation and pledged to the destruction of land- 
 lordism." Nation, August \st, 1880. 
 
 [THOMAS BRENNAN, at KEADUE, August 8th, 1880.] 
 
 " We want you not to crouch down to your landlords, or any other 
 man in the community. (' Never, never.') This land that you created is 
 yours. You have as much right to that land as you have to the free air 
 of heaven, and any man who comes forward to take from you the fruits 
 that you have raised from that land you ought to treat him as a robber 
 and a plunderer." Nation, August \^th, 1880. 
 
 [Rev. J. J. BEHAN, C.C., at National League, in DUBLIN, on 
 November 3rd, 1885.] 
 
 " The landlords had now to look to the people for justice ; and, when 
 they remembered the past of landlordism, could anything be more terrible 
 to such criminals than that justice should be meted out to them?" United 
 Ireland, November 7 th, 1885.
 
 8i 
 
 [Rev. DAVID O'HANLON WALSH, on One Farthing Rent.] 
 
 " The rent you are to pay depends on the strength of your own deter- 
 mination Once the resolutions are passed, and the pros and 
 
 cons considered, you are bound to stick to them The moment 
 
 you say you are bound by the resolutions, I say the man who breaks those 
 resolutions is to get no forgiveness at this side of the grave, and I hope 
 he will not get it at the other side until the day of judgment. (Loud 
 applause). Do that, my friends, and then it will not be a question of 
 whether icxy. or 15^. reduction ; it will simply be a question whether you 
 will resolve, under the circumstances, to pay any rent at all. If you are 
 going to pay the rent, you must first of all consider your liability to pay 
 the honest shopkeeper, and make provision for yourself and family. I am 
 not going to tell you that you are bound to pay the surplus. I am merely 
 telling you if you resolve on what to do ; but if you think it prudent to 
 put it in your pockets, you will have my blessing and support. (Applause). 
 Speaking from practical experience, I tell you that the combination that 
 is able to extort 2s. or $s. reduction in the pound, if you band yourselves 
 together and are only prepared to abide by the consequences, that com- 
 bination is able to demand and obtain a reduction of igs. n^d. in the 
 pound, as easily as that." (Cheers). Wexford People, October "jth, 1885. 
 
 [Mr. TIMOTHY HARRINGTON, M.P., Sec., at the National 
 League Meeting in DUBLIN.] 
 
 " The Organising Committee have, therefore, directed me to say that 
 they have made arrangements that the ordinary work of the organisation 
 will go on without at all drawing upon any funds that are contributed in 
 Ireland during the coming winter to the organisation. They intend to 
 devote the subscriptions of membership and the funds that are raised in 
 the various localities of Ireland, even outside the subscriptions of member- 
 ship, exclusively to the support of the evicted tenants in the localities in 
 Ireland where the evicted tenants make the best fight, and where, in the 
 discretion of the Organising Committee, the tenants are most deserving 
 of support." (Applause) Freeman's Journal, September iqth, 1886. 
 
 [DR. KENNV, M.P., at the National League, DUBLIN.] 
 
 " They should give all they could in reason, subject to the conditions 
 of his rev. friend (Father Cantwell), and even go beyond that, in order to
 
 82 
 
 have peace in the country ; but if the landlord would not come to terms, 
 he said to them 'pay no rent.') (Applause.) If they were going to be 
 evicted for non-payment of the entire rent, let them be evicted with their 
 rent in their pockets, and not be evicted without one penny to carry them 
 through the winter. (Applause.) Let them yield everything they could, 
 and if they were driven to the wall let them keep their back to the wall, 
 and fight it out to the end." (Applause.) Freeman report, Sept. 29^, 1886. 
 
 [From the Chicago Citizen, December, 1882.] 
 
 "It is simple murder for Mr. Gladstone to allow the rascally landlords 
 to collect the blood-money called ' rent ' from a people who are actually 
 on the verge of starvation. Three years ago, when famine threatened 
 the western and southern seaboard counties of Ireland, Mr. Parnell, 
 Mr. Dillon, and other leaders solemnly declared that no matter what 
 might befall their country in the future, the hat would never be passed 
 round for the relief of her suffering people. We hope from our inmost 
 heart that this declaration may be fulfilled to the letter. There is but one 
 way to avoid the bitterness of alms-begging. Let the people who are 
 threatened unite as they did a year ago and close down on every cent, of 
 rent. If necessary, let them seize upon the landlords' flocks and herds, to 
 feed themselves and their wives and children. They must not perish, as 
 in 1846, with plenty around them. To seize the property of the landlords 
 would not be robbery, but self-preservation, which is the first law of 
 nature/' 
 
 ON LOCAL GOVERNMENT PROPOSALS. 
 
 [Mr. RICHARD POWER, M.P., at WATERFORD.] 
 
 " He wished it to be clearly and distinctly understood that they were 
 not prepared to accept any compromise of their National rights. No 
 milk-and-water measure would now satisfy the country ; no committee 
 of Irish members to legislate upon fisheries and railways ; no grand or 
 extended corporations. No : they would accept an Irish Parliament, or 
 they would accept nothing. It would be better the people of Ireland 
 should wait for a hundred years rather than they should lower their flag 
 and accept anything else than a Parliament of their o\vn. (Applause.) 
 There were men whose contracted minds led them to believe that they
 
 83 
 
 would see the realisation of England's delirious dream namely, Ireland 
 a pasture-farm for the manufacturers of England ; but there were yet left 
 minds to work and hearts to beat for Ireland, and as long as there was a 
 particle of manhood left in this land, so long would they struggle for the 
 rights and liberties of Ireland." September 9//z, 1883. 
 
 [MICHAEL DAVITT at CLONMEL, January 5th, 1884.] 
 
 "Let us to-day, at the beginning of 1884, once more declare in unfal- 
 tering tones what it is for which we are struggling. First, we are carrying 
 on the struggle to win the land of Ireland for the people of Ireland ; and, 
 secondly, to win for our country the inestimable privilege and dignity of 
 
 a nation We mean by the "land for the people" the Irish 
 
 soil for the Irish people, to be held by the nation for the people, and not 
 for any foreign garrison. What do we mean by self-government for 
 Ireland? Laws made in Ireland by Irishmen for Ireland laws made to 
 be observed, and not to be despised or condemned." 
 
 [Rev. E. SHEEHY, C.C., at KNOCKADERRY, September i2th, 1884.] 
 
 " The national struggle will continue until every man gets back the 
 ownership in fee of the land he cultivates ; until they had wiped out every 
 memory of the Grand Jury system; until Castle rule is no more; until 
 Parnell is governor of the country, Tim Healy prime minister, O'Brien, 
 secretary of State ; until victory fluttered the old banner in the light of 
 freedom; until Ireland stood emancipated from her centre to her shores, 
 a nation amongst nations." Freeman, September i^f/i, 1884. 
 
 [Mr. W. H. K. REDMOND, M.P., at National League in DUBLIN.] 
 
 " The question of self-government was not one that merely interested 
 this country. It was never the subject of a struggle between race and 
 race ; but they should not flatter themselves with the delusion that the 
 people of this country would be sufficient, without the assistance of the 
 Irish people abroad, to cope with the resources which England could bring 
 against them in the future as in the past." Irish Times, September 17 th,
 
 8 4 
 
 [Mr. J. HUNTLEY M'CARTHY, M.P., at ATHLONE.] 
 
 "We will have no contemptible National Council, no small local 
 boards, such as Mr. Chamberlain suggested, to govern us. We will have 
 Grattan's Parliament, and we will have more than Grattan's Parliament. 
 (Cheers). We will be as free as a State in the great American Union is 
 free free to make our own laws for our own people in our own way." 
 United Ireland, October yd, 1885. 
 
 [Extracts from Articles in United Ireland.'] 
 
 " Mr. Chamberlain has made two deliverances during the week which, 
 were they made from Irish platforms, would be promptly sat upon by the 
 Privy Council, and, at the best, denounced as rank Socialism. His speech 
 at Bristol on the Franchise Question is, from our point of view, the less 
 interesting of the two frank and breezy a declaration though it is for 
 manhood suffrage, and unequivocal in its admission that whatever 
 franchises England gets Ireland must get also, even if she should use 
 them for the adumbration of an Irish Republic. The fact is, upon the 
 Franchise Question, heads we win, harps they lose. If we should get 
 household suffrage, we will add the Ulster constituences wholesale to the 
 National ranks. If the household suffrage scheme should be defeated, two- 
 thirds of the Irish representation are already ours, and we will have to 
 deal with a tottering Tory Government, instead of a Whig one reinforced 
 by the influence of the artisans and labourers in the counties. Happy 
 shall we be with either." December \st, 1883. 
 
 "We attach much more significance to the principles underlying Mr. 
 Chamberlain's paper in the Fortnightly Review on the housing of the 
 poor. Some of the principles he applies to the problem of housing the 
 poor of the towns appear to us to be exactly on all fours with the prin- 
 ciples which will have to be enforced in extirpating landlordism from 
 Ireland." .... "Applying the principle at home, the State has a 
 still better right to give landlords short shrift in respect to the soil which 
 they did not create than in respect of tenement houses whose bricks and 
 mortar they paid for. The analogy is still more striking when Mr. 
 Chamberlain comes to the ' root of the matter,' and states ' the principle ' 
 on which alone a radical reform is possible : ' The expense of making towns 
 habitable for the toilers who dwell in them must be thrown on the land which 
 their toil makes valuable without any effort on the part of its owners} " 
 , . . . "If this is not the 'prairie-rent' doctrine," continues United
 
 85 
 
 Ireland, "words have no meaning. If artisans in the towns are entitled to 
 be housed at the expense of landlords who have hitherto fattened on their 
 misery, and the rights of property of these landlords are to be summarily 
 disposed of the moment they become a public nuisance, who will dispute 
 the claim of the Irish tenantry to be released from an obligation to pay 
 1 6,000,000 a-year to the idlers who have never driven a spade in the 
 soil ? or who will, demand for the Irish landlords a couple of hundred 
 millions of money for the surrender of the ' rights ' which they have used 
 for the impoverishment and ruin of the community? Briefly, Mr. 
 Chamberlain's doctrine seems to us to be as advanced as that which Mr. 
 Davitt was preaching the night after his Bristol speech in the same city. 
 Has he any forces behind him in English Radicalism to give that 
 doctrine efficacy? It is his affair, not ours." December is/, 1883.
 
 86 
 
 SECTION IV. 
 
 CRIME STATISTICS. 
 
 How CRIME HAS INCREASED IN IRELAND UNDER THE NATIONAL LAND 
 
 LEAGUE. 
 
 The Land League, with Mr. PARNELL, M.P., as President, and Mr. EGAN, as Treasurer, 
 was founded in August, 1879, though the agitation against Rent had continued from the 
 commencement of the year. 
 
 OFFICIAL RETURNS OF AGRARIAN CRIMES AND OF PERSONS " BOYCOTTF.D." 
 
 In the year 1879, the Agrarian Crimes were ... ... ... ... ... 870 
 
 In the year 1880, they rose to ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 2 >585 
 
 In the year 1881, they rose to ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 4.439 
 
 From January to June, 1882, they rose to ... ... ... .. ... ... 2,597 
 
 On the 12th July, 1882, the Crimes Prevention Act was passed, 
 
 when Agrarian Crime fell from July to December, 1882, to ... 836 
 
 In the year 1883, the Agrarian Crimes were ... ... ... ... ... 834 
 
 In the year 1884, the Agrarian Crimes were ... ... ... ... ... 744 
 
 From January to June, 1885, the Agrarian Crimes were ... ... ... ... 373) 
 
 NUMliKR OF PERSON'S WHOLLY AND PARTIALLY " BOYCOTTED '' FROM f () 7 2 
 
 APRIL TO JUNE, 1885 ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 299) 
 
 On the 12th July, 1885, the Crimes Prevention Act expired, and 
 during- the following- six months Agrarian Crimes nearly 
 doubled and "Boycotting 1 " nearly trebled. 
 
 From July to December, 1885, Agrarian Crimes rose to ... ... ... ... 543 ") 
 
 NUMBER OF PERSONS WHOLLY AND PARTIALLY "BOYCOTTED" ROSE TO 891) 
 
 From January to June, 1886, the Agrarian Crimes were ... ... ... ... 553 j 
 
 NUMHKR OF PERSONS WHOLLY AND PARTIALLY "BOYCOTTED" IN I ! >45 2 
 
 FEHRUARY, 1886 899 ) 
 
 Total number of Agrarian Crimes, which include Murder ;~| 
 Manslaughter ; Firing at the Person ; Conspiracy to 
 Mulder; Assaults on Police, Bailiffs, and Process- 
 Servers ; Cutting or Maiming the Person ; Killing, 
 Cutting or Maiming Cattle ; Firing into Dwellings, 
 &c., &c., to the date given, exclusive of " Boycotting "
 
 THE CONNECTION BETWEEN THE PARNELLITES 
 AND OUTRAGES, THE " INVINCIBLES," " MOON- 
 LIGHTERS," &c. 
 
 [Rt. Hon. \V. E. FORSTER'S explanation of the connection between 
 Mr. PARNELL and the OUTRAGE-MONGERS.] 
 
 Mr. Forster, the late Chief Secretary, describing the progress of the 
 negotiations previous to Mr. ParnelFs release, stated in the House of 
 Commons, in reference to Captain O'Shea's intercourse with him : 
 
 .... I took a memorandum at the time, and I sent it to the 
 Prime Minister, and circulated it among my colleagues. It was to this 
 effect : ' After telling me that he had been from eleven to five yesterday 
 with Parnell, O'Shea gave me his letter to him, saying that he hoped it 
 would be a satisfactory expression of union with the Liberal party. After 
 carefully reading it, I said to him, ' Is that all, do you think, that Parnell 
 would be inclined to say?' He said, 'What more do you want? Doubt- 
 less I could supplement.' I said, ' It comes to this that upon our doing 
 certain things he will help us to prevent outrages,' or words to that effect. 
 He again said, 'How can I supplement it?' referring, I imagine, to 
 different measures. I did not feel justified in giving him my own opinion, 
 which might be interpreted to be that of the Cabinet, so I said I had 
 better show the letter to Mr. Gladstone and one or two others. He said, 
 Well, there may be fault in expression, but the thing is done. If these 
 words will not do, I must get others, but what is obtained is [and here he 
 used most remarkable words] that the conspiracy which has been used to 
 get up Boycotting and outrages will now be used to put them down.' And 
 that there will be a union in the Liberal party. And, as an illustration of 
 how the first of these results was to be obtained, he said that Parnell 
 hoped to make use of a certain person, and get him back from abroad, as 
 he would be able to help him to put down conspiracy or agitation I am 
 not sure which word was used as he knew all its details in the W T est. 
 This last statement is quite true this man I will give his name if 
 required. (Cries of ' Name.') It is Sheridan 
 
 " Is a released suspect, against whom we have for some time had a 
 fresh warrant, and who, under disguises, has hitherto eluded the police, 
 coming backwards and forwards from Egan to the outrage-mongers in the 
 West. I did not feel myself sufficiently master of the situation to let him 
 see what I thought of this confidence, but 1 again told him that I could 
 
 not do more at present than tell others what he had told me 
 
 // gai't; me a sort of insight into what had been happening, which I had. 
 
 \ 2
 
 88 
 
 not before that a man whom, I knew, so far as I had any possibility oj 
 knowing, was engaged in these outrages, was so far under the influence of 
 the hon. member for the City of Cork, that upon his release, he would get 
 the assistance of that man to put down the very things which he had been 
 provoking. Well, I came away from that interview with this feeling: I 
 was very sorry I had had anything whatever to do with the negotiation, 
 although all 1 had to do with it was, to have got from the hon. member 
 for the City of Cork, a promise not to break the law. I felt I would have 
 nothing more to do with it. If it was possible to injure the power of the 
 Government in Ireland, and to make it more difficult to preserve order,, 
 it was by entering into any arrangement with a gentleman who said : 'If 
 I can get certain things done, then I will no longer instigate a breach of 
 the law ; I will try and help you to keep it, and will even make use of 
 agents who have been used for the purposes of outrages to put them 
 down."' 
 
 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OK P. J. SHERIDAN. 
 
 " Shortly after his marriage, M r. Sheridan removed to England, where 
 he took an active and prominent part in the Fenian movement, and par- 
 ticipated in the famous Chester attack. He joined three different branches 
 of the English Volunteer service, so that he might acquire a knowledge 
 of military affairs, and while connected with that force he managed to 
 swear hundreds of his comrades into the Fenian organisation 
 
 "Shortly afterwards, Mr. Sheridan returned to Ireland, and went into 
 the business of hotel-keeper and general merchant at Tubbercurry, Co. 
 Sligo (anglicc kept a public-house). At the same time he kept up his 
 connection with the movement, taking a leading part in the councils, and 
 sharing in all the risks required of men engaged in a patriotic struggle. 
 
 " When the Land League sprang into existence he affiliated with it, 
 and was elected a member of the first Executive Council. His activity 
 in the League, and his great influence with the Irish people, made 
 M r. Sheridan a marked man in the eyes of the English Government, 
 owing to which he was indicted as one of the fourteen travcrsers tried 
 with 1'arnell in Dublin in 1880, and was afterwards arrested under the 
 Coercion Act, and confined in Kilmainham Gaol for over six months. As 
 soon as he was released he resumed work, going about to prepare his 
 countrymen. Several warrants for his arrest were issued, but he managed 
 to baffle England's minions.
 
 89 
 
 "He was suddenly summoned to Dublin to attend a meeting of the 
 League Executive. He reached that city only to find that Mr. Parnell 
 had been arrested. The organisation was then virtually without a head ; 
 but Mr. Sheridan had the Land League books, documents, and accounts 
 conveyed secretly to Paris, from which place he and Patrick Egan issued 
 orders to the people of Ireland. He was one of the Committee which 
 drew up the No Rent Manifesto, which proved a potent weapon in the 
 Avar against England and landlordism. 
 
 u He found it necessary to return to Ireland for a double purpose 
 rirst, to visit his wife and family, who were almost hounded to death by 
 the English detectives ; secondly, to assist the Ladies' Land League in 
 their work. It was on that occasion that Mr. Sheridan found it necessary 
 10 assume the guise of a priest, and travelled all over Ireland for months 
 .as 'Father Murphy.'"" From the Dynamite Monthly, New York, May, 
 1884. 
 
 fP. J. SHKRIDAX'S connection with the PHCENIX PARK MURDERS.] 
 
 The following particulars in reference to Sheridan's connection with 
 the " Invincibles" and the Park murders, were brought to light at the trial 
 of the assassins : " Soon after we had established this society in 1881, or 
 January, 1882, I recollect going to the 'Angel Hotel.' This was on some 
 day in December the day we were in the Park. Walsh was with me 
 and Daniel Curley. I never knew P. J. Sheridan of Tubbercurry as 
 Sheridan, but I heard his name mentioned. Walsh introduced me to a 
 man at the Angel Hotel. I afterwards discovered that this man was 
 disguised. This was the man I was afterwards told was P. J. Sheridan. 
 He was in the garb of a priest, and was introduced to me as ' tin- 
 Rev. Father Murphy.' Walsh told him we had been out in the Park he 
 said we were looking out to see Mr. Forster, to make his acquaintance. 
 .Sheridan told us he was going down to the country. He said he was 
 .going down to establish a branch of this (the Invincible Society) down in 
 the country. I saw Sheridan in the same disguise on a second occasion 
 in the Midland Hotel. We spoke about arms to him on the second 
 occasion, and asked why did they not send over some arms to us? He- 
 said when he went back to London he would see about it. He was on 
 his way back to London the second time we saw him. He mentioned 
 then that he had been making preparations with regard to Mr. Clifford 
 Lloyd and men like him. ... I, myself, suggested knives to Sheridan 
 not knives but daggers. I suggested to put a cord round the handles
 
 90 
 
 so as to put a stop for the hand. After Sheridan left and went to London. 
 a woman came to my house with two revolvers and about six knives." 
 James Carey's Evidence at Kilmainham, February ig///, 1883. 
 
 [PATRICK EGAN'S Refusal to offer Land League Reward for 
 Discovery of PHCKNIX PARK MURDERERS.] 
 
 Mr. Egan, the treasurer of the Land League, has telegraphed the- 
 following to The Freeman's Journal of Dublin : 
 
 "Editor, Freeman, Dublin : In The Freeman of yesterday Mr. James 
 F. O'Brien suggests a reward of ,2,000 out of the Land League Fund for 
 the discovery of the perpetrators of the terrible tragedy of Saturday. 
 [The Phoenix Park Murders.] Remembering, as I do, the number of 
 innocent victims who, in the sad history of our country, have been handed 
 over to the gallows by wretched informers in order to earn the coveted 
 blood money, and foreseeing the awful danger that in the present excited 
 state of public feeling crime may be added to crime by the possible 
 sacrifice of guiltless men, I am determined that if one penny of the Land 
 League Fund \vere voted for such a purpose, I would at once resign tlu- 
 treasurership. PATRICK EGAN." Extracted from Irish Xation, May 
 \3fJi, 1882. 
 
 [The Land League Representative as an " Invincible" Organiser. 
 
 " I remember coming to a meeting in Ennis in January twelve months 
 ago. Pat Loughrey was with me. . . . There was a stranger there 
 who said he was a representative of the Land League from Dublin. He- 
 said he attended to know if the Republican Brotherhood would form a 
 new society ; that he had travelled about other parts of the country 
 already, and had formed branches in other counties. M'Enerney said 
 the Land League would supply the new society with arms. The name of 
 the new society was either 'Invincible' or 'Vigilance.'" Evidence oj 
 John Turhidy (Approver) at Ennis, April, \ 883. 
 
 i'P. J. SHERIDAN as an "Invincible'' Organiser.] 
 
 " I live at Tubbercurry (the village in which Sheridan lived;. I have- 
 known the existence of the Fenian organisation in that district for seven
 
 or eight years. I was asked twice to join it. I joined it the second time. 
 I knew P. J. Sheridan. I was told he was a county centre. Sheridan 
 talked at the meetings, and told us to form ' divisions and circles ' (the 
 ' Invincible' terms), and to subscribe, as well as I remember. I remember 
 a meeting being held at P. J. Sheridan's house at night in Tubbercurry. 
 I was stationed outside the door. Sheridan told me to stand there. 1 
 remember attending a meeting at the racecourse, about a mile outside 
 Tubbercurry. I saw Lyons after that, and he told me that he had seen 
 Patrick Sheridan in the house belonging to Jerry Lowry, and that 
 Sheridan was dressed like a priest. He said that Sheridan formed an 
 inner circle of the Fenians. They were to be called the ' Invincibles.' 
 Lyons also said that Sheridan told him to take on a few men in Tubber- 
 curry as ' Invincibles.' He said the inner circle was formed for shooting 
 people, and that we would get any amount of money for doing it. Not 
 for joining the ' inner circle,' but for any man we shot. He asked me to 
 join it, and I did so." Evidence of John Moran (approver) at Sligo, 
 May, 1884. 
 
 [Murder at the request of the Land League.] 
 
 " In March, 1883, a number of men were convicted of treason-felony 
 of having been members of an association called the Patriotic Brother- 
 hood, in the County of Armagh, which was a branch of the Invincible 
 Society, and was established by Mr. P. J. Sheridan and a memorandum- 
 book given in evidence on the trial that had been found on one of them 
 contained the following entry : ' May 24th, 1882. At the request of the 
 Land League, conveyed through Thomas Murphy, men have been sworn 
 in specially to kill Mr. Brooke.'" 
 
 [PARNELL Medals as Rewards for " Moonlighting.]" 
 
 Daniel Connell, alias Captain Moonlight, deposed :- I am nearly 
 twenty years of age. As Lieutenant in the "Moonlights" I had juris- 
 diction over the district from the Rathmore Railway Station, beyond 
 Mill-street, to Banteer Station, at Kanturk, and from near Macroom, as 
 far as Blackwater Bridge. I have sworn in between six and twelve 
 [men]. They were all sworn on the Bible by the following oath : 
 
 " I swear to be true and faithful to the Irish Republic, and to obey my 
 superiors, and to take up arms when required. Death to the Traitor. 
 So help me God.''
 
 92 
 
 This oath was in writing. I swore the oath myself. I have gone 
 about the country but I did not invite anyone or press them to take this 
 oath. They were brought to be sworn by the rest of the party. I was 
 unanimously appointed Lieutenant at the general meeting. I went about 
 the country taking charge of the arms, as I had also the position of 
 armourer, and I repaired the guns and revolvers when broken. I got 
 ^12 on two occasions from Dublin. I could not say from what place 
 there as there was no address on the letter. There were also rewards 
 given for bravery at those outrages in money, and a Parnell medal was 
 sometimes given. 
 
 [The following document was produced : Regimental order of Captain 
 Moonlight for appointed Raids on 30/12/81. Thomas Sullivan to be shot 
 in the legs ; the mother and daughter's hair to be clipped for dealing 
 with Hegarty, of Mill-street, and John Lebane, for story-telling to Father 
 Twomey, to be clipped also. John Murphy to be shot in the legs for 
 paying his rent. Signed and confirmed, Captain Moonlight.] 
 
 I wrote this, or copied it out of the Captain's book. I was offered a 
 Parnell Medal for bravery, but I took money instead. Jeremiah Riordan 
 of Mill-street [the Captain] got a medal. All the money came from 
 Dublin. Freeman's Journal Report of Evidence of John Connell 
 \Captain Moonlight}, approver, at Cork Assizes. 
 
 TExtract from Letter of Mr. H. O. ARNOLD FORSTER in the Times, 
 February 25th, 1884.] 
 
 " It is quite clear that the public does not even yet comprehend the 
 position in which members of the Central Committee of the late Land 
 League, whether in or out of Parliament, really stand. Upon that Com- 
 mittee there were seven members who, by their activity and their position, 
 are entitled to first rank. Of these seven, four carried on the work of the 
 League outside the Sackville Street room, as well as within its walls. 
 One of the four has been indicted for wilful murder. He and his three 
 companions have, for reasons best known to themselves, fled the country 
 at a period coinciding with the passing of a stringent criminal law. The 
 employers of these men, whose work for the most part was conducted 
 within the Committee rooms, are in the Imperial Parliament, and Mr. 
 Sexton is one of them. The record of the four individuals who have left 
 the country is to be found in the Outrage Blue Book. The work of their 
 associates and paymasters is contained in the documentary records of the 
 illegal society to which they belonged. It would be more accurate to say
 
 93 
 
 that it was contained in those documents, for they no longer exist. And 
 why ? Simply because they have been destroyed by those who compiled 
 them, and who were aware of their contents." 
 
 THE PARNELLITE "SECRET SERVICE FUND." 
 
 [THE PHIENIX PARK MURDER CONSPIRACY.] 
 
 " We got money. . . . two twenties and forty pounds. He told 
 us that there would be no limit to the supply, and that if I required 
 ,1,000 I could have it. We often talked amongst ourselves as to where 
 the money came from. We could not tell where the money came from. 
 According to our opinion well, we often asked where the money came 
 from ; having regard to the fact that money for some time before (before 
 the starting of the ' Invincibles ') was at a very low ebb. We used to talk 
 about the matter between ourselves. The four of us talked it over 
 repeatedly, and we said it must have come from the Land League." 
 James Carey's Revelations at Kilmainham, February, \ 883. 
 
 LAND LEAGUE SECRETARY'S REFUSAL TO DENY CAREY'S 
 CHARGE.] 
 
 " As Carey's statement had reference to a secret organisation (that is, 
 the statement that Carey made to the effect that he believed that the 
 money with which the ' Invincible ' gang was organised and maintained 
 came from the Land League), he declined to say whether it was true or 
 not." Thomas Brennan interviewed in New York by Irish World 
 Reporter, May, 1883. 
 
 [THE ''INVINCIBLE" PROVINCIAL CONSPIRACIES.] 
 
 " M'Enerney said the Land League would supply the new society 
 with arms. The name of the new society was either ''Invincible" or 
 "Vigilance." He said they would all get their expenses, and that 
 members of the society should go into different counties, and even 
 England, to shoot landlords, bailiffs, and spies, and that the Land League 
 would pay their expenses." John Turbidy's Revelations at Ennts, Apr//, 
 1883.
 
 94 
 [THE " MOONLIGHT " CONSPIRACY.] 
 
 "I got ,12 on two occasions from Dublin. I could not say from 
 what place there as there was no address on the letter. There were also 
 rewards given for bravery at these outrages in money, and a Parnell 
 medal was sometimes given. ... I was offered a Parnell medal for 
 braver)', but I took money instead. . . . All the money came from 
 Dublin." Captain Moonlighfs Revelations at Cork, January, 1882. 
 
 " But who defended ' Captain Moonlight ?' It was sworn at the trial 
 that the Land League was connected with these outrages. The defence 
 was undoubtedly carried on by the Land League. Where did the 
 hundred guineas for counsel come from ? Who paid the original retainer 
 and the refreshers from day to day ? The question had never been 
 answered. Those fees were not paid from subscription.'' The Attorney- 
 General for Ireland. Speech in the House of Commons, February, 1882. 
 
 SPECIMENS OF AMERICAN AND IRISH ASSASSINATION 
 LITERATURE. 
 
 REFERENCES TO EXECUTED " IXYIXCIBLES." 
 
 ^Irishman, April 2ist, 1883.] 
 
 u The Government will not value very highly the victory it has obtained 
 over Daniel Curley. . . . It is a triumph more for him than for the 
 prosecution.'' 
 
 {^Irishman, May izth, 1883.] 
 
 " The result of the battle for Tim Kelly's life is not cheap at the price. 
 Victories won at the cost of diffusing satisfaction, not to say suspicion, arc- 
 dearly purchased. The desire to hang him by hook or crook became the 
 fixed resolve of the Crown, assuming as the trial proceeded the tone and 
 temper of a passion. . . . What docs it teach but this most unwhole- 
 some lesson that the end justifies the means. . . . Our governors 
 may know what they are doing, but the Irish people cannot close their 
 eyes to passing events. As they are taught, so will they learn.''
 
 95 
 [Irishman, May igth, 1883.] 
 
 " All accounts agree that Joe Brady met his death with more than 
 ordinary firmness and courage. . . . Fear had no place in his heart. 
 Events transpiring since the sickening disclosures commenced at 
 Kilmainham have created sympathy for the fate of Joe Brady . . 
 Whether the bungling Marwood had to kick him into eternity, as 
 happened at Gahvay, we know not, and shall never learn." 
 
 [Irishman, June 9th, 1883.] 
 
 ''The mother of the Mr. Herbert who was murdered in Kerry has 
 received a solatium for the loss of her son in the Government Grant (to 
 be paid out of the pockets of the poor) of ,400. We hope Mother 
 Herbert is satisfied with the amount of the compensation. If Mr. 
 Herbert's grandmother were alive, we suppose she, too, would have a 
 claim to a handful of the people's earnings." 
 
 [Irishman, June i6th, 1883.] 
 
 '' Kelly, the boy of 19 years is 'removed,' and the sovereign sway of 
 Her Britannic Majesty Queen Victoria, by the grace of (iod is saved from 
 danger. Moreover, the noble blood of Cavendish is avenged. Five 
 more Irishmen are the least that could placate the angry manes of one. 
 Devonshire." 
 
 [Irishman, December 2 2nd, 1883.] 
 
 " The holy festival of Christianity is ushered in with a double deed of 
 
 blood O'Donnell, the man who shot the accursed informer, 
 
 Carey, perished on the scaffold on Monday morning at the Old Bailey in 
 London. Joseph Poole was hung at Richmond Prison, Dublin, on the 
 
 following morning Well, therefore, ma}- Mr. Gladstone, and 
 
 his Liberal Viceroy, join in the hymn of praise which will be heard in 
 Hawarden and St. Werburgh's Church a couple of days hence "Glory to 
 God on high, and on earth peace.'' .... The world will not regard 
 
 them in any light save that of legal murderers There is such a 
 
 thing in our social life as State-made crime, and there is such a thing in 
 
 National struggles as Government-made murder So long as 
 
 England denies to this country the right to make its own laws for its own 
 people she must expect the recurrence of dangers to her own peace.'"
 
 9 6 
 
 [Irishman, March i5th, 1884.] 
 
 u The good and gracious Earl of Derby last year said in the House of 
 Lords that, if people were to be killed, he could not see the difference it 
 made to blow them to bits with dynamite instead of with gunpowder. 
 Has this enlightened view been made the text of the dynamite doctrinaires? 
 We pity the perversion of their reason if they have appropriated the idea, 
 in ignorance of the fact potent to all men, that the elements of destruction 
 were ordained from the beginning as the sole and sacred possession of 
 the powers that be, and not of the powers that would be. A remonstrance 
 of another kind an address to (J'Donovan Rossa and to Joe Brady's 
 brother (who has just gone in heartily with the dynamite business) and it 
 is this They are not justified in removing mere atoms of humanity. 
 Know they not that Cromwell was great because he was able to snuff out 
 thousands with a puff of his nostrils. At his bidding hecatombs lay 
 weltering in their gore, therefore the name of Cromwell stands glorified 
 amongst the noblest of the godlike heroes of Great Britain. If Rossa 
 <-annot become a Cromwell let him hang his head." 
 
 [From the Irish World r . 1 
 
 " Unlike the slave-masters of the South, the masters of the Irish people 
 j-;ive them leave to run away from their country, and are glad of the rid- 
 . dance. If they are resolved to remain in the land which the Lord our 
 (iod gave to them they must fight. But how are they to fight? The 
 Irish nation is disarmed, and its population are held as prisoners of 
 war. The Irish cannot fight on the honourable conditions which their 
 Knglish conquerors mockingly prescribe. If they are to fight at all they 
 must avail themselves of such methods and such agencies as nature and 
 .science put within their reach.'' September 4///, 1886. 
 
 j From the Boston Pilot, quoted in Erening Mail, March 271)1, 1886. J 
 
 "The deliberate speech of Mr. Gladstone will justify Irishmen for the 
 retaliation of despair in case the Bill be defeated." 
 
 [From the Chicago Citizen.^ 
 
 "Mr. Ford's position is, therefore, as plain as a pike-handle. We 
 don't believe that any Irishman with hot, manly blood in his veins will
 
 97 
 
 object to it. ' Moral force ; is at present being sat down upon unmerci- 
 fully in Windmill Hall, commonly called the British House of Commons. 
 ParnelFs amendments to the Address have been buried out of sight. 
 Sexton's fared no better. The English allies are deserting by the dozen. 
 Morley, Bradlaugh, and Labouchere alone, among the British leaders, 
 remain faithful. England has recovered from her dynamite panic and 
 has grown confident and saucy again. Perhaps the ' Irish-American 
 desperadoes' 1 are all dead. Per/taps, on the other hand, they are not" 
 
 THE CONNECTION BETWEEN JOURNALISTIC INCITE- 
 MENT AND ACTUAL CRIME. 
 
 [Freeman's Journal, published daily in Dublin.] 
 
 " There ought to be a clean sweep out of all the miserable 'deputies of 
 deputies' (to use an expression of Lord Chesterfield's) who have brought 
 about the unfortunate condition to which Ireland has lapsed." Freeman '.v 
 Journal leading article, May 2nd, 1882. 
 
 [Now when did you resolve upon the assassination of Mr. Burke? 
 After I had seen an article in the Freeman's Journal in reference to 
 the Government officials of Dublin Castle. This article appeared on the 
 2nd of May, and the order was issued to kill Mr. Burke on the 3rd May, 
 the day following. James Carey (Invincible informer) at Kilmainham, 
 February \<)t/i, 1883.] 
 
 ^United Ireland, published weekly in Dublin.] 
 
 "But the money it" (that is the Castle) "spends, and the favours it 
 distributes, and the foul toads who use it as a cistern to knot and gender 
 in it, are just the things which make the harmless travesty of vice-royalty 
 
 an offence and scorn to Irishmen The toads are the gang of alien 
 
 officials who nestle in the snuggeries of the Castle like as many asps in 
 the bosom of the country. Down with the whole bundle of rottenness and 
 imposture." United Ireland, May $th, 1882. 
 
 KS- [This was followed by the Phoenix Park murders, by which one of 
 the principal Castle officials was assassinated.]
 
 9 8 
 
 " The jury was as shamefully concocted, its partisanship was as 
 indecent, and the evidence was evidence upon which an English jury 
 
 would not hang a dog Once the word is passed to ' convict 
 
 murderers,' a metropolitan Protestant and loyal jury, under the eye of 
 Mr. Norris Goddard, may be trusted to know a murderer when they sec 
 
 him without splitting hairs about particulars What is even more 
 
 aggravating than a patent murder-machine as a system of government is 
 the Pharisaism which shelters the achievements of Mr. Goddard's pals 
 under the venerable title of trial by jury, and decries as a foe to public 
 justice whoever cries out on the imposture. 1 ' "The Bloody Assize."- 
 United Ireland. 
 
 " The incident of Mr. Field passing down an affectionate billet dou.v 
 from the jury-box to Norris Goddard." United Ireland, October ////, 1882. 
 
 t&r [This was followed by an attempt on the life of Mr. Field, which was 
 successful to the extent of keeping him hovering between life and death 
 for months. The attempted murder was by the Phoenix Park assassins.] 
 
 " Silence and veneration is demanded by the religion of English rule, 
 and we bow before its sacred symbol, the gallows. Not often, even in 
 the bloodstained records of Ireland, has there been a tragedy more pitiful, 
 more horrible, than that of which Francis Hynes was the victim. Need 
 we recapitulate the grotesque mockery of the trial ? . . . A jury presided 
 over by a judge who, from the commencement of the trial to its close, did 
 not even attempt to conceal his indecent longing for a conviction. It was 
 not enough that his charge should be a speech for the prosecution. By 
 nod and smile throughout the trial he emphasised each scrap of evidence 
 that seemed to tell against the prisoner; by shrugs and deprecatory 
 
 gestures he made light of the defence Need we speak of the 
 
 ' terrible ' exposure that followed ? Judge Lawson, in a tempest of virtuous 
 indignation, decided that jury-packing and jury orgies were subjects too 
 sacred for public comment." United Ireland. 
 
 Ufa" [This was followed by an attempt on the life of Mr. Justice Lawson 
 by one of the Phoenix Park murderers. Happily it was unsuccessful.]
 
 99 
 
 [Specimens of the manner in which outrages and crime are reported in 
 the columns of UNITED IRELAND the headings being of such a type 
 as "THE SPIRIT OF THE COUNTRY," "INCIDENTS IN^THE CAM- 
 PAIGN-,'' -v.] 
 
 "A FARMER SHOT DEAD." 
 
 %t Peter Doherty, a young farmer, living at Carrigan, who took a farm 
 surrendered by another tenant who was refused a reduction, was shot dead 
 at his own door on Wednesday night." 
 
 " A STORY FROM BALTINGLASS." 
 
 '"The youngest child of Mr. Thompson, of this town, died on Wednes- 
 day morning, and because this gentleman has incurred, in some way, the 
 displeasure of the Land League, a carpenter would not be allowed to 
 make a coffin for him. The crape on his door knocker was pelted with 
 stones." 
 
 "BY PERSONS UNKNOWN." 
 
 " On Saturday night, at 1 1 o'clock, an attack was made by twenty men 
 with blackened faces on the house of Owen Curtin, of Mountmay. They 
 tired shots into the house, and broke in the door. Curtin and his son 
 were taken out of the house and beaten in the yard with the butts of 
 guns. Old Curtin was then sworn that he would not dispossess a tenant 
 on whom he had served a notice to quit. Curtin was some time ago 
 brought before the Kilavullen Land League for not gii'ing an abatement to 
 his tenant, and reprimanded. On the party leaving Curtin's house they 
 tired several shots, and promised to visit him again if he did not do as 
 they wished. The police have been out making inquiries, but no arrests 
 have been made, as Curtin and family say they do not know any of the 
 persons who attacked them." 
 
 " ATTEMPT TO BURN A BAILIFF." 
 
 " On Monday night a most determined attempt was made to burn a 
 bailiff to death at Creaden, in the county of Waterford. It appears that 
 a couple of days ago a tenant of Earl Fortescue, named Rally, was 
 evicted for non-payment of rent, and a bailiff was put into possession of 
 the farm. The bailiff in charge went to bed about 1 1 o'clock at night, 
 and was awakened about two o'clock in the morning by the crackling of 
 burnt timber, and jumping out of bed, he found the dwelling-house in 
 flames. It was with great difficulty he got out of the burning house.''
 
 IOO 
 
 " DENYING THE SOFT IMPEACHMENT." 
 
 " Richard Brown, agricultural implement maker, writes to the Wexforcl 
 People to den>- that he worked for Boycotted persons at Adamstown ax 
 charged by the chairman of a local Land League." 
 
 "SUSPECTED OF PAYING RENT." 
 
 "A telegram from Carrick-on-Shannon states that large quantities of 
 farm produce were burned on Wednesday night on farms near Readon 
 and Ballyfaron, the owners being suspected of paying their rent." 
 
 " A MIDNIGHT WARNING." 
 
 "A. telegram of Thursday says, a party of armed, disguised men, last 
 night, visited the house of a farmer named Michael Walshe, at Berring, 
 twelve miles from Cork, and cautioned him repeatedly not to pay his rent, 
 or they would take (his life. He said he would pay his rent, and would 
 not be intimidated by them. One of the party then fired and wounded 
 him, it is believed mortally. The tenants were about to pay their rents 
 to Mr. Saunders, of Charleville. It is stated they are afraid now to pay. 
 A man named Daniel Herlihy has been arrested." 
 
 " DESPERATE ASSAULT." 
 
 " A woman named Mary Carroll, who recently took a farm from which 
 a family named Dolan had been evicted, was fearfully beaten and kicked 
 about the head at^Newtown, near Ballinasloe, on Tuesday night, and lies 
 in a precarious condition in the Ballinasloe Workhouse Hospital.'' 
 
 THE "IRISH WORLD" AND THE PARNELLITES. 
 
 It has recently become the fashion of the Parnellites to repudiate all 
 connection with the Irish World newspaper. That the truth may be 
 known with regard to the matter, the following extracts are given. The 
 character of the man who edits the Irish H'orM, and who first gave Davitt 
 money to start the agitation, may be gathered from the following confes- 
 sion made by him in his issue of Sept. 4th, 1886: "Unlike the slave. - 
 masters of the South, the masters of the Irish people give them leave to run 
 away from their country, and are glad of the riddance. If they are resolved
 
 to remain in the land which the Lord our God gave to them then they must 
 fight. But how are they to fight? The Irish nation are disarmed, and its 
 population are held as prisoners of war. The Irish cannot fight on the 
 honourable conditions which their English conquerors mockingly pre- 
 scribe. If they are to fight at all they must avail themselves of such 
 methods and such agencies as nature and science put within their reach." 
 This of course refers to the use of dynamite, and it is because of the 
 present necessity to discountenance extreme measures that the Parnellites 
 seek now to " cry off" from Mr. Ford. That Ford, on his side, thinks 
 somewhat less of his colleagues is evidenced by the following from his 
 pen in the same issue of his journal as the foregoing appears : " I am 
 loyal to Parnell, but not his slave. Parnell in my judgment has made 
 some mistakes. The Kilmainham Treaty, so called, I think, was a mis- 
 take ; his forcing O'Shea on the people of Galway I think was a mistake ; 
 and his denial in the House of Commons of a certain passage in his 
 {.."incinatti speech I cannot regard but as a mistake." 
 
 MONTREAL, March $?//, 1880. 
 PATRICK. FORD, 
 
 Will be leaving on Thursday for Ireland in the Baltic. Shall of course 
 return to America after the elections. The work here is vitally important 
 and must go on. 
 
 Tell my friends to keep the good work going and the flag flying, and 
 we shall come back with victory shining on our banners to complete a 
 labour in America that is yet scarcely begun. 
 
 Dillon remains here on guard, and will keep the ball rolling till my 
 return. Canada has welcomed us magnificently, and Montreal turned 
 out in a style that shows to our enemies that Irish hearts are Irish 
 everywhere. 
 
 Men of America ! Keep on forming Land Leagues, and, above all, 
 sustain the men at home in the present crisis. 
 
 Have called by telegraph a hurried conference of Irish Leaders at the 
 New York Hotel on the morning of my departure. Hope for your 
 presence. 
 
 CHARLES S. PARNELL. 
 Irish World, March loth, 1880. 
 
 " The Land League has scored a victory. The ten-to-two disagree- 
 ment of the jury in face of the tremendous pressure of the Court is 
 
 everywhere accepted as having the effect of an acquittal 
 
 K
 
 102 
 
 Thanks to the Irish World and its readers for their constant co-operation 
 and substantial support in our great cause. Let them have no fear for its 
 ultimate success." 
 
 CHARLKS STKWART PARNKU,. 
 J nn nary 26///, 1881. 
 
 " In the name of the Land League I beg to tender to the readers of 
 the Irish World, and to all co-operators, its sincere and most grateful 
 acknowledgments." 
 
 THOMAS BRENNAX, 
 Secretary to the Land League. 
 
 u Xo copies of the Irish World have been received in Ireland during' 
 the last two weeks. It is thought the Government is intercepting them. 
 Let those who have so generously assisted us in spreading tlie 
 light relax not in their good work. Let them continue to aid us in the 
 holy work in which we are engaged. The Irish ]orld \\\\\ find its way 
 into Ireland in spite of the efforts that are made to keep it out." 
 
 THOMAS BKKNXAX, 
 Secretary to the Land League. 
 
 " All sorts of theories are afloat concerning this explosion, but the truly 
 loyal one is flint J<~cnianisin did it. Accidents can never occur in times 
 like these. It is asserted that the regiment now quartered in the Salford 
 barracks contains many Irish, and that Fenianism has been previously 
 suspected among them." 
 
 THOMAS BRKXNAX to the Irish ll'orld. 
 
 " Large amounts of money began to pour in from America, being 
 sent to Father Walsh or direct to the treasurer of the Irish Land League, 
 Patrick L'gan. The largest subscription was sent through the Irish 
 M'orld. It is but justice to Mr. Ford that I should state in this most 
 jniblic manner the work he has done for the League. His support lias
 
 never wavered for a moment, and his paper has always been foremost in 
 doing anything and everything which it could in behalf of the movement." 
 
 MICHAEL DAVITT Interviewed. 
 
 " By all means send the Irish World into Ireland. Its power for 
 good is wonderful ; it is an all-strengthening force among the Irish people, 
 and I cannot speak too strongly on the subject." 
 
 MICHAEL DAVID: at ST. Louis. 
 
 [i. PATRICK EGAN, Land League Treasurer, to PATRICK FORD. 
 Editor, Irish World.'} 
 
 " We call upon every Irish Nationalist, and ever) 7 friend of liberty, 
 justice and humanity, to stand by us in the coming crisis." 
 
 [2. PATRICK FORD to PATRICK EGAX.] 
 
 " I cable you. twenty thousand francs, with, however, the injunction 
 Let the word go forth No RENT." 
 
 [3. PATRICK EGAN to PATRICK FORD.] 
 
 " Prompt measures are in progress to procure a general strike against 
 Rent. The manifesto will be issued without delay." 
 
 [4. PATRICK FORD TO PATRICK EGAN.] 
 
 "A thousand cheers for that glorious manifesto. It is the bravest act 
 of the Land War. God bless YOU all." 
 
 [The Irish World to its Readers.] 
 
 The " No-Rent Banner" is unfurled. Let us bare our heads in its 
 presence, and, kneeling in spirit before it, thank God that He has 
 inspired the hearts of the dungeoned leaders of the oppressed people to 
 
 speak the word Send out collectors Give ten 
 
 dollars where heretofore you have given but one. 
 
 Quotations in Freeman's Journal, December I4///. 1881. 
 
 K 2
 
 " The sum total forwarded to Mr. Egan by the Irish World was more 
 than equal to the sum total raised for the same purpose by all other 
 agencies in America combined." Irish World, November 2 *>th, 1882. 
 
 " I very much fear that some expressions reported in the Freeman of yesterday 
 from Mr. Healy's speech of Tuesday night may lead to the formation 
 of erroneous opinion in Ireland about the part which the "Irish World" 
 has played in the movement of the last seven years. It is not correct 
 to say, 'For years and years the "Irish World" had never ceased to 
 attack us (Irish cheers), because it has been our most persistent enemy.' 
 I am aware that from the formation of the National League until a year or so 
 ago, Mr. Patrick Ford had ceased to support the constitutional movement in 
 Ireland, and had often, I regret to say, severely, and, I think, mistakenly 
 criticised Mr. Parnell's policy, while at the same time advocating a counter- 
 policy of dynamite which found no support from Land Leaguers in Ireland who 
 had previously worked in harmony with the Irish World. P.ut Mr. Ford, since 
 abandoning the dynamite propaganda, has largely aided the National League 
 of America by the powerful advocacy of his great paper, as well as by 
 stimulating the subscriptions of Irish-Americans to the funds of that 
 League. 
 
 " I do not think Mr. Healy is just to the Irish World when he says : ' \Ye 
 would have got the subscriptions (the money sent to the Land League) if the 
 Irish World never existed.' This I deny. I believe that three-fourths of 
 the enormous sum of money received by the Land League from America 
 was subscribed through the appeals which were made by Patrick Ford 
 in his paper, through the instrumentality of the hundreds of branches of 
 the auxiliary American League which was organised by the " Irish 
 World." . . . I feel compelled at the dictates of a sense of justice to 
 make these observations in defence of a man of whose immense services 
 to the cause of Ireland during the life of the Land League I must always 
 cherish a feeling of profound gratitude." MICHAEL DAYITT, London, May 
 2j///, 1886.
 
 IDS 
 THE NO RENT MANIFESTO. 
 
 TO THE PEOPLE OF IRELAND. 
 
 The Government of England has declared war against the Irish people. The 
 organisation that protected them against the ravages of landlordism has been 
 declared " unlawful and criminal." A reign of terror has commenced. Meet the 
 action of the English Government with a determined passive resistance. The No 
 Rent Banner has been raised, and it remains with the people now to prove them- 
 selves dastards or men. 
 
 I' AY NO RENT. 
 
 AVOID THE LAND COURT. 
 
 Such is the programme now before the country. Adopt it, and it will lead you 
 to free land and happy homes. Reject it, and slavery and degradation will be 
 your portion. 
 
 PAY NO RENT. 
 
 The person who does should be visited with the severest sentence of social 
 ostracism. 
 
 AVOID THE LAND COURT. 
 
 Cast out the person who enters it as a renegade to his country and to the cause 
 of his fellow men. 
 
 HOLD THE HARVEST 
 
 is the watchword. To do that effectually you should, as far as possible, turn it 
 into money. Sell your stock, when such a course will not entail a loss. Make a 
 friendly arrangement with your creditors about your interests in your farms. A 
 short and sharp struggle now, and the vilest oppression that ever afflicted humanity 
 will be wiped away. 
 
 NO RENT. 
 
 Your brethren in America have risen to the crisis, and are ready to supply you 
 with unlimited funds, provided you maintain your attitude of passive resistance and 
 PAY NO RENT. 
 
 NO RENT. 
 
 " The tenants of Ireland have still one tremendous move in their power, and 
 that is TO QUIETLY STAY AT HOME AND PAY NO RENT. I believe that if they 
 unitedly adopted a policy of passive resistance, which I do not see how it would 
 be possible for the landlords to combat, it would lead to one of the greatest revo- 
 lutions that Ireland has ever known." NASSAU WILLIAM, Senior Professor 
 Political Economy, University of Oxford. 
 
 " I do not suggest any impossible hypothesis to your Majesty when I state the 
 possibility (I might state it more strongly) of the tenantry of the country refusing 
 to pay tithes or rents. The clergy and the landlords might have recourse to the law, 
 but how is the law to be enforced? How can they distrain for RENT OR TITHES 
 
 UPON MILLIONS OF TENANTS?" The DUKE OF WELLINGTON to the King. 
 
 " The land, therefore, of any country is the common property of the people of 
 that country, because its real owner, the Creator, who made it, has transferred it 
 as a voluntary gift to them." Dr. NULTY, Bishop of Meath. 
 PAY NO RENT. 
 
 By Order, 
 PATRICK EG AN, Treasurer.
 
 io6 
 
 SECTION V. 
 
 THE PARNELLITES AND EARL SPENCER. 
 
 [Owing to the fact that the conversion of Earl Spencer to "Home Rule" 
 is regarded as the most important, as it is the most inexplicable, volte face 
 on the part of the Gladstonian Liberals, it is thought desirable to give the 
 following extracts. Earl Spencer, it will be remembered, was Mr. Glad- 
 stone's viceroy from 1882 to 1885; and during his term of office there was 
 no stronger official and no fiercer opponent of the Parnellite method of 
 procedure. His views on the men and the aims of the Parnellite party 
 will be found under Section VIII. As all the world knows, Earl Spencer 
 is now one of the strongest allies Mr. Gladstone has.] 
 
 [Mr. W. O'BRIEN, ex-M.P., at CARRICK-ON-SUIR, on September yth, 
 
 1884.] 
 
 " Ireland is ruled by the worst Englishman and the most sneaking 
 Scotchman that ever crossed the Channel " (meaning Lord Spencer and 
 Mr. Trevelyan). 
 
 [Mr. T. M. HKALV, ex-M.P., at Meeting of Irish National League in 
 DUBLIN, September 8th, 1884.] 
 
 " In their time they had been told hard things of the Tory Government, 
 and these hard things were every one of them well deserved. But they 
 had not for some years a chance of seeing whether a Liberal Government
 
 was not as hard in its heart and as hypocritical in its professions. They 
 understood being kept down by force by the iron rule of some man like 
 Cromwell, but they did not understand being ruled by men of the mould 
 of Earl Spencer and some of his colleagues. Dean S\vift had once said, 
 * It was no shame to be conquered and held down by a lion, but no man 
 should be controlled by a rat.' And he echoed the sentiment. They 
 could understand being conquered and held down by a great man, but 
 they could not understand being held down by men like Lord Cowper and 
 Lord Spencer." 
 
 [From United Ireland, September i3th, 1884.^ 
 
 " Proofs of the most appalling crimes against the present Irish adminis- 
 tration are accumulating in such masses that nothing short of the 
 impeachment of Earl Spencer not even his prompt retirement can now 
 satisfy the public mind. The last English ruler of Ireland who was 
 impeached, and whose head was cut off (Strafford), was guilty of very 
 much more venial offences. Intimidating juries into false verdicts was 
 one of his peccadilloes. Is it a worse crime to intimidate uncomplaisant 
 juries than never to allow them to be juries at all, but to put murderers- 
 made-easy from the Orange and Freemason Lodges in their place? .... 
 Strafford was not accused of killing innocent men; of letting known 
 murderers go unharmed, or instigating foul criminals to assail his political 
 opponents, and then screening them behind the viceregal -Egis when they 
 got the worst of it ; of writing autograph letters of thanks to convicted 
 swindlers, and placing them high in the public service ; of maintaining out 
 of secret funds a detective department which was simply a devilish factory 
 of crime and outrage, a cave into which unsuspecting youth was seduced, 
 to emerge on the gallows, or in a convict cell for life. These are charges 
 for which public opinion has in vain striven, in the Press and in Parliament, 
 
 to bring Earl Spencer to an account We do not expect that his 
 
 allies in the English Parliament will hand Earl Spencer over to the public 
 executioner; but we will very cheerfully force the verdict of history, when 
 the Irish indictment is unfolded, as to what would be his fate if he had 
 perpetrated on English freemen the slaughters, crimes, and perfidies which 
 will be monuments of his rule in Ireland." 
 
 In the same paper, writing of Earl Spencer's visit to Killarney, Mr. 
 ParnelFs editor said: "The whole country, with a moderately-minded 
 archbishop at its head, is importuning his administration for an inquiry 
 into unanswered charges of judicial murder and condonation of murder 
 and bestiality."
 
 io8 
 
 [Mr. JUSTIN MCCARTHY, M.P., at ATHLONE, October 5th, 1884.] 
 
 " They denounced Lord Spencer, and condemned him not more for 
 the men he had imprisoned than for the men he had allowed to go 
 at large, .... because of the criminals he had sheltered, the miscreants 
 he had protected and encouraged, and the depth of enormous infamy he 
 had striven to conceal/' 
 
 [Mr. JOSEPH BIGGAR, M.P., at LONDONDERRY, on January i2th, 
 
 1885.] 
 
 "You know that the present Government are guilty of the most 
 heinous crimes. You know that Earl Spencer is guilty of murder. I say 
 that with deliberation, and it was not the first time that it had been said : 
 and they had offered to prove it if the Government would supply the 
 evidence which they knew was in their possession. Every man who 
 supported the Government of Earl Spencer was a murderer, as being 
 responsible for the conduct of that Government. Earl Spencer did not 
 draw the rope that hung Mylcs Joyce, but he was guilty all the same." 
 
 [Mr. T. M. HEALY, ex-M.P., at BELFAST. May 29th. 1885. ' 
 
 " Lord Spencer docs not hiss the Irish people, he bayonets them. 
 Well, we can only hiss him for the present" "the obvious meaning of 
 which/' wrote a Dublin paper, "is that we (the Irish) will presently be 
 able to slay him." 
 
 "Mr. C. S. PARXKI.L, M.I'., in the House of Commons, on July 5th. 
 
 1885.' 
 
 " I say that some of the guilt of the judicial murder of Myles Joyce 
 and four other innocent men rests with the present occupants of the front 
 
 Opposition Bench It may be possible for the Irish people to 
 
 forgive the conduct of Earl Spencer, but I feel sure the}- will never 
 foryet it."
 
 log 
 
 SECTION VI. 
 
 RELIEF OF DISTRESS FUND. Of the total amount of this fund 
 ,10,000 was diverted, without any authority from the subscribers whatever, 
 to the League Political Fund ; and a balance of .3,658. os. ^d. remained 
 over, which has never been accounted for. 
 
 FAIR TRIAL FUND. The only item of expense against this fund 
 which was collected to defray the expense of the abortive prosecution 
 commenced against Messrs. Davitt, Brennan, Killen and Daly, in 1879, 
 but which never came off was a sum of ,40 paid to the solicitors for the 
 accused. There is, therefore, a balance of ,984. os. 6d. unaccounted for. 
 
 PARNELL DEFENCE FUND. This account also shows a surplus of 
 ,2,383. i6s. i</., of which nothing is known. 
 
 The POLITICAL (or GENERAL) FUND of the LAND LEAGUE was in- 
 tended principally for the support of evicted tenants, and the funds of the 
 Ladies'" Land League were used for the same purpose, as well as providing 
 food and other necessaries for the political prisoners, and supporting their 
 families. The total receipts for all these purposes from Ireland, America and 
 elsewhere amounted to as will be seen from Table I. ,173,026. los. <)d., 
 while the total expenditure (so far as is known) was only ,67,720. 14.?. qrf., 
 leaving an unaccounted-for balance of .105,305. 16.9. od. that is to say, 
 little more than a third of the amount received was spent in relieving 
 the evicted, which was the primary purpose for which the money was 
 subscribed. 
 
 When Mr. Egan, the Land League Treasurer, was removed from 
 office, he professed to have a balance in hand of ,31,900, but from that 
 time to the present nothing is known by the general public as to what 
 became of it. 
 
 IRISH NATIONAL LEAGUE. --Evicted tenants are also supposed to 
 have first claim for relief upon this fund, but out of a total of ,97,537. 9^. 3</. 
 (received, according to the published reports, as per Table I., up to June 
 3oth, 1886 they have got only ,14,954. los. od., or about one-seventh of 
 the whole sum.
 
 I 10 
 
 THE SOURCE OF THE PARNELLITE INCOME. -I. 
 
 [Details of Subscriptions received for "Central Fund," as distinct from the numerous 
 " Special Funds," Money Testimonials, &c. for which see page ill.] 
 
 FROM FROM 
 
 IRELAND, &c. AMERICA, &c. 
 
 Subscriptions acknowledged from October to December, 
 1879 
 
 s. d. 
 
 190 15 4 
 
 , 
 
 * 
 
 In the year 1880, they rose to 
 
 6,176 i; T. 
 
 12,764 
 
 O IO 
 
 Amount transferred from League Relief Fund (subscribed 
 in America) to Political Fund in January, 1880 
 
 
 IO,OOO 
 
 
 
 Balance of same fund not accounted for ... 
 
 
 3,658 
 
 o 3 
 
 In the year 1881, when the Land League was suppressed 
 by Proclamation, the funds, supplemented by the 
 Ladies' Land League and Political Prisoners' Susten- 
 tentation Fund, rose to . ... 
 
 19,106 7 t; 
 
 26,422 
 
 i 3.802 
 
 i i 
 
 8 2 
 
 Subscriptions received by League Treasurer in Paris, from 
 November, 1881, to April, 1882, and by Ladies' Land 
 League and Political Prisoners' Sustentation Fund, 
 from January to August, 1882 ... 
 
 it \Os I 7 
 
 6? %28 
 
 n 6 
 
 In the year 1883 the National League Subscriptions, 
 including Parliamentary Fund, acknowledged were... 
 
 2,977 6 4 
 
 10,822 
 
 14 10 
 
 In the year 1884 the Subscriptions acknowledged were ... 
 From January to June, 1885 
 
 3,707 5 2 
 
 4,081 
 
 f OOO 
 
 6 o 
 o o 
 
 From July to December, 1885 
 From January to June, 1886 
 
 7,878 14 i 
 
 1 C7-> -; fi 
 
 20,948 
 
 II 
 
 4 
 
 From Tune to September, 1886 
 
 1.080 18 6 
 
 12.^.^ 
 
 J. 
 
 Total 336,705 5 
 
 81,806 6 3 254.8<)S 14 2 
 
 The Foreign Subscriptions are thus more than three times the Subscrip- 
 tions received in Ireland and Great Britain.
 
 Ill 
 
 THE SOURCE OF THE PARNELLITE INCOME II. 
 
 [Details of Subscriptions received for " Special Funds," as distinct from the Central 
 Funds for which see page no.] 
 
 
 FROM FROM 
 IRELAND. AMERICA, &c. 
 
 Relief of Distress Fund, 1879-80 
 
 s. d. ' s. d. 
 
 QA2 Q I 5973O O IO 
 
 Fair Trial Fund, 1879 ... . . 
 
 1,024 o 6 i 
 
 Parnell Defence Fund 1 880-81 
 
 1 
 19,129 15 i TOJ! 9 9 
 
 Dr. Kenny and Father Sheeny Testimonials, 1882-83 
 Evicted Tenants' Fund, 1882-83 
 
 2,500 o o 
 8, 500 o o 
 
 Parnell Testimonial, 1883 
 
 33,808 15 7 6,191 4 5 
 
 Mr. Gray's Indemnity Fund, 1883 
 
 500 o o 
 
 Mr. W. O'Brien's 1884.-;... 
 
 6,2OO O O 2. COO O O 
 
 Testimonials to Messrs. Lalor, A. O'Connor, O'Kelly, 
 Sexton, Harrington, Sullivan, and Healy, to defray 
 their expenses in Parliament, 1883-4-5 ... ... S;363 16 3 
 
 Expenses of meetings, law costs, &c., defrayed locally and 
 independent of the Central Treasury down to October, 
 1882, estimated by Mr. P. Egan to amount to ... 80,000 o o 
 
 Ditto from October, 1882, to June, 1886, say ... ... 80,000 o o 
 
 Loss on Dublin Exhibition, stated by Mr. Egan to , 
 
 amount to ... ... ... ... ... ... 25,000 o o 
 
 Irish Parliamentary Fund, in course of collection, to 
 
 September 1st, 1886 6,592 19 3 
 
 Total 
 
 In all .338,814 10 9 
 
 .269,561 15 9 69,252 15 o
 
 112 
 
 SECTION VII. 
 
 NOTES ON THE CHICAGO CONVENTION. 
 
 The following quotations will show the hollow falseness of the 
 Parnellite pretence that the Convention of the Irish-American National 
 League, held in Chicago in August last [1886], accepted Mr. Gladstone's 
 now defunct scheme as a settlement in full of the Irish demand for Home 
 Rule. 
 
 At a Meeting held at Ogden Grove, previous to the assembling of the- 
 Convention, under the patronage of Mr. Patrick Egan, President of the 
 Irish-American National League, and Mr. Alexander Sullivan, ex-President 
 of the same organisation, and at which both were present, ex-Congressman 
 Finerty made a speech, which was enthusiastically applauded, in which 
 he said : 
 
 " If, as Lord Salisbury had said, ' Manacles and Manitoba' were the 
 only remedies for Irish disaffection, he (Mr. Finerty) spoke no lying 
 words when he said it would be the duty of the Irish in America to see 
 that the people of Ireland were not left without the means of resistance." 
 
 An address from the United Irish Societies of America was read at 
 this meeting, and vehemently applauded and commended by the principal 
 speakers. The following passages arc taken from it : 
 
 "The Union is void and not of binding obligation on the people of 
 Ireland, and it docs not confer on the British Parliament the right to make 
 
 laws to bind the Irish nation We hold it sound in principle, 
 
 true in morals, and justifiable by the highest standard of reason to declare 
 and maintain that the Irish people have the right, and may warrantably
 
 endeavour to overthrow British dominion in that country by force of 
 
 arms We are unalterably of the conviction that no man has 
 
 the right to or can bind the Irish nation to accept, as a final settlement or 
 adjustment of the great and long-continued wrongs and grievances 
 inflicted by British power, any Act of Parliament which does not restore 
 to Ireland a native Parliament representative of all her people, and vested 
 with plenary powers and authority, not subordinate to the British Par- 
 liament, to originate and enact laws and measures for the government of 
 the Irish nation ; we shall regard the offer or pledge of any Parliamentary- 
 representative of Ireland to accept, or that Ireland will accept, such an 
 inadequate grant or concession in full satisfaction and final settlement of 
 her just demand as unauthorised and a violation of his sacred trust. 
 
 " Mr. Michael Davitt, who was present, took exception to some of 
 Mr. Finerty's remarks, and that gentleman defended himself in a strong 
 speech, which was loudly cheered, in which he said, ' Mr. Parnell had 
 declared, at meetings in London and Portsmouth, that he would accept 
 Mr. Gladstone's Home Rule Bill as final. Did Mr. Parnell or Mr. Davitt 
 mean to tell the American people that they would hide under a little 
 corner of the Union Jack ? If they in America could in any way harass 
 
 England, they would do it It should be understood that they 
 
 did not approve of Mr. Parneli's offer to accept Mr. Gladstone's Home 
 Rule Bill as a final settlement of the Irish question. It was better that 
 Irishmen in America should tell the leaders in Ireland what they wanted 
 than that the English should tell them. Mr. Parnell had denied his 
 American brethren in the British House of Commons, but they would not 
 deny him. They would never surrender the idea of revenge until England 
 had paid the last morsel of reparation for all the wrong she had done to 
 
 Ireland In conclusion, he said, ' I pray to God that the time 
 
 may come when, upon some broad field arranged in the order of battle, 
 the Irish race would wipe out, in honest warfare, the stigma of the Boyne 
 and the wrongs of Ireland." 
 
 In opening the proceedings of the Convention, President Egan de- 
 livered a long speech, in which he said : 
 
 " Unity, caution, perseverance, and determination, are the necessity of 
 the hour unity between all honest, manly elements of Irish Nationalism 
 on this continent, under the banner of the Irish National League of 
 America, and unity of purpose and of action between the League in 
 America and the League at home caution that no word or act of ours will 
 compromise our friends beyond the water, but at the same time caution 
 that must never degenerate into cowardice, and determination, such as
 
 that shown by the fathers of American liberty, to win back our plundered 
 rights at all hazards. I see emblazoned on these walls the motto, ' we are 
 for Irish liberty, peacefully if we can, otherwise if we must.' (Loud and 
 continued cheering). This is the true National position. This is the 
 position which every true-born American can appreciate the only position 
 that England can respect and I maintain it is the position and spirit 
 which has placed the cause of Irish Nationality where it stands to-day." 
 (Loud cheers). 
 
 The proceedings all through were dominated and controlled by 
 Messrs. Sullivan and Egan, and the significant caution which the latter 
 inculcated not to " compromise their friends across the water," was well 
 observed ; nevertheless, there is not a sentence in either the resolutions or 
 the speeches of the delegates from Ireland (Messrs. O'Brien, Redmond 
 and Deasy), to justify, or more than give colour to, the statement that 
 Mr. Gladstone's scheme would be accepted by the Irish in America as 
 anything more than an instalment of their demand. Mr. Finerty said 
 this openly, and also expressed his approval of the pronouncements of 
 the Irish delegates, despite their caution. And, indeed, they did not fall 
 far short of the candour of Mr. Finerty himself. For instance, in 
 Mr. Redmond's speech, reported in the Chicago Citizen, the following 
 passage will be found : 
 
 "Are the people guiding that movement entitled to your continued 
 support ? That can only be answered by the declaration, that we are 
 animated by the same hopes and guided by the same principles as 
 yourselves ; and, in the second place, that that policy in the past has been 
 a wise, honest, and successful one. Now, what is the one great principle 
 underlying this movement? It is the unqualified recognition of the 
 distinct Nationality of Ireland. (Tumultuous cheering). We are not 
 working for the removal of grievances. We are not simply labouring for 
 the amelioration of the material condition of our people. The principle 
 at the back of this movement to-day is the same principle which formed 
 the soul of other Irish movements in the past rebellion against the rule 
 of the strangers. (Thunders of applause). It is the principle which Owen 
 Roe O'Neill vindicated upon the banks of the Blackwater the principle 
 which inspired Tone and Fitzgerald, and for which Emmet sacrificed his 
 life." (At this point the audience rose and cheered itself hoarse). 
 
 It should be added, that it is notorious that Messrs. Sullivan and Egan, 
 who so successfully managed this Convention, are also the guiding spirits of
 
 the Clan-na-Giiel Secret Revolutionary Society, which is responsible for 
 the dynamite explosions in London, and elsewhere in Great Britain, for 
 the past three years. 
 
 At a meeting held in New York, after the Convention, Mr. Finerty 
 said, " The statement that I was not supported in my views by a majority 
 of the audience is infamously false, and simply a dishonourable attempt 
 to deceive the American and English people as to the real sentiment of 
 the Irish-American masses Mr. Redmond spoke with con- 
 sideration and truth. I have no fault to find with his utterances, nor those 
 of O'Brien and Deasv."
 
 n6 
 
 SECTION VIII. 
 
 SOME LIBERAL STATESMEN ON THE 
 PARNELLITES, &c. 
 
 MR. GLADSTONE ON MR. PARNELL. 
 
 [HOUSE OF COMMONS, January 28th, iSSi.] 
 
 " We have got before us a state of crime widely extended. Gentlemen 
 would have us to suppose that this crime is owing to distress in Ireland, 
 that it is owing to evictions in Ireland. It is evident, by the testimony 
 afforded by facts, that it is owing neither to the one nor to the other. . . . 
 / f 7//i fatal and painful precision Hie steps of crime dogged tlie steps of t lie 
 Land League." 
 
 [HousK OF COMMONS, January 28th, 1881.] 
 
 " Comparing his language in and out of Parliament. The hon. 
 gentleman (Mr. I'arnell) gave us in this House a most attractive account 
 of the operations and objects of the Land League. Nothing could be 
 smoother than his language, nothing could be more moderate than its 
 purposes, as he described them. But let us see what is the language he 
 holds on the other side of the water. ' Now, what are you to do,' he- 
 asks, ' for the tenant \\ ho bids for a farm from which his neighbour has 
 been evicted ? : " 
 
 Amidst constant interruption from Irish M.I'.'s Mr. Gladstone read 
 Mr. 1'arnelFs reply to his own question- a reply sworn to and proved by 
 a special reporter in a Court of Justice. 
 
 " You must sho-w him on the roadside when you meet him : you must 
 shmv him in the streets of the town ; you must show him at the fair and 
 marketplace, and even in the House of Worship, by leaving him severely 
 alone, by sending him to a moral Coventry, by isolating him from the rest 
 of his kind, as if he were the leper of old ; you must show him your detesta- 
 tion of the crime he has committed, and you may depend upon it, if the
 
 H7 
 
 counties of Ireland carried out this doctrine, that no man, no matter how 
 full of avarice, how lost to shame, will transgress your unwritten code." 
 Hans., vol. 257, p. 1,691-93, 1881. 
 
 [At LEEDS, October yth, 1881.] 
 
 " For nearly the first time in the history of Christendom, a body a 
 small body of men have arisen who are not ashamed to preach in Ireland 
 the doctrines of public plunder. ... I take as the representative of 
 the opinions I denounce the name of a gentleman of considerable 
 ability Mr. Parnell, the member for Cork a gentleman, I will admit, of 
 considerable ability, but whose doctrines are not such as really need any 
 considerable ability to recommend them. If you go forth upon a mission 
 to demoralise a people by teaching them to make the property of their 
 neigJiboitrs the objects of their covetous desire, it does not require super- 
 human gifts to find a certain number of followers ami adherents for a 
 doctrine such as that.'" 
 
 [At LEEDS. October 8th, 1881.] 
 
 " Mr. Parnell is very copious in his references to America. He lias 
 said America is the only friend of Ireland ; but, in all his references to 
 America, he has never found time to utter one word of disapproval of, or 
 misgiving about, what is known as the assassination literature of that 
 country." 
 
 [At the GUILDHALL. London, October i4th, i88r.] 
 
 "The man who has unhappily made himself bevond all others promi- 
 nent in the attempt to destroy the authority of the law, to substitute -what 
 would end in being not/ting more or less than anarchical oppression 
 exercised upon the people of Ireland." 
 
 [At KNOWSLEY, October 271)1, 1881.] 
 
 " It is a great issue ; it is a conflict for the very first and elementary 
 principles upon which civil society is constituted. It is idle to talk of 
 either law or order, or liberty or religion, or civilisation, if these 
 gentlemen are to carry through the reckless and chaotic schemes that 
 they have devised. Rapine is the first object ; but rapine is not the only 
 object. It is perfectly true that these gentlemen wish to march through 
 rapine to the disintegration and dismemberment of the Empire, and, I 
 am sorry to say, even to the placing of different parts of the Empire in 
 
 I.
 
 direct hostility one with the other. That is the issue in which we are 
 engaged. Our opponents are not the people of Ireland. We are 
 endeavouring to relieve the people of Ireland from the weight of a 
 tyrannical yoke." 
 
 [HousK OF COMMONS, January nth, 1882.] 
 
 " They (hon. gentlemen) must explain, by some statement of fact, if 
 they could give a different colour to the relations of the Land League to 
 the crimes committed in Ireland, and they must explain the reason of the 
 breaking down of the administration of justice. What did the breaking 
 down mean ? // meant the destruction of the peace of life ; it meant the 
 placing in abeyance of the most sacred ditties and tlie most cherished duties; 
 it meant the servitude of good men, the impunity and supremacy of bad 
 mcn. r 
 
 [HOUSE OF COMMONS, April 4th, 1882.] 
 
 ''In my opinion that item which the honourable gentleman (Mr. 
 Gorst) has omitted from his speech, is by far the most formidable feature 
 in it namely, the really strong presumption that behind the commission 
 of these outrages there are influences at work higher than any that belong 
 to those it'Jio commit them" 
 
 OX THE NATIONAL PRESS OF IRELAND. 
 
 ''What that literature is is well known. It is well known how it 
 teaches and preaches in every form, with an amount of boldness and 
 audacity varying from week to week and from month to month, hatred of 
 the institutions and government of the United Kingdom. It is known how 
 that weekly literature poisons the minds of the people in Ireland, who 
 read it against all law and against the Constitution of their country. It is 
 known how it inflames the passions of the people by rhetorical descrip- 
 tions of the wrongs of other days. It is known how it makes it impossible 
 for those who read that literature, and read none other, to know the truth 
 with respect to public affairs, and the real conduct and intentions of the 
 Government of the country. It is well known how constantly sometimes 
 openly and undisguisedly, sometimes under some disguise more or less 
 thin it points, not to any Constitutional means for the redress of what 
 may be deemed grievances, not to any action within the law and Con- 
 stitution, but to violence and civil icar? Hansard, vol. 200, p. ico, 
 March I7///. 1870.
 
 THE OBJECTS OF IRISH AGITATORS. 
 
 "... But these are not persons seeking amendment of the law. 
 They arc seeking to dismember the British Empire. Now, sir, it appears 
 to me that the Executive, in the face of a fact like this, had one duty to 
 perform, not its only duty, but certainly its first duty, and one so distinct 
 and .important that nothing should be mixed up with the performance of 
 that duty which can possibly be construed into a condition or a restriction." 
 Hans., vol. i8i,/. 268, 8266. 
 
 CONCESSION CREATES NEW DEMANDS. 
 
 "It is with concern, and even melancholy, I observe that the greater 
 the extension we can give to the scope of the Bill the greater become the 
 
 demands ivhich are made upon us There are, however, limits 
 
 to the embarrassments of proprietorship, in which it is undesirable that we 
 should involve ourselves, and the extent of the operations we propose to 
 undertake are limited by the Bill."- Hans., vol. 263, p. 603. July \\th. 
 1881. 
 
 INGRATITUDE OF IRISH MEMBERS. 
 
 "This house, I say, has acceded to much to which it was reluctant to 
 accede, and many hon. members from Ireland seem to take no account of 
 that. The hon. member for Longford (Mr. Justin M'Carthy) how does he 
 take account of it? He expressed no acknowledgment, no gratitude, to 
 the House (Mr. Hcaly: 'Xot a bit'";. He expressed no acknowledgment, 
 no gratitude, to the 550 representatives of England and Scotland for the 
 provisions they have adopted in this Bill, the extraordinary measures they 
 have adopted in this Bill out of consideration for the circumstances of 
 Ireland." Hans., vol. 263, /. 658,, August I2///. 1881. 
 
 CRIME AND THE LAND LEAGUE. 
 
 " So that with fatal and painful precision the steps of crime dogged the 
 steps of the Land League, and it is not possible to get rid by any ingenuity 
 of facts such as I have stated by vague and general complaints, by 
 imputations against parties, imputations against England, imputations 
 against Governments/"- - Hans., vol. 257, p. 1,697. January 28///, 1881. 
 
 I 2
 
 JUSTICE. 
 
 " It is the administration of justice which constitutes the safety of the 
 private individual, and which is the true guarantee both of rights and 
 liberties." Hans., vol. 257, p. \ ,697, Jannai y 28///, 1881. 
 
 "LESS THAN CHILDREN" TO GRANT HOME RULE. 
 
 " Her Majesty's Government would be less than children in the prac- 
 tice of the business of the State and of Parliament, if they could be so- 
 weak as to suppose it was possible to bring the policy recommended by 
 them to Parliament into harmony with the objects which the hon. member 
 for Cork is believed to pursue." -Hans., t'ol. 253, /. 1,654, y///r 5///, 1880. 
 
 EARL SPENCER. 
 
 (At BRISTOL, November i4th, 1881.] 
 
 " // 'e feel like the Ames-leans when the integrity of their country was 
 threatened, and, if neeessarv. -we must shed blood to maintain the strength 
 and salvation of this country. (Hear, hear.) If they understand that, we 
 must invite our Irish countrymen to look with confidence to England, to- 
 those who are anxious to extend the same privileges and liberties which 
 they themselves possess ; and let us remind them that those liberties and 
 privileges have been obtained in old times, not by lawless agitation, but 
 by Constitutional means." (Loud cheers.' 1 ' 
 
 ; At BELFAST, June iSth, 1884."] 
 
 " We have yet to deal uith crime undiscovered, secret conspiracy, and 
 threads \\liich must be unravelled to their fountain head. \t>w, who are 
 these men.' }]'/iaf do they aim at' They pretend that they want the 
 dismemberment of this I'.mpire, and what they call the Liberation of the 
 Irish nat'on. J am not merely speaking this from conjecture. The deeds 
 of tltose men to whom I have referred will, however, be as futile as they 
 are dastardly. 'I hey will not terrify tlic I^nglish nation"
 
 MARQUIS OF HARTINGTON, M.P. 
 
 [At ACCRINGTON, December ist, 1883.] 
 
 "If Mr. Parnell and his friends were engaged in a Constitutional 
 agitation for Constitutional ends some co-operation or common action 
 with them would not, in my opinion, be discreditable, and might be 
 expedient ; but so long as Mr. Parnell and his friends do not seek to gain 
 Constitutional ends by Constitutional legislation, but seek to inflame the 
 Irish people against their English fellow-subjects, and against ever) 7 insti- 
 tution by which property and order are secured so long as they ally 
 themselves with these, and receive the support of those who do not scruple 
 to use, not Constitutional agitation, but violence and force to gain their 
 ends so long is it impossible for any English party to have any common 
 connection and have any alliance with that party." (Cheers.) 
 
 RIGHT HON. SIR G. TREVELYAN, BART. 
 
 [At HAWICK, February, 1883.] 
 
 " If you want to get at the truth, you must never forget that there are 
 two Irelands the Ireland of men of all creeds, ranks and callings, who, 
 whatever else they may differ upon, unite in wishing to preserve law and 
 order, and the right of every citizen to go about his business in peace and 
 safety ; and there is the other Ireland the smaller Ireland, as I firmly 
 believe of the men who foment, and condone, and sympathise with crime. 
 It is the gravest mistake to under-rate the numbers and the claims to 
 respect of the party of order in Ireland. It is not a political party. It 
 includes the great Liberal party of the North, which, in all its essential 
 features, resembles the Liberal party in Scotland. It includes the Con- 
 servatives. I had heard a great deal beforehand of the bitterness of 
 Whig and Tory in Ireland, but, as far as my personal experience and 
 observation are concerned, I never came across men more ready at a 
 crisis, cheerfully and unostentatiously, to place patriotism before party 
 .than the Conservatives of the sister isle. The party of order includes the 
 best, and, as I believe, the great majority of the Catholic population. 
 It includes every farmer who does not want to rob the land- 
 lord of his due, and who does not want to be forced to pay black-mail to 
 agitation ; every poor fellow who desires to be at liberty to earn a day's 
 wages, by whomsoever they are offered to him, without being shunned.
 
 122 
 
 insulted, beaten, and, too probably, murdered ; every artisan who is- 
 thrown out of work by the flight of capital from his countiy ; everyone 
 who desires to lead a quiet life in private and to obtain his political ends, 
 whatever they may be, by legitimate and Constitutional means. On the 
 other hand stand the men who planned and executed the Dublin murders, 
 the Galway murders, the Hoy cot ting and firing into houses, the mutilation 
 of cattle and intimidation of every sort and kind throughout the island. 
 . . . . Verdicts were given in Dublin against the perpetrators of 
 these horrible murders, and then began what I believe to be the greatest 
 
 crime that has occurred time out of mind in the history of Ireland 
 
 Mr. Field was terribly wounded by men who fully intended to kill him. 
 judge Lawson would have been killed but for the presence of mind of one 
 of his attendants ; and there is not the smallest doubt that these gentle- 
 men were selected as victims, because they had been denounced and pointed 
 out to the assassins in incendiary articles and speeches, . . . Articles 
 and speeches, which arc not made for the purpose of argument, but for the 
 purpose of denunciation, and which are just as much part of the. machinery 
 of murder as tJie sword-cane and pistol are. 
 
 RIGHT HON. SIR WILLIAM HARCOURT, M.P. 
 
 fin the HOUSK OF COMMONS during debate on the Irish University 
 Education Kill.] 
 
 " tf they were to govern Ireland according to Irish ideas, he feared 
 they would find themselves reduced to the consequences of not governing 
 
 Ireland at all For himself, not being a ' Home Ruler,' he 
 
 had never adopted the idea of governing Ireland according to Irish ideas. 
 He had always regarded Ireland as part of Her Majesty's dominions as 
 an integral fraction of a united Empire and, if that be so, Ireland, like- 
 other parts of the dominion of the Queen, must be governed, not according 
 to Irish, but according to Imperial ideas. Imperial ideas were exactly 
 opposite, as far as he could judge, to Irish ideas. The House of 
 Commons had not to consider whether a measure squared with Irish 
 ideas, or satisfied the demands of any section of the Irish people, but 
 whether it was consistent with equal justice ; and having matured such a 
 measure, it was their duty to offer it for acceptance by the Irish people,. 
 leaving to those who rejected it the responsibility of that refusal.''
 
 123 
 
 [At GLASGOW, October 25th, 1881.] 
 
 " It is true there is a strong party of irreconciliable politicians who do 
 not represent Ireland, .... men whose object, I am sorry to say, I 
 believe is not so much to benefit Ireland as to injure England. Theirs, 
 has not been a policy of reconciliation and reform, but of hatred and 
 disunion. No doubt we are at issue with them to the last extremity, to 
 the extremity which was unhappily reached in the United States of 
 America, where men were satisfied to pour out their blood like water to 
 
 maintain the integrity of their country and their empire The 
 
 land agitation in their hands was an agitation whose object was to destroy 
 the union of the Empire and to overthrow the established Government of 
 the United Kingdom. Mr. Parnell admits now that what he wants is not 
 fair rent, he wants no rent at all. He wants to get rid of the landlords, 
 in order that he may get rid of the English Government ; and for this 
 object everj r kind of intimidation has been employed to deter honest men 
 from doing their duty and fulfilling their obligations. The Land League 
 has employed terms whose avowed object is to set aside and overrule the 
 law of the land. It is utterly impossible that any Government, responsible 
 for civilised society, can tolerate such a condition of things. The Land 
 League has thrown over the false colours of Fair Rent ; it has hoisted the 
 Red Flag, and the buccaneering craft sails under its true colours. The 
 Liberal party never will have anything to do with attacks upon property, 
 any more than upon the person of our fellow-citizens. The landowner 
 has just as good a right to a fair rent as you or I have to the coat upon 
 our back. Whenever the Liberal party has allied itself with anti-social 
 ideas, whenever it follows some of these misty philosophers in courses 
 which have destroyed the safety r of society, it has come to grief, as it 
 deserved to come to grief." 
 
 [At PLYMOUTH, September tyth. 1885.] 
 
 " There has been a still more serious question than Boycotting raised 
 in Ireland; because, since the declaration of Mr. Parnell, there can be no 
 doubt what is the policy that he and his party have adopted it is a policy 
 of the absolute separation of the two countries. How has that declaration 
 been met ? Two speakers, eminently entitled to represent the Liberal 
 party Lord Harrington and Mr. Chamberlain have spoken on this 
 matter, and they have spoken in a manner worthy of their position, and 
 worthy of the party they represent."
 
 124 
 
 [At BLANDFORD, September 28th, 1886.] 
 
 " 1 will give you one more specimen. Mr. O'Brien, the editor of 
 United Ireland, made a speech in which he said this : ' Mr. Parnell's 
 eighty members of Parliament would fasten in the flank in the English 
 Parliament, and rankle in them like a spear-head. If the English people 
 did not want peace, Mr. Parnell would give them war such war as eighty 
 Irish guerillas could carry on with the weapon of the franchise, with the 
 weapon of the Boycotting pike, as it was called, and with any other weapon 
 that time and opportunity might offer them.' That is what we have to 
 meet, and if the English Parliament is not to become a helpless tool in 
 the hands of this party you must give an overwhelming majority to the 
 only party which has the courage and the honesty to face them." 
 
 [HOUSE OF COMMONS.] 
 
 " We have heard the doctrine of the Land League expounded by the 
 man (Mr. Dillon) who is an authority to explain it, and to-morrow even- 
 subject of the Queen will know that the doctrine so expounded is the 
 doctrine of treason and assassination. . . . To-morrow the civilised 
 world will pronounce its judgment on this vile conspiracy. . . . The 
 Land League is an association which depends upon the support of the 
 Fenian conspiracy. 
 
 Who were the chief agents by whom it was started and 
 conducted? Why, they were notorious Fenians, many of whom had been 
 convicted, while others were perfectly well known to be connected with 
 the Fenian conspiracy. Hans.. i : ol. 229, p. 160, et seq. 
 
 "Mr. Parnell said that for himself lie had the greatest respect for 
 many Fenians who believed in the separation of Ireland from England 
 by physical force. . . . Am I right or wrong in saying that this Land 
 League organisation is really Fenian, and Fenian in its character? . . . 
 Mr. Dillon said that the Land League had three objects in view first, to 
 paralyse the Government ; secondly, to obstruct Parliament; and, thirdly, 
 to supersede the action of the law. But if they had accomplished these 
 objects they would have done all that the Fenian organisation contem- 
 plated they would have overthrown the Constitution as much as if they 
 had attacked it successfully by open force. . . . Mr. Parnell has 
 never denied that there are a great number >of Fenians connected with 
 alic l.;md League in America. He cannot deny it. When we
 
 I2 5 
 
 see men seeking the support of arms to assist their purposes, and find 
 members of the Land League in communication with Communism in 
 Paris and Fenianism in America, then I say the maxim applies, ' Noscitur 
 ex socnsS" (Hans., vol. 250,^. 842.) 
 
 RIGHT HON. JOHN BRIGHT, M.P. 
 
 [At BIRMINGHAM, January 3rd, 1882.] 
 
 " I should like very much to ask any man not inflamed by prejudice or 
 passion I should like to ask you how it would be possible to treat a 
 portion of the United Kingdom with greater freedom and generosity with 
 regard to representation than Ireland is treated by the Union, and is 
 treated now. But surely one may ask, Why is it that in Ireland, where 
 there is a great field for it, this capital does not find great and constant 
 and profitable employment ? It is because, in that country, there is dis- 
 order and insecurity (hear, hear) and ever)" Irishman who, in pursuit 
 of political objects, stirs up disorder and insecurity, is not the friend, but 
 the enemy, of his country." (Loud cheers.) 
 
 [At BIRMINGHAM, June i4th, 1882.] 
 
 "An Irish rebel party, the main portion of whose funds for agitation 
 came directly from the avowed enemies of England, and whose oath of 
 allegiance is broken by association with its enemies/'' 
 
 [In HOUSE OK COMMONS, June 2oth, 1883.] 
 
 Mr. Bright, who had called the Parnellite party "Irish rebels" on a 
 previous occasion, thus justified the use of the term : " I recollect that 
 on more than one occasion members of the Parnellite party stated that 
 this was a foreign Legislature (Irish cheers) and that the C.overnment 
 sitting on these benches, selected by the Queen, and in accord with the 
 majority of this House, is a foreign Government. (Renewed Irish cheers.) 
 Mr. Dillon, one of the most respectable members of that party, made a 
 very remarkable speech I don't quote his words but he said : ' They
 
 126 
 
 were obliged to carry on this conflict in the House because they had not 
 the means to carry on the conflict against England in the open field.' 
 (Prolonged Irish cheers.) I stated in the House of Commons what had 
 taken place at the Convention at Chicago not long ago there was a 
 Convention at Philadelphia and the hon. member for Cork is reported to 
 have telegraphed to the Convention, telling the promoters of it to take- 
 care not to cause him any embarrassment in the line they might take. 
 But everybody knows, it is notorious all over the United States of America, 
 that the Irish population who assembled at that Convention are not only 
 the avowed enemies of England, but are themselves, by all means in their 
 power, preparing for some occasion when they can commence operations 
 of war against the English Parliament. (Loud cheers.) There are move- 
 ments in the United States in connection with associations in Ireland 
 whose leaders are in this House. I say, and I put it to the Attorney- 
 Gcneral, or to any other eminent lawyer, if there be an association in the 
 United States for raising funds for purposes hostile to the English 
 monarchy, and if that association be sending funds over here to an 
 association which does not adopt the same name, but looks to the same 
 end I say those men are breaking the law, and arc themselves deserving 
 of the title which I gave to some of them. (Loud cheers.) The avowed 
 object of that particular Irish party with which some hon. gentlemen are 
 associated is to dethrone the Queen from her sovereignty. (Loud cries 
 of ' No, no,' and ' Order.') I can only say to the hon. member for Cork 
 if he were here, and I say to his followers now, that if they will declare 
 that their object is loyal to the Crown, that they will dissociate themselves 
 from their associates in America, then I will withdraw the words I used, 
 and will make the most complete apology that it is possible to put into 
 words." (Loud cheers.) 
 
 [At a BANQUET at the REFORM GLUT., July 24th, 1885.] 
 
 "Who were the assailants of the noble earl (Lord Spencer)? They 
 were to be found in some of the conductors of the Irish press and in 
 some of those who professed to be the representatives of Ireland. Now, 
 these men he spoke of those who had brought those hideous charges 
 against Lord Spencer were disloyal to the Crown, and directly hostile 
 to (ireat Britain. (Cheers.) They obstructed all legislation which was 
 intended to discover, or to prevent, or to punish crime. They had 
 insulted and denounced every man in Ireland concerned with the just 
 administration of the law. They had attacked the Viceroy in a manner 
 hitherto unknown. They had attacked the judges. They had displayed
 
 127 
 
 a boundless sympathy for criminals and murderers. (Cheers.) But from 
 their lips not one sentence of emphatic condemnation of the murderers, 
 had passed, and not a word of pity for their victims." 
 
 RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN, M.P. 
 
 [At BIRMINGHAM, in June. 1881.] 
 
 " There is no secret about what I am going to say, there is no dispute 
 about it. Mr. Parnell and those who follow him have never concealed 
 the fact that their chief object is not the removal of grievance in Ireland, 
 but the separation of Ireland from England." 
 
 [At LIVERPOOL, October 25th, 1881.] 
 
 " I have spoken of the avowed object of the Land League. 'It is. of 
 course, no secret that there has been in the minds of the leaders of the 
 agitation other objects of a totally different character,' but so long as they 
 pursued their avowed object they were perfectly in the right. The cry of 
 ' No Rent T was substituted for ' Fair Rent.' First it was suggested, no\\ 
 
 it has been openly avowed Then we found all the machinery 
 
 of intimidation brought once more into play. ' We found the Govern- 
 ment was being ousted from its place in order to make way for the leaders 
 of the Land League, whose dictates were subverting the law of the land.' 
 The course pursued by the Land League unquestionably 
 
 tended to demoralise the people The Land League had 
 
 demanded that a change should be made, but their secret object was to- 
 inflame the grievance under which the Irish people suffered, and not to- 
 
 attempt to apply a remedy for it Throughout the proceedings 
 
 the object of the Irish party had been to secure National Independence. 
 Unless they were prepared for a separation, the time had 
 come when the Government were bound to assert their authority. . 
 Radical as he professed to be, and was, he would say this, that the Union 
 must be preserved, and could not possibly be destroyed." (Renewed 
 cheering.'; 
 
 [At BIRMINGHAM, June iQth, 1886.] 
 
 " The leaders of the National movement speak now with bated breath 
 and silky accents in the House of Commons. Yes, but the foul machinery
 
 128 
 
 and organisation of crime still remains in the land, and even the leaders 
 are not able altogether to control the forces, the dread forces, they have 
 called into being." 
 
 [Extract from Letter to a Boston Correspondent.] 
 
 " Mr. 1'arnelPs (Tenant Relief) 15511 could have clone little for the 
 honest tenant, whilst it would have thrown the whole system of land 
 tenure once more into confusion. The only people who have already 
 made, and who would benefit, would be the well-paid patriots who have 
 already made such a profitable business out of this agitation. I am glad 
 to think that they are beginning to be found out both in America and 
 Ireland, and I should not be surprised if the influence which they have 
 oxercised with such unhappy effect for the past few years should speedily 
 collapse, in face of the determination of the people of Great Britain not to 
 yield one inch to the vile conspiracy which relies on outrage and 
 assassination to promote its ends." October 2titf, 1886. 
 
 THE LAW OFFICER OF THE CROWN 1880. 
 
 ,'RKPORT OK TRIAL OK QUKKN v. PARNKKL AND OTHERS. Dublin, 
 December, 
 
 "Messrs. I'arnell. Dillon. Sexton, T. 1). Sullivan, and Biggar, Members 
 of Parliament, together with Messrs. Kgan, Brennan, Sheridan, Boyton, 
 Xally, and others, were prosecuted by the (iovernment for conspiracy to 
 prevent tenants paying their rent, for Boycotting, for threatening violence, 
 for impeding and frustrating the administration of justice, for unlawfully, 
 wickedly and seditiously conspiring to create discontent and disaffection 
 among the people, and exciting ill-will and hostility between the different 
 classes." The Attorney-General for Ireland in his opening statement 
 described the leaders of the Land League' as "preachers of sedition," as 
 engaged in '" an illegal and mischievous conspiracy," and charged them 
 with open defiance of the la\\. 
 
 [A'lTORNRY-C.iKNKRAI- KOR 1 K I.LAXD, Sl'KKc II IX HOUSE OF COMMONS, 
 
 February i6th, 1882. 
 
 "The action of the Land League was intended not t<> facilitate, but 
 .to obstruct the working of the Land Act ..... The effect of
 
 129 
 
 the action of the Land League was to be that the Queen's subjects 
 were not to be allowed to avail themselves of the provisions of an Act 
 which Parliament had passed for the redress of their grievances .... 
 They were to select test cases of an average character, in which the rents 
 were neither too high nor too low, that was to say, cases in which the rent 
 was a fair one. Such a direction as that was ' fraught with treason.' 
 Mr. Parnell had said, referring to the spirit that was shown in every part 
 of Ireland, ' That spirit, fellow countrymen, will never die till it carries the 
 alien rule which has kept our country impoverished and in chains, and 
 sweeps that detested rule, with its ' buckshot ' and bayonets, clean over 
 the Channel, whence it came, never to return.' What was that but ' rank 
 treason ?'.... A man was not to have liberty even to apply to the 
 Queen's Courts without the permission of this Land League ; they need 
 not tell him that all this was not treason ; Mr. Parnell was at this time 
 ' steeped in treason to the lips.' "
 
 INDEX. 
 
 PACK 
 
 AGRARIAN Maps of Ireland, showing the Connection between Agrarian 
 CRIMES. Crimes and the Parnellite Vote. (See FRONTISPIECE.) 
 
 Official Returns of ... ... ... ... ... ... 86 
 
 Reports of, in United Ireland ... ... ... ... 99, 100 
 
 Rt. Hon. W. E. Gladstone and the National Land League ... 119 
 
 ASSASSINATION The Irishman, April 21st, 1883 ; May 12th, 1883 ...... 9-1 
 
 LITERATURE, M 19th) 1883 Juno gt] 1S83 Ju)K . 16th 
 
 OF. 
 
 March 15th, 1884 ...... ... 96 
 
 The Irish World, September 1th, 188G ......... 96 
 
 The; Boston Pilot, quoted March 27th, 1886 ......... 96 
 
 The Chicago Citizen ......... ... 96 
 
 ATTORNEY- At Trial of Queen r. Parnell and others, Dublin, December, 1880 128 
 GENERAL POH. Qn the Laml Le . lgue aild tlie Land Actj Speech in the House 
 
 of Commons, February, 1882 ............ 128 
 
 UAKRY, M.P., On Separation as the Ultimate Object, at Ivildare, April 
 Air. JOHN. 14th, 188 1 ......... ' ............ (S3 
 
 BEHAN, C.C., On Landlordism and the Rent Question in Genera!, at Dublin, 
 Kev. J. J. November, 1885 .................. SU 
 
 15i(;GAR,M.P.,Mr. Incitement to Murder, at Cork, March 21st, 1880 ...... 27 
 
 tit Castk-islaml, October 10th, 1880 ... 27 
 at Kinlough, October 31st, 1880 ... 
 at Bailieboro', October 31st, 1880 ... 
 
 ()n Fcnianism and Rebellion as a Means of Separation, at 
 
 Bermondsey, March, 1879 ... 
 On Boycotting, Autumn, 1880 ... 
 On Landlordism and the Rent Question in General at Murriu- 
 
 town, September, 1885 ... ... ... ... ... 77 
 
 On Karl Spencer at Londonderry, January, 1885 ... . .. 108 
 
 Trial of, at Dublin, December, 1880 ......... 128
 
 132 
 
 PAOK 
 
 BOSTON PILOT. Recommending Physical Force.. ... ... ... ... 96 
 
 BOYCOTTING. Mr. Paraell, M.P., at Ennis, September 18th, 1880 11 
 
 Mr. T. M. Healy at Galway, September 14th, 1884 (i5 
 
 Mr. Biggar, M.P., Autumn, 1880 ... ... (!,-> 
 
 Mr. T. P. O'Connor, M.I'., at Chicago, December 3rd, 1881 ... 66 
 
 at St. Joseph, U.S. A., February, 1882 66 
 
 Mr. T. Harrington, M.P., at Dublin, August 21th, 1886 ... 67 
 
 National League Letter, Sept., 1886 70 
 
 Mr. John Dillon, M.P., at Kildare, August 15th. 1880 67 
 
 Mr. \V. O'Brien, at Tulla, May 21th, 1885 68 
 
 Mr. T. D. Sullivan, M. P. .quoted at State Trials. Jan. ,1881 .. 68 
 
 Mr. Arthur O'Connor, M.P., at Borris, April 6th, 1885 68 
 
 Dr. Kenny, M.P. 68 
 
 Rev. Mr. Duggan, C.C., at Crosspatrick, August 31st, 1881. ... 69 
 
 Mr. R. Lalor, M.P., at Cabir, September 20th, 1885 69 
 
 Specimens of Procedure at Duuinan us, Castlelyons, Ratlicormac, 
 
 and Kanturk ... ... ... ... ... .. 71 
 
 Rev. Mr. Cantwell, P.P., V.F., at Dublin, September, 1880 ... 72 
 
 i>i>YcoTTi vi! How Crime lias increased in Ireland under the. National Land 
 IlKTi'KNs. League 86 
 
 Buviox Incitement to Murder, at , Shrule, June, 1880 ... ... ... 3-1 
 
 MICH \KL J. ., at Caherlistrane, September 5th, 1880 315 
 
 March 5th, 1881 33 
 
 On Feiiianism and Rebellion as a Means of obtaining Separation 
 
 June i:;tli. 1880 39 
 
 at Cahir. September IJlth, 1880 ... 39 
 
 at Dunraanway, May 30th, 1880 ... 39 
 
 Trial of, at Dublin, December, 18SO 128 
 
 BitKiiiT M.I'.. On the Parnellites at Birmingham, January 3rd, 1882 ... 125 
 
 Rt. Hon.' JOHN. .. .. June llth, 1882 ..... 125 
 
 in House of Commons, June 20th, 1883 ... 125 
 
 :it KcfWm Club, July 2 tth. 1885... 126 
 
 BKKXXAX. Ineitement In Murder. Evidence at Sligo, May, 1881... 20 
 
 THOMAS. M at Cardenstown, May 23rd, 1880 ... 29 
 
 at Teevnacreena, May 3()tb, 1880 ... 29 
 
 at Ciahvay. November 15th, 18SO ... 2!)
 
 133 
 
 PAGE 
 
 BEENNAN, On Fenianism and Rebellion as a Means of obtaining Separation 
 
 THOMAS. At Teevnacreena, May 30th, 1880 ......... 38 
 
 At San Francisco, January 19th, 1881 ...... 38 
 
 At New York, May 21st, 1884 ......... 38 
 
 On Landloidism and the Rent Question in General 
 
 At Milltown, July, 1880 ............ 80 
 
 At Keadue, August, 1880 ............ 80 
 
 Interviewed regarding Carey's Statement ... ... ... 93 
 
 To Patrick Ford (The Irish World) ............ 102 
 
 Trial of, at Dublin, December, 1880 ............ 128 
 
 CAWTWELL, P.P., On Separation as the Ultimate Object, at Dublin, Sept., 1880 64 
 
 V.F., Rev. Mr. On Boycotting, at Dublin, September 28th, 1886 ...... 72 
 
 CABET, JAMES. Evidence at Kihnainhani, February, 188 J ... ... ... 89 
 
 Connection between the Land League and the Phoenix Park 
 
 Murders ..................... 93 
 
 Thomas Brennan on Carey's Statement ... ... ... 93 
 
 The Freeman's Journal and the Phanix Park Murders ... 97 
 
 CIIA.MBEKLAIN, On the Parnellites at .Birmingham, June, 1881 ... ... 127 
 
 M.P., Kt. Hon. J. ?> at Liverpool, October 25th, 1881 ...... 127 
 
 at Birmingham, June 19th, 1886 ...... 127 
 
 Extract from Letter to Boston Correspondent, Oct. 2nd, 1886 128 
 
 CHICAGO On Landlordism and the Rent Question in General, Dec., 1882 82 
 
 CITIZEN. On the Irish- American Desperadoes ... ... ... ... 96 
 
 CHICAGO Mr. Finerty at Ogden Grove, August, 1886 ... .. 112 
 
 CONVENTION, United Irish Societies of America ......... 112 
 
 NOTES ON. Speech of Michael Davitt ......... 113 
 
 Patrick K.ran ......... 113 
 
 Mr. W. H. K. Redmond, M. P., August, 1886 ... 114 
 
 CI.AXCV, M.I'., Separation as the Ultimate Object at Clondalkin, February, 1885 60 
 
 Mr. J. J. ;> >} at Dublin, October, 1885 ... 60 
 
 CLAN-NA-GAEL. Connection with the Chicago Convention ... ... ... 11-4 
 
 CONFESSIONS. Michael Davitt ..................... 1 
 
 CONNECTION Extract from Freeman '.y Journal, May 2nd, 1882 ... ... 97 
 
 BETWEEN James Carey's Revelations, February, 1883 ......... 97 
 
 JOVKNALISTIC T1 , , ,, .. , , . , ,.- no 
 
 NCITEMENT AND Extn "' ts from Untlfd Irdand J) '' 9f 
 
 ACTVAL CRIME. " Incidents in the Campaign," from United Ireland... ... 99
 
 134 
 
 PAGE 
 
 CONNECTION Extract from Letter of Mr. H. O. Arnold Foster, in Times, 
 IIKTWEKN THE February 25th, 1884 92 
 
 I PA NELLITES Extract from Letter of the Kt. Hon. J. Chamberlain, M.P.... 128 
 AXD OUTRAGES. 
 
 'CONNECTION 
 BETWEEN THE 
 PABNELLITES 
 
 AND 
 
 INVINCIBLES. 
 
 CRIME 
 .STATISTICS. 
 
 Kt. Hon. W. E. Forster's explanations of the Connection 
 
 between Mr. Parnell and the Outrage-mongers ... ... 87 
 
 " Invincible" Organiser, P. . I. Sheridan ... ... ... 90 
 
 How Crime has increased in Ireland under the National 
 
 Land League 86 
 
 DAY ITT, 
 
 MICHAEL. 
 
 The Confessions of ... ... ... ... ... ... 1 
 
 On Separation as the Ultimate Object, at Ballinasloe, Novem- 
 ber, 1883 62 
 
 On Fenianism and Rebellion as a Means of Separation- 
 At Milltown, Co. Gal way, June 15th, 1879 36 
 
 At the Chicago Convention, August, 1886 ... -19113 
 
 On Local Government Proposals, at Clonmel, January, 1884 83 
 
 Interviewed by Irish World ... ... ... ... ... 102 
 
 On the support of the Irish World, at St. Louis, U.S.A. ... 103 
 
 On the Irish World, at London, May, 1886 104 
 
 I)EA!?v, M.P., On Separation as the Ultimate Object 
 Mr. JOHN. At Newbridge, February, 1885 
 
 In Dublin, January, 18N6 
 
 61 
 61 
 
 DELANET, Evidence of Incitement to Murder by Patrick Egan and 
 PATRICK. Thomas Hrennan, Sligo. May, 1884 ... ... ... 29 
 
 DEVOV, JOHN. Extracts from a Letter in the Freeman's Journal 
 
 DII.I.HN, M.P., incitement to Murder, in the House of Commons ... ... 30 
 
 Mr. JOHN. ,. at Monaghan, June ISth, 1883 ... 30 
 
 ,, ,, quoted in the House of Commons ... 31 
 
 On Feuianism and Rebellion as a Means of Separation, at 
 
 Tipperary, October 31st, 1880 
 
 On Boycotting, at Kildare, August 15th, 1880 
 On Separation as the Ultimate Object 
 
 At Dublin, October, 1881 ... ... 59 
 
 At Holyford, October, 1886 59
 
 '35 
 
 TACK 
 
 DILLON, M.P., On Landlordism and the Rent Question in General 
 
 Mr. JOHN. August, 1880 .................. 72 
 
 Quotation at State Trials. January, 1881 ... ... 73 
 
 Speech in the House of Commons, March, 1881... 73 
 
 At Dublin, May, 1881 ............ 74 
 
 September, 1886 ............... 74 
 
 At Dublin, October, 1886 ............ 74 
 
 Trial of, at Dublin, December, 1880 ............ 128 
 
 DOYLE, REV. Incitement to Murder, at New Ross, August 21st, 1886 ... 35 
 
 CANON. 
 
 DUGGAN, C.C., On Boycotting, at Crosspatrick, August 31st, 1881 ...... 69 
 
 Rev. Mr. 
 
 DYNAMITE Biographical Sketch of P. J. Sheridan ... ... ... 88 
 
 MONTHLY. 
 
 DYNAMITE Mr. Parnell, M.P., at Wexford, October 9th.. 1881 ...... 10 
 
 POLICY. 
 
 K(i AN, PATRICK. Incitement to Murder: Evidence at Sligo, May, 1881 ... 29 
 On Feniauism and Rebellion as a Means of Separation, at 
 St. Paul, Minnesota United Ireland Report, June 30th, 
 
 1883 ........................ 42 
 
 Refusal to offer Land League Reward, re Pba>nix Park Murders 90 
 
 To Patrick Ford ..................... 103 
 
 From Patrick Ford .................. 103 
 
 Subscriptions received from the Irish World... ... ... 104 
 
 No Rent Manifesto, issued by ... ... ... ... ... 105 
 
 At the Chicago Convention, August, 1886 ... ... ... 113 
 
 Trial of, at Dublin, December, 1880 ............ 128 
 
 EVICTED Amount paid to, by National Land League ... ... ... 109 
 
 TENANTS. 
 
 FAIR TRIAL Notes on ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 109 
 
 FUND. 
 
 FENIANISM AND Mr. Parnell at Liverpool, November 30th, 1879 ... ... 11 
 
 REBELLION ^ at Balla, December, 1879 ............ 12 
 
 8 F at Cleveland, U.S.A., January, 1880 ...... 12 
 
 SEPARATION. at Dublin, April 29th, 1880 ... 12 
 
 at Galway, October 25th, 1880 ......... 12 
 
 at Rochester, U.S.A. ... ... ... ... 13 
 
 at Limerick, November 2nd, 1880 ... 13 
 
 at Waterford, December 6th, 1880 ...... 13 
 
 Michael Davitt at Milltown, Co. Galway, June 15th, 1879 ... 36 
 
 at Chicago, August, 1886 ......... 49 
 
 M 2
 
 136 
 
 FENIANISM AND Mr. Biggar, M.P., at Bermondsey, March 3rd, 1879 ...... 
 
 REBELLION Mr. John Dillon, M. P., at Tipperary, October 31st, 1880 ... 
 AS mJ^f, F Mr - T - R O'Connor, M.P., at Maine, October 26th, 1881 
 
 OUT A INI WQ 
 
 SBPAEATION. J. W. Walsh at Shrule, June 20th, 1880 ......... 
 
 at Clerhaun, October 10th, 1880 ...... 
 
 Thomas Brennan at Teevnacreena, May 30th, 1880 ...... 
 
 at San Francisco, January 19th, 1 88 4 ... 
 
 at New York, May 21st, 1884 ...... 
 
 Mr. Moran at Finea, May 27th, 1880 ............ 
 
 P. W. Nally at Shrule, 31st October, 1880 ......... 
 
 M. J. Boy ton, June 13th, 1880 ............... 
 
 at Cahir, September 19th, 1880 ... 
 
 at, Dnnmamvay, May 30th, 1880 ...... 
 
 M. M. O'Snllivan at Rainsborough, July 4th, 1880 ...... 
 
 at Finea, May 27th, 1880 ......... 
 
 P. J. Gordon at Milltown, July 25th, 1880 ...... 
 
 P. J. Sheridan at Lackagh, August 1st, 18SO .. ... 
 
 Patrick Egan at St. Paul, Minnesota, June, 1885 ...... 
 
 Mr. T. I). Sullivan, M.P., at Dublin, October 20th, 188:. ... 
 
 Mr. William O'Brien at PhuMiix Park, Dublin. April, 1885 ... 
 at Sheffield, July, 1883 ......... 
 
 at Kanturk, April, 1885 ......... 
 
 Rev. E. Sheehy, C.C., at Chicago, December, 1&81 ...... 
 
 Mr. Kit-hard Lalor, M.P., at Bray, January , 1883 ...... 
 
 Mr. Thomas Mayne, M. P., at Fethard, April, 1885 ...... 
 
 Mr. O'Eyan at Anacarthy, April 26th, 1885 ......... 
 
 Mr. W. H. K. Redmond, M.P., at Chicago, January, 188-1- ... 
 at Middleton, April, 1881. ... 
 
 at Dublin, September, 1884 ... 
 
 ,, at Nurney, February, 1885 ... 
 
 at Darlington, March, 1885 ... 
 at Dundalk, April, 1885 ... 
 
 at Newcastle-on-Tyne, May, '85 
 
 at Taghmon, May, 1885 
 at Castleblayney, August, 1885 
 at Dublin, January, 1886 ... 
 Mr. O'Kelly, M.P., at Castlma, April, 1885 ......... 
 
 Mr. O'Hanlon, M. P., at Cavan, October, 1885 ...... 
 
 Mr. Arthur O'Connor, M.P., at Borris, April, 1885 ...... 
 
 United Ireland, March 7th, 1885 ............ 
 
 April -1th, 1885 ............ 
 
 September 1'Jth, 1885 ......... 
 
 John F. Finerty at Chicago, August 19th, 1886 ...... 
 
 Mr. John O'Connor, M.P., at Cork, August 5th, 188(5 ... 
 
 PAGE 
 
 36 
 37 
 37 
 37 
 3S 
 3K 
 3H 
 3H 
 3D 
 3i> 
 
 3!> 
 10 
 41 
 
 41 
 41 
 42 
 42 
 
 42 
 43 
 13 
 
 4!i 
 
 41 
 41 
 4-1 
 II 
 45 
 -15 
 45 
 46 
 -1C. 
 46 
 -16 
 16 
 17 
 -17 
 -1-7 
 47 
 48 
 48 
 -1-8 
 10 
 i'J
 
 137 
 
 PAGE 
 
 FENIANISM AND Mr. T. Sexton, M.P., at Boston, August 13th, 1881 49 
 
 REBELLION ;\j r ^ Sullivan, President of Irish- American National League, 
 
 in New York, May 21st, 1884. 50 
 
 Rt. Hon. Earl Spencer at Bristol, November 1881, uncl Belfast, 
 
 June. 188i .. 120 
 
 AS A MEANS OF 
 OBTAINING 
 SEPARATION. 
 
 FINKKTY, JOHN F. On Fenianism and Rebellion as a means of obtaining Separa- 
 tion, at Chicago, August 19th, 1886 49 
 
 At Chicago Convention, August, 1886 ... ... ... 112, 115 
 
 FORD, PATRICK. On Physical Force and Mr. Parnell, M.P., September, 1886... 100 
 
 Letter from Mr. Parnell, M.P., March 9th, 1880 101 
 
 January 26th, 1881 101 
 
 Michael Davitt on his support of the Land League ... ... 102 
 
 Letter from Patrick Egaii 103 
 
 to Patrick Egan . 103 
 
 FOHSTEU, Mr. II. Letter to The. Times on the Central Committee of the Land 
 
 O. ARNOLD. League, February, 1881 '.. 92 
 
 FORSTER, Speech in the House of Commons on Mr. Parnell, M.P., and 
 lit. Hon. \V. E. the Outrage-mongers 87 
 
 F u K K MAN' s 
 
 JOURNAL. 
 
 Extract from Letter to Editor, from John Devoy ... ... 3 
 
 Journalistic Incitement and Actual Crime, May 2nd, 1882 ... 97 
 
 <JI:M:RAL LAND Mr. Parnell, M.P., at Claremorris, May 1st, 1880 
 POLICY. at Kilkenny, October 3rd, 1880 ... 
 
 at Clara, February 20th, 1881 ... 
 
 8 
 
 9 
 
 10 
 
 <ir.AUSTONE,M.P., 
 
 Pa. Hon. \V. E. 
 
 On the Methods of bringing Irish Matters within the range 
 
 of Practical Politics, at Dalkeith, November 26th, 1879 27 
 On Mr. Parnell, M.P., in House of Commons, January 28th, 
 1881; January llth, 1882; and April 4th, 1882; at 
 Leeds, October 7th, 1881, and October 8th, 1881; at 
 the Guildhall, London, October 14th, 1881; at Knowsley, 
 
 October 27th, 1881 11(> 118 
 
 On the National Press of Ireland, March 17th, 1870 118 
 
 On the Objects of Irish Agitators 119 
 
 On Concession creating New Demands ... ... ... 119 
 
 On the Ingratitude of Irish Members ... ... ... ... 119 
 
 On Crime and the Land League ... ... ... ... 119 
 
 On Justice 120 
 
 Less than children to grant Home Rule, July, 1880 120
 
 PACJK 
 
 GORDON, P. J. Incitement to Murder, at Shnile, June 20th, 1880 31 
 
 On Fcnianisin and Rebellion as a Menus of obtaining Separa- 
 tion, at Milltown, July 25th, 1880 41 
 
 HARCOURT, M.P., On the Purnellites, in the Honse of Commons ... 122124 
 
 lit. Hon. Sir W. n at Glasgow, October 25th, 1881 123 
 
 at Plymouth, September 17th, 1885 ... 123 
 
 at Blandford, September 28th, 1886 ... 124 
 
 HARBTNGTOX, On Boycotting, at Dublin, August 24th, 1886 67 
 
 M.P., Mr. T. ^ National League Letter, September 7th, 1886 7<> 
 
 On Landlordism and the Rent Question in General, at Dublin. 
 
 September, 1886 81 
 
 HARRIS, M.P., Incitement to Murder, at Galway, October 24th, 1880 
 
 Mr. MATTHEW. On Separation as the Ultimate Object, at Athy, June, 1884. 
 
 HARTINGTON, Rt. On the Parnellites at Accrington, December 1st, 1883 ... 121 
 Hon.MARQrrs OF. 
 
 HEALY, Mr. T. M. Incitement to Murder, at Dublin, September. 1884 ... 3."> 
 On Separation as the Ultimate Object-- 
 
 At Boston, December, 1881 50 
 
 At New Orleans, January, 1882 ... ... ... 5O 
 
 At New York, February, 1882 51 
 
 At Waterford, October, 1883 51 
 
 At Limerick Election, 1883 ... ... ... ... 51 
 
 At Killncan, November, 1883 51 
 
 At Drogheda, November, 1883 52 
 
 At the Parnell Banquet, December, 1883 52 
 
 Speech in the Honse of Commons ... ... ... 52 
 
 At Newport, Co. Mayo, January, 1884 ... ... 52 
 
 At Mnllingar, June, 1884 ... ... 53 
 
 At Kilkenny, November, 1885 ... ... . .. 53 
 
 On Boycotting, at Galway, September 14th, 1884 ... 65 
 On Landlordism and the Rent Question in General 
 
 At Boston, U.S.A., December, 1881 76 
 
 In Texas. U.S.A., January, 1882 ... ... 76 
 
 At National League Meeting, June, 1883 ... ... 76 
 
 At Glcngariff, September, 1885 76 
 
 At Errigal Truagh, October, 1885 ... ... ... 77
 
 139 
 
 PAGE 
 
 HEALY, Mr. T. M. Michael Davitt on Mr. Healy and the Ir.'sh World 104 
 
 On Earl Spencer, at Dublin, September, 1884 106 
 
 at Belfast, May, 1885 108 
 
 INCITEMENTS TO Mr. Parnell, M.P., at Newark, U.S.A., January 6th, 1880 ... 6 
 
 MTTBDEE, t> ^ at Brooklyn, January 15th, 1880 7 
 
 at Cleveland, U.S.A., February, 1880 ... 7 
 
 at New Ross, September 26th, 1880 ... 7 
 
 at Cork, October 3rd, 1880 7 
 
 . quoted at State Trials, Irish Times Report, 
 
 January 1st, 1881 8 
 
 Rt, Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P., at Dalkeith, Nov. 26th, 1879 27 
 
 Mr. Biggar, M.P., at Cork, March 21st, 1880 27 
 
 at Castleisland, October 10th, 1880 ... 27 
 
 at Khilough, October 31st, 1880 28 
 
 at Bailieboro', October 31st, 1880 ... 28 
 
 Patrick Egan, Evidence at Sligo, May, 1884 29 
 
 Thomas Brennan at Cardenstown, May 23rd, 1880 ... ... 29 
 
 at Teevnacrecna, May 30th, 1880 29 
 
 at Galway, November 15th, 1880 29 
 
 Evidence at Sligo, May, 1884 29 
 
 Mr. Lalor, M.P., at Athy, October 10th, 1880 29 
 
 Mr. Sexton, M.P., at Bailieboro', October 21st, 1880 30 
 
 at Cork, December 17th, 1882 30 
 
 Mr. John Dillon, M.P., in the House of Commons ... ... 30 
 
 at Monaghan, June 18th, 1883 30 
 
 ,, quoted in the House of Commons ... ... 31 
 
 Mr. Power, M. P., at Lismore, September, 1885 31 
 
 P. J. Gordon at Slirule, June 20th, 1880 31 
 
 P. W. Nally at Bohola, July 24th, 1880 31 
 
 at Simile, October 31st, 1880 32 
 
 at Clerhaun, October 10th, 1880 32 
 
 at Ballinrobe, December, 1882 32 
 
 Mr. Muffney at Knockmore, October 31st, 1880 33 
 
 Michael J. Boyton at Shrule, June 20th, 1880 .... ... 33 
 
 at Caherlistrane, September 5th, 1880 ... 33 
 
 March 5th, 1881 33 
 
 Mr. Matthew Harris, M.P., at Galway, October 24th, 1880 ... 33 
 
 M. M. O'Sullivan at Keadue, June 20th, 1884 34 
 
 Mr. Win. O'Brien, at Carrick-on-Suir, September, 1884 ... 34 
 
 at Dublin, September 3rd, 1886 ... 34 
 
 Mr. T. M. Healy, at Dublin, September, 1884 35 
 
 Rev. Canon Doyle at New Ross, August 21st, 1886 35 
 
 Mr. W. H. K. Redmond, M.P., at Enniskillen, October, 1886 36 
 
 Extracts from United Ireland .. ... ... ... 97
 
 INCIDENTS IN 
 THE CAMPAIGN. 
 
 140 
 
 PAGE 
 
 A Farmer Shot Dead," Extract from United Ireland ... 99 
 
 : A Story from Baltinglass " ... 99 
 
 By Persons Unknown " ... 99 
 
 Attempt to Burn a Bailiff " ... 99 
 
 ' Denying the Soft Impeachment " ... 100 
 
 ' Suspected of Paying Rent " ... 100 
 
 'A Midnight Warning" ... 100 
 
 : Desperate Assault " ... 100 
 
 INVINCIBLES. Rt. Hon. W. E. Forster's P^xplanation of the Connection 
 
 between Mr. Parnell and the Outrage-mongers ... ... 87 
 
 The Land League Representative as an Organiser ... ... 90 
 
 P. J. Sheridan as an Organiser... ... ... ... ... 90 
 
 The Provincial Conspiracies ... ... ... ... ... 93 
 
 References to, by The Irishman ... ... ... 94, 95, 96 
 
 IRISHMAN, THE. On Separation as the Ultimate Object, January 12th, 1884 ... 64 
 References to executed Invincibles ... ... ... 94, 95, 96 
 
 IEISH SOCIETIES Address at Chicago Convention, August, 1886 
 OF AMEBICA. 
 
 112 
 
 IRISH WOELD On Assassination and Physical Force, September 4th, 1886... 96 
 
 AND THE Patrick Ford on Physical Force and Mr. Parnell, Sept., 1886 100 
 
 CONSPIRACY. Mr p arno i\ } M.P., to Patrick Ford, March 9th, 1880 ... 101 
 
 January 26th, 1881 101 
 
 Thomas Brennan to Patrick Ford ... ... ... ... 102 
 
 Michael Davitt Interviewed ... ... ... ... ... 102 
 
 Michael Davitt at St. Louis 103 
 
 Patrick Egan to Patrick Ford 103 
 
 Patrick Ford to Patrick Egan 103 
 
 Michael Davitt at London, May, 1886 104 
 
 On the No Rent Manifesto 103 
 
 JOURNALISTIC Freeman's Journal, May 2nd, 1882 ... ... ... ... 97 
 
 INCITEMENT AND United Ireland, May 4th, 1882 97 
 
 ACTUAL CRIME. ^ October 7th, 1882 98 
 
 KENNV, M.P., Dr. On Boycotting ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 68 
 
 On Landlordism and the Rent Question in General, at Dublin, 
 
 September, 1886 81
 
 LALOE.M.P., Incitement to Murder, at Athy, October 10th, 1880 29 
 
 Mr. KICHAHD. Q n Feiiianism and Rebellion as a Means of obtaining Separa- 
 tion, at Bray, January, 1883 ... ... ... ... 44 
 
 On Boycotting, at Cuhir, September 20tli, 1885 69 
 
 LAND ACT OF Mr. Parnell, M. P., at Dublin, September 17th, 1881 10 
 
 1881. 
 
 LAND LEAGUE. See NATIONAL LAND LEAGUE. 
 
 LANDLORDISM Mr. John Dillon, M.P., on the Xo Rent Manifesto, Aug. 1880 72 
 
 AND THE Quotation at State Trials. Jan., 1881 73 
 KENT QUESTION ,, . . . 
 
 ,, Speech in the House or Commons, 
 
 ATI-IOOI *- 
 
 March, 1881... ... ... ... v3 
 
 at Dublin, May, 1881 73 
 
 September, 1886 7i 
 
 ,, at Dublin, October, 1880 71 
 
 Mr. William O'Brien at Carrick-on-Suir, September, 1884 ... 71 
 
 at Bansha, February, 1885 ... ... 75 
 
 at Gorey, August, 1885 ... ... 75 
 
 at Athlone, September, 1885 ... ... 75 
 
 Mr. T. M. Healy at Boston, U.S.A., December, 1881 76 
 
 in Texas, January, 1882 76 
 
 at National League Meeting, June, 1883 ... 76 
 
 ,, at GlengavifP, September, 1885 ... ... 76 
 
 at Errigal Truagh, October, 1885 77 
 
 Mr. Joseph Biggar, M.P., at Murrintown, September, 1885... 77 
 
 Mr. J. D. Sheehan, M.P., at Killarney 78 
 
 Mr. T. P. O'Connor, M.P., at St. Louis, U.S.A., January, 1882 78 
 
 Mr. J. J. O'Kelly, M.P., at Dysart, November, 1885 78 
 
 at Breedogue, October, 1886 ... 79 
 
 Rev. Eugene Sheeny, C.C., at Dublin, October, 1880 ... 79 
 
 ,, on Fair Rent, December, 1881 ... 79 
 
 at Bridgeport, U.S.A., Jan., 1882 79 
 
 Thomas Brennan at Milltown, July, 1880 80 
 
 at Keaduc, August, 1880 80 
 
 Rev. J. J. Behan, C.C., at Dublin, November, 1885 80 
 
 Rev. D. O. Walsh, October, 1885 81 
 
 Mr. T. Harrington, M.P., at Dublin, September, 1886 ... 81 
 
 Dr. Kenny, M.P., at Dublin, September, 1886 81 
 
 The Chicago Citizen, December, 1882 82 
 
 LI-AMY, M.P., On Separation as the Ultimate Object, at Clomnel, Oct., 1880 61 
 Mr. E.
 
 142 
 
 PAut: 
 
 LIBERAL lit. Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P., in tin- House of Commons, 
 STATESMEN ON January 28th, 1881, January llth, 1882, April 1th, 1882: 
 
 THE at Leeds, October 7th and 8th, 1881; at the Guildhall, 
 
 PARNELLITES. October 1 1th, 1881 ; at Knowsley, October 27th, 1881 1 Ib'-llH 
 
 lit. Hon.W. E. Gladstone, M.r.,on the National Press of Ireland 118 
 
 ,, the Objects of Irish Agitators ... 119 
 
 ,, Concession Creates New Demands 11 !> 
 
 ., Ingratitude of Irish Members ... 11!> 
 
 ,, Crime and the Land League ... 11J> 
 
 Justice 120 
 
 ,, ., Less than Children to Grant Home 
 
 Rule 12<> 
 
 Earl Spencer at Bristol, November 14th, 1.881 ... 12O 
 
 at Belfast, Juno 18th, 1884 12O 
 
 Marquis of Hartington, M.P., at Accrington, Dec. 1st, 1883 121 
 
 Rt. Hon. Sir G. Trevelyan, Bart., at Hawick, February, 1883 121 
 
 lit. Hon. Sir Wm. Harcourt, M.P., in the House of Commons 122-124 
 
 at Glasgow, October 25th, 1881 ... 123 
 
 at Plymouth, September 17th, 1885 123 
 
 at Blandford, September 28th, 1886 12 I 
 
 lit, Hon. John Bright.M.P., at Birmingham, January 3rd, 1882 125 
 
 14th June, 1882... 125 
 
 in Houseof Commons, June 20th, '83 125 
 
 at Reform Club, July 24th, 1885... 12K 
 
 Ht. Hon. J. Chamberlain, M.P., at Birmingham, June, 1881... 127 
 
 at Liverpool, Oct. 25th, 1881 127 
 
 at Birmingham. June, 1880 127 
 
 ,. Extract from Letter to a 
 
 Boston Correspondent, Oct. 
 
 1886 128 
 
 Attorney- Gen era! for Ireland 
 
 Report of Trial, Queen c. Parnelland Others, Dec., 1880 128 
 
 Speech in House of Commons, February 16th, 1882 128 
 
 LOCAL CONTROL. Mr. Parnell, M.P., at \Vaterford, December 6th, 1880 
 
 LOCAL GOVERN- Mr. Richard Power, M.P., at Waterford, September, 1883 .. 
 
 MENT PROPOSALS. Michael Davitt at Clonmel, January, 1884 83 
 
 Rev. E. Sheehy, C.C.,at Kuockaderry, September, 18M-1 ... 83 
 
 Mr. W. H. K. Redmond, M.P., at Dublin, September. ISNt. 83 
 
 Mr. J. H. McCarthy, M.P., at Athlone. October, 1885 ... 84 
 
 United Ireland, December, 1883 84
 
 '43 
 
 MAPS OF The Connection between Agrarian Crimes and the Parnellite 
 IRELAND. Vote. (Ste FRONTISPIECE.) 
 
 MATNE, M.I'., On Fenianism and Rebellion as a Means of obtaining Separa- 
 .Mr. THOMAS. tion, at Fethard, April, 1885 ... ... ... ... 44 
 
 On Separation as the Ultimate Object, at Loughmore, May, 
 
 1885... 61 
 
 McC'AETHTjM.P., On Earl Spencer, at Athlone, October, 1884 108 
 
 Mr. JUSTIN. 
 
 MVCARTHY,M.P., On Local Government Proposals, at Athlone, October, 1885... 84 
 Mr. .1. H. 
 
 MOONLIGHTING, lit. Hon. W. K. Forster's Explanation of the Connection 
 
 between Mr. Parnell and the Outrage-mongers... ... 87 
 
 Parnell Medals as Rewards for ... ... ... ... 91, 92 
 
 91. 
 
 Connection with the Land League ... ... ... ... 9t 
 
 MOB AX, Mr. On Fenianism and Rebellion as a Means of Separation, at 
 
 Finea, Mav 27th, 1880 39 
 
 MUFFNKY, Mr. Incitement to Murder, at Knockraore, October 31st, 1880 ... 33 
 
 MURDERS, Mr. Parnell, M.P., at Newark, New Jersey, January 6th, 1880 C> 
 
 SUBJECT OF. ;> ;> at Brooklyn, January 15th, 1880 7 
 
 at New Ross, September 26th, 1880 ... 7 
 
 at Cleveland, U.S.A., February, 1880 ... 7 
 
 at Cork, October 3rd, 1880 7 
 
 quoted at State Trials. January, 1881 ... 8 
 
 NALLY, P. W. Incitement to Murder, at Bohola, July 24-th, 1880 31 
 
 at Slirule, October 31st, 1880 32 
 
 at Clerhaun, October 10th, 1880 32 
 
 at Ballinrobe, December, 1882 32 
 
 On Fenianism as a Means to obtain Separation, at Shrule, 
 
 October 31st, 1880 3!> 
 
 Trial of, at Dublin, December, 1880 128
 
 144 
 
 NATIONAL LAND 
 LEAGUE. 
 
 No RENT 
 MANIFESTO. 
 
 NOTES ON 
 PARNELLITE 
 
 FINANCE. 
 
 OliSTKUCTION. 
 
 On Boycotting, Dublin, September, 188(5 70 
 
 Representative of, as an " Invincible " Organiser ... ... 00 
 
 Murder, at the request of ... ... ... ... ... 01 
 
 Central Committee of, Mr. H. 0. Arnold Foster's Letter to 
 
 The Times, February, 1884 02 
 
 Secret Service Fund and the Phoenix Park Murders ... ... 03 
 
 The " Invincible " Provincial Conspiracies ... ... ... 03 
 
 As the Supporter of " Moonlighting " ... ... ... ... 9-1 
 
 Letter from Mr. Purnell thanking The Irish World 102 
 
 Thomas Hrennan thanking The Irish World ... 102 
 
 Michael Davitt thanking The Irish World ... 102 
 
 Michael Davitt's Testimony as to the support of The//v'.s7< World 101 
 
 Amount paid to Evicted Tenants ... ... ... . 1 09 
 
 Sources of the Parnellite Income ... ... ... 110 111 
 
 Rfc. Hon. W. E. Gladstone's Opinion of 110 
 
 Attorney-General for Ireland on Obstruction of the Land Act 128 
 
 Copy of ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 1 05 
 
 Political and National League Funds, &c. 
 
 Mr. Parnell, M.P., at Dublin, February 5th, 1879 
 
 at Belfast, February 10th, 1879 
 at Cork, October 1th, 1880 
 
 100-111 
 
 ( )'RRiEN, Incitement to Murder, at Carrick-on-Suir, September 7th, 188 t 
 
 Mr. WILLIAM. 
 
 at Dublin, September 3rd, 188(3 
 
 On Fenianism and Rebellion as a Means of obtaining Separation 
 
 At Phu-uix Park, April, 1883 
 
 At Sheffield, July, 1883 
 
 At . Kanturk, April, 1885 
 
 On Boycotting, at Tulla, May 21th, 1883 
 On Separation as the Ultimate Object 
 
 At Cappamore, September, 1883 
 
 At Kathdowiifv, November, 1S83 
 
 At Letterkenny, February, 1883 
 
 March, 1883 
 
 At Tulla. May, 1 S83 
 
 At Sheffield, August, 1883 
 < )u Landlordism and the Rent Question in (Jeiural 
 
 At Carrick-on-Suir, September, 1H81 
 
 At Bansha, February. 1883 
 
 At Gorey, August, 1883 
 
 At Athlone, September. 1883... 
 
 On Karl Spencer and Sir George Trevelyan, Bt., at Carrick-uii- 
 Suir, September 4th, 1884 ... * 
 
 12 
 13 
 13 
 
 33 
 31 
 51 
 54 
 
 KM!
 
 145 
 
 PA OK 
 
 O'CoxNOB, M.P., On Fenianism and Rebellion asaMeansof obtainingSeparation, 
 
 Mr. ARTHUR at Borris, April, 1885 ... ... ... ... ... 47 
 
 On Separation as the Ultimate Object, at Maryborough, 
 
 October, 1883 .' ... 61 
 
 On Boycotting, at Borris, April 6th, 1885 68 
 
 O'CoxxoR, M.P., On Fenianism and Rebellion as a Means of Separation, at Cork. 
 
 Mr. JOHN. August 5th, 1886 4O 
 
 O'CoxjfOR, M.P., On Fenianism and Rebellion as a Means of Separation, at 
 
 Mr. T. P. Maine, October 26th, 1881 37 
 
 On Boycotting, at Chicago, December 3rd, 1881 G(> 
 
 at St. Joseph, U.S.A., February, 1882 ... 66 
 
 On Landlordism and the Rent Question in General, at St. Louis, 
 
 U.S.A., January, 1882 78- 
 
 XLOX, M.P., On Fenianism as a Means of obtaining Separation, at Cavan, 
 MR. October, 1885 11 
 
 O'lvKLLY, M.P., On Fenianism and Rebellion as a Means of obtaining Separa- 
 
 Mr. J. J. tion, at Castlerea, April, 1885 ... ... ... ... 17 
 
 On Separation as the Ultimate Object, at Newcastle, Oct., ] 883 58- 
 
 at Sheffield, Oct., 1885 5<> 
 
 On Landlordism and the Rent Question in General 
 
 At Dysart, November, 1885 7* 
 
 At Breedog-uc, October, 1886... 70 
 
 O'Rvix, Mr. On Fenianism and Rebellion as a Means of obtaining Separa- 
 tion, at Anacarthy, April 26th, 1885 ... II 
 
 Incitement to Murder, at Keadue, June 20th, 1884 ... ... 31 
 
 M. M. Q U Fenianism and Rebellion as a Means of obtaining Separation 
 
 At Rainsborough, July 1th, 1880 4<> 
 
 At Finea, M;iy 27th, 1880 41 
 
 PARLIAMENTARY The Connection between Agrarian Crimes and the Parnellite 
 MAP OF Vote. See FRONTISPIECE. 
 
 IRELAND.
 
 146 
 
 I'A'-K 
 
 PAKNKLL, M.P., On Obstruction, at Dublin, February 5th, 1879; at Helfast, 
 
 Mr. C. S. February 10th, 1879; at Cork, October 4th, 1880 ... ."> 
 
 On Local Control, at Waterf'ord, December 6th, 188O ... 6 
 
 On the Subject of Murders, ;1 t Newark, U.S.A., Jan. Oth, J88<> U 
 
 ,, at Brooklyn, January loth, 1880 7 
 
 at New Ross, Sept. 26th, 1880 ... 7 
 
 at Cleveland, U.S.A., Feb., 1880 7 
 
 at Cork, October 3rd, 1880 ... 7 
 
 ,, ,. quoted at State Trials, Irish Times 
 
 Report, January 1st, 1881 ... <s 
 
 On Heneral Land Policy, at Clamnorris, May 1st, 1880 ... 8 
 
 at Kilkenny, October 3rd, 1880 ... '.' 
 
 at Clara, February 20th, 1881 1<> 
 
 On the Dynamite Policy, at \Vexford, October 9th, 1881 ... 10 
 
 On Land Act of 1881. at Dublin, September 17th, 1881 ... 10 
 
 On Boycotting, at Ennis, September 18th, 1880 11 
 
 On Rebellion as a Means of Separation 
 
 At Liverpool, November 30th, 1879 II 
 
 At Bala, December, 1879 ... 12 
 
 At Cleveland, U.S.A., January, 1880 ... 12 
 
 At Dublin, April 29th, 1880 ... ... 12 
 
 At (iahvay. October lioth, 1880 12 
 
 At Rochester, F.S.A ... ] :< 
 
 At Limerick, November 2nd, 1880 ... ... l:i 
 
 At WaterlWd. December (5th, 188O .. 13 
 
 Separation us the Ultimate Ob 
 
 At 1'ittston, U.S.A., February 16th, 1880 II 
 
 At ("ui.-iiinati. r.S.A.. February 23rd, 1880 ... 14 
 
 At Cork. March 22nd, 1880 II 
 
 At Beaufort, Co. Kerry, May 115th, 18S( ... 15 
 
 At Eniiis, September 20th, 18SO 1 "> 
 
 At (.lahvay, October 1st, 1880 U> 
 
 At Cork. October :ird. 1880 ... 1(5 
 
 At Tipperary. October 31st, 1880 1(! 
 
 At Dublin, September 2f!th, 18S1 ... 17 
 
 At Cork. Octol-.er 6th. 1881 . 17
 
 PAKNJJLL, M.P., 
 Mr. C. S. 
 
 147 
 
 At Wexford, October 10th, 1881 
 
 At Cork, December 18th, 1882 
 
 At Dublin, August 29th, 1883 
 
 At Dublin, December 13th, 1883 
 
 At the Redmond Banquet, April 6th, 1884... 
 
 At Drogheda, April 15th, 1884 
 
 At Mr. Sexton's Reception, September 9th, 1884 
 At Clonmel, January 9th, 1885 
 
 At Cork, January 21st, 1885 
 
 At Cork, January 23rd, 18bo 
 
 At Miltown Malbay, January 25th, 1885 ... 
 
 At London, March 17th, 1885 
 
 At London, July 20th, 1885 
 
 At Arklow, August 20th, 1885 
 
 At Dublin, August 25th, 1885 
 
 At Dublin, August 26th, 1885 
 
 At Dublin Mansion House, September 1st, 1885 
 
 At Wicklow, October 5th, 1885 
 
 At Castlebar, November 3rd, 1885 
 
 Interviewed, November 7th, 1885 
 
 At the McCarthy Banquet, September 8th, 1886 
 
 PACE 
 
 17 
 18 
 IS 
 19 
 19 
 19 
 20 
 20 
 21 
 21 
 22 
 22 
 23 
 23 
 23 
 24 
 24 
 25 
 26 
 26 
 26 
 
 Connection with Outrage-mongers as explained by the Rt. Hon. 
 
 W. E. Forster " 87 
 
 To Patrick Ford, March 9th, 1880, and January 26th, 1881... 101 
 On Earl Spencer, in the House of Commons, July, 1885 ... 108 
 Opinions of Liberal Statesmen ... ... ... ... 116128 
 
 Trial of, at Dublin, December, 1880 ... 128 
 
 PAKNELL Notes on 
 DKFKXCE Fr>~u. 
 
 109 
 
 PARXELLITES 
 
 AND 
 
 KAUI. SJ-EXCEE. 
 
 Mr. \V. O'Brien at Carrick-ou-Suir, September 7th, 1884 ... 106 
 
 Mr. T. M. Healy at Dublin, September 8th, 1884 106 
 
 at Belfast, May 29th, 1885 108 
 
 United Ireland, September 13th, 1884 107 
 
 Mr. Justin McCarthy, M.P., at Athlone, October 5th, 1884... 108 
 
 Mr. Joseph Biggar, M.P., at Londonderry, January 12th, 18S5 108 
 Mr. C. S. Parnell. M.P., in the House of Commons, July 5th, 
 
 1885 ... 108
 
 148 
 
 PACK 
 
 PAENELLITES Rt. Hon. W. E. Forstcr's Explanation of the Connection 
 AND OUTRAGES. between Mr. Parnell and the Outrage-mongers ... ... 87 
 
 PARNELLITE Source of 
 INCOME. 
 
 I. Details of Subscriptions rectivel for " Central 
 
 Fund" 11O 
 
 II. Details of Subscriptions received for " S;n>ciiil 
 
 Funds" 111 
 
 PAENELLITK Notes on Relief of Distress Fund, Fair Trial Fund, Parnell 
 
 FINANCE. Defence Fund, Political (or General) Fund of the Land 
 
 League, &c 
 
 PARNELL As Rewards for Moonlighting ... ... ... ... 91,02,91- 
 
 MEDALS. 
 
 PARNELLITE James Carey's Revelations, ic., February, 1883 ... ... 93 
 
 SECEET SERVICE 
 FUND. 
 
 PARNELLITKS Patrick Ford's Confession, September, 1886 ... ... ... 1(X> 
 
 AND THE 
 
 "IRISH WORLD." 
 
 PHCENIX PAKE P. J. Sheridan's Connection ... ... ... ... ... SI) 
 
 MURDERS. Patrick Egan's Refusal to offer Land League Reward ... 9o 
 
 James Carey's Revelations, February, 1883 ... ... ... 9'r 
 
 The Freeman's Journal and Curev's Revelations ... 97 
 
 POLITICAL (OR Xotes on 
 
 GENERAL) FUND 
 
 OF THE 
 
 LAND LEAGUE. 
 
 POWER, M. P., Incitement to Murder, Lismore, September, 1885 
 
 Mr. RICHARD. 
 
 Separation as the Ultimate Object 
 
 At Waterford, September, 1883 
 
 November, 1885 ... ... 5!S 
 
 On Local Government Proposals, at Waterford, Sept., 1883 . ..
 
 149 
 
 PAOE 
 
 REBELLION AS A g ee un der FENIANISM AND REBELLION, &c. 
 MEANS OF 
 
 OBTAININa 
 
 SEPARATION. 
 
 HEDMOND, M.P., On Separation as the Ultimate Object, at Oldhain, July 1885 Gl 
 Mr. J. E. 
 
 KKDAIOND, M.P., Incitement to Murder, at Enniskillen, October 10th, 1886 ... 36 
 Mr. W. H. K. 
 
 On Fenianism and Rebellion as a Means of obtaining Separation 
 
 At Chicago, January 30th, 1884 14 
 
 At Middleton, April 18th, 1884 45 
 
 At Dublin, September 16th, 1884 15 
 
 At Nurney, February, 1885 ... ... ... ... 45 
 
 At Darlington, March, 1885 ... ... ... ... 46 
 
 At Dnndalk, April, 1885 46 
 
 At Newcastle-on-Tyne, May, 1885 46 
 
 At Taghmon, May, 1885 46 
 
 At Castleblayney, August 9th, 1885 46 
 
 At Dublin, January 29th, 1886 47 
 
 On Separation as the Ultimate Object 
 
 At Dublin, September, 1884 55 56 
 
 January, 1885 ... ... ... ... 56 
 
 At Fennoy, June, 1885 ... ... ... ... 56 
 
 At Gorey, August, 1885 ... ... ... ... 56 
 
 At Bohernabreena, November, 1885 ... ... ... 56 
 
 Speech in the House of Commons ... ... ... 57 
 
 On Local Government Proposals, at Dublin, September, 1884 83 
 
 At Chicago Convention, August, 1886 ... ... ... ... 114 
 
 RELIEF or Noteson 109 
 
 DISTRESS FUND. 
 
 HKXT QUESTION, See LANDLORDISM, &c 72 
 
 THE. 
 
 RETURNS or How Crime has Increased in Ireland under the National Land 
 
 AGRARIAN League 86 
 
 CHIMES. 
 
 N
 
 ISO 
 
 i-AOE 
 
 SKCUKT SEBVICE Phoenix Park Murders and the Lund League ... ... ... 93 
 
 FUND. 
 
 SKPARATION Mr. Parnell, M.P., at Pittston, U.S.A., February 16th, 1880 14 
 
 THE ULTIMATE >t >t at Cincinnati, U.S.A. February 28rd, 1880 14 
 
 BJECT> at Cork, March 22nd, 1880 14 
 
 at Beaufort, Co. Kerry, May 16th, 1880... 15 
 
 at Ennis, September 20th, 1880 15 
 
 at Galway, October 1st, 1880 16 
 
 at Cork, October 3rd, 1880 16 
 
 at Tipperary, October 31st, 1880 16 
 
 at Dublin, September 26th, 1881 17 
 
 at Cork, October 6th, 1881 17 
 
 at Wexford, October 10th, 1881 18 
 
 at Cork, December 18th, 1882 18 
 
 at Dublin, August 29th, 1883 18 
 
 at Dublin, December 13th, 1883 19 
 
 at the Redmond Banquet, April 6th, 1884 19 
 
 at Drogheda, April 15th, 1884 19 
 
 at Mr. Sexton's Reception, Sept. 9th, 1884 20 
 
 ,, at Clonmcl, January 9th, 1885 20 
 
 at Cork, January 21st, 1885 21 
 
 at Cork, January 23rd, 1885 21 
 
 ,, ,, at Miltown Malbay, January 25th, 1885 22 
 
 tit London, March 17th. 1885 22 
 
 at London, July 20th, 1885 23 
 
 at Arklow, August 20th, 1885 23 
 
 at Dublin, August 25th, 1885 23 
 
 sit Dublin, August 2(>th, 1885 24 
 
 ,, at Dublin Mansion House, Sept. 1st, 1885 21 
 
 at Wicklow, October 5th, 1885 25 
 
 ,, at Castlebar, November 3rd, 1885 ... 26 
 
 ,, Interviewed, November 7th, 1885 ... 2(> 
 
 at the McCarthy Banquet, Sept. 8th, 1886, 20 
 
 Mr. T. M. Healy at Boston, December, 1881 50 
 
 at New Orleans, January, 1882 ... ... 50 
 
 at New York, February, 1882 51 
 
 at Watcrford, October. 1883 ,j] 
 
 at Limerick Election, 1883... ... ... 51 
 
 at Killucan, November, 1883 ... ... 51 
 
 at Drogheda, November, 1883 ... ... 52
 
 SEPARATION* 
 
 THE ULTIMATE 
 
 OBJECT. 
 
 PAGK 
 
 Mr. T. M. Healy, at the Parnell Banquet, December, 1883 ... 52 
 
 ,, in the House of Commons ... ... ... 52 
 
 at Newport, Co. Mayo, January, 1884 ... 52 
 
 at Mullingar, June, 1884 ... ... ... 53 
 
 at Kilkenny, November, 1885 ... ... 53 
 
 Mr. Win. O'Brien at Cappamore, September, 1883 . ... 53 
 
 ,, at Rathdowney, November, 1883 ... ... 54 
 
 ,, ,, at Letterkenny, February, 1885 ... ... 54 
 
 March, 1885 54 
 
 at Tulla, May, 1885 55 
 
 at Sheffield, August, 1885 55 
 
 Mr. W. H. K. Redmond, M.P., at Dublin, September, 1884 5556 
 
 ., January, 1885 ... 56 
 
 at Fermoy, June, 1885 ... 56 
 
 ,, at Gorey, August, 1885 ... 56 
 
 at Bohernabreena, Nov., 1885 56 
 
 in the House of Commons ... 57 
 
 Mr. T. D. Sullivan, M. P., at Ennis, October, 1880 57 
 
 at Mullingar, June, 1884 57 
 
 Mr. Richard Power, M.P., at Waterford, September, 1883 ... 58 
 
 November, 1885 ... 58 
 
 Mr. J. J. O'Kelly, M.P., at Newcastle, October, 1883 ... 58 
 
 at Sheffield, October, 1885 50 
 
 Mr. John Dillon, M. P., at Dublin, October, 1881 59 
 
 at Holyford, October, 1886 59 
 
 Mr. J. J. Clancy, M.P., at Clondalkin, February, 1885 ... 60 
 
 at Dublin, October, 1885 60 
 
 Rev. E. Sheeny, C.C., at Chicago, December, 1882 60 
 
 Mr. J. E. Redmond, M. P., at Oldham, July, 1885 61 
 
 Mr. John Deasy, M.P., at Newbridge, February, 1885 ... 61 
 
 at Dublin, January, 1886 61 
 
 Mr. A. O'Connor, M.P., at Maryborough, October, 1883 ... 61 
 
 Mr. Leamy, M.P., at Clonmel, October, 1880 61 
 
 Mr. T. Sexton, M.P., at Dublin, October, 1881 62 
 
 at the Parnell Banquet, December, 1883 62 
 
 Michael Davitt, at Ballinasloe, November, 1883 62 
 
 Mr. Barry, M. P., at Kildare, April, 1884 63 
 
 Mr. Matthew Harris, M. P., at Athy, June, 1884 63 
 
 Mr. Thomas Maync, M.P., at Louglnnore, May, 1885 ... 64 
 
 Rev. Mr. Cantwell, P.P., V.F., at Dublin, September, 1886... 64 
 
 The Irishman, January 12th, 1884 64 
 
 United Ireland, February 9th, 1884 . 65
 
 152 
 
 PAGE 
 
 SEXTON, M.P., Incitement to Murder, at Bailieboro', October 21st, 1880 ... 30 
 
 Mr. T. at Cork, December 17th, 1882 ... HO 
 
 OuFenianismand Rebellion asa Meansof Obtaining Separation, 
 
 at Boston, August 13th, 1881 41) 
 
 On Separation as tbe Ultimate Object 
 
 At Dublin, October, 1881 62 
 
 At the Parnell Banquet, December, 1883 62 
 
 Trial of, at Dublin, December, 1880 12H 
 
 SHKEHAN, M.P., On Landlordism and the Kent Question in General, at Killarney ~S 
 Mr. 
 
 SHEEHT, C.C., On Fenianisni and Rebellion as a Means of obtaining Separa- 
 
 KEV. EUGENE. t ion, at Chicago, December, 1881 4: 
 
 On Separation as the Ultimate Object, at Chicago, Dec., 1882 <><> 
 
 On Landlordism and the Kent Question in General 
 
 At Dublin, October, 1880 7! 
 
 December, 1881 7!> 
 
 At Bridgeport, U.S.A., January, 1882 7l> 
 
 On Local Government Proposals, at Knockaderry, Sept., 1881 M 
 
 SHERIDAN, P. J. On Fenianism and Rebellion as a Means of obtaining Separation, 
 
 at Lackagh, August 1st, 1880 II 
 
 Biographical Sketch of ... ... ... ... ... ... NS 
 
 Connection with the Plucnix Park Murders ... ... ... N!> 
 
 As an "Invincible" Organiser ... ... ... ... ... H<> 
 
 Trial of, at Dublin, December, 1880 ... 12S 
 
 SPENCER, Mr. \V. O'Brien's Opinion of, at Carrick-on-Suir, Sept., 1884 !((>" 
 
 RT. HON. KARL. ^ Ir T _ M Italy's ()].iiiion of, at Dublin, September, 1884 ... KM; 
 
 at Belfast, May, 1885 ... I OH 
 
 United Ireland, September, 1884 H7 
 
 Mr. Justin McCarthy, M.P.'s Opinion of, at Athlone, Oct., 1881 10H 
 Mr. Joseph Bigirar, M.P.'s Opinion of, at Londonderry, 
 
 January, 1885 10H
 
 153 
 
 PAGE 
 
 SPENCEB, Mr. C. S. Parnell, M.P.'s Opinion of, Speech in the House of 
 Rr. HON. EAEL. Commons, July, 1885 108 
 
 On the Integrity of the Empire, at Bristol, November, 1881' 120 
 On Fenianism and Rebellion asa Meansof Obtaining Separation 
 
 Belfast, June, 1884 120 
 
 STATISTICS OF How Crime has increased in Ireland under the National Land 
 CBIME. League ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 86 
 
 SULLIVAN, Mr. A. On Fenianism and Rebellion asaMeans.of Obtaining Separation, 
 
 in New York, May 21st, 1884 50 
 
 At the Chicago Convention, August, 1886 ... ... ... 112 
 
 SULLIVAN, M.P., On Fenianism and Rebellion as a Means of Obtaining 
 
 Mr. T. D. Separation, at Dublin, October, 1885 42 
 
 On Separation as the Ultimate Object, at Ennis, October, 1880 57 
 
 ,, ,, at Mullingar, June, 188-1 57 
 
 On Boycotting, quoted at State Trials. January 1881 ... 68 
 
 Trial of, at Dublin, December, 1880 128 
 
 TBEVELYAN, Bt,, Mr. W. O'Brien's Opinion of, at Carrick-on-Suir, Sept., 1884 106 
 Rt. Hon. Sir G. At Hawick, February, 1883 121 
 
 TUEBIDY, JOHN. Revelations of " Invincible " Conspiracies, April, 1883 ... 93 
 
 UNITED On Fenianism and Rebellion as a Means of ObtainingSeparation 
 
 IRELAND. 
 
 March 7th, 1885 48 
 
 April 4th, 1885 48 
 
 September 19th, 1885 48 
 
 On Separation as the Ultimate Object, February 9th, 1884 ... 65 
 
 On Local Government Proposals, December, 1883 ... ... 84 
 
 Journalistic Incitement and Actual Crime, May 4th, 1882 ... 97 
 
 October 7th, 1882 98 
 
 Ee Judge Lawson 98 
 
 Reports of Outrages and Crimes Incidents in the Campaign 99 
 
 On Earl Spencer, September 13th, 1884 107
 
 54 
 
 PACE 
 
 VIGILANCE " Invincible " Provincial Conspiracies and the Land League 93 
 SOCIETY. 
 
 WALSH, J. W. On Fenianisin and Rebellion as a Means of Separation 
 
 At Simile, June 20th, 1880 37 
 
 At Clerhaun, October 10th, 1880 ... ... 38 
 
 WALSH, On Landlordism and the Rent Question in General, Oct., 1885 81 
 
 Jlev. DAVID 'O'H.
 
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