Digitized by tine Internet Arciiive in 2007 with funding from ■* IVIicrosoft Corporation http://www.archive.org/details/ancienthistorytoOOwestrich ."O^ .•^^ N^rf^ t)'l\A Julius Caesar. The Naples bust. ALLYN AND BACON'S SERIES OF SCHOOL HISTORIES CHARLES KENDALL ADAMS, General Editor ANCIENT HISTORY- TO THE DEATH OF CHARLEMAGNE BY ^ WILLIS MASON WEST PROFESSOR OF HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA ALLYN AND BACON ALLYN AND BACON'S SERIES OF SCHOOL HISTORIES 12mo, half leather, numerous maps, plans, and illustrations ANCIENT HISTORY. By Willis M. West of the University of Minnesota. MODERN HISTORY. By Willis M. West. HISTORY OF ENGLAND. By Charles M. Andrews of Bryn Mawr College. HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. By Charles K. Adams, and V/illiam P. Trent of Columbia University. THE ANCIENT WORLD. By Willis M. West. Also in two volumes: Part I : Greece and the East. Part II: Rome and the West. Main Lib Bisx» ^ COPYRIGHT, 1902, BY WILLIS MASON WEST. Nortnooti ^resa ^. 8. Cusliing & Co. — Berwick & Smith Co. ^'orwood, Mass., U.S.A. PREFACE. The study of history in secondary schools offers many problems. Foremost in demanding decision stands always the question of the proper distribution of time. The old one- year course in universal history is confessedly inadequate, unattractive, and destitute of disciplinary value. No possible series of courses on single countries can be sufficiently com- prehensive. Some compromise is inevitable. The most promising plan yet proposed is the one outlined in the memorable Keport of the Committee of Seven to the National Historical Association in 1899.^ In accordance with that plan, the series of school histories of which this book is the first will give two volumes to a general survey of the world's history. The present volume deals with the early development of those historic elements whose interworkings have since produced our modern world. As is explained more fully in the opening pages of the text, it deals with those Oriental peoples who were to contribute directly to European civilization, and, more in detail, with Greeks, Romans, and Teutons, whose life in each case was to be taken up, almost as a whole, into our modern life ; and the story is traced until these formative elements have been brought together and until their fusion is well under way in the empire of Charlemagne. A second book will treat the subsequent working of these forces in " Modern History." The present volume, however, may be followed instead by the study of England, France, or Germany, or by intensive topic study; it is designed for the first year's work in history in high schools, but, by expanding or contracting the suggestions for topical reports and for library work, it may be adapted to older or younger students and to courses of varying length. 1 The Study of History in Schools, The Macmilian Co., $0.60. iU 221060 IV PREFACE. In selecting subject-matter within the wide limits of "An- cient History," I have desired especially to emphasize the unity in historical development and to bring out the value of the past in explaining the present. The expansion of civilized life is followed from the early patches in the Nile and Eu- phrates valleys, first over Western Asia, then around the Medi- terranean coasts, and, finally, into the British Isles and the German forests ; and at each new advance an attempt is made to show something of the reaction of the environment upon the older germs. To do these things effectively calls for rigid economy in the use of space. Two particulars may be mentioned : — a. Wars receive little attention. Military history is valua- ble, no doubt, if one really studies strategy ; but compromises that tell the story and leave out the strategy are not valuable as history, whatever they may be as literature. Of course, "civilization has come riding on a gun-carriage;" but this truth can be taught better by compact treatments of condi- tions preceding a war and of the results that followed it, than by lengthy, but necessarily imperfect or misleading, stories of battles and sieges. This sentiment may have a familiar sound, but its radical application in this volume justifies its repetition. Thus, twenty-eight pages are given to the Athe- nian Empire and less than four to the Peloponnesian War, — these four, too, mainly to the internal revolution in Athens; two pages contain Alexander's wars, while five are given to his constructive work and twenty more to the results in the widespread Hellenic civilization that followed; and of the four- teen pages allotted to Caesar, two suffice for his campaigns. b. Critics have long regretted that our school courses dwell upon the legendary or romantic early periods of Greek and Koman life to the strange neglect of the later periods, more complex, but so much richer in historical teaching. More important than the semibarbarous Spartan camp is the great Hellenic world after Alexander, with its suggestive experi- ments in federal government and with its political and social PREFACE. V conditions so like the modern world ; more valuable even than the ill-understood quarrels between plebeians and patricians is the Eoman imperial world, on which later European life is so directly based. I have intended the present volume to do somewhat toward remedying this Neglect, especially in the case of the Roman Empire. Here, too, a space-saving device has been adopted. A fundamental difficulty has always been the many imperial reigns with the wearisome repetition of like details. This volume groups the outlines of the reigns, by periods, into some four pages of tables, for reference, and so secures ninety pages for topical treatment of organic move- ments and of the growth of institutions. As a rule, the emperor's individuality was but a trifling factor in determin- ing the trend of development in the complex society of which he was a part ; and it is manifestly unwise to sacrifice a simple and logical arrangement for an arbitrary and confusing one, depending upon accidents to single lives. On the other hand, the biographical element is sometimes an essential part of historical explanation, and, with right, it is attractive to students. Even a book of this kind permits and demands a few individual portraits ; and I have hoped, in particular, to give a vivid impression of the personality, as well as the work, of Themistocles, Pericles, Socrates, Epami- nondas, Philip, Alexander, the Gracchi brothers, Sulla, Caesar, Augustus, Constantine, Theodoric, Clovis, and Charlemagne. A text-book in history for high schools should assist the teacher in securing that training which history alone in the high school curriculum can give. I trust that my several years' experience in teaching the subject in high schools has not been without profit here. Attention is called to a few features in which this volume is designed to be helpful. a. It aims to help teach the use of a library, by giving spe- cific references upon many topics, and by naming many topics to be looked up from more general references. The teacher, VI PREFACE. of course, will modify or extend topics and references at will, but to leave him to do all work of this kind is to throw un- reasonable burden upon him and to compel neglect. The many quotations woven into the text ought also to be made a means of introducing students to standard books. In the reference lists " for advanced students " the needs of teachers also have been kept in mind. The text omits all the stock anecdotes; they are easily found, and they come with more effect from the teacher or from students to whom they may be especially assigned for reports. More books are sometimes referred to, especially in the general lists at the close of chap- ters, than any one school library will contain, but every library should have some of those mentioned on each topic. Books are often indicated by abbreviated titles or by the author's name ; in any case of uncertainty, the full title can be found easily in the classified bibliography in the Appendix. This bibliography itself, with its prices and especially with its dates, will be, I hope, not without use. h. The Table of Contents gives a minute analysis down to the content of each paragraph in the book. More important still, it shows, by its tabular form, the logical relation of the paragraphs within each larger subdivision and the relations of these larger units to each other. This feature, I think, is somewhat unique. To keep the analysis clear compelled a strictly logical order in writing the book. Whether this scientific arrangement has been secured at the cost of other merits the public must decide ; but secured, I think, it unques- tionably has been. The syllabus, therefore, should be used constantly both in advance and review. c. Various forms of review exercises are suggested at appro- priate points (see pages 75, 127-128, 198, 245-246, 371, and 457); but the value of the Index for review deserves special notice. As the Syllabic Table of Contents gives a bird's-eye view of a period, so the Index affords direction for cross review. A number of the topics most important for such study are indicated in the Index by black italic type. The PREFACE. Vii many cross references in the text should be helpful in a like manner. d. Brief suggestions for map study are given in one instance in the text (page 76), but of course every map should be the occasion of some study in class. In particular, a series of progressive maps like the last eight or nine, showing the civilized world at short intervals of time, affords material for comparison and discussion that should not be neglected. The book is unusually rich in maps. for the confused period from 400 to 800 A.D., when the face of Europe was changing so rapidly, and when the germs of modern nations were beginning to take form. To enumerate authorities for the treatment of so many periods and countries would be perhaps graceful in the author, but wearisome to the reader. In general, the views presented are strictly orthodox. The question of " race '' belongs not to history, nor to philology, but to ethnology ; and in conformity to the verdict of its proper science, the Aryan race supersti- tion is discarded. On the vexed problem of Eoman patricians and plebeians, I follow the usually accepted and better estab- lished theory, rather than a recent one which would make the patricians simply the chiefs of plebeian tribesmen. The new idea has the merit of simplicity, but it is based apparently upon that ignorance which the unscientific Roman historians always displayed on all difficulties about their early history ; and, despite some vehement criticism, the other theory not only has the support of the greatest names in Germany and England, but it is also in accord with what the comparative study of primitive societies makes probable. On the other hand, the older view of early Greek civilization, by universal consent, needs restatement, though that statement, perhaps, has not yet been found. I have preferred, therefore, to use, in some measure. Professor Ridgeway's theories, recent as they are, rather than solemnly to repeat an undoubted error. It is inevitable, of course, in a book of this kind, that cleri- viii PREFACE. cal errors and more serious ones should have slipped in; I shall be grateful to teachers or readers who will call my attention to any of them. It remains for me to express my obligation to friends who have helped in the preparation of the volume. Dr. Charles Kendall Adams, the editor of the series, so long and widely known as an eminent historical teacher and writer, read the manuscript, and I owe much to his searching comment and kindly encouragement. The ill health which has compelled his lamented withdrawal from the presidency of the Univer- sity of Wisconsin has of course made it impossible for him to give the proofs the critical attention they would otherwise have received from him, but here too he has offered valuable suggestion. Dr. John E. Granrud, of the department of Latin in the University of Minnesota, whose excellent Roman Con- stitutional History has just appeared, read critically the proofs for the Roman period; Professor John Sinclair Clark, head of the Latin department, read part of the same period ; and Professors Frank M. Anderson and Albert B. White, colleagues in my own department, have read the proofs for the Roman imperial and the Teutonic periods. I desire to record my sincere gratitude to all these gentlemen for many suggestions, and, at the same time, to absolve them from responsibility for errors I may have retained. I am under particular obligation to my wife, Elizabeth Beach West, who read the manuscript, as it progressed, with- constant and invaluable criticism. Her close touch with the subject from the teacher!s point of view made her suggestions especially helpful. I should be ungrate- ful not to acknowledge also her material assistance in prepar- ing maps and tables and in work upon the proofs. WILLIS MASON WEST. Universitt of Minnesota, Minneapolis, March 1, 1902. ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. INTRODUCTION. I. What History shall we study ? SECTION PAOB 1. Prehistoric life excluded 1 2. Some historic races excluded 2 3. The field selected and the periods 3 4. The two great divisions of history 5 5. The subject of this volume 6 11. "Race" in History. 6. The Aryan fiction . 6 7. The three great races 8 8. Some of the "white" races ...»,.. 8 9. European nations and these races . . . . . .9 10. Conclusion as to treatment of race 9 PART I. — ORIENTAL HISTORY. CHAPTER I. —A PRELIMINARY SURVEY. 11. The rediscovery . 11 12. The three centers 12 13. The periods .14 CHAPTER II.— EGYPT. I. Geography. 14. Territory 16 15. Significance of the Nile . 15 16. Political geography — growth of a kingdom .... 17 ix ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. IL Political History. 8BCTION PAGE 17. Memphite period 17 18. Theban period : a. earfy Theban ; h. Hyksos rule ; c. later Theban 18 19. Saite period 20 20. Under foreign rule — Alexandrian period 21 IIL People, Society, Civilization. 21. Races and population 22 22. Social classes and government 22 23. Position of woman 27 24. Industries and art 27 25. Literature and the hieroglyphics 30 26. Science 31 27. Religion 32 28. Morality 34 29-36. IV. Illustrative Extracts ... 36 CHAPTER IIL— THE TIGRIS-EUPHRATES STATES. ^ 37. L Unity of the East after 1600 b.c. ,. . 40 II. Geography. 38. The two rivers 40 39. Natural and political divisions 41 III. Political History. 40. The first Chaldean Empire 42 41. Assyria 44 42. The new Babylonian Empire 45 IV. Society and Culture. 43. Races 46 44. Cuneiform writing 46 45. Literature and science 48 46. Industrial arts and applied science ...... 50 47. Social classes 61 48. Architecture and sculpture 62 49. Religion and morality 63 60-65. V. Illustrative Extracts .... 54 ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. xi CHAPTER IV.— THE MIDDLE STATES. SECTION PA6K 56. The Hittites 67 I. Phoenicians. 57. The first men who went down to the sea in ships ... 57 58. Function — disseminators of civilization and inventors of the alphabet 58 59. Political and social conditions 59 11. Hebrews. A. Political History. 60. Men of the desert ; the age of the patriarchs . . ... 61 61. Settlement in Canaan ; the period of the judges ... 61 62. The kings and the prophets 61 63. Division — Israel and Judah : decline . . . . .62 64. Priestly rule .- . .62 B. The Mission of the Jews. 65. The first monotheistic people 63 66. The influence of race or of environment 63 67. Historical growth of the faith 64 CHAPTER v. — THE PERSIAN EMPIRE. I. The Map grows. 68. New states : Persia and Lydia 66 69. Rise and extent of the Persian Empire 67 II. The Persian Contributions. 70. Religion and morals 68 71. Political contributions 69 III. Persia and the Scythians. 72. Persia the champion cf civilization 69 IV. Imperial Government. 73. The old kingdom-empires .70 74. Government by satraps 71 75. The system perfected by Darius 71 76. Post roads 72 77. Permanence of the system 72 XU ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. CHAPTEE VI. — A RETROSPECT. SECTION PAGE 78. Progress in Oriental history 74 79. Limitations in Oriental culture 74 PART II. — THE GREEKS. CHAPTER L — INTRODUCTORY SURVEY. I. EUROPEAK AND ASIATIC TypES. 80. Differences in civilization .76 81. Basis of the distinction found in physical differences . . . 77 II. Greece typical of Europe. 82. The " most European of European lands " .... 78 83. Special geographical features and their influence: a. many small units ; h. the sea the bond of union ; c. certain prod- ucts are incitement to trade ; d. vicinity of the open side to Asia ; e. diversity and beauty of natural features ... 78 84. A problem : results due to land or race ? 80 CHAPTER IL — PREHISTORIC GREECE — TO 1000 B.C. I. Sources of our Knowledge. 85. "Homer" and his age 82 86. Archaeology confirms Homer, but reveals earlier ages also . 82 II. Two Prehistoric Civilizations. 87. Mycenaean culture 86 88. Achaean culture 88 III. Society on the Economic Side. 89. Simplicity 90 90. Occupations and classes .91 IV. The Tribe — Units and Ties. 91. The clan : the clan religion .91 92. Phratry and tribe 92 93. The tribal city 93 94. The city the limit of political organization in Greece ... 93 ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. xiii V. Early Political Organization. SECTION PACK 95. King 94 96. Council of chiefs 94 97. Folk-moot 94 CHAPTER IIL— FROM THE MIGRATIONS TO THE PERSIAN WARS, 1000-500 B.C. I. SUB-PERIODS AND CHARACTER. 08. The gap in the evidence 97 n. "Races." 99. Ionian (Pelasgic), Achaean, Dorian, Aeolian .... 98 III. What made a Greek a Greek ? 100. Unity of Hellenic culture. Bonds : a. language and literature ; b. belief in kinship ; c. the Olympian religion, with its games, oracles, and Amphictyonies ..... 99 IV. The Map: The Dorian Invasion; Colonization. A. First Period^ Beadjustments in the Aegean^ to 900 B.C. 101. Character and cause 101 102. Result to civilization . . 101 103. Political results .102 104. The Hellenizing of the coast of Asia Minor .... 102 B. Second Period^ Wider Colonization., 800-600 B.C. 105. Character and cause . 102 106. Distribution of colonies 103 V. The Political Revolution. 107. The kings overthrown by the chiefs 103 108. The oligarchies overthrown by the tyrants .... 104 109. The tyrants pave the way for democracies .... 106 VI. The Rise of Sparta. 110. Early Sparta — reforms and growth 106 111. Political constitution . 107 112. Classes in Laconia . . 108 113. Social institutions ....;.... 110 Xiv ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. VIL Athens to 500 b.c. A. Preliminary Considerations. SECTION PAGE 114. Two peculiar conditions Ill 115. Other causes favoring a many-sided development . . .112 116. A type of other Greek states 113 B. Eupatrid Bule — after the First Political Bevolution. 117. The decline of the Homeric kingship 113 118. Political rule of the Eupatrids 114 119. Economic oppression 114 120. The order of reform : social and political . . . .116 C. The Early (^Political) Attempts to overthrow the Eupatrids. 121. Eupatrid supremacy shared with the hoplites .... 115 122. The four classes : political power based in part on wealth . 115 123. Imperfect results : attempts at tyranny 116 124. Draco : fixed laws 116 D. Solon — Overthrow of the Eupatrids. 125. Continued strife ; appointment of Solon as dictator . . .117 126. Social reform : the shaking off of burdens (a, 6, c, d) . . 118 127. Political reforms 119 128. Minor reforms ' . 120 129. Summary of the Solonian reforms 120 E. The Tyrants. 130. Anarchy renewed . 121 131. Peisistratus, 560-527 b.c. 121 132. Emulsion of the Peisistratidae 122 F. Cleisthenes — A Democracy. 133. Vigor of free Athens 123 134. The conditions and aims of the new constitution . . . 123 135. The denies and geographical " tribes " 124 136. The state enlarged 126 137. The power of the Assembly greatly enlarged .... 126 138. Minor reforms 126 139. Ostracism 126 Tabular review of Athenian constitution 127 ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. XV Vin. Intellectual Development and Social Life. SECTION PAGK 140. Architecture, painting, and sculpture 129 141. Lyric poetry 129 142. Philosophy 131 143. Religion and character 132 144-151. IX. Illustrative Extracts . . . 134 CHAPTER IV.— THE PERSIAN ATTACK. I. A New Era. 152. Expanding Greece thrown back upon itself .... 136 153. The subdivisions of the epoch 136 II. Conditions for Resistance to Persia. 154. Three sections of Hellas 137 155. Magna Graecia and Carthage . . . . . . . 137 156. Greece : wars, class strife, the Peloponnesian League . . 137 III. The Ionic Revolt. 157. Condition of the Asiatic Greeks 139 158. Revolt ; Athenian aid 139 IV. The First Two Attacks upon Greece, 492-490 b.c. 159. Relation to the Ionic revolt 140 160. The call for earth and water : 140 161. Marathon 140 162. Moral importance of Marathon 141 V. Athens from Marathon to Thermopylae. 163. Themistocles and the interval of preparation .... 142 164. The oligarchs crushed (ruin of Miltiades) .... 142 165. Aristides banished ; Themistocles' naval policy . . . 143 VL The Main Atta-ck, 480-479 b.c. 166. The Persian preparation 143 167. The Greek preparation 144 168. The three lines of defense : Tempe, Thermopylae, the Isthmus 144 169. Loss of Thessaly ' . .145 170. Thermopylae 145 171. The strategy of Themistocles 146 XVI ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. 8KCTION PAGK 172. Salamis 149 173. Illustrative incidents after the battle 150 174. The temptation of Athens 150 17#. Plataea 151 176. The significance of the Greek victory 152 CHAPTER v.— THE AGE OF PERICLES (FROM THE PERSIAN THROUGH THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR). I. Growth of the Athenian Empire. 177. Preparation at Athens : the building of the walls and Peiraeus 154 178. A fleeting vision of a united Hellas 179. The new prominence of Athens 180. Athens assumes leadership of the Ionian Greeks, 479 b.c. 181. The confederacy of Delos, 478 b.c. . 182. Work and growth of the Delian League . . . . 183. Changes in the character of the league . . . . 184. The league develops into an Athenian empire . 185. The rift between Athens and Sparta . . . . 186. Marvelous activity of Athens : growth of a land empire . 187. Loss of the land empire 188. The Thirty Years' Truce and Peace with Persia 156 157 157 158 159 160 161 162 163 164 164 II. The Empire and the Imperial City in Peace. A. Material Strength. 189. Relative power 165 190. Population 165 191. The imperial revenues . . 166 B. Government of the City and Empire. 192. Steps in development from the constitution of Cleisthenes . 167 193. The generals (strategi) and the "leaders of the people" . 167 194. The Assembly 168 195. The waning of the Areopagus 169 196. The dicasteries .169 197. State pay for public service 170 198. Political capacity of the Athenians 171 199. Imperfect nature of Athenian democracy .... 172 200. Leaders and parties : Pericles 173 C. Intellectual and Artistic Athens. 201. The true significance of Athens in history . . . .174 202. Architecture and sculpture 176 ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. XVU SECTION PAGE 203. Painting 180 204. The drama . 182 205. Pericles' policy as to theater money 184 206. History 185 207. Philosophy 186 208. Education 188 209. Summary : extent and degree of culture 190 210. Summary — limitations: a militant civilization, and for males only 191 III. The Peloponnesian War. 211. Causes . 192 212. Resources and plans of the contestants 193 213. An unforeseen factor — the plague 193 214. Summary of events and traits . 194 215. The closing years : rule of the Four Hundred at Athens ; Per- sian gold to aid Sparta (who betrays the Asiatic Greeks) . 194 216. Aegospotami; the capture of Athens 195 217. IV. The Western Greeks in the Fifth and Fourth Centuries . 196 CHAPTER VL— FROM THE FALL OF ATHENS TO THE FALL OF HELLAS, 404-238 B.C. 218. The decline of the city state 199 L Spartan Supremacy, 404-371 b.c. A. General Character. 219. Harmosts and decarchies 199 220. A famous example: the "Thirty" at Athens . . . . 200 221. Spartan decay 201 B. Wars and Leagues to the Peace of Antalcidas. 222. March of the Ten Thousand ; renewal of the war with Persia 202 223. The Corinthian War — a league against Sparta . . . 202 224. Conon at Cnidus — ruin of Sparta's maritime supremacy . 203 225. Iphicrates' peltasts — Sparta's supremacy in land warfare disputed . .203 226. Peace of Antalcidas — Persia and Sparta support each other, 387 B.c 204 XVIU ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. C. From the Betrayal of Hellas to Leuctra, S87-S71. SECTION PAGB 227. High-handed aggressions 204 228. The Chalcidic Confederacy crushed 205 229. Revolt of Thebes ; the new Athenian Confederacy . . . 205 230. Leuctra ; overthrow of Sparta . 206 U. Thebak Suprbmact. 231. Brief supremacy of Thebes 208 IIL Rise of Macedon. 232. Political demoralization in Hellas : decline of the city state . 209 233. Macedonia a national monarchy 209 234. Progress of the conflict 211 235. The Macedonian army 212 236. Chaeronea ; congress of Corinth 212 237. The history of Hellas merged in that of a ivider Hellenism . 213 PART III.— THE GRAECO-ORIENTAL WORLD. CHAPTER I.— THE MINGLING OF EAST AND WEST. I. The Conquests of Alexander of Macedon. 238. Alexander's youth and training 214 239. Accession and restoration of order 215 240. Persian campaigns . 217 241. Campaigns in the Far East 218 II. Results of Alexander's Work. 242. Alexander's expanding views : design to merge East and West in a common civilization 219 243. Hellenism the active factor : the many Alexandrias . . 220 244. Reaction upon Hellas : economic and scientific development . 222 245. Summary 223 CHAPTER IL— TO THE ROMAN CONQUEST. I. The Political Story. 246. The wars of the succession, 323-280 B.c 225 247. The situation in the third century : parallelism with modern Europe 226 ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. xix SECTION PAGE 248. The Gallic invasion, 278 b.c 226 249. Tlie decline of the Hellenic world . . . o . . 227 II. The Leading States in Outline. 250. Syria 228 251. Egypt 228 252. Macedonia 229 253. Rhodes and Pergamum 229 III. Society. 254. General culture 230 255. Literature 230 256. Painting and sculpture 231 257. Philosophy . 232 258. Libraries and museums ("universities") .... 234 259. Science 235 CHAPTER III. — GREECE FROM ALEXANDER TO ROME. I. The Federal Character of the Period. 260. The political situation 237 261. Earlier and minor federations 237 262. The Aetolian League 238 11. The Achaean League. 263. Origin . 238 264. Constitution 239 265. Expansion beyond Achaea 241 266. Conflict with Sparta (social reform at Sparta) .... 242 267. Macedonian supremacy restored 244 268. Final decline of the league 245 PART IV. — ROME. CHAPTER L— INTRODUCTORY SURVEY. I. The Place of Rome in History. 269. The exponent of organization and law 247 270. The Roman and the Greek : work and character . . . 248 XX ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. II. The Land. BEOTION PAGE 271. Limits : the Apennine peninsula 249 272. Relations of its geography to its history : a. political unity ; 6. direction of first outside effort toward the West ; c. Medi- terranean dominion 249 III. Peoples of Italy. 273. A land of mingled races 251 274. Leading peoples : Italians, Greeks, Gauls, Etruscans . . 251 275. " Fragments of forgotten peoples " (Ligurians, etc. ) , . 254 IV. Geographical Advantages of Rome. 276. Rome differentiated from other Italian cities by: a. central position ; 6. commercial advantages ; c. character as a "mark" state; d. the group of hills, and consequent tend- ency to federation 254 V. Legendary Character of Early History. 277. Old writers and their sources 256 278. Abstract of early legends -257 279. Attitude of scholars toward them to-day 258 CHAPTER IL — PROBABLE CONCLUSIONS AS TO REGAL ROME. I. The Growth of the City. 280. Unificationof the "Seven Hills" . . . \ ^. .260 281. Growth beyond the walls 260 II. Citizens and Non-Citizens. 282. Patricians 262 283. Clients 263 284. Plebeians . . . 264 III. Patrician Organization. 285. The family : patria potestas 264 286. Gentes and curias 265 287. Exclusion of the plebeians from the curias .... 266 ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. xxi IV. Religion. SECTION PAGE 288. Sources: a. ancestor worship; 6. nature worship; c. Greek influence 266 289. Character : abstract and formal 266 290. Priesthoods : augurs, pontiffs, vestals 267 291. The Roman religion a political instrument : prevalence of legal fiction 267 V. Earliest Political Institutions. 292. King (rex) 269 293. Patrician Assembly (comitia curiata) 269 294. Senate 270 VI. Prehistoric Revolutions. A. A Centuriate Assembly {containing Plebeians also) replaces the Curiate (^Patrician) Assembly. 295. The " census of Servius ": the army of centuries . . . 270 296. The assembly of centuries 271 297. Aristocratic character of the centuriate assembly . . . 272 298. The real gain of the plebs .273 B. Overthrow of the Kings. 299. The older and later kingship (the "tyrants") . . . 273 800. Interpretations of the legends of Tarquin's expulsion : an aristocratic and gradual change 274 VII. The Consulship a Modification of the Kingship. 301. The consuls and the royal imperium 275 302. The chief limitations : the mutual veto and brief term . . 275 303. Minor checks : the independence of the officials and the Vale- rian appeal 275 304. Roman political moderation the real check .... 276 305. The dictatorship : a temporary revival of the old kingship to meet a crisis 277 VIII. The Senate after the Expulsion of the Kings. 306. Indirect augmentation of influence . . . • . . . 277 307. IX. Summary: The Debt to Regal Rome . . 277 XXU ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. CHAPTER HL— CLASS STRUGGLES IN THE REPUB LIC, 610^67 B.C. aBOTION ' --— — PAGE 308. I. Character of the Period . . . 279 II. Position of the Classes after 510 b.c. 309. Rome a patrician oligarchy 279 310. Plebeian loss politically 280 311. Plebeian loss in standing at law 280 312. Plebeian loss economically: patrician monopoly of public land ; increase of plebeian taxation ; plebeian losses in war 280 313. The result a contest between the orders : the progressive standard of the plebeians 282 III. Steps in the Progress. A. Tribunes of the Plebs. 814. Eirst secession of the plebs 282 315. Tribunes and their veto on single executive acts . . . 283 316. Subsequent growth of the tribuneship : veto on state action ; judicial power 283 B. Eise of the Plebeian Assembly. 317. Ancient plebeian organization by tribes 284 318. This assembly wins recognition (for plebeian concerns) in the state 284 319. The result a double state ; violence over agrarian questions . 285 C. The Decemvirs. 320. Plebs demand written laws ; the two boards of decemvirs . 286 321. The patrician counter-revolution (Appius Claudius) . . 287 322. Second secession of the plebs. The Twelve Tables and the Horatian law, 449 b.c. Plebeian assembly on a par with the centuriate 287 323. The result : two states, plebeian and patrician. The problem to fuse them. Social fusion, 445 b.c, and demand for political fusion 288 D. Admission to the Consulate. 324. Consular tribunes 288 325. Continued patrician resistance : creation of censors ; consuls or consular tribunes to 400 b.c 288 326. The Licinian Rogations, 367 b.c 289 827. Political fusion completed, 367-300 b.c 290 ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. xxiii CHAPTER IV. — UNIFICATION OF ITALY, 867-266 B.C. I. Progress before 367 b.c. SECTION PAOK 328. Gains under the kings, and the reaction to 449 b.c. . . . 292 329. Slow gains after 449 B.C. .293 330. A brief interruption : the Gauls sack Rome, 390 b.c. . . 293 II. The Real Advance, 367-266 b.c. 331. Latium and southern Etruria 294 332. Campania (first Samnite War) 294 333. The great Latin War of 338 b.c 294 334. Struggle with the Samnites for supremacy (second and third wars) 295 335. Magna Graecia ; the war with Pyrrhus 295 CHAPTER v. — UNITED ITALY UNDER ROMAN RULE. I. Classes of Political Communities. A. The Bomaii State. 336. Extent ; classes of citizen-communities 297 337. Adaptation of the tribes to expanding citizenship . . . 298 338. Rights and obligations of citizens 298 B. Political Classes in Subject Italy. 339. Latin colonies 299 340. Praefectures 301 341. Allies 301 C. General Besult — A Confederacy under a Queen-city. 342. Advantages and disadvantages of subjects .... 301 343. Power and policy of Rome 302 II. The Perfected Constitution of the Republic. A. A New Aristocracy. 344. Rule of the nobles 804 B. Political Machinery and Working. 345. The three popular assemblies : apparent growth toward de- mocracy 304 346. The administrative officers 306 XXiv ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. SECTION PAGE 347. The senate and its all-directive power 806 348. C. Democratic Theory and Aristocratic Practice , . S07 IIL Society in Rome and Italy. 349. Economic conditions 308 350. Moral character and ideals 308 351. The reaction of Magna Graecia upon Rome .... 309 IV. The Army. 352. The flexible legion (contrasted with the phalanx) . . . 810 353. The Roman camp . .310 354. Roman discipline 311 355. Changes with extension of service : a professional army ; pro- consuls 311 CHAPTER VL— EXPANSION CONTINUED, 264-146 B.C. THE WINNING OF THE WEST. I. The Two Rivals in the West. 356. Italy in 266 B.C. one of jffue great Mediterranean powers . . 813 357. Carthage the only rival in the West 313 358. The issue at stake , 816 II. First Pcnic War ("The War for Sicily"). 359. Occasion . 816 360. Relative strength of combatants 816 361. Value of the sea power 317 362. Special events illustrating Roman public spirit and the need of permanent military organization 318 III. From the First to the Second Punic War. 363. Completion of the widening of Italy to her natural limits (Sicily, Sardinia and Corsica, and Cisalpine Gaul) . .819 864. Organization of " provinces " 819 IV. Second Punic War ("The War for Spain"). .365. General character (the Hannibalian War) 366. Occasion : Carthaginian dominion in Spain 367. Hannibal's invasion of Italy : to Cannae . .368. Fidelity of the Latins and Italians to Rome 369. Rome's grandeur and constancy in disaster 320 322 323 823 ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. XXV SEOTION PAGB 370. Lukewannness of Carthage and her allies .... 824 371. Hannibal's disappointment: changed character of the war after Cannae 324 372. *' Hannibal at the Gates " 326 373. Hasdrubal's invasion : battle of the' Metaurus .... 326 374. Scipio carries the war into Africa : battle of Zama ; peace . 327 375. Rome's vengeance in Italy . . . . . . . 327 376. The result of the war : world dominion . . . . . 328 V. Expansion in the West from 201 to 146 b.c. A. Spain. 877. Heroic war for independence 828 378. Romanization 328 J3. Africa {The Third Punic War: the War for Africa). 379. Rome seeks perfidious excuse against Carthage . , . 830 380. Carthage disarmed ; Rome declares war 330 381. Heroic resistance 331 382. Carthage blotted out : the " Province of Africa "... 332 CHAPTER VIL— WINNING THE EAST, 201-146 B.C. I. An Attempt to stop with Protectorates. 383. Beginnings of influence in the East before 200 b.c. : the lUyr- ian pirates and the First Macedonian War .... 334 384. Second Macedonian War (201-196 b.c): Macedonia a depend- ent ally ; Greek states " allies " 334 385. The war with Antiochus : Syria an " ally " .... 335 386. Rome drawn on to a system of protectorates .... 336 IL Annexation: the Protectorates become Provinces. 887. A gradual process 336 388. Change in Roman policy and its causes 337 389. Steps: Third Macedonian War; Greece, 146 a. d. ; the "Prov- ince of Asia," 133 b.c, etc 837 III. Result in 146 b.c. — A United Graeco-Roman World. 890. Rome the sole great power 338 391. Distinction between the Latin West and the Greek East . . 339 XXVI ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. CHAPTER Vin. — NEW. CIVIL STRIFE, 146-49 B.C. I, Fbbliminart Survey. SBCTION PAOE 392. Summary of the periods of the republic 340 393. The republic unprepared for world-dominion .... 340 394. The four g»eat evils: internal strife between rich and poor; Rome and the allies ; Italy and the provinces ; barbarian attacks 341 395. The need of a new system : preparation for the empire . . 341 IL Thk Evils in Detail. A. In Borne. 396. Economic and moral decline due to the wars (extremes of wealth and poverty) 342 397. Continued decline of the yeomanry after the wars (*' economic laws") 343 398. Violence of the rich as an added cause of the decay of the yeomanry 344 899. Political results : decline of the senate and growth of the mob 346 B. In Italy. 400. Sharpened distinctions and growing Roman insolence . . 346 C. In the Provinces. 401. Deterioration of the provincial system . . . • . 846 402. " Marks " of a province 347 403. The governor . . . . ]• 347 404. '» The estates of the Roman people " 848 D. Slavery. 405. Extent and brutal character 349 406. Slave wars 349 III. The Gracchi: Attempts at Peaceful Reform. A. Tiberius Gracchus. 407. Previous suggestions for reform : error of Cato and hesitancy ofScipio . .' * .850 408. Character of Tiberius 351 409. Tiberius' agrarian proposals : reclaim public land ; let out in small, inalienable leases ; create standing commission . . 351 ANALYTICAL TABLE OE CONTENTS. xxvii SECTION vxan 410. The struggle and the victory 352 411. Further proposals ; Gracchus murdered 352 412. The work stands nine years until the senate attempts a reaction 353 B. Caius Gracchus. 413. Character and aims 354 414. Political measures to win allies : the populace and the knights 354 415. Economic reform 355 416. Personal rule : an uncrowned " tyrant " 355 417. Attempt to extend citizenship : Caius killed .... 356 418. Overthrow of the work of the brothers 366 IV. Marius and Sulla, 106-78 B.C. 419. The new character of Roman politics 867 420. The war with Jugurtha : new leaders 357 421. Marius "the savior of Rome" (Cimbri and Teutones) . . 358 422. Civil disorder ; retirement of Marius 359 423. Proposal of Drusus to extend citizenship ; the Social War . 359 424. Italy becomes one state 359 425. Civil war between Marius and Sulla ; first rule of Sulla . . 360 426. Rule of Marius and Cinna ; the massacre .... 361 427. Sulla in the East ; the new civil war . . . . . 361 428. Sulla "permanent dictator" ; stamps out the democrats. . 362 429. Restoration of senatorial rule 363 430. " Sulla the Fortunate " : character and place in history . . 363 V. PoMPET AND Caesar. 431. The work East and West 864 A. Pompey''s Leadership. 432. Pompey and Crassus , 864 433. Pompey's first chance for the crown 364 434. Second chance (Roman expansion in the East) . . . 365 435. New leaders in Pompey's absence ; Catiline's conspiracy . 366 B. The Bise of Caesar. 436. Caesar forms the first triumvirate : his consulship ; reforms at Rome 368 437. Caesar in Gaul : expansion in the West 369 438. Rupture between Caesar and Pompey 870 XXviii ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. PAET v.— THE ROMAN EMPIRE: GRAECO- ROMAN WORLD. CHAPTER L— FOUNDING THE EMPIRE, 49 B.C.-14 A.D. L The Five Years op Julius Caesar, 49-44 b.c." A. The Moral Question. SBOTtaW . PAGB lrf9. Monarchy at Rome inevitable — from (a) corruption at the capital, (6) danger on the frontiers, (c) misgovemment in the provinces 372 440. Monarchy right : Caesar the hope of the subject nationalities . 373 441. The question relative : " Caesarism" not always right, nor an unmixed good even at that time 374 B. The Civil War. 442. Caesar crosses the Rubicon ; campaign in Italy . . . 376 443. Campaigns in Spain and Greece (PAarsaZws, 48 B.C.) . . 375 444. The four remaining campaigns (Thapsus and Munda) . . 376 C. Caesar^s Constructive Work. 445. Caesar's policy of clemency . 377 446. His plan for the form of the new monarchy .... 377 447. General measures of reform 378 448. The provinces 379 449. The unforeseen interruption 380 450. Caesar's character and place in history 381 II. From Julius to Octavius, 44-31 b.c. 451. Antonius and Octavius 882 452. Formation of the second triumvirate 383 453. Proscription 383 454. Final overthrow of the oligarchs ; Philippi .... 383 455. Dissensions among the triumvirs ; Actium .... 384 456. ni. Octavius Augustus, 31 B.C.-14 A.I). . . 384 CHAPTER IL — THE EMPIRE OF THE FIRST THREE CENTURIES: AUGUSTUS TO DIOCLETIAN. I. Table; of Emperors. 457. Nature of the treatment : topical not narrative . . .387 ANAI.YTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. xxix A. Two Centuries of Order, 31 S.C.-193 a.d. BECTIOK PAGE 458. The Julian Caesars (Romans) 387 459. Flavians (Italians) and Antoniues (Provincials) . . . 388 460. General character of rulers . 389 461. B. A Century of Disputed Succession, 193-284 A.D. (» The Barrack Emperors'^''') 389 II. The Constitution. A. The Central Government, 462. Republican forms 390 463. The imperial power 391 464. The establishment of the empire a gradual process : important steps at the death of Augustus . . . . . . 392 465. Nature of the succession : the weak point in the imperial constitution 393 B. Local Government. 466. Municipal institutions . . . ... . . . 393 467. The provinces ; representative assemblies .... 395 III. Imperial Defense. A. The Army. 468. Numbers ..." 395 469. Sources , . . 396 470. Industrial and disciplinary uses 396 B. The Frontiers. 471. As Augustus found them 397 472. As Augustus corrected them 397 473. Later additions : Britain . . . . '. . . . 398 474. The greatest extent — under Trajan — and the earliest sur- renders 399 475. Frontier walls . . 399 rV. Society in the First Two Centuries. A. Peace and Prosperity. 476. " The good Roman peace " ....... 400 477. Good government, even by bad emperors .... 401 478. Material prosperity 401 479. Forms of industry . .402 XXX ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. B. The World becomes JRoman. SECTION PAGE 480. Politically, by extension of citizenship 403 481. Socially, in patriotism and aspiration 404 482. Consequent diffusion of social life 405 C. Education in the First Three Centuries. 483. Univei-sities 406 484. Grammar schools and lower schools 406 D. Architecture. 485. Characteristics 408 486. The Age of Augustus in architecture 409 487. Famous buildings and types . . . . . . . 409 488. The Roman basilica and early Christian architecture . .411 E. Literature. 489. Before Cicero 418 490. The Age of Cicero 413 491. The Augustan Age and the first century a.d 414 492. The second century a.d 414 F. Pagan Morals and Religion. 493. The dark side ; the court and the mobs 415 494. Danger of exaggerating the evils : the brighter side ; Pliny, Aurelius, the middle classes . . ^ 416 Special evidence of improvement in : — 495. a. improved position of women 417 496. b. charity 418 497. c. kindness to animals . . 419 498. d. mildor slavery 419 499. e. broader humanity . 420 600. /. gentler spirit of imperial law 420 601. Scepticism and religion 420 602. Change in moral standards 421 G. Extracts to illustrate the Higher Pagan Morality. 503. From Marcus Aurelius 421 504. From Epictetus 422 H. Christianity. 606. Some inner sources of its power 423 506. Its debt to the empire's humane tendencies and political and social unity 424 ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. xxxi SECTION PAGE 507. The earlier persecutions . . ^. 424 508. Causes of persecution 426 509. Attitude of the imperial government 427 510. Summary of the persecutions 428 V. The General Decline in the Third Century. 511. Renewal of barbarian attacks 428 512. Political disintegration : the " barrack emperors " . . . 429 513. Decline in population ; the plague . . . . . . 430 514. Decay in literature 431 515. The decline not marked until after Alexander Severus ; and at its worst through the middle of the century only . . . 431 CHAPTER IIL— THE EMPIRE OF THE FOURTH CENTURY: DIOCLETIAN TO THEODOSIUS, 284-395 A.D. 516-519. I. Table of Reigns and Events . , . 433 II. Restoration and Reforms. 520. Diocletian's "partnership emperors"; the Caesars; the four prefectures 434 521. A complex hierarchy 436 522. Separation of civil and military powers in the provincial governors 4-36 523. Growth of a bureaucracy 436 524. Despotism avowed ; despotic forms 437 525. General result: a huge complicated machine temporarily efficient 437 526-527. III. Excursus : The Nature of Bureaucratic and Centralized Government .... 438 IV. The Church of the Fourth Century. A. The Empire becomes Christian. 528. Constantine's motives . 439 529. Christianity tolerated and favored after 314 a.d. ; Edict of Milan 440 530. Established after 390 a.d. ; persecutes in turn .... 440 631. Outward effects of the conversion of the empire . . . 441 532. Importance of the conversion's coming before the barbarian conquest 443 XXxii ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. B. Organization of the Church. SECTION PAGE 633. Debt to the empire ; growing tendency to monarchic form . 443 C. The Catholic Doctrine. 534. Closer definition of doctrine, and the rise of heresies . . 444 635. Arianism: Council of Nlcaea, 325 a. d 444 V. Literature and Science. 636-638. A. Table of Authors and Works . . .445 B. Decline in Learning. 539. Hostile attitude of the church 446 540. A few illustrations of the church's attitude .... 447 541. Active persecution of pagan learning 448 642. The result .449 VL Society in the Fourth Century. A. Introductory Survey. 543. Growing exhaustion of the empire 449 544. The causes political and economic rather than moral . . 450 B. The Organization of Society. 546. Classes 450 546. a. Senatorial nobility 451 547. b. Curial nobility 451 548. c. Artisans 452 649. d. Peasantry : coloni 462 660. The approach of a caste system 454 561. C. Taxation 454 D. Summary of the Causes of Decline. 552, Economic . . 455 563. Political : inherent weakness of centralized despotism . . 455 654. Infusion of barbarian blood and customs: a reinvigorating but disintegrating force . 456 ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. xxxiii PART VI. — ROMANO-TEUTONIC EUROPE. CHAPTER I. — THE TEUTONS. SECTION PAGB 555. Early home and peoples 458 556. Stage of culture 468 557. Character 469 558. Religion 461 659. Political organization 462 560. The " companions " 463 561. The charm of the South ..463 CHAPTER IL— THE INVASIONS, 376-565 A.D. I. The Teutons break over the Barriers. A. Tlie Danube. 562. West Goths admitted into the empire ; Adrian ople, 378 a.d. . 465 563. Alaric in Greece, Illyria, and Italy ; sack of Rome, 410 a.d. . 467 564. Visigothic kingdom in Spain, 419 a.d 468 B. The Bhine. 565. The barrier bursts, 406 a.d 468 566. Kingdom of the Burgundians 469 567. The Vandals and Suevi in Spain ; Vandal kingdom in Africa '. 469 568. Franks and Romans in North Gaul 469 IL The Huns. 569. Turanian peoples 470 570. Chalons 470 571. Attila in Italy ; Pope Leo ; Venice 471 III. Italy and the Eastern Empire : from Alaric to THE Lombards. 572-573. A. Table of Emperors to the Last Western Emperor: Theodosius to Bomulus Augustulus, 395-476 A.D. . 472 6U. B. Odovaker 473 C. The Ostro-Gothic Kingdom. 575. The Goths before entering Italy j Theodoric .... 474 576. Their conquest of Italy 474 XXXiv ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. SECTION PAGE 577. " Theodoric the Civilizer," 493-626 a.d. ..... 476 578. Theodoric's " empire " 476 579. Elements of weakness : Arianism 477 D. Bevival of the Empire at Constantinople. 580. The " Greek Empire " 477 581. Slav invasions 477 582. Justinian: restoration and reconquests of Africa, of parts of Spain, and of Italy 478 583. The Justinian Code 478 E. The Lombards in Italy. 584. Called in by Narses 479 585. Final break-up of Italian unity for 1300 years ; Italy divided between Lombard and Greek 479 IV. The Franks. 586. Preeminence among Teutonic conquerors, because (a) they expanded rather than migrated, and (6) adopted Catholic rather than Arian Christianity 480 587. Clovis : early conquests (Soissons and Strassburg) . . . 480 588. Clovis' conversion ; motives and political results , . . 481 589. Later conquests of Clovis and his sons ; the Frankish empire of the seventh century 481 590. The Frankish state under the later Merovingians . . . 482 V. Britain. 591. The conquerors and their early kingdoms ; victory exceedingly slow 483 592. Causes for the delay 484 593. Result of the slow conquest : England a Teutonic state . . 484 594. Conversion to Christianity ; political results .... 484 CHAPTER in. —THE STATE OF EUROPE, 600-800 A.D. 595. L The Dark Ages . . . .486 II. The Barbarians and the Roman Civilization. 596. Small numbers of the invaders ; weak Roman resistance . 597. Small amount of direct destruction 598. Relation between the conquerors and the older populations 599. Permanence of the idea of the Roman Empire . 600. The Teutons and Christianity . . . 601. Moral preaching in the Dark Ages 487 487 488 489 489 490 ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. XXXV IIL MONASTICISM. SECTION PAGE 602. Eastern hermits and western monks 490 603. Growth of western monasticism 491 604. The three vows and the monastic life 492 605. Relation of the monks to the older clergy .... 492 IV. Development of Teutonic Law. 606. Codes 492 607. Personality of law 493 608. Methods of trial : compurgation, ordeal, battle . . . 493 609. Money atonement for crime ; wer-geld 494 V. Development of Teutonic Political Institutions. 610. Kingship becomes hereditary and more absolute . . . 494 611. Growth of a new territorial nobility ; the germ of the later feudal system 494 612. Popular assemblies lose importance 495 VI. Summary of Contributions to the Later European Civilization. 613. Roman 496 614. Teutonic 496 615. Influence of the mixture . 496 CHAPTER IV.— POLITICAL EUROPE, 600-800 A.D. I. The Franks to Charles Martel. 616. Rivalry of Austrasia and Neustria 497 617. "Do-nothing" kings and mayors of the palace . . . 497 618. Pippin of Heristal : Testry ; supremacy of Austrasia and re- founding of the Prankish state 498 619. Charles Martel : restoration of authority over outlying prov- inces in time to meet the Mohammedan onset . . . 498 r II. The Mohammedan Peril. 620. Arabia before Mohammed 499 621. Mohammed to the Hegira, 622 a.d 500 622. From the Hegira to Mohammed's death, 632 a.d. . . . 500 623. The seventy years of conquest 502 624. Attack upon Europe in the East: repulses at Constantinople in 678 and 717 A.D. 602 XXXVl ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. SECTION PASB 625. Attack in the West : repulse at Tours, 732 a.d. . . .503 626. The splitting of the Mohammedan state j later Mohammedan- ism ; elements of degeneracy 504 III. The Papacy. A. Bise to Ecclesiastical Headship. 627. Claim : doctrine of the Petrine supremacy .... 605 628. Six factors that helped to support the claim in the West . , 506 629. Eastern rivalry removed by the Mohammedan conquest and by the Great Schism 607 B. The Pope becomes a Temporal Sovereign. 630. Indefinite authority as a civil officer of the distant Greek emperor 608 631. This virtual independence avowed by open rebellion after the image-breaking quarrel 608 632. Recognition and protection by the Franks .... 609 IV. The Franks and the Papacy : from Charles the Hammer to Charles the Great. 633. The new Carolingian dynasty ; papal sanction .... 510 634. Pippin saves and enlarges the papal state: "donation of Pippin" 510 635. Different views as to the nature of the papal authority ; the forged " donation of Constantine " 511 CHAPTER v.— THE EMPIRE OF CHARLEMAGNE. I. Expansion of Civilization. 636. Importance and character of Charles' wars .... 613 637. Winning of the heathen Saxon lands to the Elbe . . . 514 638. Additions in Spain, Italy, and Bavaria 516 639. Result : a union of the Teutonic peoples of the continent . 616 640. Defensive wars against Slavs and Avars : buffer states on the East 516 II. Revival of the Roman Empire in the West. 641. Reasons and pretexts 516 642. P^lection and coronation by Pope Leo, 800 a.d. . . . 617 643. Theory of the empire 617 644. Distinctive character of the Western Empire . . . .518 ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. XXXvii in. Social and Political Organization. SECTION PAGE 645. Political : counts, missi dominici, Mayfields .... 619 646. Relation of Charlemagne to the Church 520 647. Advancement of learning 520 IV. Summary. 648. The four great powers in 800 a. d 520 649. The place of Charlemagne in history 521 Each chapter as a rule gives at the close a bibliography and suggestions for review. Such exercises and references are also given oftentimes at the close of the subdivisions of chapters. APPENDIX. I. Table of Events and Dates 523 II. Classified Bibliography, with Dates, Publishers, and Prices 532 INDEX AND PRONOUNCING VOCABULARY. ... 643 f MAPS AND PLANS. PAGB 1. First Homes of Civilization. Full page, colored . facing 12 2. Ancient Egypt 16 3. Syria 62 4. Lydia, Media, Egypt, and Babylonia. (The World just before the Rise of Persia.) Full page, colored . . . facing 66 5. The Persian Empire and Greece. Full page, colored facing 68 6. Greece and Adjoining Coasts. (General Reference.) Double page, colored following 76 7. Greater Hellas. Double page, colored . . . following 102 8. Attica 147 9. Athens and Vicinity 156 10. Athenian Empire at its Greatest Extent. Full page, colored facing 165 11. Plan of Athens 175 12. Plan of the Acropolis. Full page 177 13. Greece at the Beginning of the Peloponnesian War. Full page, colored facing 192 14. Plan of the Battle of Leuclra 207 16. Greece under Theban Leadership. Full page, colored facing 208 16. The Growth of Macedonia 211 17. Campaigns and Empire of Alexander the Great. Full page, colored facing 217 18. Ancient Italy. (General Reference.) Full page, colored /acmgr 249 19. Peoples of Italy 253 20. Rome under the Kings 261 21. Rome and Vicinity 292 22. Italy about 200 b.c. : Roads and Colonies 300 23. Plan of a Roman Camp 311 24. The Mediterranean Lands at the Beginning of the Second Punic War (The Five Great Powers). Double page, colored following 312 25. Roman Dominions and Dependencies in 146 b.c. . . . 335 26. The Roman Empire at its Greatest Extent (showing also Stages in Growth). Double page, colored . . . following 398 Rome under the Empire 407 xxxviii MAPS AND PLANS. XXxix PAGB 28. The Roman Empire divided into Praefectures and Dioceses. Double page, colored following 434 29. The Rhine-Danube Frontier before the Great Migrations. Full page 466 30. The Migrations. Double page, colored . . . following 468 31. Europe in the Reign of Theodoric (500 a.d.). Full page, colored facing 476 32. Europe at the Death of Justinian (565 a.d.) Full page, colored facing 478 33. Germanic Kingdoms on Roman Soil at the Close of the Sixth Century. Double page, colored .... following 480 34. Kingdom of the Merovingians. Full page, colored . facing 497 35. Europe at the End of the Seventh Century. Full page, colored facing 510 86. Europe in the Time of Charles the Great. Double page, colored JL. following 618 ' ILLUSTRATIONS. Julius Caesax. The Naples bust Frontispiece PAGE 1. Three Stages in Fire-making 2 2. Portion of the Rosetta Stone, containing the hieroglyphics first deciphered 11 3. Sculptured Head of Thiitmosis III. of the eighteenth Egyptian dynasty 19 4. Name of Psametichus in hieroglyphics 21 5. Name of Neco in hieroglyphics -21 6. Photograph of a Modem Egyptian Woman sitting by a Sculp- tured Head of an Ancient King — to show similarity of features 23 7. Shoemakers. Egyptian relief from the monuments ... 25 8. Levying the Tax. Egyptian relief from the monuments . . 26 9. Sphinx and Pyramid 27 10. Obelisk and Temple of the Sun at Karnak 28 11. Aisle in the Ruins at Karnak 29 12. A Capital from Karnak .30 13. Egyptian Numerals . . . . . . . . • . 31 14. Sculptured Egyptian Funeral Couch, representing the soul crouching by the mummy 33 15. Rock-hewn Colossi of Rameses II 34 16. Fragment of Assyrian " Deluge Tablet " . . . . . 43 17. Name of Nebuchadnezzar in Cuneiform Characters ... 46 18. Assyrian Tablet, showing older hieroglyphics and the later cuneiform equivalents 47 19. An Assyrian " Book." An octagon Assyrian brick, now in the British Museum ; after Sayce 49 20. Assyrian Contract Tablet in Duplicate 51 21. Colossal Man-beast in Alabaster, from the palace of Sargon (now in the Louvre) . . 63 22. Parts of Alphabets . . .68 23. Bronze Pitcher from Mycenae 82 24. Bronze Dagger from Mycenae, inlaid with gold ... 83 26. The Gate of the Lions at Mycenae 86 xl ILLUSTRATIONS. xli PAGE 26. The Vaphio Cups 88 27. The Scroll from the Vaphio Cups 89 28. Greek Hoplite 115 29. Bay of Salamis 148 30. Pericles. A portrait bust, now in the Vatican .... 173 31. The Parthenon To-day, from the Northwest . . . . 178 32. Figures from the Parthenon Frieze 178 33. The Hermes of Praxiteles 179 34. The Acropolis, as restored by Rehlender 180 35. The Acropolis To-day, from the west 181 36. Aeschylus and Euripides. Portrait busts now in the Capitoline Museum 182 37. Sophocles. A portrait statue now in the Lateran . , . 183 38. Theater of Dionysus at Athens, Present Condition . . , 184 39. Theater of Dionysus at Athens restored 185 40. Thucydides. Capitoline Museum 185 41. The Wrestlers . , 188 42. The Disk Thrower. After Myron. Now in the Vatican . „ 189 43. Philip II. From a gold medallion 210 44. Alexander: Head, and Alexander in a Lion-hunt. The two sides of a gold medallion of Tarsus 215 45. Head of Alexander Rondanini . . , . . . .216 46. Alexander as Apollo. Now in the Capitoline . . . , 220 47. The Dying Gaul 227 48. Venus of Melos. A statue now in the Louvre .... 231 49. Laocoon. Now in the Vatican 232 50. The World according to Eratosthenes 235 51. Remains of an Etruscan Arch at Volaterrae .... 252 52. The Cloaca Maxima 262 53. Remains of the Wall of Servius 263 54. Coin struck by Pyrrhus in Sicily 296 55. The Appian Way To-day, with Ruins of the Claudian Aqueduct 303 56. Carthaginian Coin struck in Sicily , 314 57. Coin of Hiero II. of Syracuse 315 58. Decree of L. Aemilius Paulus, Praetor of Spain, regulating the position of a client-community . . . . . . 329 59. Coin of Sulla struck in Athens 862 60. Pompeius. A bust in the Spada Palace 865 61. Cicero. The Vatican- bust 867 62. Julius Caesar. The British Museum bust 368 63. Marcus Brutus. A bust in the Capitoline Museum . . . 380 64. Octavius Caesar as a Boy. A bust now in the Vatican . . 383 65. Augustus. The Vatican statue 385 66. A German Bodyguard. A detail from the column of Marcus Aurelius ....•...*•• 396 xlii ILLUSTRATIONS. PAGB 67. Detail from Trajan's Column : Trajan sacrificing at the Bridge over the Danube 399 68. A Section of the Pantheon as at Present 408 69. The Coliseum To-day 409 70. Arch of Constantine To-day 410 71. Trajan's Column To-day 411 72. Plan of a Basilica *. 412 73. Interior of Trajan's Basiilica as restored by Canina . . . 412 74. Marcus Aurelius Antoninus. A bust now in the Louvre . . 417 75. Paustina, the wife of Marcus Aurelius. A bust now in the Louvre 418 76. Hall of the Baths of Diocletian. Now the Church of St. Mary of the Angels 442 77. A Dolmen of the Ancient Germans 459 78. Battle-ax and Mace : arms of Teutonic chieftains in an early period 460 79. Church of San Vitale at Ravenna (time of Theodoric the Great) 476 80. Sepulcher of Theodoric at Ravenna 476 81. Throne of Charlemagne at Aachen 516 ANCIENT HISTORY. INTRODUCTION. I. WHAT HISTORY SHALL WE STUDY? The whole series of human generations should he regarded as one man^ ever living and ever learning. — Pascal. Through the ages one increasing puriiose runs, And the thoughts of men are widened with the process of the suns. — Tennyson. 1. Prehistoric Life excluded. — The first steps toward civiliza- tion must have been uncertain and slow. No doubt these beginnings took long periods of time, but we can know little about them, for no people leaves records that the historian can use until it has advanced a long way from primitive savagery. To be sure, there are tribes still in primitive stages ; and, by comparing them with what can be gleaned from traditions, customs, words, and early records of our own civilization, scholars have learned something of how our forefathers must have lived before Homer and before the oldest inscriptions upon Egyptian stone. But this study of early cultures, fas- cinating though it be, is not properly history. History is based always upon records, and these older stages in human life we call prehistoric. Still, it is well for us to remember that our imposing and varied civilization rests upon this unrecorded work of prehis- toric man through slow, uncounted ages. The development of language; the invention of the bow, of making fire, of pottery INTRODUCTION. [§2 to stand the fire ; the domestication of the dog and cow ; the learning to live together, not in droves, but in families and tribes; the rude beginnings of agriculture; the smelting of metals to replace stone tools ; — these are steps any of which are infinitely more important than the discovery of electricity or the growth of federal government: but all this, and much Three Stages in Fire-making. more, had become the common property of many races before history began anywhere.^ 2. Some Historic Races excluded. — Even when limited so in time, the history of all the civilizations of the world is too vast and complex for our study. We must narrow the field. Now, we care chiefly, to ^know, of .tjiose peoples whose life has borne §3] WHAT HISTORY SHALL WE STUDY? 3 fruit for ours. We study that part of the recorded past which explains our present. This principle gi^€S oneness to history, and, at the same time, simplifies it by shutting out vast areas. In this hemisphere we can neglect the Aztec and Inca civiliza- tions ; likewise in the Old World we can omit the isolated Hin- doos and Chinese, though, these two pjj^es were among the first to emerge from barbarism and t^^^h. they still count half the population of the globe.^ Noi^^B w^oncerned, until modern times at least, wi*h many peo^B 1^ the Kussians, who have been drawn otly recently ^H|tBP^ current of our development. "* 3. The Field selected and the Periods. ^- Thus we bound our study in space as well as ia-|time. Until long after Columbus, our interest centers in Eurom and mostly in Western Europe. The life of man there, throujt all histofi& tim^ is the soil out of which grows our life to-d^. And when ^b look for the early peoples who have shaped this European li|e, we see three — Greeks, Eomans, and Teutons — towering above all others.^ We shall group our study around these three life-directing centers. But the civilization of the Greeks; and Komans was not wholly original. It was modified by certain older civilizations outside Europe, near the eastern shores of the Mediterranean ; and the history of these Oriental states makes the dim ante-room through which we pass to European history. 1 The Hindoo Buddha (sixth century B.C.) is perhaps second only to Christ in greatness and purity among the founders of religions, and the Chinese Con- fucius of the same century must rank among the great moral teachers of the world ; but our Western thought has not been influenced by either of them to any considerable degree. It now seems probable that these countries will aifect our civilization in the future, but in the past tl^e^njy important con- tribution which we can trace to them, positively, is thMBkrabic " notation from the Hindoos. * X 2 The inhabitants of ancient France, Spain, Britain, ani of southern and eastern Germany are not included. It is true that they p6nstituted a large part of European life, but that life was given its peculiar chiatacteristics largely by the three elements named. The reason that the Jews are not mentioned, despite their great influence, will appear in later chapters. 4 INTRODUCTION. [§ 3 Now we can answer the question that heads this chapter. As the panorama unfolds, we see civilizations, already old, in the fertile river-valleys of Egypt and of Western Asia. Their story is Oriental History. It covered thousands of years, but we view only fragments of it, and this by way of introduction to European history. About 600 B.C. th^|roper history of our civilization begins, in the far southeast oi Europe, when the Greeks take over the work and shift the scene west in patches along the Mediter- ranean. They make marvelous advance in art, literature, phi- losophy, and in some sciences. Their chief contributions are intellectual ; but after about three hundred years, under Alex- ander the Great, they suddenly conquer the East and form a Graeco-Oriental world. This mingling of East and West gives the first basis for modern civilization. Two centuries later, political leadership has passed to the next peninsula west. There the Romans supplement the Greek work by peculiar contributions in law and government, gathering together, too, whatever has been preserved from the older civilizations. By conquest, the Romans unite under one sway all the historic peoples of the East, and extend civilization over the barbarians of the West, so that at the birth of Christ they have organized the fringe of the three continents border- ing the Mediterranean into one fairly uniform Graeco-Roman society. This is the second basis for modern civilization. The Eastern world, largely Greek, was to be lost again for a time, later on, but the development of the West was to be continuous to the present day. This Roman Empire is the central "lake in which all the streams of ancient history lose themselves, and which all the streams of modern history flow out of." The Graeco-Oriental world of Alexander, upon the conqueror's death, broke up politically into fragments, but the Roman dominion maintains its political unity for five centuries. The combined period of Greek and Roman history, from 600 b.c. to 400 A.D., is Classical History. Toward the close of this thousand years the Romanized §4] WHAT HISTORY SHALL WE STUDY? 5 races seem exhausted. Then, in Western Europe, Teutonic barbarians break in, to reinvigorate the classical world. They destroy much at first ; but by what is left they slowly educate themselves up to the level of the older culture, and so prepare to go beyond it. This Romano-Teutonic Europe is the third terrace on which our civilization rests. What the Teutons did in Western, or Eoman, Europe, the Slav barbarians did, not quite so successfully, in Eastern, or Greek, Europe, but their work does not affect our development until a later period. The process of Teutonic education is a long one, really lasting another thousand years; but the fusion of Teutonic and Romanized elements is well under way by the year 800 a.d., and we take this convenient date to mark the close of ancient history. The final four centuries, from 400 to 800 a.d., are the period of the Teutoriic Infusion. This is the last division of ancient history, and it forms also a transition to modern history. 4. The Two Great Divisions of History. — It should be noted that Ancient History is relatively simple. The peoples to be studied are few, and they appear, not all at once, but one at a time ; they themselves differ in character widely, and their contributions are distinct in kind. The stage, too, is compact: it shifts and expands from time to time, but the ancient world never gets far from the Mediterranean, which is its great high- road and chief bond of union. The theme of this division of history is the early education and bringing together of the various peoples who were then to produce our modern world. The later story of the multiform Teutonic- Roman civilization so produced — and, in a minor degree, of the Slavic-Greek civilization of Eastern Europe — is Modem History. It sur- veys the rise of the many contemporaneous nations of Europe after 800 a.d., the varied forms of their progress to about 1500 A.D., and, since then, their marvelous expansion into new continents, with the consequent interaction and development. From century to century this story has grown more and more 6 INTRODUCTION. [§ 5 complex. The actors are numerous and the stage is vast. In our own day it is rapidly widening as never before, and it promises in the near future to take in the whole globe and all branches of the human race.^ 5. The Subject of this Volume. — This volume deals with the first of these two great divisions. It omits prehistoric times and those historic peoples who have not modified our history, and it does not enter upon the complex modern period. It prepares for modern history by treating ancient history under the following heads : — Part I. Early Oriental civilization contributory to Euro- pean development (Egyptian, Babylonian, Assyrian, Phoeni- cian, Jewish, Persian). Part II. Greek history, to 338 b.c. Part III. Expansion of Hellenism (Graeco-Oriental world). Part IV. History of Rome, to the Empire. Part V. The Roman Empire (Graeco-Roman world). Part VI. The Teutonic infusion, and the consequent confu- sion and fusion, to 800 a.d. (Romano-Teutonic Europe). II. "RACE" IN HISTORY. 6. The Aryan Fiction. — Only a few years ago an ancient history must have begun with a rigid classification of men into related races. Invariably, too, there followed a eulogy upon the " tall, fair-haired, blue-eyed Aryans," whose subdivisions (Celts, Greeks, Latins, Germans, Slavs), it was taught, had marched in prehistoric times in successive migrations from 1 Of course history is really one continuous drama, and this unity is more important than the paragraphing into acts and scenes. All divisions are more or less arbitrary, and certainly the old triple division — ancient, medieval, modern — has lost its sanctity. Some writers begin medieval history four hundred years later than others, while there is a two-hundred-year variation in the dates for its close. Plainly, the Middle Age is an uncertain one; and there is a manifest advantage in ignoring it and in making only two parts of history — one to include the bringing together of the chief historic elements, the other to treat their subsequent workings. §6] "RACE" IN HISTORY. T an original Asiatic home, to exterminate the smaller, darker, non-Aryan aborigines of Europe or to impose a higher culture upon them. To-day this old classification has broken down utterly ; we do not know anything a,bout an Aryan race, and the various "subdivisions" named above are probably not related in any such way as was formerly thought. The old doctrine was based upon similarity in languages ; but, with the rise of new sciences, scholars have discovered that language is not a satisfactory test of race relationship. To say nothing of unre- lated peoples who, in historical times, have come to speak closely related languages, as the Belgians and modern Peru- vians have done, it is seen that it is easier for a people to adopt a new language, or even to modify its complexion, than to change the shape of its skull.^ In the present lack of satisfactory knowledge upon the sub- ject, a book of this kind ought not to touch the race question at all, except for one reason : the student will meet mislead- ing statements of the exploded theory in all but the latest books. ^ This makes it needful to utter emphatic caution 1 It is true, Celts, Germans, Greeks, Latins, Slavs, and also Persians and Hindoos, did speak languages closely related. We call the languages Aryan. The relation between the languages points to some prehistoric connection between the various peoples — just as there is an indirect connection between the Belgians and Peruvians, through Romans and Spaniards. But the amount of blood common to Peruvians and Belgians is infinitesimal; and just so, in the light of new sciences, we are sure that this ancifent connection between Celt and Hindoo did not amount to race-relationship. For criticism of the older idea, see Taylor's Aryan Race, 33 and 204, and Ripley's Races of Europe, 454-456. Sergi's Mediterranean Race (1901 a.d.) and Hoernes's Primitive Man contain the results of the newer scholarship in popular form. Robertson's Saxon and Celt gives a spicy discussion on race origins (note especially pp. 29-32). In The American Historical Review, III. 703, Professor Ripley says, " Aryan is a term appertaining to a family of languages, possibly to a group of cultures, but absolutely worthless as indicating any racial type.'' So Oppert, " There are Indo-European (Aryan) languages, but no Indo-European race." So, too, recently. Max Miiller, who forty years ago was foremost in propagating the idea of an Aryan race. 2 Students in every science should form the habit of noting the dates of the books they use. Excellent works, still indispensable in many respects, are soon " out of date " in other matters. 8 INTRODUCTION. [§ 7 against the old view ; and, to back up the caution, it is worth while to present briefly the little that is now agreed upon, along with some strong probabilities. 7. The Three Great Races. — The Mongolians, in farther Asia beyond the Himalayas, and the Negroes, in Africa south of the Sahara, seem true " races." Each is uniform in type. Neither has produced a civilization, except as the Chinese have done so. Some scientists look upon the Mongolians and Negroes as " primary " races, and think that they may be of different origin. Intermediate between them, in physical characteris- tics as well as in geographical location, there has been a third group, a medley of white peoples, from whom have come all our historic nations. These Whites are less uniform in physi- cal character, and we do not know whether or not they are a " race " proper. There is some tendency to regard them as a group of " secondary " races derived from the two primary ones, perhaps in a variety of ways. 8. Some of the White Races. — One important West-Asiatic group of whites are usually called Semites, because they have spoken so-called Semitic languages, although it seems probable that they are not all of the same stock. To this group belong all the Asiatic peoples with whom we have most concern, ex- cept the Persians and some inhabitants of Asia Minor. Another " white " race is found in North Africa and in Southern Europe, and possibly in part of Asia Minor. It is commonly known as the Mediterranean race. The African branch is called Berber ; the European, Iberian. The white races of Europe need a more detailed statement. There are at least three important and strongly marked groups : in the south, this Iberian branch of the Mediterranean race ; in the north, a Teutonic race ; between them, a so-called Alpine race. The Iberians were short, brunette, and "long-headed" (the diameter of the skull from the forehead to the back of the head being at least one-third longer than the diameter from temple to temple). The Teutons were long-headed also, but §10] "RACE" IN HISTORY. 9 tall and blond. The Alpine race were fair and broad-headed (the diameter from temple to temple being over five-sixths the other diameter). 9. European Nations and these Races. — The Alpine, or Cen- tral European race, seems to have come in from Asia at a late prehistoric time, thrusting a dividing wedge between the two long-headed peoples. At one time it was spread widely over Europe, and it survives in south Germany, central France and Brittany, perhaps in Holland, and probably in the " Slavs " of Eastern Europe. The Teutons include, for the most part, the modern Scan- dinavians, the North Germans, and the people of eastern Eng- land and of northeastern France. For some centuries after 400 A.D. they were the ruling class over most of Southern Europe, but they were finally absorbed there in the larger native populations. To the Iberians belong (beside the African branch of the same race) the Greeks and Latins, the ancient and modern inhabitants of Spain and southern France, and the ancient inhabitants of the British Isles and the modern inhabitants of a large part of them. They included, therefore, all the historic peoples of Europe until the Teutons broke into the Eoman Empire. They were probably aborigines, and their culture is believed to have been essentially indigenous up to the point at which our history will take it up. 10. Conclusion. — All these peoples have long since become more or less mixed, so that scientists find it almost impossible to secure a single "pure type." This classification, moreover, does not attempt to be exhaustive : even for Europe, it leaves many " fragments of forgotten peoples " unaccounted for. The statements, too, it must be emphasized, are in part hypotheses ; they are of value because they give us a tolerable framework into which to fit our facts, until perhaps a better framework replaces it, as this has replaced the " Aryan " hypothesis. Probably there is such a thing as race character. We need 10 INTRODUCTION. [§ 10 not deny race as a factor in historical development, but we must be cautious in appealing to it as an explanation. We never know how much is race and how much is something else ; and we may be very sure that much of what is lightly called race-character is the result of recent training or merely the mark of a certain stage of culture. For Further Reading. ^ — It is not necessary that the student at this stage read further upon the matters treated in the Introductioriy but the following volumes will give pleasure and profit, so far as time can be secured for them. Waterloo, Story of Ah (a novel — a dramatic picture of prehistoric development) ; Dodge, Our Wild Indians ; Keary, Dawn of History ; Chaillu, Viking Age ; Brinton, American Race ; Mason, Woman'' s Share in Primitive Culture; Sergi, Mediterranean Bace ; Hoernes, Primitive Man. For advanced students : Gomme, Ethnology and Folk Lore ; Lang, Custom and Myth ; Lang, Myth., Bitual, and Beligion ; Spencer, Cere- monial Institutions ; Tylor, Early History of Mankind; Taylor, Origin of the Aryans (a valuable book, still holding to a modified form of the Aryan hypothesis); Ripley, Baces of Europe; Robertson, Saxon and Celt; Ridge way, Early Age of Greece. Topics for Written Reports, — 1. Stages of prehistoric progress — Stone Age to Iron (advanced students may consult Lewis H. Morgan's Ancient Society, 9-13, for a good classification). 2. Kitchen-middens. 3. Early weaving. 4. History of fire-making. 5. Early pottery. 6. Early ornament. 7. Primitive counting. 1 Fuller descriptions of the books referred to in these lists, with dates and prices, are given in the Appendix. PART 1. OEIENTAL HISTORY. CHAPTER I. A PRELIMINARY SURVEY. 11. The Rediscovery. — Our knowledge of the oldest history- is, for the most part, new. Until about a century ago it com- prised only scattered statements of Hebrew writers and some fragmentary traditions preserved by the Greeks. A few inscriptions in ancient characters were known to exist in the Nile valley, but no one could read them. Portion of Rosetta Stone, containing the hieroglyphs first deciphered. Then, about 1800 a.d., Napoleon's soldiers, in laying founda- tions for a fort on the Rosetta branch of the Nile, found the "Rosetta Stone." This three-foot slab of black basalt bore three inscriptions, one in the ancient hieroglyphics of the 11 12 A PRELIMINARY SURVEY. [§12 pyramids, one in a later Egyptian writing (like'wise forgotten), and one in Greek. A French scholar proved the three to be one inscription in triplicate, and by means of the Greek he was able to fix the values of the other characters. With this key the Egyptian written language was finally reconstructed. More recently, a like task has been accomplished for the Assyrian (§ 72, note). At first, however, there was little to read ; but a new interest had been aroused, and, since 1850, vast sums and indomj^ble energy have been expended in exploration in the East. The sites of forgotten cities, once world-capitals but now long buried beneath desert sands, have been rediscovered. Many of them were found to contain great, copiously illustrated libraries in papyrus or on stone and brick. These have been deciphered in some measure by an army of devoted scholars, and since 1880 the results have appeared rapidly in English.^ 12. The Three Centers : the Nile, the Euphrates, and the Road between. — The first homes of civilization were in the lower valleys of the Nile and the Euphrates. In each of these regions a cheap food supply made possible at an early date a dense population, with a leisure and military class supported by the agricultural masses. In both districts, too, at a still earlier time, the marvelously fertile soil attracted enterprising tribes from different sources, and so brought about a mixture of races — apparently a condition favorable to progress. These two countries, Egypt and Ohaldea, were some eight hundred miles apart in a straight line. Practically the distance was greater. The only feasible route ran along two legs of a triangle — north from Egypt through the Syrian valleys to the upper waters of the Euphrates, and then down that valley. Except upon this Syrian side, however, neither country in the 1 Indeed our knowledge of these civilizations is still in its infancy. The British Museum now contains unread inscriptions that at the present rate of reading would occupy scholars a century more, and the accumulation is rapidly gaining upon the readers. § 12] THE NILE AND THE EUPHRATES. 13 time of its greatness had any important foreign relations. Africa had no great civilization but the Egyptian; and the Euphrates region was shut off from India and ChiiiaJ)y vast deserts and lofty mountains. Thus thi§, Syrian district, inter- mediate between the Asiatic and the African states, became their battle ground and trade exchange. At times, too, it comes into prominence itself as an independent, third center of civili- zation. A more detailed survey of Egyptian boundaries will make clearer the significance of this intermediate land. To the west of the Nile state lay Libya, stretching across the continent, — an immense but inhospitable tract. The portion bordering Egypt was particularly barren, forming a wide abatis against attack by the scattered tribes of the desert. To the south, at a distance, was a more powerful neighbor. Ethiopia, including Nubia and fertile Abyssinia, exceeded Egypt in size, and its brave and warlike people possessed some civilization, probably drawn from Egypt. However, a desert, extremely difficult for an army to traverse, extended a twelve-day march between the two states, and communication by the river was absolutely shut off by long series of rocky gorges above the cataracts of Egypt ; so that, in the days of her power, Egypt had little to fear from the less advanced country. On the other sides, the line of defense formed by the Mediterranean and the broad moat of the Red Sea was broken only at the extreme north by the isthmus. Thus, with sides and rear protected, Egypt faced Asia across this narrow bridge. Here, too, the immediate district was largely desert; but, after all, Arabia numbered a large popu- lation of nomad tribes, always harassing the Egyptian fron- tier, and sometimes constituting a formidable danger; while directly north of the isthmus the narrow strip of habitable land between the desert and the sea was a nursery of warlike peoples. Here dwelt the Phoenicians, Philistines, Canaanites, Hebrews, and Hittites. Usually they were all tributary to Egypt or Chaldea, from whom, too, their civilization was derived ; but at times, when both these powers were weak, there 14 A PRELIMINARY SURVEY. [§ 13 arose iudependent Syrian kingdoms, like that of the Jews under David and Solomon. Indeed, this district might have escaped the fatal consequences of its position on the road from Africa to Asia if its peoples could have united against their common foes ; but ranges of mountains and rivers broke it into five or six unequal states, all small and mutually hostile. Two of them — those of the Jews and the Phoenicians — will have special notice in Chapter IV. 13. The Periods. — In each of the two greater centers there is a long period of development in isolation. Then, with exten- sion of power, comes a period of intercourse, hostile or friendly, through the intermediate region. Finally follows a period of union — at first by the dominance of one or the other, and then by the subjection of all this Eastern world to the new power of Persia. This Persian Empire almost at once comes in conflict with the Greeks, and so introduces us to European history. CHAPTER 11. EGYPT. I. GEOGRAPHY. Egypt as a geographical expression is two things — the Desert and the Nile. As a habitable country, it is only one thing— the Nile. — Alfred Milner. 14. Territory. — The Egypt of a map includes about as much land as Colorado or Italy ; but seven eighths of it is only a wide sandy border to the real Egypt. This latter is the valley and delta of the Nile — from the cataracts to the sea. It is smaller than Maryland, and falls into two natural parts. Upper Egypt is the valley proper; it is a strip of vegetable mold about six hundred miles long and usually about ten miles wide — a slim oasis between parallel lines of rugged, desolate hills. Then, for the remaining hundred miles, the valley broadens suddenly into the delta ; this Lower Egypt is a squat triangle of rich, level plain resting on a two-hundred- mile base of curving coast, where shifting, marshy lakes meet the sea. 15. The Significance ol. the Nile. — Rain rarely falls any- where in the cdSlt^jf; »r— ja<-^ heavy shower not oftener than once in ten or fifteen years. Egypt, therefore, as the Greeks said, is " the gift of the Nile." Except for that river. Upper Egypt would be part of the Sahara, and Lower Egypt would have remained a sandy bottom beneath the Mediterranean waves. And what the river has made, it sustains. Toward the close of the eight cloudless months before the annual over- flow, there is a brief period when the land seems gasping for 16 16 EGYPT. [§15 moisture, " only half alive, waiting the new Nile." The rise and the withdrawal of the inundation are gradual, lasting from July to November ; but during the days while the flood is at its height, Egypt is a sheet of turbid water, between two lines of rock and sand, marked off into compartments by the raised roads con- necting the towns and villages that dot the waters ; while from their sandy plateau at a distance the pyra- mids look down upon the scene, as they have done each season for six thousand years. The rich loam dressing, so brought down from the hills of Ethiopia, is spread over the fields and maintains their unwearied fertility, while the long soaking sup- )lies moisture to the soil for months to come. Man, however, in making Egypt. In prehistoric times. has had his share the inhabitants had learned to control and distribute the overflow, by a compli- cated network of dikes, reservoirs, and canals. This system was so complete that under the ancient monarchy the peasantry §17] POLITICAL HISTORY. 17 cultivated more soil and produced more wealth than in modern times, until English control was recently established. 16. Political Geography ; Growth of a Kingdom. — Civilization in Egypt appears well advanced with its first records, about 4500 or 5000 B.C. We cannot know how many thousands of years it had taken for this culture to develop from the sav- agery of the surrounding tribes. Certainly the earliest dwell- ers in the valley were in a most primitive stage, using the rudest of stone implements and practicing savage and bar- barous customs. Gradually centers of culture appeared — perhaps as a result of conquest from Asia — and contending principalities arose. These were united by centuries of conflict into the two kingdoms of Upper and Lower Egypt. The former principalities remained, however, as "nomes," or administrative units. The more important nomes seem to have been ruled by hereditary princes under the supreme monarch ; and, throughout Egyptian history, at intervals rival cities renewed their struggle for headship. The Nile, which had made physical Egypt, played its part, too, in making political Egypt. The regulation of the an- nual inundation must have been the earliest common interest of the people. No doubt neighboring villages waged count- less bloody, semi-aquatic wars before they learned the costly lesson of cooperation ; but the waste and the danger from sep- arate or hostile action must have helped, from early periods, to force home the need of concert and union. ilpS^^K' AL HISTORY.i 17. The Memphite Period. — The later Egyptians classified their native kings into some thirty " dynasties." These may be grouped further into four periods, according to the location of the center of power, — Memphite, Theban, Saite, and Alex- 1 The following three-page skeleton of forty-five hundred years of history is designed for reading and reference, not for close study. 18 EGYPT. [§ 18 andrian. The first ten dynasties ruled at or near Memphis in Lower Egypt. This period of the "Ancient Empire" lasted to 2800 B.C. At a very early date the Memphite princes con- quered the upper valley also, and made one kingdom of all Egypt. The monarchs of the fourth dynasty built the greatest of the pyramids for their tombs ; and these impressive monu- ments to their pitiless selfishness were the oldest source of our knowledge of antiquity until Professor Petrie, in the closing years of the nineteenth century, discovered the written records of the first three dynasties. 18. The Theban Period. — The later part of the long suprem- acy of Memphis was a time of anarchy and decay. Then rival princes at Thebes, in Upper Egypt, seized the kingdom. They, too, comprised ten dynasties (llth-20th), lasting another seven- teen hundred years, to 1100 e.g., but the period is divided by a time of foreign rule, making three subperiods. a. The Early Tlieban Period : to the Hyksos Conquest. — The great eleventh and twelfth dynasties reorganized the state, and, in a century of warfare, subdued Ethiopia and the negro tribes of the upper Nile. The characteristic works of the period were vast internal improvements. With reference to these, a king of the twelfth dynasty boasts in his epitaph that all his commands had " ever increased the love his subjects bore him " ; and Rawlinson says (Ancient Egypt, II. 74) : — " The second Egyptian civilization differed in many respects from the first. The first was self-seeking, stately, cruel. The second was utilita- rian, beneficent, judicious. The encouragement of trade, the digging of wells, the formation of reservoirs, the,proteGtioh of roads, the building of ships, and the exploration of hitherto unknown seas, . . . such were the objects which the monarchs of the eleventh dynasty set before them. Content with rude coffins and humble sepulchers [instead of pyramids], they were able to employ the labor of their subjects in productive pur- suits." b. The Hyksos. — Another of the intervals of decay that so strangely follow the outbursts of glory through all Egyptian history left the country subject to invading nomads from 18] POLITICAL HISTORY. 19 Arabia. These Hyksos, or Shepherd Kings, maintained them- selves in Egypt about four hundred years (2000-1600 B.C.). They destroyed a great part of the records of the previous civilization, except those hidden in tombs, and their period itself is one of scanty remains. They harried the land cruelly for Sculptured Head of Thutmosis III., of the eighteenth dynasty, who in twelve great campaigns first carried Egyptian arms from the isthmus to Nineveh. His mummy, recently discovered, indicates that this represen- tation idealized his features. a time, as invaders ; then from some seat in the Delta they ruled Egypt through tributary kings ; and finally they took on Egyptian culture and became themselves Egyptian sovereigns, c. TJie " Later TJieban " Period. — The native line of mon- archs had remained, however, as under-kings at Thebes; finally, after another long war, they expelled the Hyksos, and 20 EGYPT. [§ 19 began the "later Theban" period. Shortly after this, the eighteenth dynasty raised Egypt to its highest pitch of power. The Hyksos conquest seems to have crushed internal rivalries for a season, and to have introduced a more effective and cen- tralized administration, to which the new Theban monarchs succeeded. Between 1600 and 1400 B.C., Egypt recovered Ethiopia, and, for the first time entering Asia, conquered the various Syrian states, finally reaching the Tigris and securing at least a nominal supremacy over Babylonia. Tliis was the first political union of the East. It paved the way for future unions, and so was a step toward the empires of Persia, of Alexander, and of Rome. In Egypt itself, the booty and the multitudes of captives, together with the tribute in Asiatic products, led to the introduction of new arts and to greater luxury. In science, too, this new East had much to teach the African civilization. About 1320 B.C. a new and surprising enemy appeared. The Libyan tribes (§ 12), aided by many strange " peoples of the sea " (Greeks among them), all but seized the Delta. A little later, the Hittites from Asia Minor attacked Syria in a long series of campaigns (§§ 41, 56). Thus in their later period the power of the Theban kings suffered some eclipse. During this weaker period the Hebrew serfs escaped from Egypt. They seem to have come in during the rule of the friendly Arabian Hyksos; the powerful monarchs of the re- stored native dynasty reduced them to slavery ; but now, in the time of Egypt's weakness, the Israelites fled again to the Arabian desert (§ 60). 19. The Saite Period. — Then the capital returned to the Delta, and was located, after a time, at the new city of Sais. The change probably indicates internal dissensions. Certainly the dominion in both Africa and Asia narrowed, until, after six hundred years of rule in Syria and on the Upper Nile (as long a time as separates us from the last crusades), Egypt was driven again within her ancient bounds, and finally became §20] POLITICAL HISTORY. 21 herself subject, first to Ethiopia (730 b.c), and then to Assyria (672B.C.). n^ «= Twenty years later, Psametichus, ^ |' J^ one of the native tributary rulers, restored Egyptian independence, and began the later Sai'te period, which was to last a little over a century. Psametichus himself was probably of Libyan blood. He opened Egypt to foreigners, and especially wel- comed the Greeks, who were coming into notice as soldiers and sailors. This is probably the period of the most impor- tant Egyptian influence upon Europe. Not only did individual travelers, like Solon and Thales, visit Egypt (§ 125 and § 142), but great numbers of Greek mercenaries served for a time in the army, and considerable Greek settlements were established in the country. Neco, ***^ ^sV' *^^ second king of this restored monarchy, about 600 b.c, revived an ancient attempt to cut a canal through the isthmus, and apparently secured the circumnavigation of Africa by his Phoenician sailors.^ 20. Under Foreign Rule. — The favor shown foreigners seems to have disgusted the soldier class, who finally emigrated in great numbers to Ethiopia. This made easy the conquest by Persia in 525 b.c, and Egyptian independence under native sovereigns disappeared forever. Egypt was ruled as a group of provinces under Persian satraps for two centuries. Then Alexander the Great established Greek sway over all the Per- sian world. At his death Egypt did become again a separate state, but under the Greek Ptolemies ruling from their new Greek capital at Alexandria. Cleopatra, the last of this line of monarchs, fell before Augustus Caesar, and Egypt became a Roman province, 30 b.c 1 Herodotus, the Greek historian who tells us the story, adds: " On their return they reported (others may believe them but I will not) that in sailing from east to west around Africa they had the sun on their right hand," This report, which Herodotus could not believe, is good proof to us of the sailors' truthfulness. 22 EGYPT. [§ 21 The latter part of the last period really belongs to Greek and Roman history. The forty-two hundred years of earlier history may be summar- ized briefly. The kings of the Delta unite Egypt, and rule for seventeen hundred or two thousand years (as long a time as separates us from the birth of Christ). Under Theban kings Egyptian rule is extended over nearly all the Oriental world ; this period, too, covers seventeen hundred years ; it is broken by four hundred years of subjection to the Hyksos, and the last two hundred years also are centuries of decline. In the next six hundred years, under a second period of Delta kings, Egypt contracts to her ancient limits. Then she becomes subject to Asiatic states, which in turn, two hundred years later, fall under European rule. III. PEOPLE, SOCIETY, CIVILIZATION. 21. Races and Population. — At least three race elements went to form the ancient Egyptian — Berber, Arabian, Negro, and possibly the Abyssinian ; but before the beginning of his- tory these had been welded into one type which persists to-day after so many later infusions. As in other countries with an hereditary aristocracy, nobles and commoners came to differ physically. The later sculptures and mummies show the nobles tall, lithe, and handsome, with imperious carriage; and the lower classes, heavier of feature and dumpy in build. The population in historic times num- bered from five to seven millions. Herodotus says the country contained twenty thousand " towns," or villages.^ • 22. Social Classes and Government. — The organization of society was closely connected with the system of landholding. In theory the monarch, or Pharaoh, was absolute master of the people and absolute owner of the soil. In practice his author- ity was limited by the power of the organized priests and by the necessity of conciliating the ambitious nobles. As to the land, the monarch kept a portion in his own hands to cultivate 1 Turkish misrule had reduced this population in the first of the nineteenth century to about two and a hall millions. After Egypt became virtually in- dependent of Turkey, and still more after it came under English control, the population increased again rapidly to some nine millions in 1897. 22] PEOPLE, SOCIETY, CIVILIZATION. 23 by servile labor directed by royal stewards, but the larger part he parceled out among the nobles. These nobles in return were bound to pay a fixed amount of produce, and to furnish and lead a certain number of soldiers in war. On the death of a landholder, his holding in theory reverted to the king, but it was always conferred by him at once upon the heir ; so that in practice it was a family prop- erty, subject to fixed rent in produce and in service. Within Photograph of a Modern Egyptian Woman sitting by a Sculptured Head of an Ancient King. — From Maspero's Dawn of Civilization. his domain the noble was himself absolute; he executed juc tice, levied taxes, kept up his arm3^ Like the king, he culti- vated part of the land himself by his dependents, and part he let out in large holdings to aristocratic vassals, who stood to him as he to the king. A considerable part of the land — perhaps one third — was attached to the temples, free of any obligation except the maintenance of the temple worship. It had become really the property of the organized and powerful priesthoods. 24 EGYPT. t§ 22 Actual labor upon all the land was performed by a peasant class not unlike that found in Egypt to-day. Some of them rented small farms; but a great majority were day laborers or held only insufficient lots on precarious terms. They were not bound to the soil, however, as the like class was later in Europe ; they could move about at will ; but, just as the great noble had a master and protector in Pharaoh, and the smaller noble in the larger one, so the peasant must remain attached to some patron, or he was liable to become the prey of any powerful enemy. Public opinion formed some check, however, upon arbitrary tyranny, and perhaps the poor were as safe as they have been in most countries in controversies with the rich and powerful. The oldest written " story " in the world (surviving in a papyrus of the twelfth dynasty) gives an interesting illustration: a peasant, robbed through a legal trick by the dependent of a royal officer, appeals to the judges and finally to the king ; the king commands redress, enjoining his officer to do justice "like a praiseworthy man praised by the praise- worthy." Such appeals were probably no more difficult to make than on the continent of Europe all through the Middle Ages. In the towns there was a large middle class — merchants, shopkeepers, physicians, notaries, builders, and skilled artisans. The fact that laborers could win a strike (§ 35) proves that their condition was not one of universal misery. The slave class was apparently not very important. There was no real caste in Egyptian society. As a matter of convenience, the son commonly followed his father's occupa- tion, but there was no law (as in some Oriental countries) to prevent his passing into a different class; and sometimes the son of a poor herdsman did rise to wealth and power.^ Such progress was most easily open to the scribes. This learned profession was recruited from the brighter boys of the middle 1 For a remarkable example, see an Egyptian biography of such a self-made man, in Maspero's Dawn of Civilization, 290-296. The Hebrew Joseph's experience is hardly a case in point, but rather an instance of capricious lavor such as is always possible in an Oriental despotism. PEOPLE, SOCIETY, CIVILIZATION. 25 and lower classes. The majority found employment only in clerical work ; but from the abler ones the nobles chose confi- dential secretaries and stewards, and some of these, who devel- oped administrative ability, were promoted by the Pharaohs to the highest dignities in the land. Such men founded new families to reenforce the ranks of the nobility. The soldiers are spoken of by the later Greek writers as a distinct class, and have sometimes been called a " caste.'^ They were not an hereditary class, however, but were recruited from all available sources. They were kept under arms only when their services were needed. Each soldier held a small farm, of some eight acres, exempt from taxes and dues. Besides the iPiJ|i###^ Shoemakers. — Egyptian relief from the monuments. enrolled and privileged soldiery, the peasantry were called out upon occasion, for war or for distant garrisons. There was also a numerous and complicated bureaucracy connected with the government. Every despotism has to develop such a class, to act as eyes, hands, and feet ; but in ancient Egypt the royal officials were particularly numerous and important. Until a late date the Egyptians had no money, and all the immense royal revenues, as well as all debts between private men, had to be collected "in kind." The treasurers must receive and care for and keep account of cattle, grain, wine, oil, stuffs, metals, jewels, — "all that the heavens give, all that the earth produces, all that the Nile brings from its ■V 26 EGYPT. t§ 22 mysterious sources," as one king puts it in an inscription. This meant an army of royal officials ; and, for a like reason, the great nobles needed a large class of trusted servants. Thus we have for the superstructure of society a large ruling aristocracy of birth, another of merit (scribes and physicians), two specially privileged bodies (priests and soldiers), and the mass of privileged officials of all grades down to petty over- seers. To most of these, life was a very pleasant thing, filled with active employment and varied with manifold recreations, as the monuments show. Below these, the middle class — shopkeepers, skilled artisans, and peasant proprietors — ranged Levying the Tax. — An Egyptian relief from the monuments. from comfort to misery. At the bottom was a large agricultural class heavily burdened with the weight of all these others. The condition of this class is always bad enough in Oriental despotisms, falling little short of practical slavery. Koyal taxes, in particular, are exacted harshly, and the poor peasant is responsible for any deficit with all that he has, — even with his person or his family. All this was true in ancient Egypt ; still, from the Egyptian literature, the peasants seem to have been careless and gay, petting their cattle and singing at their work, and the large population indicates that they were pros- perous. Probably they were as well off as the like class has been during the past century in Egypt or in Russia. 24] PEOPLE, SOCIETY, CIVILIZATION. 27 23. The Position of Woman was decidedly better than in the Jater Greek civilization, and better than in modern Oriental states. The wife was the 'friend and companion of the man. She was not secluded in a harem or confined strictly to a domestic existence, but appeared in company and at public ceremonies. She possessed equal rights at law ; and, at inter- vals, great queens ruled upon the throne, while others evidently molded their sons and influenced their husbands. In no other country, until modern times, do pictures of happy domes- tic life play so large a part. SpHIXX and PVIIAMID. 24. Industries and the Arts. — The skilled artisans included brickworkers, weavers, blacksmiths, goldsmiths, coppersmiths, upholsterers, glass-blowers, potters, shoemakers, tailors, armor- ers, etc. Many of these had acquired a marvelous dexterity, and were masters of processes that are not now known. The weavers in particular produced delicate and exquisite line^, almost as fine as silk, and the workers in glass and metal were famous for their skill. Jewels were imitated in glass so art- fully that only an expert can detect the fraud by the appear- 28 EGYPT. [§24 ance to-day. Bronze was introduced at an early date, perhaps by the Phoenicians ; but there is no evidence of the use of iron until about 800 b.c. Obelisk and Temple of the Sun at Karnak. Sculpture, painting, and architecture were the leading arts. In the closed rock tombs, the painting has lasted with perfect freshness, but it perishes almost immediately upon exposure. §24] PEOPLE, SOCIETY, CIVILIZATION. 29 It is said to represent a high development in the use of color. Much of the early sculpture was lifelike; and the unnatural colossal, statues, such as the Sphinxes, have a solemn power and gloomy grandeur in keeping with the melancholy desert that stretches about them. This art reached its best stage in the Memphite period. Later, it was shackled by conventions. Its association with religion seems to have forbidden change in its methods ; and, no longer able to pro- gress, it began to decline. But the Egyptian art was architecture, espe- cially the archi- tecture of the temple and the tomb. Of the last, the pyramids are the great exam- ple, although they were, after all, only exaggerated reproductions in stone of savage grave mounds like those of our early North American Indians. The Kile has been credited sometimes with an influence upon this form of Egyptian building, and certainly such structures would be better adapted than any other to withstand the annual attack of the waters in the valley. In their better domestic architecture the Egyptians used the true arch, and in their temples they sometimes made Aisle in the Ruins at Karnak. 30 EGYPT. [§25 use of graceful columns (both of which forms they may have taught the Greeks); but for their more important buildings they preferred massive walls, and ceilings of immense flat slabs. The result is peculiarly imposing, and gives an impres- sion of stupendous power, but it lacks grace and beauty. 25. Literature and the Hieroglyphics. — The Egyptians wrote religious and theological works, poems, histories, travels, novels, orations, treatises upon morals, scientific works, geographies, cook books, catalogues, and collections of fairy stories {Cinderella among them). The oldest writing, as with all early peoples, was a picture story, but on the first monuments this had advanced to a rebus stage; that is, the pictures had become "conventionalized" into a system of hieroglyphics — "a delightful assemblage of birds, snakes, men, tools, stars, and beasts." In many cases one of these shrunken pictures might stand either for a thing or for an idea connected with it. Thus O may represent either the sun or light. From their sound value, too, some symbols came to represent syllables in longer words. Then some of these semiphonetic signs grew into real letters, or signs of single sounds. Now, if the Egyptians could have kept these last and have dropped all the rest, they would have had a true alphabet ; but this step they never took. The temple inscriptions remained to the last a carious mixture of thousands of signs of things, ideas, syllables, and sounds. When the writing was performed rapidly upon papyrus or A Capital from Karnak. §26] PEOPLE, SOCIETY, CIVILIZATION. 31 upon pottery, the strokes Avere run together, and the characters were modified gradually into quite a different script. This " hieratic " writing was used for all purposes except religious or funeral inscriptions. It was written with a reed, in black or red ink ; and the dry air of the Egyptian tombs has pre- served great numbers of the buried papyrus rolls to our day.^ 26. Science. — The Nile has been called the father of Egyp- tian Science. The necessity of resurveying the land some- times after an inundation is thought to have had to do with the early proficiency in geometry ; and the desirability of fixing in advance the exact period of the inundation may have had some influence in directing attention to the true " year," and so to astronomy. Great progress was made in both these studies. We moderns who learn glibly from books and dia- grams the results of this early labor, can hardly understand how difficult a task confronted these first scientific observers, who had only the complex book of the heavens open to them. They seem to have understood correctly the revolution of the earth and planets around the sun, together with other celestial phenomena too obscure to state here ; and they cer- tainly fixed the length of the year with surprising accuracy, and invented a peculiar leap year arrangement. This year, together with their calendar of months, we get from them through Julius Caesar (§ 447). They excelled also in medicine; and in arithmetic they dealt readily in numbers to millions, with the aid of a notation similar to that used later by the Romans. Thus three thousand four hundred twenty-three was represented by the Romans : MMM C CCCXXIII and by the Egyptians: t X X ®@@(5HI' All this learning is older than the Greek by almost twice as long a time as the Greek is older than ours of to-day. No 1 A good account of the hieroglyphics is given in Keary's Dawn of History, 298-303. 32 EGYPT. [§ 27 wonder, then, that in the last days of Egyptian greatness, the priest of Sais exclaimed to a visitor from little Athens whose fame was yet to make : " Solon, Solon ! You Greeks are mere children. There is no old opinion handed doAvn among you by ancient tradition, nor any science hoary with age ! " It must be remembered, however, that all the higher science was the possession only of the priests and perhaps of a few others. 27. Religion. — There was a curious mixture of religions. A worship of ancestors was universal, with a dark background of evil spirits and malicious ghosts. Such worship is found among all primitive peoples, and will be treated more in detail when we come to the study of Greece. There was also a revolting worship of animals — cats, dogs, bulls, crocodiles. Probably this was a degraded exaggeration of a form of ancestor worship known as totemism, found among many people. North American Indians of a wolf clan or a bear clan — with a fabled wolf or bear for an ancestor — must on no account injure the ancestral animal, or " totem." Even Rome, with its legend of Eomulus nursed by a wolf, gives some curious survivals of an earlier worship of this sort, and on several occasions late in history Roman armies permitted wild wolves to run in and out among their ranks uninjured. In Egypt, however, this worship became more widely spread, and took on grosser features, than has ever been the case elsewhere. Above all this, there was a worship of personified powers of nature, — a belief in numerous mythological deities and demi- gods representing natural phenomena. As a concession to the populace, perhaps, these were commonly represented by animal symbols, but with the higher classes the nature worship mounted sometimes to a lofty and pure worship of one God whose name was, " / am that I am." The symbol preferred by the adherents of this higher religion was the disk of the sun, for Light, Truth, and All-sustaining Power (§ 31). These higher meanings never became widespread, of course; and §27] PEOPLE, SOCIETY, CIVILIZATION. 33 indeed the political decline after the great eighteenth dynasty- seems to have been connected with a long and bitter movement of the populace and the priests against the attempt of a " heretic king " to popularize the " disk worship " in its more spiritual forms. The universal practice of embalming the body may have originated in a belief in a resurrection or reincarnation, or per- haps only in the savage idea that the body remained the home of the ghost, and that, deprived of it, the ghost would become harmful. Indeed, with regard to a future life there seem to have been two or three stages of belief. In the oldest Sculptured Funeral Couch : the soul is represented crouching by the mummy. tombs, there are found dishes where had been placed food and drink for the ghost, just as with nearly all savage peoples, and as is still done, indeed, by the Egyptian peasant after these six thousand years of many later faiths. Such practices seem to originate in a belief that the soul remains in or near the tomb, with but a pale and joyless exist- ence. But upon some such lower basis there grew up, among the better classes anyway, a belief in a truer immortality for those who deserved it. The dead, it was thought, lived in some distant Elysium, where they had all the pleasures of life without its pains, — though this haven was only for those ghosts 34 EGYPT. [§28 who knew certain religious and magic formulas to guard against destruction on the perilous spirit-journey thither, and who, on arrival, should be declared worthy by the "Judges of the Dead" (§ 29). 28. Morality. — The standard of morals was not high, if measured by modern ideas. Some features of their life seem to us shocking and obscene ; and the modesty and refinement Rock-hewn Colossi of Rameses II. that moderns demand were totally absent. The ideal was soft and gentle, rather than exacting. They were a kindly people. The sympathy expressed by Egyptian writers for the poor (§§ 29, 30, 34) is a note not heard elsewhere in ancient literature ; and even if mainly sentimental, it speaks some- thing for the gentleness of the Egyptian aristocracy. On the whole, all scholars agree in giving the Egyptians high praise among the peoples of antiquity: "More moral, sympathetic, and conscientious than any other ancient people," says Petrie; §29] ILLUSTRATIVE EXTRACTS. 35 " If less refined than Athens* yet in some points both more moral and more civilized," asserts Rawlinson ; Maspero styles the profession of faith in their Repudiation of Sins " among the noblest bequeathed us by the ancient world," indicating, as it does, " a keen sense of obligation not only to the gods, but also to one's fellow-men"; Simcox's Primitive Civilization says of Egyptian epitaphs, " In no other country, ancient or modern, do we find so clear and full a description of purely domestic virtues as forming the best title to regard"; while Professor Petrie sums up the matter, — " The Egyptian, without our Christian sense of sin or self-reproach, sought out a fair and noble life. . . . His aim was to be an easy, good-natured, quiet gentleman, and to make life as agreeable as he could to all about him." IV. ILLUSTRATIVE EXTRACTS. 29. From the Repudiation of Sins, to be made before the Judges of the Dead. (Many of these phrases are found upon the most ancient tombs. In the later, but very old. Book of the Dead they are collected and harmonized. The parts given here show a sense of duty toward one's fellow-men. Much of the omitted part has to do with ceremonial justification. For more extended quotations, see Maspero's Dawn of Civiliza- tion, 188-190.) "Hail unto you, ye lords of Truth! hail to thee, great god, lord of Truth and Justice ! . . . I have not committed iniquity against men ! I have not oppressed the poor ! . . . I have not laid labor upon any free man beyond that which he wrought for himself ! . . . I have not caused the slave to be ill-treated of his master ! I have not starved any man, I have not made any to weep, ... I have not pulled down the scale of the balance ! I have not falsified the beam of the balance ! I have not taken away the milk from the mouths of sucklings ! . . . There is no crime against me in this land of the Double Truth ! . . . " Grant that he may come unto you — he that hath not lied nor borne false witness, . . . but who feedeth on truth, ... he that hath given bread to the hungry and drink to him that was athirst, and that hath clothed the naked with garments ; ... his mouth is pure ; his two hands are pure." 36 EGYPT. [§30. From an Inscription by an Ancieftt Noble. — "I have caused no child of tender age to mourn ; I have despoiled no widow, I have driven away no tiller of the soil. . . . None about me have been unfortunate, nor starving in my time." 30. From the Precepts of Ptah-hotep, a noble of the fifth dy- nasty. (It takes some twenty pages of ordinary print to repro- duce this collection of precepts, which are nearly twice as old as Solomon's proverbs. The Papyrus, now at Berlin, which contains them is the oldest book in the world. They are in verse. A complete translation is given in the Records of the Past, III.) " Be not arrogant because of that which thou knowest, no artist being in possession of the perfection to which he should aspire." " Inspire not men with fear. [This is addressed to officers and judges.] Listen to the discourses of the petitioner ; be not abrupt with him. The way to secure a clear explanation is to listen with kindness." '' Keep thyself from every attack of bad humor." "Treat thy dependents well." " If thou hast become great after having been little, . . . harden not thy heart. . . . Thou art only become the steward of the good things of God.'' " The obedience of a docile son is a blessing. . . . The son who accepts the word of his father will attain to old age, for obedience is of God. . . . I have myself in this way become one of the ancients of the earth ; I have passed one hundred and ten years of life." 31. From a Hymn by King Khuniatonu, fifteenth century B.C., in worship of Aten the Sun-disk, symbol of God. (Given in full in Petrie's Egypt, II. 211-218.) " Thy appearing is beautiful in the horizon of heaven, O living Aten, the beginning of life ! . . . Thou fillest every land with thy beauty. Thy beams encompass all lands which thou hast made. Thou bindest them with thy love. . . . The birds fly in their haunts — Their wings adoring thee. . . . The small bird in the egg, sounding within the shell — Thou givest it breath within the egg. . . . §34] ILLUSTRATIVE EXTRACTS. 37 How many are the things which thou hast made 1 Thou Greatest the land by thy will, thou alone, With peoples, herds, and flocks. . . . Thou givest to every man his place, thou framest his life." 32. From a Dialogue between an Egyptian and his Soul (Berlin Papyrus, quoted in Maspero's Dawn of Civilization, 399). "I say to myself every day : As is the convalescence of a sick person, who goes to the court after his affliction, such is death. ... I say to myself every day : As is the inhaling of the scent of a perfume, such is death. . . . I say to myself every day : As a road which passes over the flood of inun- dation, as a man who goes as a soldier whom nothing resists, such is death. ... I say to myself every day : As the clearing again of the sky, as a man who goes out to catch birds with a net and suddenly finds him- self in an unknown district, such is death." 33. From the Address by the Ghost in the Book of the Dead. — "I live upon loaves, white wheat, beer, red wheat. . . . Place me with vases of milk and wine, with cakes and loaves, and plenty of meat, in the dwelling of Anubis [the tomb]." "Grant to me the funeral food, the drinks, the oxen, the geese, the fabrics, the incense, the oil, and all the good and pure things upon which the gods live." 34. From a Writer of the Time of Rameses II., fourteenth century b.c, in pity of the miseries of the Fellahin. " Dost thou not recall the picture of the farmer, when the tenth of his grain is levied ? Worms have destroyed half of the wheat, and the hip- popotami have eaten the rest ; there are swarms of rats in the fields, the grasshoppers alight there, the cattle devour, the little birds pilfer, and if the farmer lose sight for an instant of what remains upon the ground, it is carried off by robbers ; the thongs, moreover, which bind the iron and the hoe are worn out, and the team has died at the plough. It is then that the scribe steps out of the boat at the landing-place to levy the tithe, and there come the keepers of the doors of the granary with cud- gels and the negroes with ribs of palm-leaves, crying : ' Come now, com ! ' There is none, and they throw the cultivator full length upon the ground ; bound, dragged to the canal, they fling him in head first [probably a figurative way of saying that he was forced to work out his tax on the canals] ; his wife is bound with him, his children are put into chains ; the neighbors, in the meantime, leave him and fly to save their grain." 38 EGYPT. [§35 35. Strikes among the Egyptians (adapted from the account in Maspero's Struggle of the Nations, 539-541). " Kations were allowed each workman at the end of every month ; but, from the usual Egyptian lack of forethought, these were often consumed long before the next assignment. Such an event was usually followed by a strike. On one occasion we are shown the workmen turning to the overseer, saying : ' We are perishing of hunger, and there are still eighteen days before the next month.' The latter makes profuse promises ; but, when nothing comes of them, the workmen will not listen to him longer. They leave their work, and gather in a public meeting. The overseer hastens after them, and the police commissioners of the locality and the scribes mingle with them, urging upon the leaders a return. But the workmen only say : ' We will not return. Make it clear to your superiors down below there.' The official who reports the matter to the authorities afterwards, seems to think the complaints well founded, for he says, ' We went to hear them, and they spoke true words to us.' " 36. A Modern Impression. ' ' Two vast and trunkless legs of stone Stand in the desert. Near them, on the sand, Half-sunk, a shattered visage lies. And on the pedestal, these words appear : ' My name is Ozymandias, king of kings. Look on my works, Ye Mighty, and despair ! ' Nothing beside remains. Round the decay Of that colossal wreck, boundless and bare, The lone and level sands stretch far away." — Shellet. For Further Reading. — Maspero's Life in Ancient Egypt and Assyria, and Egyptian Archaeology, or, by the same author, Daion of Civilization; Rawlinson's Ancient Egypt (somewhat out of date, but very readable), and his Egypt, in the Stories of the Nations series. For advanced students : Becords of the Past (edited by Sayce); Petrie's Egypt, Ten Tears' Digging in Egypt, and Religion and Conscience in Egypt; Maspero's Struggle of the Nations, and Tlie Passing of the Empires. For the vexed question of Egyptian chronology, see, preferably, Petrie's Egypt, I. 248-254. A margin of a hundred years must be allowed for error in the early period, 'and dates are given in round numbers until the §36] ILLUSTRATIVE EXTRACTS. 39 Assyrian conquest (672 b.c). Mr. Cecil Torr, Memphis and Mycenae (1896) , argues for much later dates ; but, so far, Egyptian scholars pay little attention to him. At the publication of this volume, the recent discoveries of the remains of the first three dynasties have not been treated fully in any publication available for high schools ; an interesting sketch may be found in the Atlantic for October, 1900. Topics for Reports or Papers. — 1. The pyramids. 2. Sacred animals. 3. What can be learned regarding occupations, manners, etc., from the illustrations in books upon Egypt. 4. Sports in Egypt. 5. Daily life. 6. Corv^es in ancient and modern Egypt. 7. Ancient irrigation system, including an account of Lake Moeris. 8. Irrigation system under English rule (see Milner's England in Egypt, 280-322). CHAPTER III. THE TIGRIS-EUPHRATES STATES. I. UNITY OF THE EAST AFTER 1600 B.C. 37. About 1600 b.c. the reaction against the Hyksos con- quest had carried the Egyptians, in turn, into Asia (§ 18 c). There, just across the isthmus, they came upon a new civiliza- tion, whose original home they reached, after many campaigns, on the banks of another great stream strangely like the river of Egypt. For nearly half all recorded time the two civilizations had been developing in isolation. The Asiatic was possibly the earlier; certainly it had spread more rapidly, and was already dominant from the Euphrates to the Mediterranean.^ The African invasion now brought the two into contact, and so marks an era. Isolated developments gave way to one great civiliza- tion — with several and shifting centers, it is true, but with these centers closely bound together. Western Asia became covered with a network of roads, garrisoned at important points by fortresses; and along these roads, from the Nile to the Euphrates, there hurried for centuries incessant streams of merchants, couriers, diplomats, and travelers. II. GEOGRAPHY. 38. The Two Rivers. — A mighty desert stretches across Asia from the Ked to the Yellow Sea. Its smaller and western part, a series of low, sandy plains, is really a continua- 1 Very recent excavations strengthen the theory that the Nile civilization itself was derived from that of the Euphrates ; but, if so, all connection had long been lost when history began. See Sayce's " Introduction " to Maspero's Passing of the Nations. 40 § 39] GEOGRAPHY. 41 tion of the African desert; the eastern, or truly Asiatic, portion consists of lofty, arid plateaus traversed by rugged mountains. The two parts are divided by a patch of luxuriant vegetation reaching away from the Persian Gulf to the northwest. This oasis is the work of the Tigris and Euphrates. These rivers have never impressed men as has the more mysterious Nile, but they have played a hardly less important part in human history. Rising on opposite sides of the snow-capped Arme- nian mountains, they approach each other by great sweeps until they form a common valley, and then they flow in par- allel channels for the greater part of their course. The land between them has always been named from them : the Jews called it " Syria of the Two Rivers " ; the Greeks, Mesopota- mia, or the " Between-Rivers '^ country; the modern Arabian inhabitants, "The Island"; while anciently the Euphrates itself bore the fitting name, " Soul of the Land." 39. Natural and Political Divisions. — This valley falls into three distinct parts, two of which are of special importance. Chcddea. — The lower portion consists of alluvial deposits carried out in the course of ages into the Persian Gulf. In area it equals modern Denmark, and is over twice the size of the real Egypt. Like Egypt, its fertility in ancient times was maintained largely by an annual overflow, regulated by dikes, canals, and reservoirs. Wheat and barley (which still grow wild in the abandoned bottoms near the mouth of the Euphra- tes) are believed to have been indigenous here; certainly it was from Chaldea that their cultivation spread west to Europe. Herodotus (writing in the fifth century b.c.) says : — " Of all countries that we know there is none so fruitful in grain. The yield commonly is two hundred fold and sometimes three hundred fold.i 1 Herodotus, I. 193. The statement is supported by other observers. A Minnesota farmer sows two bushels of wheat to the acre ; two hundred fold would mean a crop not of fifteen or eighteen, but of four hundred bushels. That of course is an impossibility. The statement of Herodotus can hold good only on the supposition that a very thin sowing was enough — a half bushel or less to the acre. 42 THE TIGRIS-EUPHRATES STATES. [§40 The leaves of the wheat and barley are four fingers wide. As for the millet and sesame, I will not state their height, for I am sure 1 should not be believed by those who have not lived in that country." The blade of the wheat was so luxuriant, other writers tell us, that it was customary to mow the fields twice and then turn in cattle to crop it off, so as to make it ear. The Euphrates valley has lost its ancient fertility, of which we know only from these statements of the Greeks. During the last few centuries, under Turkish rule, the last vestiges of the ancient engineering works have gone to ruin. As a result, in this early home of human culture the uncontrolled overflow of the river now turns the eastern districts into a dreary marsh; while on the west the desert sands have drifted in to cover the most fertile soil in the world, and the sites of scores of mighty cities are only shapeless mounds, that look at first like natural hills, where nomad Arabs camp for a night. Assyria. — To the north, the alluvial plain rises to a broad and rugged tableland. The more fertile portion lay on the eastern, or Tigris side, and was about three times the extent of Chaldea. Here clustered many cities which were finally to be combined into the monarchy of Assyria. Mesopotamia Proper. — The northw^estern portion of the val- ley — to which part the name of Mesopotamia is sometimes especially applied — was less fertile and of little political im- portance ; but at its extreme limit this district opened upon the northern parts of Syria — the middle land destined to fall to the Nile or to the Euphrates as the prize of war. III. POLITICAL HISTORY. 40. The First Chaldean Empire. — Three empires rose in turn in this double valley : two in the south, with the center at Babylon on the Euphrates ; and, between the periods of their rule, a greater one in the north, with Nineveh on the Tigris for its capital. The later Chaldean scholars filled the gaps in their knowledge of their country's early history with fabulous §40] POLITICAL HISTORY. 43 annals reaching back seven hundred thousand years ; but these stories are of interest only for an account of a creation and deluge similar to that in the Hebrew Genesis.^ The earliest historical date is that of Sargon the Elder, about 3800 B.c.^ At this time Chaldea comprised many powerful cities, each a separate state striving for leadership. One of Fragment of Assyrian " Deluge-tablet. the most ancient capitals was Ur, in the south, the home of Abraham in later times. About 2400 b.c. the political center moved up the valley to Babylon — the Chaldean Thebes. Indeed, Babylon soon attained a preeminence never secured 1 See Maspero's Dawn of Civilization, 565-572. 2 Recent excavations have established the reality of this sovereign, who, until lately, has been considered mythical. 44 THE TIGKIS-EUPHRATES STATES. [§41 in Egypt by any one city, and its name has been ever since a symbol for " vague magnificence and undefined dominion." When Babylon had centralized Chaldea, her power spread rapidly over the rest of Mesopotamia, and, before 2000 b.c, over Syria to the Mediterranean. For several centuries after- ward the fashions of the Chaldean capital, in costumes and cosmetics, were copied in the cities of Syria, and her complex cuneiform script was used and her extensive literature was read by great numbers of people all over Western Asia. 41. Assyria. — Assyria appeared as a dependent province of Babylon in the nineteenth century. About 1300 b.c, the northern country temporarily became the mistress, but the next two centuries were filled with struggles between the two rivals. During this time Egypt was still supreme in southern Syria, though she had lost the north to the Hittites, a strange people who had descended from the Taurus Mountains. Finally, about 1100 b.c, the Assyrian king, Tiglath-Pileser /., shattered the Hittite power and probably extended his sway to the sea ; but for some centuries more the rule of Assyria in Western Asia was subject to frequent eclipse. In 745 b.c, however, the adventurer Pul, originally a gardener, seized the throne, and, assuming the name of the first great conqueror, Tiglath-Pileser (IL), founded the real Assyrian Empire. This was soon to become the greatest state that the world had seen so far, and it represented a higher organization of govern- ment than anything that had gone before (§ 74). Sargon 11. (722 B.C.) carried away the Ten Tribes of Israel into captivity and reduced Egypt to a tributary state. This was the second complete political union of the East (§ 18). Sargon's son, Sen- nacherib, is the most famous Assyrian monarch. He subdued the revolted king of Judah,^ but he will be better remem- bered from the Jewish account of a mysterious destruction of his army in a second expedition — smitten by " the angel of 1 2 Kings xviii., and the Assyrian story in this volume, §51; Maspero's Passing of the Empires, 28t>-295, gives a full modern version. §42] POLITICAL HISTORY. 45 the Lord." This is the incident commemorated by Byron's lines : — " The Assyrian came down like a wolf on the fold, His cohorts were gleaming with purple and gold ; Like leaves of the forest when autumn hath blown, That host, on the morrow, lay withered and strown." Curiously enough, contemporary Assyrian history makes no mention of this reverse. The empire certainly recovered quickly, and the later part of Sennacherib's rule marks the height of Assyrian power. Thirty years later, Egypt revolted ; twenty years more, and Babylon followed; then devastating Scythian hordes poured in from the north ; and in 606 b.c. the new power of the Medes, aided by Babylonia, captured Nine- veh itself. The Assyrian Empire disappeared, and the proud " city of blood," which had razed so many other cities, was given over to sack and pillage. Two hundred years later the Greek Xenophon could not even learn the name of the crum- bling ruins, when he came upon them. At last all signs of human habitation disappeared, and the very site was forgotten until its rediscovery in recent times.^ 42. The New Babylonian Empire. — Babylon had broken out in many a fierce revolt during the six centuries of subjection to the northern state, and Sennacherib declares that on one occasion he razed it to the ground in punishment : — ' ' I laid the houses waste from foundation to roof with fire. Temple and tower I tore down and threw into the canal. I dug ditches through the city, and laid waste its site. Greater than the deluge was its annihi- lation." In 625 came the successful rebellion; and then Babylonia and Media soon shared between them the old Assyrian Em- pire. This last chapter of Babylonian life was to last less than a century. The middle half of the period, and 1 Cf. Isaiah xiii. 19-22, and Jeremiah 1. and li., with Layard's Mneveh, 484. 46 THE TIGRIS-EUPHRATES STATES. [§43 nearly all of its glories, fall to the reign of Nebuchadnezzar ^ Y>»Jf )^^t: Y feST >^*^' (604-561 B.C.). Rebel, lious Jerusalem was sacked, and the Jews carried into the Babylonian captivity; the ancient limits of the Chaldean Empire were restored, and the ancient architectural glories and engineering works renewed. But in 538 Babylon fell before the Persians (§ 69), and empire passed from the Euphrates valley until the rise of the Mohammedan state at Bagdad, thirteen hundred years later. IV. SOCIETY AND CULTURE. 43. Races. — The first inhabitants of Chaldea whom we can trace were already a mixed race, called Accadians. After reach- ing some civilization, they were conquered at an early date by a less cultivated people, speaking a Semitic language. The union of the two elements made the historic Chaldeans. As- syria was more purely Semitic. This difference in origin may have had something to do with the fact that the quick-witted Babylonians made their country such a hive of industry and were so fond of letters and other peaceful pursuits ; while the hook-nosed, larger-framed, fiercer men of northern Mesopotamia cared mainly for war and commerce, and possessed only a borrowed art and literature. 44. Cuneiform Writing. — The early Accadian inhabitants had a system of hieroglyphs not unlike the Egyptian. These they painted at first on the leaves of the papyrus, which grew in the Euphrates as well as in the Nile ; at a later time they came to cut the characters with a metal "stylus" in clay tablets, which were then baked. This change of material led to a change in the written characters themselves. The pictures shriveled and flattened into conventionalized, wedge-shaped ("cuneiform") symbols, that look like scattered nails with curiously battered heads. The Semitic conquerors adapted this writing to their language; and in Assyria the complex §44] SOCIETY AND CULTURE. 47 figures were written in such minute characters — six lines to an inch sometimes — that some authorities believe magnifying Assyrian Tablet, showing older hieroglyphics aud the later cuneiform equivalents (apparently for purpose of instruction) . 48 THE TIGRIS-EUPHRATES STATES. [§45 glasses must have been used, — a surmise that was strengthened when the explorer Layard found a lens among the ruins of the Nineveh library. 45. Literature and Science. — In bulk the remains of this literature are immense. Each of the numerous cities that studded the valley of the twin rivers had its library — some- times several of them — of clay tablets or bricks. Originally the libraries contained papyrus rolls also, but these the climate has utterly destroyed. In Babylon the ruins of one library con- tained over thirty thousand tablets, of about the date 2700 B.C., all neatly arranged in order. A tablet, with its condensed writ- ing, corresponded fairly well to a chapter in one of our books. Each had its library number stamped upon it, and the collec- tions were carefully catalogued. The kings prided themselves on keeping the collections open to the public ; and Professor Sayce is sure that " a considerable portion of the inhabitants (including many women) could read and write." ^ The literary class studied the " dead " Accadian language, as we study Latin, and the whole diplomatic and trading classes were obliged to know some of the contemporary Syrian tongues. The libra- ries contained dictionaries and grammars of these languages, and also many translations, in columns parallel with the origi- nals. Scribes were constantly employed in copying and editing ancient texts, and they seem to have been scrupulous in their work; when they could not make out a word in an ancient copy, they tell us so and leave the space blank. In character, however, the Chaldean literature for the most part seems to a modern " a heap of pretentious trash," partly because it is so infused with reference to magic of all kinds, and partly because it has little in common with our modes of thought. It does, however, contain evidence of remarkable 1 For the evidence, see his Social Life among the Babylonians, 41-43. "The ancient civilized East was almost as full of literary activity as is the world of to-day," adds the same eminent scholar, in rather an extreme state' ment. lb. 43. §45] SOCIETY AND CULTURE. 49 An Assyrian "Book." — An octagon Assyrian brick, now in the British Museum ; after Sayce. This representation is about one third the real size. 50 THE TIGRIS-EUPHRATES STATES. [§46 advance in science and in commercial law. In Geometry the Chaldeans made about the same progress as the Egyptians; in Arithmetic more. Their notation combined the decimal and duodecimal systems. Sixty was a favorite unit (divisible by both ten and twelve), used as the hundred is by us. Scientific Medicine was hindered by the belief in charms and amulets ; and even Astronomy was studied chiefly as a means of fortune- telling by the stars, — so that in Europe through the Middle Ages an astrologer was known as a Chaldean. However, the level plains and clear skies, as in Egypt, invited to an early study of the constellations, and some important progress was made. As we get from the Egyptians our year and months, so from the Chaldeans we get the week, with its " day of rest for the soul," as they called the seventh day, and the division of day and night into twelve hours each, with the subdivisions into minutes. They also invented the water clock and the sundial. They foretold eclipses, made star maps, and marked out on the heavens the apparent yearly path of the sun. The zodiacal "signs" of our almanacs commemorate these early astronomers. Every great city had its lofty observatory and its royal astronomer ; and in Babylon, in 331 B.C., Alexander the Great' found a continuous series of observations runniiag back nineteen hundred and three years. 46. The Industrial Arts and Applied Science. — To a degree peculiar among the ancients, the men of the Euphrates made practical use of their science. They understood the lever and pulley, and used the arch in vaulted drains and aqueducts. They invent e D D ^ >^ E \" EH K H K I U H vv\ ^ M M ^/ N o 9 9 9Q q P^ R vV ^Z ^S T T T Parts of Alphabets. § 59] THE PHOENICIANS. * 59 Egyptians conquered Syria the Phoenicians were using the Babylonian cuneiform script, with its hundreds of difficult characters. It was natural that, for the necessities of their widespread commerce, they should seek a simpler mode of communication ; and about 1100 b.c, after a gap of four cen- turies in our knowledge of their writing, we find them with a true alphabet of twenty-two easily-written letters. They seem to have adapted these from the phonetic symbols intermingled with the Egyptian hieroglyphs (§ 25). From this first alphabet all the other true alphabets in the world have been borrowed, — Persian, Hindoo, and Hebrew, and Greek and Latin. It is one invention that has not had to be made twice.^ 59. Political and Social Conditions. — Important as was the part they played, the Phoenicians in themselves do not interest us particularly. They spoke a Semitic tongue, and were, perhaps, allied to the Jews ; but their religion was especially abhorrent, prominent as it was, even among the Syrian peoples, for the licentious features connected with the worship of Astarte (the Moon-Goddess), and for the cruel sacrifice of the first-born child to Baal (the Sun-God). Their loose confedera- cies of cities were grouped about Sidon or Tyre as leaders, but they never formed a real state, nor did they try to organize an empire of dependencies, as their colony Carthage was to do in Boman times. Satisfied ^ith their freedom on the sea, they submitted easily, as a rule, to any powerful neighbor, — Assyria or Egypt, — quite contetit with the profits of the trade thereby opened to them. As tributaries, they sent workmen to construct the magnificent buildings of Assyria or to develop the mines of Egypt, and they furnished the fleets of either empire in turn. They were to these ancient empires what the Italian cities were to be to the monarchies of Europe in the fifteenth century. Tyre remained a mercantile capital under Persian supremacy, until its capture by Alexander (332 B.C.). From this downfall the proud city never recovered, and fisher- 1 But cf . § 87, note 2. 60 THE MIDDLE STATES. [§69 men now spread th^ir nets to dry in the sun on the bare rock that formed its site. Ezekiel (xxvi., xxvii.) describes the exaltation of Tyre in noble poetry that teaches us much regarding Phoenician trade and life : — *' O thou that dwellest at the entry of the sea, which art the merchant of the peoples unto many isles, . . . thou, O Tyre, hast said, I am perfect in beauty. Thy borders are in the heart of the seas ; thy builders have perfected thy beauty. They have made all thy planks of fir trees. . . . They have taken cedars from Lebanon to be masts for thee ; they have made thy benches of ivory inlaid in boxwood from the isles of Kittim [Kit ion in Cyprus]. Of fine linen with broidered work from Egypt was thy sail, . . . blue and purple from the isles of Elishah [North Africa] was thy awning. . . . All the ships of the sea were in thee to exchange thy merchandise. . . . Tarshish [Tartessus, southwestern Spain] was thy merchant by reason of the multitude of all kinds of riches. With silver, iron, tin, and lead they traded for thy wares. Javan [Greek Ionia], Tubal, and Mesheck [the lands of the Black and Caspian seas], they were thy traffickers. . . . They of the house of Togarmah [Armenia] traded for thy wares with horses and mules. . . . The men of Dedan were thy traffickers. Many isles were the mart of thy hands. They brought thee bones of ivory and of ebony. ..." Ezekiel names also Syria, Judah, Damascus, Arabia and Kedar, Sheba and Kaamah, and other "traffickers," and, likewise, among the articles of exchange, emeralds, coral, rubies, wheat, honey, oil, balm, wine, wool, yarn, spices, lambs, and goats. The prophet gives us this picture to throw into darker colors his stern and terrible denunciation because Tyre had rejoiced at the fall of Jerusalem, a commercial rival. "Therefore thus saith the Lord God: Behold I am against thee, O Tyre, and will cause many nations to come up against thee, as the sea causeth his waves to come up. And they shall destroy the walls of Tyre, . . . and . . . thy pleasant houses. . . . And I will cause the noise of thy songs to cease ; and the sound of thy harps shall be no more heard. And I will make thee a bare rock : thou shalt be a place for the spreading of nets." §62] THE HEBREWS — POLITICAL HISTORY. 61 IL THE HEBREWS. A. Political History. 60. Men of the Desert: the Age of the Patriarchs. — The Hebrews appear first as nomad shepherds on the edge of the Arabian desert. Abraham aud Jacob, and other patriarchal chiefs of that time and place, probably lived and ruled much as Arab sheiks do in the same regions to-day. This life was not altered materially, at first, when the Hebrews entered Egypt and settled in the fertile pasturage of Goshen, near the Ked Sea, where flitting Arab tribes have ever been wont to encamp. The iucursion took place while Egypt was ruled by the Hyksos nomads (§ 18 b). When the native Egyp- tian rule was restored by the Theban kings, " who knew not Joseph," the Hebrews were reduced to the position of serfs, until, taking advantage perhaps of the disorders of Egypt at the time of the great Libyan invasion (§ 18 c), they escaped to the neighboring desert, to resume for a time their old life. 61. Settlement in Canaan, and the Period of the Judges. — Apparently they were now a numerous people and had become accustomed to more fixed abodes. About 1300 b.c. they began to conquer Palestine for their home. Then followed two cen- turies of incessant, bloody warfare with their neighbors, some of whom had attained a much higher material civilization than these wandering invaders. During all this time the Hebrews remained a loose alliance of pastoral tribes. Such central authority as existed was represented by a succession of popular heroes like Samson, Jephthah, Gideon, and Samuel, known as Judges. Much of the time anarchy ruled, and bands of robbers drove travelers from the highways. 62. The Kings and Prophets. — Such conditions gradually brought out the need of more effective union. About 1100 b.c. a stronger central government was set up in the form of a monarchy, which soon became hereditary. Alongside the kings, however, stood religious teachers, known as prophets, 62 THE MIDDLE STATES. [§63 who, without official station, were also real rulers of the people, and who did not hesitate to rebuke or to oppose a sovereign. The second and third kings, David and Solomon (1055-975 b.c), raised the state to the position of a considerable empire. The way had just been cleared. The Hittites had ruined the Egyptian power in Syria, and then in turn had been shattered by Tiglath-Pileser, while the Assyrian power itself, in some way that we do not know, had been checked in its career (§ 41). 63. Division and Decline. — The union had not be- come thorough, however, and on the death of Solo- mon, the northern ten of the twelve tribes, rebelling against heavy taxation, set up for themselves and formed the kingdom of Israel. The southern rem- nant, of two tribes, became known as the kingdom of Judah. The first of these kingdoms lasted two hun- dred and fifty years, until Sargon carried the Israel- . Syria. j^gg j^to that Assyrian cap- tivity in which they finally disappear from history (§ 41). Judah lasted four centuries after the separation, — most of the time, of course, tributary to Assyria or to Babylon, — until, in punishment for rebellion, Nebuchadnezzar carried away the people into the Babylonian captivity (§ 42). 64. The Priestly Rule. — This closed the separate political history of the Jews. The more zealous of them were allowed to return, it is true, when the Persians had conquered Babylon JJEf/s ALE M ® ^ ^ ■>> / thlehem Mi°^ / Hebron MvS / \KINGDOM Of|^\% /-^ / JUDAH *y ^o^ / \ t/ V y §66] THE MISSION OF THE JEWS. 63 (§§ 42 and 69), and in internal matters the priesthood from this time exercised a controlling. voice ; but politically Judea formed a strictly subject province of the Persian, Greek, or Eoman empire, except for one gleam of independence, when the heroic Maccabees rebelled against the successors of Alexander in Syria (§ 250). A series of stubborn rebellions against Rome finally brought a terrible chastisement in the year 70 a.d. (§ 459 a). After a notable siege, Jerusalem was sacked and razed, and the remnant of inhabitants were sold into slavery, to remain dispersed among all lands to this day. B. The Mission of the Jews. 65. The First Monotheistic People. — The Hebrews added nothing to material civilization, nor did they contribute directly to intellectual or artistic progress. Their work was higher. Their true history is a record of the spiritual growth of a people. " If the Greek was to enlighten the world, if the Roman was to rule the world, if the Teuton was to be the common disciple and emissary of both, it was from the Hebrew that all were to learn the things that belong to another world." — Freeman, Chief Periods, Q^. Among other ancient nations, individuals had risen at times to noble religious thought, but the Hebrews first, as a whole people, felt strenuously the obligation of the moral law, and first attained to a pure worship of one God. Judaism, in one aspect, is a stern and austere protest against the revolting sensuality of neighboring religions ; in a still higher view, it is marked by an almost passionate belief, in the just government of the world and in the final triumph of righteousness. 66. The Influence of Race or Environment. — In experience and character the Hebrews were sharply distinguished from their Phoenician neighbors. The desert had trained these apostles of religious thought, as the sea had tr^ned the traders. The religious fervor of the Jew does not seem to have been 64 THE MIDDLE STATES. [§67 merely a matter of race. The Semites of the coast and of Syria — many or all of them allied to the Hebrews — practiced the most cruel, revolting, sensual religious rites. Among the Semites of the desert, on the other hand, originated Judaism, and afterward Mohammedanism — two of the most spiritual of religions. Of course no one will try to explain these religions simply as products of physical surroundings, any more than simply as a result of race ; but it is well to recognize how favor- able to religious contemplation and enthusiasm were the soli- tude and the whole character of semi-tropical Arabian tent life. 67. Historical GroAvth of the Faith. — At first this religious insight and firm faith seem to have belonged to only a few — to the patriarchs and, centuries later, to the prophets, with a small following of the more spiritually-minded of the nation. For over a thousand years the grosser masses were always tending to fall away into the superstitions of their Syrian neighbors. It is the merit of the Hebrews that a remnant always clung to the higher truth, until it did become the uni- versal faith of a whole people. No doubt the Babylonian captivity assisted. The energetic minority who found their way back to Judea, were indeed a " chosen " and sifted people, among whom there was to be no more tendency to idolatry. The faith of the patriarchs and prophets became the soul of a nation — as a later and higher development of that faith was to become the soul of our whole civilization. This, then, was the mission of the Hebrews. As Kenan well says {History of Israel, I. 22) : " What Greece was to be as regards iiitellectual culture, and Rome as regards politics, these nomad Semites were as regards religion.^' The Jews, therefore, are sometimes counted a fourth influence, with Greeks, Eomans, and Teutons, in making our world (§ 3). But, however indis- pensable, Judaism was an exclusive religion, unfit of itself to affect the world ; and the rise and spread of Christianity belong, after all, not solely to Jewish influence, but quite as much to the history of the Graeco-Roman world (§ 506). §67] THE MISSION OF THE JEWS. 65 For Further Reading. — Hebrew history, political and religious, must be studied, of course, in the Old Testament. The Jewish historian, Josephus (first century a.d.), may be read with profit, and also the Talmud, a collection of Jewish legends and customs. Modern authorities are numerous, but in general the valuable ones can be used only by advanced students. Among the shorter and better treatments are the following : A. H. Sayce, Early History of the Hebrews ; J. K, Hosmer, The Jews (very readable ; two thirds of the volume is given to Jewish history since the dispersion); Montefiore, Hibbert Lectures for 1892 (the views of a liberal Hebrew scholar) ; McCurdy, History^ Prophecy, and the Monuments (probably the best view of the relations of the Hebrews to other peoples). Special Report. — The Talmud, V CHAPTER V. THE PERSIAN EMPIRE, i I. THE MAP GROWS. 68. New States. — So far, we have had to do only with the territory described in § 12, — the Nile and Euphrates valleys, with Syria between them. But shortly before the overthrow of Babylon, two new centers of power appeared, one on either side of the older historic field. These were Persia and Lydia. Lydia calls for only brief mention. It was a kingdom in Asia Minor beyond the limits of the Assyrian power, with, which, however, it had had some intercourse, both friendly and hostile. Somewhat before 550 b.c, its sovereign, Croesus, united all Asia Minor west of the Halys River under his sway, and made the Lydian Empire for a brief time one of the great world-powers. The region was rich, especially in metals; and the wealth of this monarch so impressed the Greeks that we still say, after them, " Rich as Croe&us." Croesus counted among his subjects the Greek cities that fringed the western coast of Asia Minor, at that time the most civilized of the Greek people ; and through this connection the Greeks were to be brought immediately afterward into contact with the new Persian Empire (§ 69). • On the other side of the Euphrates and Tigris lay the lofty and, for the most part, arid plateau of Iran. This was the home of the Medes and Persians. The Medes dwelt toward the north; the Persians toward the south. The two were 1 The preceding chapter, with its treatment of minor Syrian states, was a necessary interruption in the story of political development. We now return to that subject where we left it in Chapter III., at the fall of Babylon. 66 \V §69] NEW STATES. 67 closely connected, apparently, and both, spoke Aryan lan- guages (i.e. allied to Greek, Latin, and German speech). How this came about, history cannot say (§ 6, note 1). They ap- peared first, about 850 b.c, as fierce barbarians, whom the As- ^i-/ Syrians found it needful to subdue and to castigate repeatedly. 69. Rise and Extent of the Persian Empire. — About 625 b.c. a Median leader united the tribes of the plateau into a mon- archy able to defy, and finally (606 b.c.) to conquer, Assyria (§ 41). For some fifty years after that, the world with which we are concerned remained at peace, divided between Babylon, Egypt, Lydia, and this new Median empire. Then Cyrus the Great (558-529 b.c), a tributary Persian prince, by successful rebellion against the Medes, transferred leadership to the southern part of the plateau, and quickly built up the largest and most powerful empire known up to that time in all his- tory. His overthrow of Media involved war with her allies. The fall of Babylon (§42) left him no rival in the old Asia; he conquered Croesus of Lydia and seized upon all Asia Minor ; and a few years later his son subdued Egypt. Thus the new empire included all the old historic states, together with the new districts of Iran and Asia Minor. And now again the field of history widens. The first four Persian kings added further to their empire : on the north, Armenia; on the east, Afghanistan and northwestern India (the rich Punjab district in the valley of the Indus) ; and, on the west, the European coast from the Black Sea to the Greek peninsula. The eastern and western frontiers were farther apart than Washington and San Francisco, and the territory of some two million square miles (four times as large as the greatest Assyrian Empire) equaled a little more than half modern Europe, or nearly two thirds the United States, and contained from fifty to seventy-five millions of people. It was bounded on the south by seas and burning deserts ; on the north by the barren steppes of Europe and Asia, from which it was separated by the Danube, the Black and Caspian 68 THE PERSIAN EMPIRE. [§70 seas, the Caucasus, and the Jaxartes River; on the east by the Desert of Thibet and the Indus ; and on the west by the African desert, the sea, and the little Greek peninsula. Its only civilized neighbors were the populous districts of India and the Greeks of Europe. With these last it came into conflict some thirty years after the death of Cyrus, and the heroic and marvelous success of the Greeks began a two-thousand-year struggle between Europe and Asia. The story belongs to European history (§ 157 ff.). It is enough here to note that the Persian repulse marked the limit of their empire. That empire lasted, however, a century and a half more, until Macedonian Alexander conquered it and established a modified Greek civilization over all the Eastern world (§ 240 ff.). II. THE PERSIAN CONTRIBUTIONS. 70. Religion and Morals. — The noble religion of the Per- sians is contained in the Zend-Avesta — the Persian Bible — and had been established about 1000 b.c. by Zoroaster. According to this great teacher, the world was the scene of conflict between the two opposing powers of Light and Dark- ness, or Good and Evil. It was the duty of man to assist the good power, by killing noxious beasts and caring tenderly for other animals, by redeeming the earth to fertility, and by resisting evil within his own heart. Idolatry was not permitted; and though the older superstitions cropped out sometimes in Magism — the religious system of the Median priests — and though there arose a belief in a multitude of good and bad angels, still this faith was by far the purest of the ancient world, except that of the Hebrews. In part, no doubt, this similarity in religious thought, as compared with the idolatrous and licentious peoples about them, explains the friendly relations between the Persians and their tributaries, the Jews (§ 64). The Persian belief in a dual principle of good and evil was to affect Greek philosophy and the thought of the later Christian world. y^ §72] PERSIA AND THE SCYTHIANS. 69 Writers have spoken much of the decay of the early Persian virtue. Originally Persia was a land of hardy shepherds. The small population had now to furnish garrisons for all the great centers of the empire, while the nobles were employed as governors in the "^.st imperial organization. Of course the old simplicity of life was lost; it is true, too, that the atti- tude of the Persians toward their king was one of Oriental slavishness; but the charge of degeneracy is not well sus- tained. Herodotus admired their manly sports and the train- ing of the boys — " to ride, to shoot with the bow, and to speak the truth." To the last they fought gallantly, and the Greeks conquered in battle because of improved weapons and better tactics, not from superior bravery. 71. Political Contributions. — The Persians were soldiers and rulers. They borrowed their art and their material civiliza- tion from Babylon; and, apart from the influence of their religion, their three important services to the world were con- nected with their political history : (a) the immense expan- sion of the map ; (b) the repulse of the Scythians ; (c) the higher organization of imperial government. The first of these has been dwelt upon in connection with the rise of the empire ; the other two demand separate treatment. III. PERSIA AND THE SCYTHIANS. 72. Persia the Champion of Civilization. — In Greek history, Persia was to appear as the foe of the rising European cul- ture, and so we are apt to forget her great service as the defender of civilization. About 630 b.c, shortly before the downfall of Nineveh, the frozen steppes of the north had poured hordes of savages into Western Asia (§ 41). These destructive nomads were called Scythians by the Greeks. We do not know who they were, but the irruption seems in sonie respects similar to those of the Huns, Turks, and Tartars, in later history. They plundered as far as Egypt, and made a real danger to all the culture the world had been building 70 THE PERSIAN EMPIRE. [§73 up so painfully for four thousand years. Assyria and Lydia were both overrun; and empire fell rightfully to the Medes and Persians, who could and did champion the cause of civ- ilization against barbarism. The Medes drove the ruthless ravagers back to their own deserts; and the repeated and imposing expeditions of the early Persian kings into the Scythian country awed the barbarians and averted the danger for centuries. Darius, the greatest of the successors of Cyrus, seems to have justified his conquests on this ground. In a famous inscription on a rock cliff, enumerating his conquests, he says : " Auramazda [the God of Light] delivered unto me these countries when he saw them in uproar. . . . By the grace of Auramazda I have brought them to order again." ^ IV. IMPERIAL GOVERNMENT. 73. The Old Kingdom-empires. — Each kingdom in ancient times was administered by a complex bureaucracy, as in Egypt (§ 22) ; but until about 700 b.c, the various " em- pires " as wholes had a very simple machinery. The tributary states retained kings from their old royal families ; the peoples kept their separate languages, religions, forms of government, laws, and customs. Indeed, they remained in almost all re- spects as separate as before they were incorporated in the conquering empire, except for the obligation to pay tribute and to assist in war, and except that their kings were expected to attend the court of the imperial master from time to time and to bring him presents. Two subject kingdoms might even make war upon each other without interference from the higher king. The brief empire of the Jews was of this nature. Solomon, the Book of Kings tells us, " reigned over all the kingdoms . . . unto the border of Egypt ; they brought presents and served Solomon." 1 Quoted by Ranke, Universal History, 113. The translation, however, is disputed. The inscription from which this is taken is in three parallel col- umns, in different languages, and served as the *' Rosetta Stone " of the cunei- form writing (§ 11) . §75] IMPERIAL GOVERNMENT. 71 Plainly, such a conglomerate empire would fall to pieces easily. If any reverse happened to the dominant state, — if a foreign invasion or the unexpected death of a sovereign oc- curred, — the whole fabric might be shattered at a moment ^ into its original parts. Then would follow years of bloody war, until some power restored the imperial structure. Tran- quillity and security could not exist ; and, worst of all, a sover- eign state was sure to try to check chronic rebellion by severe punishments that often ruined flourishing countries. A com- mon practice, to break the spirit of a rebellious people, was the wholesale deportation of inhabitants to colonize some distant territory, whose old inhabitants then, without fault of their own, were transferred to the depopulated district. In this way the Assyrians transplanted Chaldeans to Armenia, Israel- ites to Media, and Arabians and Persians to Palestine.^ 74. Government by Satraps. — The first improvement came from Assyria in her second period. The re-founders of the Assyrian power in the eighth century were organizers as well as conquerors. They left the subject peoples their own laws and customs as before, but they broke up many of the old kingdoms into satrapies, or provinces, ruled by appointed offi- cers, who in theory were dependent wholly upon the pleasure of the Great King. 75. System perfected by Darius. — The Persians inherited and perfected this advance in centralization. Darius J., the fourth Persian king (521-485 B.C.), is sometimes called the organizer of the empire, as Cyrus was its founder. Improve- ment though it was, the Assyrian system was poor enough. Each satrap remained virtually sovereign in his own govern- ment, and was always tempted to make himself an indepen- dent king. Darius introduced effective checks upon this danger. 1 Longfellow's picture, in Evangeline, of the removal of a small^population in modern times with all possible gentleness, will help us to imagine the mis- ery that must have come from such transportation of whole nations by over* land journeys of a thousand miles. 72 THE PERSIAN EMPIRE. [§76 In each of the twenty provinces, power was divided between the satrap himself and the commander of the standing army, who were separately responsible to the capital ; moreover, in each province was placed a royal secretary (the " King's Ear ") to communicate constantly with the Great King; and, most im- portant of all, a special royal commissioner (the "King's Eye"), backed with military forces, appeared at intervals in each satrapy to inquire into the government, and, if necessary, to arrest the satrap. 76. Post Roads. — To draw the distant parts of the empire closer, Darius instituted a magnificent system of post roads, with ferries and bridges, with milestones and excellent inns, and with relays of horses for the royal couriers. The chief road, from Susa to Sardis, was over fifteen hundred miles long; but it is said that dispatches were sometimes carried its whole length in six days, although ordinary travel required three months. Benjamin Ide Wheeler writes graphically of this great highway {Alexander the Great, 196-197) : — "All the diverse life of the countries it traversed was drawn into its paths. Carians and Cilicians, Phrygians and Cappadocians, staid Lydians, sociable Greeks, crafty Armenians, rude traders from the Euxine shores, nabobs of Babylon, Medes and Persians, galloping couriers mounted on their Bokhara ponies or fine Arab steeds, envoys with train and state, peasants driving their donkeys laden with skins of oil or wine or sacks of grain, stately caravans bearing the wares and fabrics of the south to exchange for the metals, slaves, and grain of the north, travelers and traders seeking to know and exploit the world, — all were there, and all were safe under the protection of an empire, the road- way of which pierced the strata of many tribes and many cultures, and helped set the world a-mixing " ■ 77. Permanency o* the Political System. — This was as far as imperial organization went until the time of the Eoman world. It seems to us that little was done to promote a spirit of unity among the diverse peoples. Each kept its separate language, customs, and religion. Still, for the times, the organization of Darius was a marvelous work. It decayed somewhat, after a §77] IMPERIAL GOVERNMENT. 73 while, but it remained effective enough to maintain political unity against all peril from within, and the empire lost no important territory until attacked by Europe. Certainly the Persian system marked a great advance over the earlier two Vv thousand years of looser kingdom-empires. Indeed, it is the most effective ever used yet in the East, and it is essentially the same as that of the later Saracen and Turkish empires. It was much more like the later Roman imperial government than like the older Asiatic system, and it gave to large parts of Asia a better government than they have had during the past five hundred years of Turkish misrule in our era — during which time populous regions that under Persia blossomed like gardens have become desert wastes and the lairs of beasts. Fob Further Reading. — The best short reference on Persia is Wheeler's Alexander the Great, 187-207. Special, Reports. — 1. Zoroaster and his teachings (James Free- man Clarke, Ten Great Beligions ; Maspero, Passing of the Empires). 2. Persian architecture (Rawlinson, Ancient Monarchies, III.). 3. The campaigns of Cambyses in Egypt. 4. The accession of Darius. 5. Anecdotes from Herodotus regarding Persian kings, and the historical value of the stories. CHAPTER VI. A RETROSPECT. Brief general statements can hardly avoid some element of error ; and advancing scholarship is more and more modifying the sharp contrasts that used to be drawn between peoples. Still, it is helpful to re-survey the Oriental field rapidly from two points of view. 78. Progress. — This has been chiefly the point of view in the text, and it is the most important to hold in mind. Egypt gave us the beginnings of art and science, and Chaldea devel- oped material civilization and commercial law. Phoenicia scat- tered the germs of this progress over much of the Eastern hemisphere, to take root in many places. Persia enlarged many-fold the map of the orderly world, beat back for centu- ries the danger of barbarian invasion, and organized an effec- tive system of imperial administration. And the Hebrews gave to their pure, lofty religious conceptions a vitality that was to .make them sway the world. 79. Limitations. — But this progress was imperfect. Art and science became mummy-like through their adherence to fixed patterns. Sculpture was rigid, impassive, and unlovely, even when it did not mix the monstrous with the human. Architecture sought for magnitude rather than beauty and pro- portion. Most religions, however far they had progressed, continued to foster lust and cruelty. Thought cringed before superstition, and did not seek fearlessly to know. War was unspeakably inhuman and destructive. Government meant the omnipotent despotism of one man and the abject servility of all the rest. Even material prosperity was only for the few. Whether the Oriental man could have thrown off these tram- mels if left longer to himself, we cannot say surely ; but twice 74 V § 79] A RETROSPECT. 75 as long a time had already been consumed since these civiliza- tions had appeared in full blossom as has since sufficed for all our Western growth ; and the relatively slow progress of the East in those four thousand years, together with the stationary history of China and India since, points to a probable crystal- lization, rather than to further progress, had new actors not appeared upon a new scene. ' Suggestions for Keview of Part I. Let the class prepare review questions, each member five or ten, to ask of the others. Criticise the questions, showing which ones help to bring out important facts and contrasts and likenesses, and which are merely trivial or curious. Use the syllabus in the table of contents, so as to get clear the plan of this part of the book. It is not worth while to hold students responsible for dates in Part I., unless, perhaps, for a few of the later ones. Make list of important names or terms for rapid drill, de- manding brief but clear explanation of each term. PAET 11. THE GREEKS. Greece — that point of light in histoi-y ! — Hegel. We are all Greeks. Our laws, our literature^ our religion, our art, have their roots in Greece. — Shelley. Except the blind forces of nature, there is nothing that moves in the world to-day that is not Greek in origin. — Henry Sumner Maine. Map Studies. Note the three greater divisions : Northern Greece (Epirus and Thes- saly); Central Greece (a group of eleven districts, to the isthmus of Corinth); and the Peloponnesus (the southern peninsula). Name the districts from Boeotia south, and the chief cities in each as shown on the map. Which divisions have no coast ? Locate Delphi, Thermopylae, Tempe, Parnassus, Olympus, Olympia, Salamis, Ithaca, eight islands, three cities on the Asiatic side. Draw the map with the amount of detail just indicated. CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTORY SURVEY. I. THE EUROPEAN AND THE ASIATIC TYPE. 80. Distinctions in Culture. — Asia had developed the first civilizations; but, at a later date, an independent and more important culture began to rise in Southern Europe. This new civilization was soon to draw from the Orient in many ways, but it remained essentially European in character. Diversity succeeded to Asiatic uniformityy moderation to extravagance^ freedom to despotism. 76 § 81] GREECE TYPICAL OF EUROPE. 77 81 . Physical Differences. — This contrast between the cultures of Europe and of Asia is based, in part, upon physical differ- ences. We must note four geographical peculiarities of Europe. a. It is a peninsula, oceanic rather than continental. b. It has a more temperate climate and more varied prod- ucts than the semi-tropical river valleys of Asia. These conditions demanded greater exertion, physical and intellectual, and led to more diverse occupations than Asiatic conditions did. The beginnings of culture were slower ; but Man was finally to count for more, and Nature was to be less all-suf&cient and overpowering. c. In contrast with the great Asiatic plain, the land is broken into many small units fitted for the homes of distinct peoples, all close together and so invited to friendly intercourse, but with natural defenses against hostile attacks from one another. This has conduced to the existence, side by side, of different but mutually helpful civilizations. d. Europe as 3(! whole holds a strategic position as against Asia. Physical characteristics, such as those mentioned in the last three paragraphs, were found, of course, in some districts of Asia, notably in Syria and some parts of Asia Minor ; and accordingly in these places there began civilizations marked by the " European " characteristics of diversity and freedom; but their vicinity to the earlier and mightier river-empires was fatal, and in the end the Asiatic character was always im- posed upon them. Europe was saved by its distance and by its position behind the great moat of the Mediterranean. This sea has been a decisive factor in European history in two respects, — as a road for friendly intercourse, and even more as a barrier against hostile Asiatic invasion. II. GREECE TYPICAL OF EUROPE. " The Greeks are moderns. . . . Ptah-hotep [§ 30] or Ezekiel could not move in modern society. Aristotle or Menander [§§ 207, 255] in all moral and social questions would at once find their way, and enjoy even our poetiy and fiction. Even the medieval baron would feel vastly more out of place among us than would an intelligent Greek." — Mahaffy. 78 INTRODUCTORY SURVEY. [§82 82. "The Most European of European Lands." — Hellas, or Greece, meant not European Greece alone, but all the lands of the " Hellenes," as the Greeks called themselves. This in- cluded (a) the peninsula in Europe, together with the shores and islands of the Aegean ; and (b) colonial Greece, that is, the Greeks on 'the Black Sea on the east, and Greek Sicily and southern Italy on the west, besides scattered patches elsewhere along the Mediterranean. Still, the central peninsula remained the heart of Hellas in culture, as in geography. Omitting Epirus and Thessaly, which were not properly Greek in character or history, its area is less than a quarter that of the state of New York. But in this little district are concentrated in miniature all the character- istic traits of European geography (§ 81) ; and surely it is no mere coincidence that the tirst home of typical European culture should have been this " most European of European lands." 83. Special Geographical Features and Their Influence. — Five controlling factors deserve special mention : the breaking up into small districts ; the sea roads ; the incitement to trade ; the vicinity of the open side to Eastern civilization; the moderation and beauty of nature. a. The islands and patches of Greek settlements on distant coasts were of course so many distinct divisions ; and even little Greece proper counted over twenty geographical units, each encompassed by its sea moats and mountain walls. Some of these divisions were about as large as an American town- ship, and the larger ones (except Thessaly and Epirus) were only seven or eight times that size. b. Isolated mountainous tribes are always rude and conserva- tive ; but from such tendencies Greece was saved by the sea. Her mountains, it is true, with their many passes, were " guar- dians of liberty" rather than hostile barriers; but it was the sea that really made friendly intercourse possible on a large scale, and that brought Athens as closely into touch with Mile- §83] GREECE TYPICAL OF EUROPE. 79 tus (in. Asia) as with Sparta or Olympia. This value of the sea, too, held good for neighboring parts of " European Greece " itself, which, with less area than Portugal, has a longer coast- line than all the Spanish peninsula. The very heart of the ^'land is broken into islands and promontories, so that it is hard to find a spot distant from the coast more than thirty miles. Only two divisions failed to touch the sea, and they were notoriously backward and unimportant. c. Certain products made intercourse exceedingly desirable, and invited to wider travel. The mountain slopes in some parts, as in Attica, grew wine and oil better than grain. Wine and oil — much value in little space — were especially suited for commerce ; and with their limited food supply, if population was to increase, the people in such districts were driven to trade. Now, seafaring traders, exchanging commodities, are prone to exchange ideas also ; and thus the maritime Greeks became innovators centuries before Paul commended them for " always seeking some new thing." d. These early seekers found valuable new things within easy reach. Fortunately, this most European of all European lands lay nearest of all Europe to the old civilization of Asia. Moreover, it faced this civilized East rather than the barbarous West. On the side toward Italy, the coast is cliff or marsh, with only three or four good harbors the whole length ; but on the east the whole line is broken by countless deep, inviting bays, from whose mouths, too, chains of tempting islands lead on and on, so that in clear weather the mariner may cross the Aegean without losing sight of land. e. Most important of all, perhaps, was the element of diver- sity. A great Oriental state found its one dominant life prin- ciple in some mighty river ; it spread over vast plains, and was bounded by terrible immensities of desolate deserts. Greece contained no navigable river, and, except in Thessaly, no plains of consequence. It was a land of marvelously varied sea and mountain. This variety, and the moderation of the natural features, found a counterpart in the versatile genius of the 80 INTRODUCTORY SURVEY. [§84 people, in their originality, and in their lively imagination; while the beauty of intermingled hill and sunlit sea, the exhil- arating air, and the soft splendor of the radiant sky, helped to make their intense joy in life. Thus in their little peninsula the Greeks produced many varieties of society, side by side. They inquired fearlessly into all secrets, natural and supernatural, instead of abasing themselves in Oriental awe; they had no controlling priest- hood; and they never submitted long to arbitrary government. Above all other peoples, too, they developed a passion for the beautiful and a sense of harmony and proportion: the same word stood to them for the good and the beautiful; and temper- ance, or moderation, became their ideal virtue. 84. A Problem: the Land or the People? — Was the work of Greece in history the result of Greek genius or of these geo- graphical conditions ? As early as the year 2000 b.c. the islands and coasts of the Aegean were peopled by a variety of tribes. Some of these were " the stuff of which the Greeks were after- ward made." Some, so far as we can tell, were wholly alien, like the Phoenicians and the Etruscans. The great body were allied to the Latins on the west, to the Phrygians, Lycians, and Carians on the east, and to the Thracians and Macedonians on the north. Nature and history gradually differentiated those tribes that we call Greeks from these neighbors, of whom they seem to have been at first only a part. So some writers make the land everything, and speak as if even Homer were " only a natural product of the smiling Ionian skies.'' But those same skies, in the three thousand years since, .have produced no second Homer; and it is hard to believe that Sennacherib's Assyrians, for instance, if transplanted to Greece, would have been made into Greeks. The question, of course, goes to the bottom of all history. About all we can say is, that the result was due to land and people, and to outside history. Says Freeman : " Neither the §84] GREECE TYPICAL OF EUROPE. 81 Greeks in any other land, nor any other people in Greece, would have been what the Greeks in Greece actually were " ; nor, we may add, the same people in the same land at a later and less plastic stage, or with different influences from without. It was an instance of good seed falling upon good ground under favor- able conditions of time and history ; but, to read history truly, we must note that a larger portion of the same seed seems to have gone to waste in the regions round about. For Further Reading. — The matters dealt with in this chapter are discussed in the opening pages of all standard histories of Greece. For the geography, see, especially, Curtius, I. 9-25 ; Abbott, I. 1-23 ; or Holm, I. 24-30. In these reference lists, standard works are referred to only by authors (where there is no danger of ambiguity) or by abbreviated titles. Full titles, with dates, prices, and publishers, are given in the classified bibli- ographies in the Appendix. CHAPTER II. PREHISTORIC GREECE — TO 1000 B.C. I. SOURCES OF INFORMATION. 85. Homer and his Age. — Writing of any kind came late in Greece. Until recently our vague knowledge of early culture there was based on the Homeric poems, which were handed down orally from generation to generation for some centuries before they were put into manuscript. Homer's Iliad describes part of the siege of Troy by the Greeks, to recover the beauti- ful Helen, whom a Trojan prince had carried off. The Odyssey narrates the wanderings of one of the heroes in the return from the war. Now, the wars and the heroes may be pure fiction, or the story may be based upon an attempt of the Greeks to punish pirates from Asia ; but, in either case, the poet's pic- tures of society must have truth in them. In rude ages a bard may invent stories, but not a soci- ety. As has been well said, what such a ^oet tells us as history is apt to be false, but what he mentioins incidentally is sure to be history. The poems were composed about 1000 B.C. They claim to describe events a century or two earlier, but no doubt they paint that past in colors true for their own day. 86. Archaeology confirms Homer, but also reveals Earlier Ages. — Greece, however, had possessed a Bronze Pitcher from much earlier life, of which Homer and the historic Greeks never § 86] SOURCES OF INFORMATION. 83 dreamed, hut of which we are now learning from another source. The remains buried in the soil were neglected strangely by students of Greek history long after the study of such objects had disclosed many wonders in Asia; but in 1870 Dr. Schliemanu turned to this kind of investigation in order to confirm Homer. The excavations since that time have done this, but they have also opened up a thousand years of older culture. Two incidents in this exploration we will note. a. Homer places the capital of Agamemnon, leader of all the Greeks, in Argolis at Mycenae, " rich in gold." Here, in 1876, Schliemann uncovered remains of an ancient city, with peculiar massive ("Cyclopean") walls. Within were found a curious Bronze Dagger from Mycenae, inlaid with gold group of tombs, where (to use the brilliant picture of Walter Pater's Greek Studies) lay in state rudely embalmed bodies of ancient kings — "in the splendor of their crowns and breastplates of embossed plate of gold ; their swords studded with golden imagery ; their faces covered strangely in golden masks. The very floor of one tomb was thick with gold dust — the heavy gilding from some perished kingly vestment; in another was a downfall of golden leaves and flowers ; and amid this pro- fusion of fine fragments were rings, bracelets, smaller crowns, as for chil- dren, i dainty butterflies for ornaments, and that golden flower on a silver stalk — all of pure, soft gold unhardened by alloy, the delicate films of 1 Mr. Pater's "as for children" gives a wrong impression. These small ornaments probably were made specially for the dead, and were therefore made small for economy— just as the Chinese use paper symbols, instead of the older real funeral money, to bury with their dead. Such use of diminutive imitations is wide-spread in the funeral-customs of early peoples. 84 PREHISTORIC GREECE — TO 1000 B.C. [§ 86 which one must touch but lightly, yet twisted and beaten, by hand and hammer, into wavy, spiral relief." One tomb, with three female bodies, contained eight hundred and seventy gold objects, besides vast multitudes of very small ornaments and countless gold beads and pieces of beaten gold. In another, five bodies were "literally smothered in jewels"; and, with all this ornament, there were skillfully wrought, curiously inlaid weapons for the dead, with whetstones to keep them keen, and graceful vases of marble and alabaster carved with delicate forms, to hold the funeral food and wine ; while near the entrance lay other bodies, perhaps of slaves or captives who had been offered in sacrifice. It is true these particular remains belong to a period long before that celebrated by Homer, but no doubt in the poet's time a like society was to be found in parts of Greece ; after these discoveries, the Homeric pictures of royal palaces (Odys- sey, vii. 84 ff.) adorned with friezes of glittering blue glass, the walls flashing with bronze and gleaming with plated gold, the heroes and their guests feasting through the night, from gold vessels, in halls lighted by torches held on massive golden statues, no longer seem poetic exaggerations. b. In 1870 Dr. Schliemann began his first excavations at a little village in the Troad, three miles from the shore, where tradition had always placed the scene of the Iliad. These explorations continued more than twenty years, and disclosed nine distinct layers of debris — each layer the remains of a separate settlement. The oldest, on native rock some fifty feet below the present surface, was a rude village of indefinite an- tiquity. The second was thought by Dr. Schliemann to be Homer's Troy. It showed powerful walls, a citadel that had been destroyed by fire, and a civilization marked by bronze weapons and gold ornaments. We know now that this city passed away about 2500 b.c, so that no doubt the very mem- ory of its civilization had perished before the real Troy was built. Above it came the remains of three successive inferior settlements, and then — the sixth layer from the bottom — a §86] SOURCES OF INFOEMATION. 85 much larger and liner city, which had perished in a hostile conflagration some eleven or twelve hundred years B.C. Exten- sive explorations in the year 1893, after Schliemann's death, The Gate of the Lions at Mycenae. finally proved this sixth city to be the Troy of Homer, with remarkable correspondence in detail to the picture in the Iliad} 1 Above this came an archaic Greek city, a magnificent city of Alexander's age, a Roman city, and, finally, the squalid Turkish village of to-day. 86 PREHISTORIC GREECE— TO 1000 B.C. [§87 The impressive fact, however, was, not the confirmation of Homer's story, but rather that not even a shadowy tradition of this older culture of Schliemann's Troy survived to be sung by any poet of a later day. Men began to see that the Greeks were not so young as our former ignorance had taught, but that "obscure millenniums preceded the sudden bloom" of their historic life. A new interest led to important results (§§ 87, 88). For Further Reading. — Tsountas and Manatt's Mycenaean Age^ or Schuchhardt's SchliemanrCs Excavations. II. TWO PREHISTORIC CIVILIZATIONS. 87. Mycenaean Culture.' — Excavations at many places on the coasts and islands of the eastern Mediterranean prove now that this early civilization reached from Sardinia to Cyprus, and that it was indigenous in Greece. Steady progress appears, from rude stone implements and crude carvings, through many stages, up to magnificent bronze work and highly developed art. This was the slow work of the dark-skinned, long-headed people of Southern Europe (§§8 and 9) between 2500 and 1500 B.C.; and the culture seems to have been helped to quicker bloom by contact with Phoenicians. These adventurers bar- tered with the ruder natives, for centuries perhaps, much as English traders did two hundred years ago with American Indians, tempting their ignorant cupidity with strange wares 1 The discoveries of the years 1896-1900, especially the last of these years, have made it necessary to recast completely the older ideas of primitive Greece. The Quarterly Review, July, 1901, says of the revolution in classical scholarship wrought in 1900-1901: "The altered attitude is so clearly marked, the influ- ence so fundamental and wide reaching, that, to find adequate parallel, we must look back to the day of the Renaissance." The literature of these years (at the publication of this volume) is still mainly in special " Journals." Ridgeway's Early Age of Greece and Hall's Oldest Civilization in Greece (both of 1901) sum up results in book form, but they are books for critical scholars only. Advanced students who have access to The Quarterly will find an excellent survey in the article quoted above. Professor Manatt reviews and criticises Ridgeway, in an interesting article in the New York Independent, Oct. 31, 1901. § 87] MYCENAEAN AND ACHAEAN CULTURE. 87 of small value, and counting it best gain of all if they could lure curious maidens on board their black ships for distant slave markets.^ In return, however, the strangers made many an unconscious payment. Language shows that they gave to the Greeks the names (and so, no doubt, the use) of linen, myrrh, cinnamon, frankincense, soap, lyres, wine jars, cosmetics, and writing tab- lets. The Greek alphabet itself is Phoenician, without ques- tion.^ The metal work found in the tombs is often Phoenician or Egyptian. The smelting of metals and use of bronze, and the substitution of fine wheel-made pottery for the ruder hand- made article, may have come from the same source. Indeed, it would not be strange if sometimes — as Greek legends so delight to tell — wealthy Phoenician exiles or adventurers act- ually established themselves as god-descended monarchs in gilded palaces on high-lying citadels, to i-ule and civilize the Greek tribesmen clustered about the foot of the castle hill. On the whole, however, scholars to-day refuse to believe that the European civilization was borrowed in its essential ele- ments, or that the Orient did more than afford the Greeks a few hints. Certainly the lively Hellenes were not slavish imi- tators ; and these same early remains show that they at once made their own, and improved upon, whatever the strangers brought them. But this Mycenaean culture is not that of which Homer tells. These earlier Greeks buried their dead, worshiped ancestors, used no iron, and lived frugally on fish and vegetable diet. Homer's Greeks burn their dead; worship no ancestors, but adore a Sun God ; use iron swords ; and feast all night mightily on whole roast oxen. So, too, in dress, manners, and personal appearance, so far as we can tell, the two are widely different. 1 Herodotus, book i. ch. i., preserves traditions of such trade and piracy. Read also the picture in the Odyssey, xv. 403-484. 2 The brilliant discoveries of Mr. Arthur Evans in Crete show that the Greeks there had created a crude alphabet of their own before the Phoeni- cian was introduced. Cf. § 58. 88 PREHISTORIC GREECE — TO 1000 B.C. [§88 Still, from lack of any other theory, scholars have continued, for the most part, to regard the culture pictured by Homer and that revealed in the older remains, as two stages in one develop- ment or as two views of the same culture ; and the Mycenaean civilization has usually been known also as Achaean, from the name Homer uses for his Greeks. This, however, is simply to ignore the many striking contradictions; and recently Pro- fessor Ridgeway (Early Age of Greece, 1901 a.d.) has suggested an hypothesis which promises to straighten out the maze. The new theory is not yet established thoroughly, but it has much to recommend it (§ 88). The "Vaphio Cups": Scinches high; 8 ounces each. Found in 1889, and dating back at least to 1200 b.c. Dr. Schuchhardt declares them " unrivaled for originality of design and delicacy of execution, except perhaps by the finest goldsmith work of the Italian Renaissance." 88. Achaean Culture. — About 1500 b.c, in Central Europe there had grown up an independent civilization ; it was ruder than that of the South, but the people were more vigorous and were armed with iron, — perhaps at first, through some ha^y accident, by the discovery of iron, free so as not to need smelting. This culture has been named Hallstatt, from a place in the Alps where its remains abound. Professor Ridge- way claims to prove that it corresponds, even in minute details, with the culture Homer ascribes to his Achaean chiefs, and argues forcefully that about 1300 b.c. bands of these fair- haired, blue-eyed, ox-eating warriors from the North, drawn by the splendor and riches of the Mycenaean South, must have 88] MYCENAEAN AND ACHAEAN CULTURE. 89 mi mMj j-M - ( \^ N> ^..;-^;. 90 PREHISTORIC GREECE — TO 1000 B.C. [§89 broken into Greece, as men of the North so many times since into Southern Europe. These mighty-limbed strangers, armed with long iron swords, easily established themselves among the short, dark, bronze- weaponed natives, dwelt in their cities, be- came their chiefs, married their women, and possessed their wealth. For a time the older culture was overridden by the practices and ideas of these semi-barbaric Achaeans; but grad- ually the two civilizations blended, the fair-skinned invaders adopted the native language, and after a while they disappeared in the native population — as has happened to all northern invaders in southern lands. Homer tells us mainly of the Achaeans, but the older society persisted, no doubt, and was again, in modified form, to come to the surface. Even Homer seems to show some mixture of customs as early as his day. III. ECONOMIC SOCIETY. 89. A Simple Society. — No doubt we are liable to exaggerate the "golden" side of the Homeric Age. The poet naturally dwelt upon the deeds and homes of heroes, so that sometimes we call the age " Heroic " ; but this was only a small part of Greek life after all, and, as a whole, society was primitive and manners were harsh. The culture of Mycenae culminated only at a few points on the coast, and Homer himself, if we look close, shows that wealthy princes were rare even among his kings. The son of Odysseus, astounded by the splendor of Menelaus' palace, with its " gleam as of sun and moon," whis- pers to his companion (Odyssey, iv. 70) : — " Mark the flashing of bronze through the echoing halls, and the flash- ing of gold and of amber and of silver and of ivory. Such like, methinks, is the court of Olympian Zeus. . . . Wonder comes over me as I look." The mighty Odysseus had built his palace with his own hands, — " a rude farmhouse, where swine wallow in the court"; and the one petty island in which he was head-king held scores of poorer kings.^ 1 See the picture of the princess Nausicaa, Odyssey, vi. 20-100. §91] THE TRIBE — UNITS AND TIES. 91 90. Occupations and Classes. — Industry was still mainly agricultural. The mass of the people were small farmers, though their houses were grouped in compact settlements. Even the kings tilled their larger farm.s, in part at least, with their own hands. Slaves were few, except in the houses of the greater chiefs. There had appeared, however, a class of mis- erable landless freemen, who hired themselves to the farmers. When the ghost of Achilles wishes to name to Odysseus the most unhappy lot among mortals, he selects that of the hired servant (§ 143) ; and the poet Hesiod (800 b.c), himself of the farmer class and feeling keenly for its woes, has no pity for these laborers, but advises the farmer to turn them out to shift for themselves as winter comes on. Highly honored artisans and smiths were found among the retainers of the greater chiefs. A separate class of traders had not arisen. The chiefs, in the intervals of farm labor, varied their profits by trading expeditions, or by piracy on sea or land. Telemachus, son of Odysseus, is asked (Odyssey, iii. 60-70), evidently without offense intended or received, whether he comes as a pirate or as a peaceful trader. IV. THE TRIBE — UNITS AND TIES.i 91. The Clan. — In early times the lowest political unit in Greek society was a clan, or gens. Each gens, indeed, was a kind of family, containing several such families as we have, and ranging in size from a score, perhaps, to many score of members. The nearest descendant of the forefather of the clan, counting from oldest son to oldest son, was the clan elder, or " king.'^ The two bonds of union were blood and worship — 1 Some peculiar institutions of early society colored later Greek history to a marked degree. The more important of these have to he studied mostly in their fragmentary survivals in the later history, and hy comparing such re- mains with the customs of savage peoples of the present day. Fortunately, however, some of the later Greeks described Greek tribal society as it existed in their time in the little-changed, backward tribes of northern and western Greece (see especially Thucydides, 1. 2-8). 92 PREHISTORIC GREECE— TO 1000 B.C. [§92, a common descent and a common religion ; and these two were really one, for the clan religion was a worship of clan ancestors. If provided with pleasing periodic meals and invoked with magic formulas (so the belief ran), the powerful ghosts of the ancient clan elders would continue to aid their descendants.^ This worship was secret, and hostile to all outside the clan. The altar was the clan tomb, and the only legitimate priest was the clan elder. For a non-clansman even to see the wor- ship was to defile it; for him to learn the sacred formulas was to secure power over the gods. It followed that marriage be- came a "religious" act. The woman had to renounce her own gods, and to be accepted by the gods of her husband into their clan.^ After that, she and her future children were in law and in religion no longer related to her father and his clan ; rela- tionship and inheritance of property came through males only. In like manner in later times, as the families of the clan more and more became distinct units, each came to have its separate family wor- ship. The father was the priest of the Hearth, or family altar, near which were grouped the Penates, or images of ancestors. There, before each meal, was poured out the libation, and there blessings were invoked. Piety consisted in fulfilling strictly these obligations to the ancestral deities. The family tomb anciently was near the house, "so that the sons," says Euripides, "in entering and leaving their dwelling, might always meet their fathers and invoke them." 92. Larger Units : Phratry and Tribe. — Long before history began, clans united into larger units. In barbarous society 1 The food was actually meant for the ghost. Milk and wine were poured into a hollow in the ground, with sacred formulas inviting tlie dead to eat; and it was the grossest impiety for any mortal to touch the food left at the grave. Travelers describe similar practices among primitive peoples to-day. A Papuan chief prays: "Compassionate Father! Here is food for you. Eat it, and be kind to us! " Turner relates that in Samoa, at the evening meal, the family priest exclaims, with his offering: " Here is ava for you, O gods! look kindly towards this family. . . . I^et our plantations be kept productive : let food grow! Here is ava for you, O war gods I Let this be a strong and numerous people for you! " 2 Her father, of course, or some male relative, renounced for her, and gave her to the bridegroom. This is the origin of " giving in marriage " to-day. §94] THE TRIBE — UNITS AND TIES. 93 the highest unit is the tribe. The clau-elder of the leading clan was the tribal elder, or the priest-king of the tribe. The tribe, too, had a common worship of a real or pretended ances- tor. If men at that stage of progress wished to combine in a friendly way, they had to invent some such bond of union. Otherwise they must think of ea■ Poseidon ^ '^^ Thirioi\ thage) "'^ <»«5 \ Loofinid* We«t Lonsitude But j}at'iir>^^* Pltyc Di08c\)ur}a? S B A H. M'' OdesSM ^ ^ ^ ft ^- iSVoo?* aW^ ^-.o N»V, 'CAPPAJ Xi^ "^ ^o» ^o (fyrfue § 107] THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION. 103 city hearth, and appointed the " founder," to establish the new- settlement with appropriate religious rites and to distribute the mixed inhabitants, who thronged in from all sides, into artificial tribes and gentes, after the fashion of Greek society. The colonists ceased absolutely to be citizens in their old home, and the new city enjoyed complete independence. Each colony recognized its religious and social obligations to its "metropo- lis," but neither mother nor daughter city thought of convert- ing the relation into a political union. Corinth for a time made an exception ; that city did retain some political suprem- acy over its colonies. And Athens in a later period adopted another form of colonization, of which we shall have occasion to speak (§§ 133, 190). 106. Distribution of Colonies. — The map shows the distribu- tion of the colonies. To the east, some sixty settlements fringed the Black Sea and its straits ; on the west, Sicily be- came almost wholly Greek, and southern Italy took the proud name of Magna Graecia. The one city of Chalcis (in Euboea) founded thirty-two colonies in Thrace. Among the more im- portant cities established in this period were Syracuse in Sicily, Tarentum in Italy, Corcyra in the Adriatic, Massilia (Marseilles) in Gaul, Olynthus in Thrace, Cyrene in Africa, and Byzantium on the Bosphorus. No one of the scores of these colonies was an inland settlement. References for Further Reading. — Oman, ch. vi. ; Holm, I. 272- 294 ; Abbott, I. chs. iv. and xi. ; Greenidge, 36-45 ; Curtius, 1 . 432-500. See Freeman's Greater Greece and Greater Britain for a comparison with modern colonies. Special Report. — The method of founding colonies, illustrated by the story of some particular foundation. V. THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION. 107. The Kings overthrown by the Chiefs. — During the ob- scure period the old " kings " disappeared from every Greek city except Sparta and Argos ; and in those the Homeric king- 104 THE GREEKS — 1000 TO 500 B.C. [§ 108 ship was modified. Religious feeling determined the general character of the change. An Homeric king had had the triple functions of priest, judge, and war chief. Plainly, the last could least safely be left to the accident of birth ; accordingly, it was this function that was first made elective. Then, as judicial work increased, with the more complex city life, special judges were chosen to take over that part of the king's work. The priestly dignity (powerless of itself, and connected most closely with family descent) was left longest a matter of in- heritance: in some cities we find a " king-archon " (basileus archon) for city priest, from the old royal family, long after all other sign of royalty had vanished ; and in democratic Athens, all through her later history, the same title of king- archon was given to the elected city priest. This was the general order, then, of the change by which the rule of the king became the rule of " the few." The process was gradual and commonly peaceful. The means and occasion varied. A disputed succession, the dying out of a royal line, a minor or -a weak king, — any of these conditions would make it easy for the nobles to encroach upon the royal power.^ 108. The Oligarchies overthrown by the Tyrants. — The origin of the oligarchies varied. The original aristocratic or oli- garchic element consisted of the council of clan elders. But sometimes the families of a few greater chiefs had come to overshadow the rest ; sometimes, possibly, the various branches of one royal clan established their rule; in places, groups of conquering families ruled the descendants of the conquered; sometimes, perha,ps, wealth helped to draw the line between " the few " and " the many," though the distinction was always based fundamentally upon blood. Whatever the exact princi- ple of division, there was in all Greek cities a sharp line be- tween two classes — one calling itself " the few," " the good," " the noble," and another called by these " the many," " the bad," « the base." " The few " had succeeded the kings. " The 1 For instances, see Coulanges' Ancient City, 238, 239, and 316. § 109] THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION. 105 many " were oppressed and misgoverned, and began to clamor for relief. They were too ignorant as yet to govern themselves OF to maintain themselves against the more intelligent and better united " few." The way was prepared for them by the tyrants. 109. The Tyrants pave the Way for Democracies. — Every- where in city Greece, about 700 b.c, these tyrants sprang "up,^ often several times, at short intervals, in the same city. In the outlying parts of Hellas they were a common phenom- enon through all the later history, but by the year 500 they had disappeared from the main peninsula, and so the two centuries from 700 to 500 b.c. are called the "Age of Tyrants." A tyrant in Greek history is simply a man who by force seizes or holds royal power. Arbitrary rule was hateful to all Greeks, and the murder of a tyrant seemed a virtuous act. Sometimes, too, the selfish and wanton indulgence of such rulers justified the detestation that clings to the name. But at the worst the tyrants seem to have been a necessary evil, to break down the greater evil of the selfish, anarchic oligarchies ; and many of them were generous, far-sighted, be- neficent rulers, building public works, developing trade, patro- nizing art and literature. The tyrant was made possible by the strife between the ruling few and the oppressed many, and he always appeared as champion of the democracy. Some- times he was a noble opposed by his order ; sometimes by birth a man of the people. At Argos, King Pheidon massacred the nobles and made himself tyrant, without the city passing through a complete oligarchic stage. The tyrants surrounded themselves with mercenaries, but they sought also to keep the favor of the masses, who had helped them to the throne. The nobles they could not con- ciliate; these they burdened with taxes, oppressed, exiled, and murdered in great numbers. The story goes that Perian- der, tyrant of Corinth, sent to the tyrant of Miletus, to ask 1 Sparta was the only city that did not have a tyrant at this period. 106 THE GREEKS-. 1000 TO 500 B.C. [§110 his advice in government. The Milesian took the messenger through a grain field, striking off the finest and tallest ears as they walked, and sent him back without other answer. The story certainly does stand for what necessarily became, to some degree, the policy of all tyrants toward the nobles. And thus, when the tyrants themselves were overthrown, democracy had a fairer chance of success. In the Ionian cities, the next step was usually a democratic government. In Doric Greece, more commonly there followed a return to a broader aristocracy, but never to quite the older and more objectionable form of oligarchy. The tyrants had done their work effectively. References for Reading. — On the political development : the standard histories, and Coulanges, Fowler, and Greenidge, 12-23. On Oligarchies : Greenidge, 60-73. On Tyrants : Mahaffy, Problems, 78-86, or iS'wrvey, 99-101, or Social Life, 84-90 ; Greenidge, 27-35; Grote, ch. ix. Exercise. — Contrast the "tyrants" with the Homeric kings as to origin of power, as to limitation by custom and public opinion, as to security in their positions. VI. THE RISE OF SPARTA. 110. Early Sparta : the Need of Reforms ; Subsequent Growth. — The invading Dorians founded numerous petty states in the Peloponnesus. For a time one of the weakest of these was Sparta. Her , territory — just a few square miles in the rich Eurotas valley — did not approach the sea, and it was sur- rounded by powerful and grasping neighbors. Internally, too, Sparta was torn by faction. The later Spartans attributed their escape from these threat- ening conditions to the reforms of a certain Lycurgus. Cer- tainly about the year 900 b.c, whether the reformer's name was Lycurgus or not, the Spartans did adopt peculiar social and political institutions that made them a marked people in later Greek history. Disciplined and hardened by this code, they entered upon a career of conquest. Before 700 b.c. they had subdued all Laconia; before 650, Messenia also; while the § 111] THE RISE OF SPARTA. 107 other states of the Peloponnesus, except hostile Argos, had become their allies for war. 111. The Political Constitution. — Sparta had two kings„ Le- gend ascribed this to the birth of twin princes. What- ever the occasion, the nobles in this city weakened the royal power by dividing it, and so were less tempted to abolish it. In consequence, Sparta is the one Greek city which had no 4iyrant in this period. The kings were members of a senate of thirty elders — originally, no doubt, the heads of Sparta's thirty clans. The other twenty-eight senators, however, had become elective, but only from the old noble families.^ The oflB.ce was for life. No one under sixty years was eligible. The senate for the greater part of Spartan history was the chief political body in the state. A popular Assembly of all free Spartans chose senators and other oflficers, and decided important matters laid before it, but it had no right to intro- duce new measures. Discussion was limited to the chiefs and great oflficers, and at a later time the senate secured the power, " if the people decide anything crookedly, to put it back." So far this was a close survival of the Homeric constitution, except that the two kings checked each other's authority, and that the Assembly elected the council. But about 725 b.c. Sparta took a great stride toward democracy. Elected magis- trates, called ^p?iors, assumed the headship of the state. Five of these were chosen each year by the Assembly, and any Spartan was eligible to the oflfice. The Ephors called the Assembly and presided over it, and acted as judges in all important matters. No appeal from their decision was allowed. One or more of them accompanied the king, even in war, with power to control 1 Aristotle, Politics, ii. 9. Aristotle calls the mode of election " childish." The candidates were led through the assembly In turn, and as each passed, the people shouted. Judges, shut up in a room from which they could not see the candidates, listened to the shouts and gave the vacancy to the one whose appearance had called out the loudest welcome. This method, after all, has an interesting relation to our viva-voce voting, where we decide, in the first instance, by noise. 108 THE GREEKS — 1000 TO 500 B.C. [§112 his movements and to arrest and condemn him. The kings had now become simply priests, judges in certain unimportant matters of family law, generals in war, and members of the senate. Sparta kept the form and dignity of ancient royalty, and she was intensely aristocratic in feeling, but in reality she was a military democracy under the annual dictatorship of an elected committee of Ephors. To the Greeks, however, such delegation of power, even to officers elected for short terms, seemed undemocratic. They would not have called our government by President, Congress, and Supreme Court a democracy at all.^ To them democracy meant a government in which each freeman took somewhat the same part that a member of Congress does with us — a system such that each citizen voted, not occasionally, to elect repre- sentatives, but constantly, on all matters of great state policy, which matters also he might discuss in the ruling assembly of his city-country. By this standard Sparta was aristocratic. 112. Classes in Laconia. — Moreover, after the conquest of Laconia, the Spartans as a whole were a ruling oligarchy in the midst of a subject class eight or ten times their number. They were simply a camp of eight or nine thousand conquerors (with their families) living under arms in their unwalled city, and holding the most fertile lands of Laconia. They them- selves, wholly given to camp life, could not work, and each man's land was tilled by certain slaves of the state, called Helots. The Helots nlimbered four or five to one Spartan, and so were a standing danger, though they were the indispensable basis for any such system. They furnished light-armed troops in war. A secret police of active Spartan youth busied itself in detecting plots among them and sometimes, it is claimed, carried out secret and widespread massacre of the more in- telligent and ambitious slaves. Each year, too, the Ephors declared war against the Helots in the name of the State, — 1 A good treatment is found in Grant's Greece, 144-146. § 112] THE RISE OF SPARTA. 109 that it might be lawful for any Spartan to kill them without trial, — and ancient critics are prone to refer to the mysterious way in which crowds of Helots vanished sometimes, when their numbers threatened Spartan safety. On one occasion, in the great death struggle with Athens in the fifth century, the Spartans had given the Helots heavy armor, but afterward became terrified at the possible consequences. Thucydides (iv. 80) tells how they met the danger : — " They proclaimed that a selection would be made of those Helots who claimed to have rendered the best service to the Lacedaemonians in the war, and promised them liberty. The announcement was intended to test them ; it was thought that those among them who were foremost in asserting their freedom would be most high-spirited and most likely to rise against their masters. So they selected about two thousand, who were crowned with garlands, and went in procession round the temples ; they were supposed to have received their liberty, but not long afterwards the Spartans put them all out of the way, and no man knew how any of them came to their end." The inhabitants of the hundred small subject "cities" of Laconia were called Perioeci. They were free in person. They kept their own customs and a share in the government of their respective cities, under the supervision of Spartan harmosts. They had also their own lands, and they carried on such trades and commerce as existed in Laconia. They were three or four to one Spartan ; and the heavy-armed soldiers of the Spartan army came in large measure from them. They had no voice in the supreme state, and the Ephors could put them to death without trial, but they seem, as a rule, to have been well treated and well content. Thus the inhabitants of Laconia fall into three classes: (1) a small ruling oligarchy, living in one central settlement, itself an elective military dictatorship; (2) a large class of cruelly treated agricultural serfs, to support these aristo- cratic soldiers; (3) another large class of well-treated city populations, without political rights except for a limited local self-government. 110 THE GREEKS — 1000 TO 500 B.C. [§ 113 113. Social Institutions. — The garrison at Sparta maintained its superiority in Laconia by an unrelaxing vigilance and by a rigid discipline, which is sometimes lauded as *• the Spartan training." That training made good soldiers, as was its sole aim ; but naturally it was harsh, and in many ways brutalizing. The family, as well as the man, belonged abso- lutely to the army-state. At the birth of each child, the Ephors decided whether it should be reared at all or be exposed to die as a weakling. At seven years each boy was taken from his parents, to be trained in a public institution until he was twenty — never again to sleep under his mother's roof. The system of education aimed to harden and strengthen the body and to render the mind self-controlled and obedient to authority. On certain festival days, boys were whipped at the altars to test their endurance ; and Plutarch states that they often died under the lash rather than utter a cry.^ A bare knowledge of reading and a little martial music were the only germs of culture. From twenty to thirty the youth lived under arms in barracks. He was one of a mess of fifteen, each of whom must provide from his land his part of the barley meal, cheese, and black broth, with meat on holidays. The mess drilled and fought side by side ; and this long exclusive devotion to military drill made it possible for the Spartans to adopt a more complex system of tactics than was natural for their neighbors. The other Greeks continued much longer to fight in masses, with a few heralds to shout the orders of the general. The Spartans were trained in small regiments and companies, so as to maneuver readily at the word of command. This made their great superiority in the field; they stood to the other Greeks as disciplined, pro- fessional soldiery to a relatively untrained militia. 1 Several features of Spartan life that are ascribed by popular legend to Lycurgus, seem rather to have been survivals of a barbarous period that the Spartans never wholly outgrew; this particular custom, just alluded to in the text, is closely analogous to the savage Sun Dance of the American Indians and belongs properly to that grade of culture. § 114] ATHENS. Ill At thirty the man was required by law to marry, in order to rear more soldiers ; but he must still eat and, for the most part, live, in barracks. Said an Athenian, " The Spartan's life is so unendurable that it is no wonder he throws it away lightly in battle." Certain virtue there was, of course, in this training. The Spartans had the quiet dignity of born rulers. The pithy brevity of their speech (" laconic " speech), their use of only iron money, and their austere simplicity of life, made them a moral force in the Greek world ; and the changeless character of their constitution for five hundred years after the introduc- tion of the Ephors was a protest against the kaleidoscopic revolutions of surrounding states. Their women, too, kept a freedom which unhappily was lost in more civilized Greek cities. But, after all, the value of the Spartans to the world lay in the fact that they made a garrison for all Greece (§ 156), and helped to save something better than themselves. In themselves, they were hard, ignorant, narrow. They did nothing to create art, literature, science, or philosophy. So far as they were concerned, these glories of Greece never had an existence. If the Greeks had all been Spartans, we could well afford to omit the study of Greek history. References for Further Reading. — Xenophon's Polity of the Lacedaemonians (Dakyns' edition) ; some pages of vakiable extracts, with questions, in Fling's Studies in Greek and Boman Civilization. VXu- tuYch^s Ly cur gus and Lysander ; Curtius, I. 175-315; Grote, II. 337-466 (12 vol. ed.) ; Holm, I. 194-278, and 430-447 ; Abbott, I. 194-224 ; Green- idge, 77-115 ; Gilbert, 1-81 ; Oman, chs. vii. viii. VII. ATHENS TO 500 B.C. The history of Athens is for us the history of Greece. — Holm. A. Preliminary Considerations. 114. Two Peculiar Conditions did much to fix the place of Athens in Greek history : (1) Athens was the sole city of Attica (a considerable territory) ; (2) her population was mingled of 112 THE GREEKS — 1000 TO 500 B.C. [§115 many elements, but without the sharp divisions that elsewhere followed conquest by aliens. As to the first consideration: Sparta and Athens became leading cities in Greece because they, and they alone, were more than single cities. They had both carried the political consolidation of neighboring territory farther than any other Greek state. In other territories as large as Attica or Laconia there were always groups of independent cities. In Boeotia, for instance, Thebes at best could aspire to only a limited leadership among a dozen jealous rivals. In Attica, happily, the germs of such separate cities had been consolidated in one. What Sparta was to Laconia by later conquest, Athens had become to Attica before the opening of history — and some- thing over. It had carried consolidation further. It was the real home of all the free inhabitants of Attica, not merely the camp of one dominant tribe. In Laconia political union came through subjection, which left lasting class distinctions between a ruling city and the other Laconians. In Attica union came through incorporation, which wiped out such, distinctions of locality. In legend, Lycurgus made the Spartans an army to hold down neighboring hostile subjects, while Theseus made all inhabitants of Attica Athenians. As to the second consideration : Ionian Attica seems to have been the one spot of southern Greece not overrun by conquest at the time of the Dorian migration. Naturally, it became an asylum for refugees, especially for Ionian clans driven from the Peloponnesus. The wealthier and more powerful of these were admitted into the tribes of Attica ; others, no doubt, were received as dependants. It followed that subsequent class struggles were less bitter than in most of Greece, where class divisions were connected with ancient conquests and race hatreds, instead of with friendly patronage. 115. Other Causes favoring a Many-sided Development. — The repeated introduction of fresh elements from many sources, under such conditions, in itself made for a progressive, demo- §117] ATHENS — EUPATRID RULE. 113 cratic people, open to outside influence. Happily, the tendency was reenforced by the later commercial life of Athens, to which her thin soil impelled her no less than location tempted her. 116. Athens as a Type. — Despite her peculiar conditions, it is right and convenient to regard Athens as a type. Hellas com- prised hundreds of cities, each with its internal history of progress and revolution, and with its foreign relations. No study can survey many of these. Sparta and Athens are selected because they became the leading states. Sparta, how- ever, is less fit than Athens to stand for the history of Greece ; and even Athens exaggerates the size, the democracy, and the many-sidedness of the average city. The chief danger, however, is that the student will not realize the infinite complexity of Greek history, and that he will think of Athens as the whole, instead of as a type. It must be borne in mind constantly that the internal history of this city was paralleled, with slight modifications, by that of scores of others which this volume does not even name. B. EupATRiD Rule — after the First Political Revo- lution. 117. The Decline of the Homeric Kingship. — Like other Greek cities, Athens had lost her kings in the obscure period follow- ing the Migrations (§ 107) ; and when history begins again, her government is an oligarchy. According to the common tradi- tion, restrictions upon the royal power began in Athens about 1000 B.C., after the death of King Codrus. The royal ofiice was still for life, and hereditary in the family of Codrus, but along- side the Mng-archon (basileus) with his priestly function, arose a new war-archon (polemarcJi), and — a little later, perhaps — a chief-archon, usually styled The Archon, to act as judge and administrator. These latter officers were elected by the Eupa- trids ("well-born"), or chiefs; and in 752 B.C., the office of king-archon also was made elective and limited to a ten years' term. For some time, however, the choice was still made 114 THE GREEKS— 1000 TO 500 B.C. [§118 from the old royal family; then it was thrown open to any Eupatrid. In 682 B.C. the archons were all made annual offi- cers; and alongside them were set six lesser archons, called " decision-givers," to assist in the growing judicial work. 118. Political Rule of the Eupatrids. — Apparently the Eupa- trids were the chiefs, or clan elders, of the numerous clans in Attica. Their council was called the Areopagus, from the hill where it met. They ruled Attica in this assembly and through this committee of archons from their own number. The other tribesmen must have had an assembly, for religious and mili- tary purposes ; but it seems to have had even less voice than in Homeric times. 119. Economic Oppression. — The worst hardships of the tribes- men, however, were economic. Most of the land had come to belong to the Eupatrids. They tilled it largely by tenants, who paid five sixths the produce for rent. A bad season or hostile ravages often compelled these tenants to borrow seed or food, and to mortgage their persons for payment. If the debtor failed to pay promptly, he could be dragged off in chains and sold with his family into slavery.^ Apparently, alongside the great Eupatrid landlords and these tenants, there stood a class of small farmers owning their lands ; but they also were reduced frequently to borrow of the Eupa- trids, and in consequence to pass into much the condition of the poorer tenants. Aristotle says : — " The poor with their wives and children were the very bondsmen of the rich, who named them Sixth-men, because it was for this wage they tilled the land. The entire land was in the hands of a few. If the poor failed to pay their rents they were liable to be haled into slavery. Their 1 Money had been introduced a little before this time. Eventually it was to help free the poor from the control of the rich, but just at first it may have rendered worse the condition of the agricultural tenants. The old rents (a given fraction of the produce) had varied from year to year according to the crops. In changing to fixed cash rents, probably the grasping landlords, able to dictate terms, put the amount higher than the old average. § 122] ATHENS — THE EUPATRIDS. 115 very persons were mortgaged, until Solon's time ; for it was he first advo- cated the people's cause." And again — " They [the people] were discon- tented with every other feature of their lot, for, to speak generally, they had no share in anything." — Constitution of Athens^ 2. 120. The Order of Reform, Social and Political. — By 593 b.c. very different institutions, political and economic, had come into being, but the steps from the old order to the new are in part uncertain. It does seem clear, however, that the first attempts at reform were only partially successful, because they did not touch these social conditions; and that Solon's work at the close of the period was more important mainly because it did begin with the economic evils. C. The Early Attempts to Overthrow the Eupatrids. 121. Eupatrid Supremacy shared with the Hoplites. — The supremacy of the Eupatrids rested largely on superiority in war. They composed the knights, or heavy -armed cavalry of Attica, in comparison with whom the early foot soldiery was only a light-armed mob. But before 650 b.c. there had grown up a heavy-armed in- fantry, with shield, helmet, and long spear. The serried ranks of these " hoplites " proved able to repel cavalry; and with the decay of the importance of the Eupa- . ^ ^ Greek Hoplitk. trids in war went some de- crease in their exclusive political privilege.^ 122. The Four Classes: Political Power based in part upon Wealth. — Better to maintain the military system, a census dis- tributed the tribesmen into four classes, based upon annual iRead Abbott, II. 22.. 116 THE GREEKS — 1000 TO 600 B.C. [§123 income from land — 500-measure men, 300-measiire men, 200- measure men, and those whose income was less than 200 meas- ures. The first two classes were under obligation to serve as knights, and were doubtless at this time all Eupatrids ; the third class were thought able to equip themselves as hoplites ; the fourth class were called into the field less often and only as light-armed troops. This system, designed to regulate obligation to the State, became also, to some degree, a basis for the distribution of privilege. From the three higher classes (all the heavy-armed soldiery) was formed a new Assembly, which elected archons (from the first class) and other officers and created a new elec- tive senate to take some of the power of the Areopagus. The exact details of this " Constitution of Classes " are so uncertain that it seems best to leave them to be stated as they appear more clearly after the legislation of Solon (§ 125 ff.). Much that was attributed to Solon by tradition and by ancient his- torians, and until recently by modern authorities, is credited to these earlier changes, in a lately discovered treatise by Aristotle on the Athenian constitution. Aristotle wrote, of course, over three hundred years after these early reforms ; and while his authority makes the old accounts uncertain, it does not always establish a satisfactory substitute. 123. Imperfect Results ; Attempts at Tyranny. — In practice, however, authority certainly remained with the old oligarchy, who seemed as securely intrenched under the new system by their monopoly of land as they had been before by birth. The hoplites, too, must have come largely from their immediate dependents. Their rule continued selfish and incompetent, and nothing had been done to remedy the economic distress. Finally, ambitious adventurers began to try to make them- selves tyrants by help of the bitter dissatisfaction of the people, and one young noble, Cylon^ with his forces, actually held the Acropolis, or citadel, for a time. 124. Draco : Fixed Laws. — The Eupatrids were frightened into further concessions, and in 621 b.c. one of the archons, Draco, was commissioned to draw up a written code of laws, § 125] ATHENS — SOLON. 117 for which the people had been clamoring. Oftentimes the old custom-law was known only to the Eupatrid judges ; the grow- ing complexity of society must have made new regulations needful ; and th&J judges had to meet these needs by their own arbitrar^t-disci^etion. The people did not yet ask for new laws, but only for fixed and known laws, so that the judges should have a smaller range of discretion to abuse in the interests of their own class.^ It seems probable that Draco only reduced ancient customs to more definite form. If any changes were made, they must have concerned some slight rearrangements of political power, without touching the root of existing evils.^ The laws were engraved on wooden blocks and set up where all might see them. The immediate result was to make men feel how in- adequate and harsh the old laws were — "written in blood rather than ink," as was said in a later age. Now the Athe- nians were ready to demand new laws. D. Solon — Overthrow of the Eupatrids. 125. Continued Strife ; Appointment of Solon as Dictator. — After describing matters as Draco left them, Aristotle says: — *'Now, seeing that such was the organization of the constitution, and that the many were [still] in slavery to the few, the people arose against the upper classes. The strife was keen, and for a long time the parties were in hostile camps, till at last by common consent they appointed Solon to be mediator." Solon — poet, general, statesman, philosopher, merchant — was a descendant of Codrus. He was loved by the poorer Athenians and trusted by all. His patriotism had been proven. Some years before, class dissensions had so reduced Athens 1 It is curious to see elsewhere similar demands by the people upon the aristocrats for written laws — as in Rome at the time of the Decemvirs and the Twelve Tables, and even in early Massachusetts, before the adoption of the Body of Liberties, the first code in America, in 1641. 2 Aristotle's Constitution of Athens is the only authority for ascribing political changes to Draco; and such changes are denied by another work of Aristotle {Politics, ii. 12) . 118 THE GREEKS — 1000 TO 500 B.C. [§126 that little Megara, under the firm rule of an enterprising "tyrant/' had taken Salamis and blockaded the Athenian ports. Efforts to recover the important island failed so mis- erably that in despair the Athenians had agreed to put to death any one who should again propose the attempt. Solon shammed madness, — to claim a crazy man's privilege, — and, by reciting a warlike patriotic poem, roused his countrymen to fresh efforts, which, under his generalship, proved success- ful. Now, in this internal crisis, all factions concurred in giving him authority to remodel the constitution. Solon had blamed the greed of the rich as the cause of trouble, but had urged reconcilation, in a poem beginning, " My eyes are opened, and I see with anguish the plight of this oldest home of the ancient Ionian race.'' This was the immediate occasion, Aris- totle says, of Solon's appointment. The Delphic oracle advised him to make himself tyrant, and his friends certainly hoped that he would not lay down his power. He was really an " elected tyrant " for two years.^ 126. The Shaking off of Burdens. — The first year Solon dealt with economic evils. a. Out of the old tenants he created a class of free peasant proprietors. .The lands which they had cultivated for the Eupatrids he made their own ; he boasts in a poem of " free- ing the enslaved land" by removing the stone pillars (of re- ligious significance) which had marked Eupatrid ownership.^ h. He canceled all debts.® c. He freed all Athenians who were in slavery in Attica. d. He made it illegal, for the future, to reduce Athenians to slavery, or to own more than a certain quantity of land. 1 This is Aristotle's expression (Politics, iii. 14, and iv. 10). 2 This view is not always accepted. Many scholars think that Solon sim- ply canceled mortgages, and made the future transfer of land easier hy removing religious obstacles. 8 It used to be doubted whether all debts, or only part of them, were can- celed, but Aristotle's treatise is clear on this point. Interest was so high that in many cases the principal had been paid over and over. §127] ATHENS — SOLON. 119 The last regulation aimed to prevent any recurrence of the old evils. The first three measures roughly redressed the past. They were, of course, a sweeping confiscation of property. The Eupatrids showed a singular moderation in submitting to them without a death struggle. Happily, the act did not become a precedent. The Athenians never again went so far as to con- fiscate debts. In later times the whole people celebrated the acts of Solon by a yearly "Festival of the Shaking off of Burdens." 127. Political Reform. — Indirectly, a political revolution went with these economic changes, although, so far, the let- ter of the constitution was untouched. Political power was already based upon landed property. Accordingly, these land reforms carried with them a redistribution of political power. The process continued, too, of itself. Merchants, by the pur- chase of land, rose into the first class, while Eupatrids sank into other classes until the very name soon disappeared. But, in a second year, Solon did directly introduce political changes that carried Athens well into the current of democracy. He seems not to have created new offices or institutions ; but, as he had already redistributed the people within the old political classes, so now he redistributed power among these classes and among the old governing bodies. a. The fourth class, who had had no political rights, were now admitted to the Assembly. b. A senate of four hundred (one hundred by lot from the higher classes of each Athenian tribe) took over the general administration from the Areopagus, and prepared measures to submit to the Assembly. c. Tlie new Assembly (all Athenians) discussed and decided upon proposals of the senate ; elected archons from the first class,^ and minor officers from the three higher classes ; and 1 Aristotle says that by Solon's constitution the archons were chosen by lot from forty candidates nominated in equal numbers by the separate tribes. But if this was so, the practice of election seems to have been revived within a short time, and to have continued until 487 B.C. (§ 193). 120 THE GREEKS — 1000 TO 500 B.C. [§128 tried officers at the expiration of their terms, if any citizen accused them. d. TJie Areopagus was no longer a Eupatrid council. It was composed of ex-archons, and was shorn of most of its powers. Its deliberative and administrative office had gone to the senate; its power of electing archons to the Assembly; its judicial function (for the most part) to the Assembly and to new courts. It remained a court to try murder cases, and to exercise a moral censorship over the life of the citizens, with power to impose fines for extravagance, insolence, or gluttony. 128. Minor Reforms. — Solon also substituted a milder code for Draco's bloody laws, introduced a new coinage better suited for foreign commerce, made it the duty of each father to teach his son a trade (upon penalty of forfeiting obligation for sup- port in his old age), limited the wealth that might be buried with the dead, restricted the appearance of women in public, and enacted that any Athenian who remained neutral in civic strife should forfeit citizenship. 129. Summary of the Solonian Constitution and of the Changes of a Century. 682 B.C. — A few noble families owned most of the soil, and held the rest of the people in virtual servitude. These same families of course possessed all political power, and ruled through the assembly of their order on the Areopagus, and through annual committees chosen by that body. S9S B.C. — Nearly all Athenian tribesmen were land owners. All tribesmen were members of the political Assembly, which elected officers (so far as election was not settled by lot), tried them upon occasion, and decided public questions; Adminis- trative power rested partly in annual officers and partly in a senate chosen by tribes. Eligibility to office was based upon property qualification.^ 1 This was the case in nearly all the American states for some time jutter the Revolutionary War. § 131] ATHENS — THE TYRANTS. 121 The economic change was all Solon's. The political reforms were largely his, and any that had been introduced before gained increased significance from his work. The lot was introduced, doubtless, to check the tendency to elect only the old chiefs. It was regarded as an appeal to the gods, and its use was always accompanied by religious ceremonies. E. The Tyrants. 130. Anarchy Renewed. — The reforms of Solon did not end the turbulent strife of factions. Bitter feuds followed between the Plain (wealthy landowners), the Shore (mer- chants), and the Mountain (shepherds and small farmers). Twice within ten years, anarchy prevented the election of an archon at all, and once an archon tried to make himself tyrant by holding over without reelection. 131. Peisistratus, 560-527. — From such anarchy the city was saved by Peisistratus, a kinsman of Solon, who in 560 B.C. made himself tyrant by help of the democratic faction. Twice the nobles drove film into exile, once for ten years, but each time he recovered his power almost without bloodshed. His rule was mild, wise, and popular. He lived simply, like other citizens, and appeared in a law court to answer in a suit against him ; and he always treated the aged Solon with deep respect, despite the latter's bitter opposition. Indeed, he gov- erned through the forms of Solon's constitution, and enforced his laws, taking care only to have his own friends elected to the chief offices, — more like the "boss" of a great political " machine " than like a " tyrant." During his third rule, how- ever, he did secure himself by mercenary soldiers and by ban- ishing many hostile nobles. He encouraged commerce, enlarged and beautified Athens, built aqueducts and roads, and drew to his court a brilliant circle of poets, painters, architects, and sculptors from all Hellas. The first complete edition of the Homeric poems is said to have been put together at his com- mand and expense. Anacreon wrote his graceful odes at the 122 THE GREEKS — 1000 TO 600 B.C. [§132 Peisistratid court, and Thespis began Greek tragedy at the magnificent festivals there instituted to Dionysus (god of wine). The public worship was given new splendor in other ways, and rural festivals were instituted to make country life more at- tractive. Solon's peasant proprietors were increased in number by the division of the confiscated estates of banished nobles among landless freemen. The three higher property classes paid a five per cent income tax (at first ten per cent), but in return they were taught the value of peace and order. Attica was no longer plundered by invasion or torn by dissension. Since the Athenians could not yet govern themselves, it was well they had a Peisistratus. "Not only was he in every respect humane and mild and ready to forgive those who offended, but in addition he advanced money to the poorer people to help them in their labors. "For the same reasons [to m*ake rural life attractive] he instituted local justices, and often made expeditions in person into the country to inspect it, and to settle disputes between persons, that they might not come to the city and neglect their farms. It was in one of these prog- resses, as the story goes, that Peisistratus had his adventure with the man in the district of Hymettus, who was cultivating the spot afterwards known as the 'Tax-free Farm.' He saw a man digging at very stony ground with a stake, and sent and asked what he got out of such a plot of land. 'Aches and pains,' said the man, 'and out of these Peisistratus must get his tenth.' Peisistratus was so pleased with his frank speech and his industry that he granted him exemption from taxes." — Aristotle, Constitution of Athens, 17. 132. Expulsion of the Peisistratidae. — In 527, Peisistratus was succeeded by his sons, Hippias and Hipparchus. The latter was murdered because of a private grudge, and the terrified Hippias exchanged his previous kindly rule for a cruel and suspicious policy that ripened revolt. Cleisthenes, one of the exiled nobles, saw his opportunity. His family (wealthy even in exile) had just rebuilt the burned temple of Apollo at Delphi with much greater magnificence than the contract had demanded, using Parian marble for the prescribed limestone ; and now (ac- cording to Herodotus) Cleisthenes "bribed" the oracle to order §134] ATHENS — DEMOCRACY. 123 the Spartans, whenever they applied for advice on any matter, to " set free the Athenians." In consequence a reluctant Spar- tan army did finally march against Hippias, and he was expelled in 510 B.C. F. Cleisthenes — A Democracy. 133. Vigor of Free Athens. — The Athenians were now in con- fusion again, but the outcome proved that they had gained in strength and in power to govern themselves. An oligarchic party that strove for a reaction was defeated by the democrats, led by the returned Cleisthenes. A Spartan army restored the oli- garchs for a moment, but was itself soon besieged in the Acrop- olis, and captured by the aroused democracy. The Thebans and Euboeans had seized what seemed a time of confusion and weakness to invade Attica, but were routed by a double engagement in one day. The Athenians had enjoyed little fame in war, " but now," says Aristotle, " they showed that men would fight more bravely for themselves than for a mas- ter." Chalcis in Euboea was stormed, and its trade with Thrace (§ 105) fell to Athens. At the same time Athens began her special kind of colonization by sending four thou- sand citizens to possess the best land of Chalcis, and to serve as a garrison there. These men retained full Athenian citizen- ship. They were known as deruchs, or out-settlers. In this way Athens was to find land for her surplus population, to strengthen her democratic tendencies, and to fortify her influ- ence abroad — all without decreasing her fighting strength. 134. The Conditions and the Aims of the New Constitution. — During the war Athens made fresh strides toward completing the work of Solon by adopting a more democratic constitution, proposed by Cleisthenes. The general design was to develop the democratic features of the older constitution and to weaken the aristocratic ones. It also aimed to get rid of family and local faction, and to strengthen the state by bringing in new citizens. The tendency to factiousness arose (a) from the method of 124 THE GREEKS — 1000 TO 500 B.C. [§135 voting by clans and tribes in the Assembly, so that the clans rallied voluntarily each around its clan chief, and (b) from the continued jealousy of Plain, Shore, and Mountain. The presence of a non-citizen class needs a longer explanar tion. Solon's reforms had concerned tribesmen only; and probably in his day few strangers lived permanently in Attica. But in the intervening ninety years, especially under the good rule of Peisistratus, the growing trade of Athens had drawn many aliens there. These were men of enterprise and some- times of wealth ; but though they lived in the city, they had no part in its religion, its politics, its law, or its society. No alien could marry an Athenian or hold land. The city might find it pay to protect his property, in order to attract other strangers to add to the prosperity of the State ; but he had no secure legal rights of any kind, because law was a matter of city and clan religion. Nor could his son or his son's son, nor any later descendant, acquire any of these rights by residence in Athens. Society was based on blood relation- ship. By adoption into an Athenian clan, single strangers from time to time won positions as citizens ; but only a revo- lution could bring the aliens as a class into the city. The descendants of fugitives and f reedmen swelled their numbers, and discontent might make them a danger. Cleisthenes' plan was to take them into the state, and so make them strengthen it. This problem was not simply political, like the question of extending the suffrage among a modern people, because there was a religious barrier to be broken down, and Ijecause this religious element with the Greeks was the soul of the State. It was different, too, because the outsiders were asking, not political rights, but status, or legal standing. They wanted more secure property rights, and to get these, they had first to get admission into the religion of the city. 135. The Demes and Geographical Tribes. — The fundamental political change introduced by Cleisthenes was the substitu- tion of geographical units for the old blood units (clans and §136] ATHENS — DEMOCRACY. 125 tribes). This was tlie soul of his reform, as the land legis- lation was of Solon's. Directly or indirectly, it made possible the correction of other chief evils. The plan itself was very simple. Attica was marked off into a hundred divisions called demes. Each citizen was enrolled in one of these, and his son after him. Such enrollment, instead of the old clan connection, became the proof of citizenship. Indeed, in future, a man took his surname from his deme, and no longer from nis clan. The clan survived only for religious and social pur- poses. In all political respects it was superseded by the deme, which became the unit of local government within the city. Each deme had its demarch, or chief, its deme-assembly, and its deme-treasury. Ten of these demes — not adjacent, but scattered as widely as possible so as to include the various local interests — com- posed a " tribe," or ward ; and these artificial tribes replaced the old blood tribes in the Assembly. By this arrangement, a clan — whose members now made parts, perhaps, of several "tribes'' — could no longer act politically as a unit. Thus the influence of the clan chiefs declined, and other citizens were more likely to be chosen to office. Shore and Mountain, too, no longer had distinct rallying points. This one device cut away the fulcrum of both family and local faction and also of aristocratic power. It helped likewise to solve the more difficult problem of admitting the non-citizen class (§ 136). 136. The State Enlarged. — When all old associations were being broken up and all citizens were being distributed in the new demes, it was comparatively easy for Cleisthenes to accomplish this other great reform and to enroll also the non- citizen class. Thus the metics (stranger-sojourners), of that day became citizens ; and fresh, progressive, democratic influ- ences were again incorporated into Athenian life. It must not be supposed, however, that outlanders continued to gain admission in future, as with us, by easy naturalization. The act applied only to those then in Athens and to theii 126 THE GREEKS — 1000 TO 500 B.C. [§137 descendants. In a few years another metic class grew up, with all the old disadvantages. Such a class was a constant phe- nomenon in the ancient city democracies, where political power always rested on descent or adoption except for some wholesale revolutionary incorporations, like the one just described. It is true that now for a while the Athenians did permit intermar- riage with aliens, and that the children of such marriages be- came full citizens, but the older exclusive rule was afterward restored.^ 137. The Power of the Assembly was greatly enlarged. Any citizen might now introduce new business directly, and the senate was expected to submit to the Assembly all matters of importance. The Assembly also elected archons and other officers, and tried them. It dealt with foreign affairs, taxa- tion, and even with the details of military campaigns. To be sure, it took time for the Assembly to realize its full power and to learn how to control its various agents, but its rise to supreme authority was now only a matter of natural growth (§ 194). 138. Minor Reforms. — The senate was enlarged to five hun- dred — fifty by lot from each of the ten " tribes." The five hundred divided themselves into ten committees of fifty each, and one of these committees was always in session. Ten gen- erals, or strategic were elected annually from Solon's first three classes, to share the control of military matters with the pole- march. The archons and the Areopagus were not seriously affected. 139. Ostracism. — The most peculiar and original device of Cleis- thenes aimed in auotlier way to prevent faction. Solon liad tliought civil strife inevitable, and had sought only to force all to take sides, so that the bad man might not win through the indifference of the multitude. Cleis- thenes tried by ingenious means to head off civil strife altogether. Once 1 Advanced students will find an excellent brief discussion of " citizenship" under the Cleisthenian constitution in Botsford's Athenian Constitution, 198-199. §139] ATHENS — DEMOCRACY. 127 a year the Assembly was given a chance to vote by ballot (on pieces of pottery, "ostraka"), each one against any man whom he deemed danger- ous to the State. If six thousand votes were cast, the man receiving the largest number went into honorable exile for ten years. The plan was abused by politicians to remove, not dangerous men, but personal rivals, and was dropped after about a century. Only three or four cities ever imitated it.i References for Further Reading. — For the overthrow of kingship at Athens, see Aristotle's Constitution of Athens and references at the close of Division V. For reforms during Solon's time the young student can hardly read widely to advantage. Plutarch's Solon may be used. For advanced stu- dents, Gilbert's Constitutional Antiquities^ 95-142, is the best modern discussion ; Botsford's Athenian Constitution is valuable ; Aristotle's is the oldest work. Much valuable matter will be found in the following works: — Oman, chs. xi. xii. ; Holm, I. ch. xxvi. ; Abbott, I. ch. xiii. ; Curtius, bk, ii. ch. ii. ; Grote, III. chs. x. xi. ; Greenidge, ch. vi. For the Peisistratidae, references for the Tyrants at close of Division V. Also Curtius, bk. ii. ch. ii. ; Oman, ch. xii. ; Holm, I. ch. xxvii. ; Grote, ch. xxx. For Cleisthenes, Grote, ch. xxxi. ; Gilbert, 145-153. Topics. — 1. Pittacus of Mitylene ; comparison with Solon. 2. Phei- don of Argos. 3. Was the Greek tyrant a good or an evil ? SUGGESTION FOR TABULAR REVIEW OF ATHENIAN CONSTITUTIONS. Let the class complete the tables on page 128, and make others for the constitution of Cleisthenes. Use the same device later for the constitution at the time of Pericles. Legislation, it must be understood, is not an ordinary function of government until a late period when society has become highly complex. In the early period, men expect to make new laws, if at all, only through some legislative dictator like Solon. The column for legislation in these tables must be left blank for all early constitutions ; in Athens, until the time of Pericles. 1 But see Greta's defense of party use of ostracism in Athens in the next century. Grote's argument is a good subject for a report by a student, in con- nection with the later Athenian history. Note also Grote's view as to the number of votes required, and see Aristotle for the statement in the text. 128 THE GREEKS — 1000 TO 500 B.C. [§139 EuPATRiD Constitution. Elements. LEGlSLATIOiN. Judicatory. Administration. Eeligion. Archons, 9; elect- ed annually from and by the Eupa- trids. • "The Archon" is chief judge; the six lesser archons assist. "The Archon" is chief civil administrator. War archon is leader in war. King Archon is high priest of the State. Areopagus— a life- council of the Eupatrids. An important tribunal. General over- sight. General over- sight. Assembly— Athe- nian tribesmen. Meets for mili- tary purposes. Meets for re- ligious pur- poses. Constitution of Solon. Elements. Legislation. Judicatory. Administration. Religion. Archons, 9 ; elect- ed annually from the first class by Assembly. As before. As before. As before. Areopagus — Ex- archons, for life- Fill in. Fill in. Fill in. Senate, 400; 100 from each tribe, chosen annually by lot from the higher classes. Fill in. Assembly — Athe- nian tHbesmen, arranged in four property classes. Fill in. Fill in. § 141] INTELLECTUAL DEVELOPMENT. 129 Exercises: Questions on the Constitutions. — For the Eupatrid constitution. — 1. What in this constitution represents the monarchic element of Homer's time ? 2. What the aristocratic ? 3. What the democratic ? 4. Which element has made a decided gain in power ? 5. Which has lost most ? 6. Which of the three is least important ? 7. Which most important ? 8. What is the basis of citizenship ? 9. What is the basis for the distribution of power among those who are citizens ? - For the constitution of Solon.^ — 1. What is the basis of citizenship ? ^. What is the basis for distribution of power among the citizens ? 3. Was the introduction of the senate a gain for the aristocratic or demo- cratic element ? 4. What powers did the Assembly gain ? 5. Which two of these powers enabled the Assembly to control the administration ? VIIL INTELLECTUAL DEVELOPMENT AND SOCIAL LIFE. This brilliant, jostling society, which had just awakened to national consciousness, which had been sowing Hellenic cities broadcast along the Mediterranean shores, and which was now developing political democracy, was marked also jy new forms of intellectual activity. 140. Architecture, Painting, and Sculpture, all began to show a Greek character, though none of them yet reached full bloom. The chief centers of such arts in this period were Miletus and Ephesus in Ionia, and Athens under Peisistratus. 141. Lyric Poetry. — In poetry there was a more complete development. Verse is older than prose ; and in this age Solon argued his politics, and Thales his philosophy, in verse. This section, however, is concerned with that poetry which is more properly literature. The earlier Greek poetry had been made up of narrative bal- lads, celebrating wars and heroes, sung by wandering bards and harpers. The form and meter were simple and uniform. The longer and greater of such compositions rose to epic poetry, of which the Iliad and Odyssey were the great examples. Their epoch is called the Epic Age. 1 Students should be able to answer similar questions on the later constitu- tions of Athens ; and it would be a good exercise for the class to make out the questions for themselves. 130 THE GREEKS — 1000 TO 500 B.C. [§141 In contrast, the seventh and sixth centuries are styled the Lyric Age, The prevailing poetry consisted of odes and songs in a great variety of complex meters — expressive of the more varied life of the time. These poems (to be accompanied by the lyre) were descriptive of feelings rather than of outward events. Love and pleasure are the common themes; and, if a story is told at all, it is always in order to appeal to some emotion. The more famous poet^ of the period are grouped below. a. Lyric and Elegiac Poets. — Seventh and sixth centuries. From Lesbos : Alcaeus ; Arion, patronized by Periander, tyrant of Cor- inth ; Sappho, whom the ancients were wont to designate simply "the poetess," just as they referred to Homer as "the poet" ; Terpander. From Ceos : Simonides, whose odes incited to Hellenic patriotism, and who lived over into the next age. From Teos : Anacreon (§ 131). From Paros : Archilochus, who wrote war songs. From Ephesus : Callinus. From Attica (?) : Tyrtaeus, a war poet at Sparta in the Second Mes- senian War. From Ionia (?), but living at Sparta: Alcman. From Sicily : Stesichorus. From Megara: TTieognis, poet of the oligarchs against the people. From Boeotia : Corinna, a woman ; and Pindar, who belongs also to the next age. Pindar was a Theban noble, and was accounted the greatest Greek lyric poet. Professor Jebb says of him (Primer, 68) : "The glory of his song has passed forever from the world, with the sound of the rolling har- monies on which it once was borne, with the splendor of rushing chariots and athletic forms around which it threw its radiance, ^ with the white- pillared cities of the Aegean in which it wrought its spell, with the beliefs and joys which it ennobled ; but those who love his poetry, and who strive to enter into its high places, can still know that they breathe a pure and bracing air, and can still feel vibrating through a clear, calm sky the strong pulse of an eagle's wings, as he soars with steady eyes against the sun." 6. Other Poets. — Hesiod (eighth century), from Boeotia: poetic his- tory of creation and of the gods (Theogony), and didactic poems on 1 Pindar delighted to celebrate the victors in the Olympic contests. § 142] INTELLECTUAL DEVELOPMENT. 131 agriculture in the different seasons ( Works and Days) ; Thespis, of Megara, who under patronage of Peisistratus at Athens begins dramatic poetry (which was to be the characteristic form of literature in the next century and was to remain centered at Athens). Exercises. — From the names in the table above, what part of Hellas seems foremost in culture ? (Note that Alcman and Tyrtaeus, whatever their origin, are the first and last poets of Sparta.) Look up the legend regarding Tyrtaeus in both ancient and modern authorities, and observe the later views regarding it (as in Mahaffy). Give brief accounts of Sappho and Alcaeus. 142. Philosophy. — It was in the sixth century, too, that Greek philosophy was born. Its home was in Ionia. There first the Greek mind set out fearlessly and systematically to explain the origin of things. Tholes of Miletus, " father of Greek phi- losophy," taught that all things came from Water, or moisture. His pupil Anaximines substituted Air for Water as the univer- sal first principle. Pythagoras, born at Samos, but teaching in Magna Graecia, sought the fundamental principle, not in a kind of matter, but in Kumber, or harmony. Xenophanes of Ionia, but also living in Italy, affirmed that the only real existence was that of God, one and changeless — "neither in body like unto mortals, neither in mind " ; the changing world, he said, did not exist ; it was only a deception of men's senses. To Heracleitus of Ephesus, on the other hand, ceaseless change itself was the very principle of things ; the world had evolved from a fiery ether, and was in constant flux. Heracleitus lived on well into the fifth century, and was the last of the great Ionian philosophers. This early speculative philosophy was closely related to early science. Thales was the first Greek to predict eclipses. Aiiaximander of Miletus (whose philosophical doctrines are too abstruse to deal with here) made maps and globes. The Pythag- oreans naturally paid special attention to Geometry, and to Pythagoras is ascribed the famous demonstration regarding the square on the hypothenuse of a triangle. His followers had many mystical ideas, but they were the first to regard 132 THE GREEKS — 1000 TO 600 B.C. [§143 Philosophy as a guide to human life. The harmony in the material universe must be matched, they held, by a harmony in the soul of man. 143. Religion and Morality. — The two religions, of the clan and of Olympus, have been briefly described. Neither had much to do with conduct toward men until the later moral sense of the people put morality into them and explained away, as allegorical, the old immoral stories of the gods. Such a divorce of religion and morality is common among early peoples. The Greek moral ideas are to be sought in their philosophy, literature, and history, rather than in their theol- ogy. Their good sense and clear intellect had freed their re- ligion from the grossest features of Oriental worship, but it kept traces of its savage origin in the habits of bedaubing and torturing initiates, in the drunkenness and indecency of the Bacchic festivals, and in various features of the " Mysteries," though these things were now overlaid by more refined ideas. The early Greeks believed in a place of terrible punishment for a few great offenders against the gods (Odyssey, xi. 577 ff.), and in an Elysium of supreme pleasure for a very few others particularly favored by the gods. For the mass of men, how- ever, the future life was to be "a washed-out copy of the bril- liant life on earth" — its pleasures and pains both shadowy. Thus Ulysses meets Achilles in the home of the dead : — "And he knew me straightway when he had drunk the dark blood; yea, and he wept aloud, and shed big tears as he stretched forth his hands in his longing to reach me. But it might not be, for he had now no stead- fast strength nor power at all in moving, such as was aforetime in his supple limbs. . . . But lo, other spirits of the dead that be departed stood sorrowing, and each one asked of those that were dear to them." — Odyssey, xi. 390 ff. And in their discourse, Achilles exclaims sorrowfully : — *' Nay, speak not comfortably to me of death, O great Ulysses. Rather would I live on ground as the hireling of another, even with a lack-land man who had no great livelihood, than bear sway among all the dead." §143] SOCIAL LIFE. 133 Later philosophers, like Socrates, rose to higher conceptions ; but for most Greeks, even in the best periods, the future life remained unreal and unimportant. The remarkable quotations given below (§§ 149, 150) represent the mountain peaks, not the general level, of Greek thought on this subject.^ The Greeks accepted frankly the search for pleasure as natu- ral and proper. Self-sacrifice had little place in their ideal ; and Christianity, in its aspect as a worship of divine sorrow, IS altogether foreign to their ideas. They were moved, not by the Christian spiritual passion for the beauty of holiness, but by an intellectual perception of the beauty of moderation and temperance. Individual characters at once lofty and lovable were not numerous. No society ever produced so many great men, but many societies have produced better men. Greek excellence was intellectual rather than moral. Trickery and wily deceit mark most of the greatest names, and not even physical or moral bravery can be called a national characteristic. At the same time, a few individuals do tower to great heights, though those heights were very different from the nobler ideals of modern society; and a few Greek teachers give us some of the noblest morality of the world. Says MahafPy {Social Greece, 8), after acknowledging the cruelty and barbarity of Greek life : — ''Socrates andr-Plato are far superior to the Jewish moralists ; they are superior to the average Christian moralist ; it is only in the matchless teaching of Christ himself that we find them surpassed." References for Further Reading upon Literature and Philoso- phy. — Jebb's Primer of Greek Literature ; Mahaffy's History of Greek Literature ; Marshall's Short History of Greek Philosophy ; and the treat- ment in the standard histories — Grote, Curtius, Abbott, Holm. 1 It has been supposed sometimes that the Orphic mysteries over Greece and the Eleusinian mysteries at Athens taught the initiates a higher faith in immortality ; but no sufficient evidence of this appears anywhere. On the " Mysteries," advanced students may consult Grant, Age of Pericles, ch. ii,, and Lenormant in the Contemporary Review for 1880, May, July, and Sep- tember- 134 THE GREEKS — 1000 TO 600 B.C. [§144 IX. ILLUSTRATIVE EXTRACTS. (Mostly from the fifth century.) 144. Odyssey, xiv. 83-84. — " Verily, the blessed gods love not fro- ward deeds, but they reverence justice and the righteous acts of men." 145. From Theognis. — "I will teach you, Cyrnus, a lesson which as a child I learned from the good : ' Never, for the honor, or excellence, or wealth, that may come of it, do aught that is base, or shameful, or unjust.' " "Never taunt a poor man with his poverty: God gives wealth as he will ; a man may be very rich and very base, but virtue is the portion of the few." " We live like children, and the Almighty plan controls the fro ward children of weak men." 146. From Menander (a later period). — "He is the best man who knows how to control himself when injured, for this hot temper and bitterness is evidence of a little mind." "Prefer to be injured rather than to injure." 147. From Aeschylus (§ 205). " The lips of Zeus know not to 'speak a lying speech, But will perform each single word." " I think not any of the gods is bad." "Justice shines in smoke-grimed bouses and holds in regard the life that is righteous ; she leaves with averted eyes the gold-bespangled palace Mrhich is unclean, and goes to the abode that is holy." 148. From Sophocles (§ 205). "Nor did I deem thy edicts strong enough That thou, a mortal man, should'st overpass The unwritten laws of God that know no change." 149. Socrates (§ 207), to his Judges after his condemnation to death. (Plato's Apology.) "Wherefore, O judges, be of good cheer about death, and know this of a truth — that no evil can happen to a good man, either in life or after death. He and his ?ire not neglected by the gods. . . . The hour of departure has arrived, and we go our ways — I to die, you to live. Which is better, God only knows." § 151] ILLUSTRATIVE EXTRACTS. 135 150. From Plato's Republic (§ 207). — "My counsel is that we hold fast ever to the heavenly way and follow justice and virtue, consider- ing that the soul is immortal and able to endure every sort of good and every sort of evil. Thus we shall live dear to one another and to the gods, both while remaining here, and when, like conquerors in the games, we go to receive our reward." 151. A Prayer of Socrates (from Plato's Phaedrus). — "Be- loved Pan, and all ye other gods who haunt this place, give me beauty in H-he inward soul ; and may the outward and inward man be at one. May I reckon the wise to be the wealthy, and may I have such a quantity of gold as none but the temperate can carry." CHAPTER IV. THE PERSIAN ATTACK. I. A NEW ERA. 152. Expanding Greece thrown back upon Itself. — In the sixth century this bustling, aggressive Greek world had seemed on the point of conquering the East merely by diffusing its influence through all lands. The expansion of Greek colonies has been noted ; but the movement vfas wider than mere coloni- zation. Greek cities were formed within the ancient monarchy of Egypt ; Greek mercenaries upheld the throne of the Pha- raohs, and at the same time made the strength of the armies of Babylon and Lydia; even the commerce of the East was passing from Phoenician to Greek hands. Fortunately this process was arrested before the Greek genius was too much weakened and diluted. Now came an event which severed the Greek world from Asia and threw it back upon Europe, to develop more fully its distinctive Euro- pean'traits before it again entered Asia. Persia within half a century had absorbed four great empires, — Media, Babylon, Egypt, and Lydia (§ 69). Next it attacked the little, strag- gling, disunited Greek states. 153. The Subdivisions of the Epoch. — The contest fills two hundred years and falls into three periods. In the first (500-479 B.C., the period of this chapter), the European Hellenes are on the defensive. In the second and longest period (479- 338 B.C.), the struggle is fitful, and concerns the freedom of the Asiatic Greeks. In the third period (338-323 b.c), Hellas — her civilization now perfected — conquers and Hellenizes 136 § 156] CONDITIONS FOR RESISTANCE. 137 Asia. In all this time the relations with Persia dominate Greek politics. To a Still broader view, these two centuries of conflict appear only as an opening episode in a struggle between East and West that has gone on ever since — with the Mohammedan attack, the crusades, the Tartar invasion, and the "eternal Eastern Question " of our own time, for later phases. II. CONDITIONS FOR RESISTANCE TO PERSIA. 154. Three Sections of Hellas were prominent in power and culture : the European peninsula (which we may call Greece), Asiatic Hellas with the coast islands, and Magna Graecia. Elsewhere the cities were too scattered, or too small, or too busy with their own defense against surrounding savages, to be of great significance for the approaching contest. Asiatic Greece was already subject to Persia. The two other sections were now to be attacked simultaneously by Persia and Cai-thage respectively. 155. Magna Graecia and Carthage. — Carthage, on the north coast of Africa, was a colony of Phoenicia. It had built up a great empire of an Oriental nature, and was now about to try to seize Sicily. That island, bringing Africa and Europe within reach of each other, was an important point from which to control Mediterranean trade. The Greek cities in Sicily and Italy were ruled by tyrants; and thpse, uniting under Oelon of Syracuse,' were to meet the Carthaginian onset success- fully with their armies of discipline^ mercenaries. That story need not be told in detail. 156. Greece: Wars, Class Strife, the Peloponnesian League. — In Greece, small as the forces seemed that coul^ be mustered against the master of the world, they were further wasted and divided in internal struggles. Athens was at war with Aegina and with Thebes ; Sparta had renewed the ancient strife with Argos, and had crippled her for a generation by slaying in one 138 THE PERSIAN ATTACK. [§ 156 battle almost the whole body -of adult Argives ; ^ and Phocis was engaged in a wasting struggle with Thessalians on one side and with Boeotians on the other. Worse than all this, domestic strife tore individual cities. The disappearance of the tyrants had been followed every- where by fresh feuds between classes. The oligarchs were often of Dorian descent, while the democracies commonly wore of the conquered Ionic blood. Dorian Sparta had interfered many times in the " age of tyrants" to drive out those oppress- ors of the oligarchs, and now she continued to support the oligarchs against the democracies. Sparta was in a sense the head of Greece. She lacked the enterprise and daring that were to make Athens the city of the coming century ; but her government was firm, her army was large and disciplined, and so far she had shown more genius than any other Greek state, in organizing her neighbors into a military league. Two fifths of the Peloponnesus she ruled directlj'', and all the other cities of the peninsula, except Argos, including Corinth and Megara on the Isthmus, formed a war-confederacy of which Sparta was the center. The union was very slight, it is true. On special occasions, at the call of Sparta, the states sent deputies to a conference to discuss peace or war ; but there was no constitution, no common treasury, not even a general treaty. Each state was bound to Sparta by its separate treaty, and in case of war it was expected to main- tain a certain number of troops for the confederate army ; but the union was so loose that the separate cities might, and did, make war upon each other inside the league. Still, this Pelo- ponnesian League was unquestionably the greatest war power in Hellas, and it afforded the one rallying-point for disunited Greece in the coming struggle with the Barbarian. 1 The old men and boys, however, sufficed to defend Argos itself against any possible Spartan attack. This touches an important fact in Greek war- fare : a walled city could hardly be taken by assault ; it could fall only through extreme carelessness, or by treachery or starvation ; and the last danger did not often exist, because the citizen armies of the besiegers could not keep the field long themselves. § 158J THE IONIC REVOLT. 139 III. THE IONIC REVOLT. 157. The Condition of the Asiatic Greeks. — Croesus (§ 68) became king of Lydia in the same year in which Peisistratus became tyrant of Athens. He soon added to his kingdom all the Greek cities of Asia Minor. To this time, the Asiatic Hellenes had excelled all other branches of the race in cul- ture. The names in §§ 140-141 show their preeminence in letters and science. Luxury and refinement were developed among them, and to these qualities their failure to maintain their independence is sometimes ascribed; but it seems un- likely that European Greeks themselves could have preserved their liberty, had they dwelt in so close vicinity to the great Asiatic empires. Croesus had favored his Greek subjects, and they aided him cordially against Persia (§ 69). When he was overthrown, the Greek cities continued their resistance. They applied in vain to Sparta for aid.^ Then Tholes, the philosopher, at a council of the Ionian Greeks, urged a federation. The Greeks could not rise to so wise a plan. Some of the people emigrated to found free colonies ; ^ but the cities fell one by one to Cyrus, and under Persian despotism their old superiority over other Greeks soon vanished. 158. The Revolt ; Athenian Aid. — Before the conquest by Persia, the Ionian cities had begun to get rid of tyrants ; but the Persians set them up everywhere again, as the easiest means of control. In the year 500 B.C., however, by a general rising, the lonians deposed their tyrants and broke into revolt against Persia. Another appeal to Sparta proved fruitless ; but Athens sent them twenty ships, and little Eretria sent five. The allies took Sardis, the old capital of Lydia, and were then joined by the other Asiatic Greeks. But treachery and mutual suspicion were rampant ; Persian gold was used skillfully ; and 1 Read the story in Herodotus, i. 152, 153. 2 Special report : the story of Phocaea. 140 THE PERSIAN ATTACK. [§ 159 one defeat broke up the league, after which the cities were again subdued, one by one, in the four years following. IV. THE FIRST TWO ATTACKS UPON GREECE, 492-490 B.C. 159. Relation to the Ionian Revolt. — According to legend, the Persian attack upon European Greece was caused directly by the desire to punish Athens for sending aid to the Ionian rebels. No doubt Athens was pointed out by this act for special vengeance ; but the Persian invasion would have come in any case, and would have come some years sooner had the war in Ionia not occupied the Persians. Their steadily ex- panding frontier had reached Thessaly just before 500 B.C., and the same motives that had carried their arms through Thrace and Macedonia would have carried them on into Greece (§ 69). The real significance of the Ionian war was that it helped to delay the main Persian onset until the Greeks were better prepared. 160. The Call for Earth and Water. — Now that the Ionian disturbance was over, the Persian advance began again. Her- alds appeared in the cities of Greece to demand " earth and water," in token of submission to the Great King. The island states yielded at oncfe ; in continental Greece in general the demand was quietly refused ; but at Athens and Sparta, de- spite the sacred character of all ambassadors, the messengers were thrown at the one city into a pit, and at the other into a well, to " take thence what they wanted." 161. Marathon. — The first great attack came by way of Thrace, and was rendered harmless by a storm : the Persian fleet accompanying the army was shattered on the rocks of Mount Athos. Two years later, Darius sent a second expedi- tion directly across the Aegean. Eretria was captured, through treachery, and her citizens sent in chains to Persia. Then the armament landed at the plain of Marathon in Attica, to punish the greater city that had dared to send troops to Asia. From the § 162] FIRST TWO ATTACKS UPON GREECE. 141 rising ground where the hills of Pentelicus meet the plain, the ten thousand Athenian hoplites faced the Persian host for the first struggle between Greeks and Asiatics on European ground. A swift runner had run the hundred and fifty miles of rugged hill country to implore the promised aid from Sparta, reaching that city on the second day ; but the Spartans waited a week, on the ground that an old law forbade them to set out ion a military expedition before the full moon.^ The Boeotian city of Plataea, however, remembering how Athens had pro- tected it against Thebes, joined the little Greek army with its full strength of a thousand hoplites. Without other help, the Athenians won a marvelous victory over ten times their num- ber of the most famous soldiery in the world. The result was due to the generalship of Miltiades, the Athenian commander, and to the superior equipment of the Greek hoplites. The charge of their dense array, with long, outstretched spears, by its sheer weight broke the light-armed Persian lines, utterly unprepared for conflict on such terms. The darts and light scimeters of the Persians made little impression upon the heavy bronze armor of the Greeks, while linen tunics and wicker shields counted for little against the thrust of the Greek spear. One hundred and ninety-two Athenians fell. The Persians left over sixty-four hundred dead upon the field.2 162. Moral Importance of Marathon. — Natural as the result came to seem in later times, it took high courage at that day to stand before the hitherto unconquered Persians, even with- out such adverse odds. "The Athenians," says Herodotus, "were the first of the Greeks to face the Median garments, . . . whereas up to this time the very name of Mede had been a terror to the Hellenes." Athens broke the spell, and grew 1 For the sincerity of the Spartan excuse, see Grote, IV. 463-464, and Holm, II. 26, note 9. Read Browning's poem, Pheidippides. 2 Special reports : plan and story of the battle ; discussion as to the Persian numbers. 142 THE PERSIAN ATTACK, [§ 163 herself to heroic stature in an hour. The memory of Marathon became the richest inheritance of the Athenians, and inspired them to daring enterprise. The sons of the men who con- quered on that field could find no odds too crushing, no prize too dazzling, in the years to come. It was now that the Athenian character first showed itself as Thucydides (i. 70) described it a century later: "The Athenians are the only people who succeed to the full extent of their hope, because they throw themselves without reserve into whatever they resolve to do." V. ATHENS — FROM MARATHON TO THERMOPYLAE. 163. An Interval of Preparation: Themistocles. — Marathon, together with an Egyptian revolt against Persia, gained the Greeks ten years more of respite ; but except in Athens little use was made of the interval. In that city the guiding spirit had come to be Themistocles, one of the most energetic and statesman-like leaders in all history. Under his guidance the Athenian democracy ygrew in unity and power. Two especially important measures are noted in the following sections. 164. Athens crushed Internal Faction by weakening and ter- rorizing the oligarchs. This involved the ruin of Miltiades, the hero of Marathon. He was an Athenian noble who had formerly made himself tyrant of Chersonese. Not long before the Persian invasion he had incurred the hatred of the Great King and had fled to Athens, where he became at once a prominent supporter of the oligarchic party. The democrats tried to prosecute him for his previous "tyranny," but the attempt failed, and his genius was available at Marathon. Soon after, he failed in a military expedition against Paros, and this time the democrats secured his condemnation.^ He died shortly after in prison ; and the blow was followed by 1 Special reports : a fuller story of Miltiades ; the question of Athenian ingratitude (Abbot, I. 93-97; Grote, IV. 492-512; Cox, Greeks and Persians, 135-139; Holm, H. 23-24; Curtius, H. 255-258). § 166] PERSIAN AND GREEK PREPARATIONS. 143 the ostracism of some oligarchic leader each season for several years, until that party was utterly broken and Athens was freed from danger of internal dissension. 165. Athens a Naval Power. — The victorious democrats di- vided into new parties on questions of policy. AristeideSj ''the Just," led the more moderate wing, content with the Cleisthenian constitution and inclined to follow old customs. Themistodes headed the more radical faction, and was bent upon a great departure from all past custom. The two ap- pealed to the ostracism, and fortunately Aristeides was ban- ished. Some new and rich veins of silver had just been discovered in the mines of Attica, and it had been proposed to divide the large revenue among the citizens. Themistocles now persuaded his countrymen to reject this tempting plan; and instead to byild a great fleet. He saw that the real struggle with Persia was yet to come, and that for a country like Hellas, the final issue must be decided by the command of the sea, — where, too, the Greeks could not be so infinitely outnumbered. The policy, wise though it was, broke with all tradition. No Euro- pean Greeks up to this time had used ships in war in any considerable measure ; and Attica was utterly insignificant upon the sea. But, thanks to Themistocles, in the next three years Athens became the greatest naval power in Hellas ; and the decisive victory of Salamis (§ 171) was to be the result. VI. THE MAIN ATTACK, 480-479 B.C. 166. Persian Preparation. — Meantime, happily for the world, Darius had died, and the invasion of Greece fell to his vain and feeble son, Xerxes. Marathon had proved that no Per- sian fleet could transport troops suflicient for the enterprise, so the route through Thessaly was tried again. Another such accident as had wrecked the first expedition was guarded against by the construction of a ship-canal through the isth- ,mus of Mount Athos — a great engineering work that took 144 THE PERSIAN ATTACK. L§ 167 three years. Meantime, supplies were collected at stations along the way ; the Hellespont was bridged ; and finally, in the spring of 480 b.c, Xerxes in person led a mighty host of many nations into Europe. Ancient reports put the Asiatics at from one and a half to two millions of soldiers, with follow- ers and attendants to raise the total to five millions. Modern critics think Xerxes may have had some half-million effective troops, with numerous followers. A fleet of twelve hundred ships accompanied the army. 167. The Greek Preparation. — The danger forced the Greeks into something like common action : into a greater unity, in- deed, than they had ever known so far, unless in the legendary war against Asiatic Troy. Sparta and Athens joined in calling an Hellenic congress at the Isthmus, in the spring of 480 b.c. The deputies that appeared bound their cities by oath to mutual aid, and pledged their common efforts to punish any states that should " Medize," or join Persia. Plans of campaign were discussed, and Sparta was recognized formally as leader. Ancient feuds were pacified, and messengers were sent to im- plore aid from outlying portions of Hellas, though with little result. Crete excused herself on a superstitious scruple; Cor- ey ra promised a fleet, but took care it should not arrive ; and Gelon of Syracuse had his hands full at home with the Carthar ginian invasion. Indeed, the double attack by Asia and Africa upon the two sections of the Greek race was probably concerted to prevent any joining of Hellenic forces. The outlook was full of gloom. Argos, out of hatred of Sparta, and Thebes, from jealousy of Athens, refused to attend the congress, and were ready to join Xerxes. Even the Delphic oracle predicted ruin, advised submission, and warned the Athenians to flee to the ends of the earth. 168. The Lines of Defense : Plan of Campaign. — Against a land attack the Greeks had three lines of defense. The first was at the Vale of Tempe near Mount Olympus, where only a narrow pass opened into Thessaly. The second was at Ther- § 170] THERMOPYLAE. 145 mopylae, where the mountains shut off northern from central Greece, except for a still narrower road. The third was behind the Isthmus of Corinth. At the congress, the Peloponnesians had wished selfishly to abandon the first two lines. They urged that all patriotic Greeks should retire at once within the Peloponnesus, the final citadel of Greece, and fortify the Isthmus by an impregnable jKrall. This plan was as foolish as it was selfish. Greek troops might have held the Isthmus against a land army; but the Peloponnesus was readily open to attack by sea, and the Per- sian fleet would have found it easier here than at either of the other lines of defense to land troops in the Greek rear with- out losing touch with its own army. Such a surrender of two thirds of Greece, too, would have meant a tremendous reen- forcement of the enemy by excellent Greek soldiery. 169. The Loss of Thessaly. — Sparta had no gift for going to meet an enemy, but must await its attack on its own terms. From fifty thousand to one hundred thousand men should have held the Vale of Tempe. The feeble and insufficient garrison sent there retreated wisely before the Persians appeared. Xerxes entered Greece without a blow, and the Thessalian cities, so deserted by their allies, joined the invaders with their powerful cavalry. 170. Thermopylae. — This made it evident, even to Spartan statesmen, that to abandon central Greece would strengthen Xerxes further, and it was decided in a half-hearted way to make a stand at Thermopylae. The pass was only some twenty feet wide between the cliff and the sea, and the only other path was one over the mountain, equally easy to defend. The long island of Euboea approached the mainland just op- posite the pass, so that the Greek fleet in the narrow water passage could guard the land army against having troops landed in the rear. The Athenians furnished and manned one hundred and twenty-seven ships of the fleet (out of a total of two hundred and seventy). The land defense had been 146 THE PERSIAN ATTACK. [§ 171 left to the Peloponnesian league and the other non-maritime states. A shamefully small force v/as sent for this impor- tant duty. The Spartan king Leonidas lay in the pass with three hundred Spartans and three thousand other Pelopon- nesian hoplites, besides light-armed Helots and a few thou- sand allies from central Greece. The main force of Spartans was again left at home, on the ground of a religious festival. Battle was joined on land and sea, and raged for three days. Four hundred Persian ships were wrecked in a storm, and the rest were checked by the Greek fleet in a sternly contested conflict at Artemisium. On land, Xerxes flung column after column of chosen troops into the pass, to be beaten back each time in rout. But on the second night Ejyhialtes, " The Judas of Greece," guided a force of Persians over the mountain path, which, with criminal carelessness, had been left insuffi- ciently guarded. Leonidas' position could no longer be held. The allies withdrew, but the three Hundred Spartans remained with their king to die in the pass their country had sent them to protect. Sparta had shown no capacity to command in this great crisis, but her citizens could set Greece an example of calm heroism that has stirred the world ever since. In later times the burial place of the three hundred was marked by this inscription : " Stranger, tell at Sparta that we lie here in obedi- ence to her laws." ^ 171. The Strategy of Themistocles. — At the moment, Ther- mopylae was disastrous. Xerxes advanced on Athens and was joined by nearly all the states of central Greece, while the Theban oligarchs welcomed him with genuine joy. The Pelo- ponnesian s would risk no further battle outside their own pen- insula, and the Athenians took refuge on their fleet. Delphi had finally prophesied safety for them within " wooden walls." Some thought the palisade of the Acropolis was meant, but 1 Special reports : the story of the one Spartan who escaped ; the Thebans and Thespians who remained with the Spartaas — their motives, and the strange neglect shown them in Greek history. §171] THE STRATEGY OF THEMISTOCLES. 147 Themistocles, who perhaps had secured the prophecy, per- suaded his fellow-citizens to put their trust in the wooden walls of their ships. The Spartan admiral, by persistent en- treaty, had been brought to delay the retreat of the fleet long enough to help remove the women and children from Athens. But Themistocles was determined also that the decisive battle G. The Greek fleet at Salamis. PPP. The Persian fleet. X. The Throne of Xerxes. should be fought at this spot. The narrow strait between the shore and Salamis helped to compensate for the smaller num- bers of the Greeks ; and it was evident to his insight that if the fleet withdrew to Corinth, as the Corinthians insisted it should do, all chance of united action would be lost : some con- tingents would sail home to defend their own cities against 148 THE PERSIAN ATTACK. [§171 Persian demonstrations; and others, like those of Megara and Aegina, their cities deserted, might join the Persians. The Athenians furnished two hundred of the three hundred and seventy-eight ships now in the fleet; and though with wise and generous patriotism they had yielded the chief command to Sparta, with her ten ships, still of course Themistocles carried weight in the council of captains. It was he who, by persua- sion, entreaties, and bribes had kept the despairing allies from abandoning the land forces at Thermopylae. A similar but Bay of Sal amis. greater task now fell to him. Debate waxed fierce in the night council. Arguments were exhausted, and Themistocles had recourse to threats and stratagems. The Corinthian admiral sneered that they need not regard a man who no longer repre- sented a Greek city; the Athenian retorted that he represented two hundred ships and could make a city where he chose ; and by a threat to sail away to found a new Athens in Italy he forced the allies to remain. Even then the decision would have been reconsidered had not the wily Athenian induced § 172] THE BATTLE OF SAL AMIS. 149 Xerxes, by a secret message, pretending treachery, to block up the strait. The news of this Persian move was brought to the Greek chiefs by Aristeides, whose ostracism had been revoked and who now slipped through the hostile fleet in his single ship to join his countrymen. 172. The Battle of Salamis. — The Persian fleet more than doubled the Greek, and was itself largely made up of Asiatic frreeks, while the Phoenicians who composed the remainder were redoubtable sailors. The conflict lasted the next day from dawn to night, but the Greek victory was overwhelming. * ' A king sat on the rocky brow i Which looks o'er sea-born Salamis ; And ships by thousands lay below, And men in nations, — all were his. He counted them at break of day, And when the sun set, where were they ? " Aeschylus, who fought on board an Athenian ship, gives a noble picture of the battle in his drama. The Persians. The speaker is a Persian recounting the event to the Persian queen mother : — " Not in flight The Hellenes then their solemn paeans sang, But with brave spirits hastening on to battle. With martial sound the trumpet fired those ranks : And straight with sweep of oars that flew thro' foam, They smote the loud waves at the boatswain's call ; And swiftly all were manifest to sight. Then first their right wing moved in order meet ; Next the whole line its forward course began ; And all at once we heard a mighty shout — ' sons of Hellenes^ foncard, free your country ; Free, too, your wives, your children, and the shrines Built to your fathers^ Gods, and holy tombs Your ancestors now rest in. The fight Is for our all. ' . . . 1 A golden throne had been set up for Xerxes, that he might better view the battle. 150 THE PERSIAN ATTACK. [§ 173 . . . And the hulls of ships Floated capsized, nor could the sea be seen, Filled as it was with wrecks and carcasses ; And all the shores and rocks were full of corpses, And every ship was wildly rowed in flight, All that composed the Persian armament. And they, as men spear tunnies, or a haul Of other fishes, with the shafts of oars, Or spars of wrecks, went smiting, cleaving down ; And bitter groans and wailings overspread The wide sea waves, till eye of swarthy night Bade it all cease : — and for the mass of ills, Not, tho' my tale should run for ten full days, Could I in full recount them. Be assured That never yet so great a multitude Died in a single day as died in this." 173. Illustrative Incidents. — Two incidents in the celebration of the victory throw light upon Greek character, a. The commanders of the various city contingents in the Greek fleet voted a prize of merit to the city that deserved best in the action. The Athenians had furnished more than half the whole fleet ; they were the first to engage, and they had specially distinguished themselves ; they had seen their city laid in ashes, too, and only their steady patriotism had made a victory possible. Peloponnesian jealousy passed them by, how- ever, for their rivals of Aegina, who had joined the Spartan league. b. Another vote was taken to award prizes to the two most merito- rious commanders. Each captain voted for himself for the first place, and all voted for Themistocles for the second. ^ 174. The Temptation of Athens. — On the day of Salamis the Sicilian Greeks won their decisive victory over the Cartha- ginians at Himera. That battle closed the struggle for a while in the west. In Greece the Persian chances were still good. Xerxes returned at once to Asia with his shattered fleet, but his general Mardonius remained in Thessaly with three hun- dred thousand chosen troops to renew the struggle in the spring. The Athenians began courageously to rebuild their city, 1 Herodotus, viii. 93; Plutarch's Themistocles. § 175] PLATAEA. 151 which Xerxes had laid in ashes. In the early spring, Mardo- nius sent them an offer of favorable alliance, with the restora- tion of their city at Persian expense — a compliment which showed that he at least knew where lay the soul of the Greek resistance. The terrified Spartans sent in haste to beg the Athenians, with many promises, not to desert the cause of Hellas. There was no need of such anxiety. The Athenians sent back the Persian messenger: "Tell Mardonius that so long as the sun holds on his way in heaven the Athenians will come to no terms with Xerxes." They courteously declined the Spartan offer of aid in rebuilding their city, but did urge them to take the field early enough so that Athens need not be again abandoned. Mardonius approached rapidly. The Spar- tans found another sacred festival before which it would not do to leave their homes, and the Athenians in bitter disap- pointment a second time took refuge at Salamis. With their city in his hands, Mardonius offered them again the same favorable terms of honorable alliance. Only one of the Athe- nian Council favored even submitting the matter to the peo- ple, and he was instantly stoned by the ' enraged populace while the women inflicted a like cruel fate upon his wife and children. We may regret that the nobility of the Athenian policy should have been sullied by such violence, but nothing can seriously obscure their heroic self-sacrifice, unparalleled in history. Mardonius burned Athens a second time, laid waste the farms over Attica, cut down the olive groves, and then retired to the level plains of Boeotia. 175. Plataea, 479 B.C. — Athenian envoys had been at Sparta for weeks entreating instant action, but had been put off with meaningless delays. The fact was, Sparta still clung to the stupid plan of defending only the Isthmus. Some of her keener allies, however, at last made the ephors see the useless- ness of the wall at Corinth if the Athenians should be forced to join Persia with their fleet ; then Sparta finally acted with energy, and gave a striking proof of her resources. One morn- 152 THE PERSIAN ATTACK. [§ 176 ing the Athenian envoys, who were about to announce their wrathful departure, were told, to their amazement, that fifty thousand Peloponnesian troops had been put in motion during the night. The Athenian forces and other reenforcements raised the total to about one hundred thousand. The final contest with Mardonius was fought near the little town of Plataea. Spartan generalship blundered sadly, and most of the allies were not brought into the fight; but the stubborn Spartan valor and the Athenian skill and dash won a victory ^ which became a massacre. It is said that of the two hundred and sixty thousand Persians engaged, only three thousand escaped. The Greeks lost in the battle itself only one hundred and fifty -four men. 176. The Meaning of the Greek Victory. — Plataea closed the first period of the Persian War. The Persians and Carthagin- ians were not barbarians in our sense of the word. In some respects they stood for at least as high a civilization as the Greeks then did. They possessed refinement and high moral ideals. Ancient Greece as a Persian province would have had an infinitely happier and more prosperous fate than modern Greece has had for many centuries as a Turkish province. But, none the less, a Persian victory would have meant the extinction of the world's best hope. The victory of the Greeks decided that the despotism of the East should not crush the individuality of the West in this first home until it had been transplanted into other European lands. To the Greeks themselves their victory opened a new epoch. It was not only that they were cast back upon themselves for a more European development (§ 152) ; they were victors over the greatest of world empires. It was a victory of intellect and spirit over matter. Unlimited confidence gave them still greater power. New energies stirred in their veins and found expression in manifold forms. The matchless bloom of Greek 1 Special report : Herodotus, ix. 12-89, and modem critic%^ § 176] PLATAEA. 153 art and thought, in the next two generations, had its roots in the soil of Marathon and Plataea. References. — Herodotus, vi.-ix. ; Plutarch, Themistocles and Aristei- des ; Cox, Greeks and Persians ; Holm ; Grote ; Abbott ; Curtius. For the Carthaginian Attack : Freeman, iitory of Sicily^ chs. v. , vi. Exercise. — 1. Summarize the causes of the Persian wars. 2. De- vise and memorize a series of catch-words and phrases for rapid statement, that shall bring out the outline of the story quickly. Thus : — Persian demands for "earth and water": compliance of the island- states ; reception at Sparta and Athens. First expedition^ through Thrace : Mount Athos. Second expedition, across the Aegean, two years later : capture of Eretria ; landing at Marathon; excuses of Sparta.; arrival of Plataeans ; Miltiades and battle of Marathon, 490. Let the student continue the series through the war. CHAPTER V. THE AGE OF PERICLES — PROM THE PERSIAN THROUGH THE PELOPONNESIAN "WAR. I. GROWTH OF THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE. 177. Preparation at Athens : the Building of the Walls and the Peiraeus.. — Immediately after Plataea, the Athenians began once more to rebuild their temples and homes ; but Themis- tocles persuaded them to leave even these in ashes until they should have surrounded the city with walls. Corinth, jealously eager to keep Athens helpless, urged Sparta to interfere ; and, to her shame, that city did send a protest. Such walls, she said, might prove an advantage to the Persians if they should again occupy Athens. The interference was the more cruelly unjust since the helpless condition of the Athenians was due to their heroic sacrifice for Hellas. A Peloponnesian army, however, could hardly have been resisted by ravaged Attica, and Themistocles had recourse to wiles. As Thucydides tells the story : — "The Athenians, by the advice of Themistocles, replied that they would send an embassy to discuss the matter, and so got rid of the Spartan envoys. He then proposed that he should himself start at once for Sparta, and that they should give him colleagues who were not to go immediately, but were to wait until the wall had reached the lowest height which could possibly be defended. ... On his arrival, he did not at once present himself officially to the magistrates, but delayed and made excuses, and when any of them asked him why he did not appear before the assembly, he said that he was waiting for his colleagues, who had been detained by some engagement. . . . The friendship of the magis- trates for Themistocles induced them to believe him, but when everybody who came from Athens declared positively that the wall was building, 154 § 177] THE BUILDING OF THE WALLS. 155 and had already reached a considerable height, they knew not what to think. He, aware of their suspicions, desired them not to be misled by reports, but to send to Athens men whom they could trust out of their own number, who would see for themselves and bring back word. They agreed ; and he, at the same time, privately instructed the Athenians to detain the envoys as quietly as they could, and not let them go till he and his colleagues had got safely home. For by this time, those who were joined with him in the embassy had arrived, bringing the news that the wall was of sufficient height, and he was afraid that the Lacedaemonians, when they heard the truth, might not allow them to return. So the Athenians detained the envoys, and Themistocles, coming before the Lacedaemonians, at length declared, in so many words, that Athens was now provided with walls and would protect her citizens ; henceforward, if the Lacedaemonians wished at any time to negotiate, they must deal with the Athenians as with men who knew quite well what was best for their own and the common good." Neglecting all private concerns, the Athenians had toiled with feverish haste — men, women, children, and slaves. To later generations the story was told in part by the irregular nature of the walls. No material was held too precious. In- scribed tablets and fragments of sacred temples, and even monuments from the burial grounds, had been seized for the construction. But Themistocles was not yet content. Athens lay several miles from the shore. In his archonship, some years before, with a view to future naval greatness, he had given the city the improved harbor of the Peiraeus, instead of an open road- stead formerly used; and this port was now fortified, more deliberately than the main city, with a massive wall of solid masonry clamped with iron, sixteen feet broad and thirty feet high, so that old men and boys might easily defend it against any enemy. Thus the Athenians were put in possession of two walled cities, each some seven miles in circuit, and only five miles apart. The metics who had thronged the port had fled at the Persian invasion, but this new security, together with special inducements now held out to strangers, brought back the merchant-class in crowds to contribute to the power and wealth of Athens. It was at this time, too, that Themis- 156 GROWTH OF THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE. [§178 tocles carried a resolution to add each year twenty ships to the fleet.^ 178. A Fleeting Vision of a United Hellas. — Before these events at Athens, while the Greek army was still encamped at Plataea after the victory, it had been agreed to hold there an annual congress of all Greek cities, and constantly to maintain eleven thousand troops and a hundred ships for war against aaa -Walls of Themistocles. 666 -Old City Limits. A "Acropolis. B -Areopagus. C -Pnyjt, D —Museum. E —Agora. Persia. The proposal for this Pan-Hellenic confederation came from Athens. Of course it looked to Spartan leader- ship. It was a wise and generous attempt to render permanent the makeshift union that the Persian danger had forced upon the allies. But the episode of the walls proved the hollow nature of the union, and the plan never really went into effect. Instead, Greece fell into two rival leagues, and Athens became head of the more brilliant one. 1 The " Long Walls " shown on the map upon this page and on the earlier map of Attica (p. 147) were not huilt until somewhat later; Cf . § 186. § 180] ATHENS ASSUMES LEADERSHIP. 157 179. The New Prominence of Athens. — The repulse of Persia had counted more for the glory of Athens than of Sparta. Athens had made greater sacrifices than any other state. She had shown herself free from petty vanity, and had acted with a broad, Hellenic patriotism. Herodotus, in his history of the war, feels constrained to insist that the victory over Persia was due mainly to the skill, wisdom, and energy of the Athenians. They furnished the best ideas and ablest leaders ; and even in the field, Athenian enterprise and vigor had accomplished at least as much as Spartan discipline and valor. Sparta had been indispensable as a rallying point: but she had shown miserable judgment; her leaders, too often, had proved incapable or corrupt ; ^ and now that war was to be carried on at a distance, her lack of enterprise became even more con- spicuous. Indeed, events in Asia Minor were already forcing Athens into the leadership to which she was entitled. The European Greeks had been unwilling to follow any but Spartan generals on sea or land ; but on the Ionian coast Athens was the more popular city, and her superior activity and fitness at once won recognition. 180. Athens assumes Leadership of the Ionian Greeks (479 B.C.). — While the Persians on Greek soil still threatened conquest, the Greeks had taken the offensive. In the early spring of 479 B.C., a fleet had crossed the Aegean to assist Samos in a revolt. A Spartan king commanded the expedition, of course, but three fifths of the whole fleet were Athenian ships. On the very day of Plataea,^ a double victory was won at Mycale on the coast of Asia Minor : the Greeks defeated a great Persian army, and then, storming the fortified camp, seized and burned the three hundred Persian ships. No Persian fleet 1 Special reports: Pausanias at Byzantium, and King Leotychides in Thessaly. 2 According to the ancient authorities. Modem authorities doubt this coincidence of dates. I5gi GROWTH OF THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE. [§181 was to show itself again in the Aegean for nearly a hundred years, — until after the fall of Athens. In this decisive battle, the Athenians were fortunate enough to have practically com- pleted the work before the Spartans and their wing of the army were able to reach the fiplH. ..^ A general rising of the Ionian cities followed, but the Spar- tans shrank from the responsibility of admitting them into the Hellenic league and of defending so distant allies against Persia. They proposed instead to transport the lonians to European Greece and to give them the cities of the Medizing Greeks there. The lonians of course would not leave their homes, and the Athenians denied the right of Sparta so to decide the fate of " Athenian colonies." The Spartans seized the excuse to sail home, leaving the Athenians to manage as best they could by themselves. The latter gallantly undertook the task, and began the reduction of the scattered Persian garrisons in the Aegean. The next year, thinking better of it, Sparta sent Pausanias, the general of Plataea, to take command ; but he entered into treasonable correspondence with Xerxes, and by his unendur- able insolence so offended the allies that, though his treason was only suspected as yet, they formally invited the Athenians to take the leadership. Another Spartan general arrived to replace Pausanias ; but the allies chose to remain under Athe- nian command, and Sparta, with all the Peloponnesian league, withdrew finally from the war. Athens was thenceforth the recognized head in the struggle to preserve the freedom of the Asiatic Greeks. The league of Plataea was still nominally in existence, but the war was to be waged henceforth on Asiatic shores, and by Greeks who (excepting the Athenians) had had no share in Plataea. 181. The Confederacy of Delos, 477. — The first step was to organize a more definite confederacy. This work fell to Aris- teides ; and Athens was as fortunate in her representative as Sparta had been unfortunate in hers. The courtesy and tact § 182] THE DELIAN LEAGUE. 159 of the Athenian won universal favor, and his known integrity inspired a rare confidence in the settlement of the money- contributions. The arrangements he proposed were ratified by all the allies, and created the Confederacy of Delos. A congress of the states to direct the affairs of the league was to be held annually at Delos — the seat of an ancient Ionic amphictyony. Each state had one vote. Each paid a yearly -^contribution to the treasury, and the larger cities furnished also ships and men. Athens was the president city. Her generals commanded the allied fleet, and her delegates pre- sided at the congresses. In return, Athens seems to have borne far more than*^er share of the burdens.^ The purpose of the league was to complete the process of freeing the Aegean and to prevent the return of the Persians. Any city in the vicinity of Asia that should have refused to join would have appeared desirous of reaping the benefit of the confeder- acy without contributing to its support. The allies seem to have planned 2^. perpetual union. Lumps of iron were thrown into the sea, when the oath of federation was taken, as a symbol that it should be binding until the iron should float. The league remained to the last predominantly Ionian and maritime. It was therefore a natural rival of Sparta's Dorian continental league. Exercise. — 1. In what respects was the Delian league, even at the beginning, an advance on the Peloponnesian league ? 2. Contrast the services of Themistocles and Aristeides to Athens. Could Themistocles have organized the Delian league ? (The second exercise may be framed as a question for debate.) 182. Work and Growth of the Delian League. — The confeder- acy grew rapidly until it took in nearly all the islands of the Aegean and the cities of the northern and eastern coasts. The Persians were expelled from the whole region. Then the great general of the league, Cimon, son of Miltiades, carried 1 Apparently in war over half the total outlay, though possessing less than one sixth the total resources. Holm, II. 215 160 GROWTH OF THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE. [§ 183 the war beyond the Aegean, and won his most famous victory, in 466 B.C., at the mouth of the Eurymedon in Pamphylia, where in one day he destroyed a Persian land host and cap- tured a fleet of two hundred and fifty vessels. After this the Carian and Lycian coasts joined the confederacy. The cities at the mouth of the Black Sea, too, were added ; and the trade of that region streamed through the Hellespont to the Peiraeus. Aristophanes speaks of a thousand cities in the league, but only two hundred and eighty are known by name. 183. Changes in the Character of the League. — After a few years the character of the union altered radically. The details are not known, but we can discover two general tendencies. a. The change came largely by a natural growth — because the Athenians were willing to bear burdens and accept respon- sibilities, while their less energetic allies preferred peace and quiet. Many cities chose to increase their money payments in place of furnishing men and ships, so that before long the navy was solely Athenian. As a natural result, Athens no longer felt it needful to consult the allies as to the operations of the war; the congress ceased to meet; and finally the treas- ury was removed from Delos to Athens. 6. The second process was ev^n more significant, changing not only the practice, but also the theory, of the union. Even before the first tendency became prominent, single states here and there began to refuse their quotas and to attempt seces- sion. Persia, they thought, was no longer a danger, and the need for the league had passed away. But of course the Athenian fleet patrolling the Aegean was the only reason why the Persians did not reappear there, and Athens was certainly right in holding the allies to their engagements. Cities that rebelled were conquered by the very navy their contributions had built up; but, instead of being brought back into the union, they were reduced to the position of subjects of Athens. That is, they were no longer connected with the other cities § 184] THE DELIAN LEAGUE. 161 of the league except through their subjection to the conquer- ing city, to which they were bound in each case by a separate treaty imposed by the conqueror. Athens took away their fleets, leveled their walls, sometimes remodeled their govern- ments upon a democratic basis, and made them pay tribute. 184. The League becomes an Athenian Empire. — We know of j)nly a few such rebellions ; but it is clear that gradually Athens came to treat most of the other cities of the old league much as she did these conquered cities. The confed- eracy of equal states became an empire, with Athens for its "tyrant city." 1 By 450 B.C. Lesbos, Chios, and Samos were the only states of the league possessing anything like their original inde- pendence, and even these had no voice in the ipaperial manage- ment. Besides these, however, now or later, Athens had other independent allies that had never belonged to the Delian Confederacy — like Plataea, Corcyra, Naupactus, and Acar- nania, in central Greece, Neapolis and Eegium in Italy, and Segesta and other Ionian cities in Sicily. On the whole, despite the strong Greek tendency to city sovereignty, the subject cities seem to have been attached to Athens. Revolts were infrequent, and enemies confessed that the bulk of the people looked gratefully to Athens for protec- tion against oligarchic faction. Athens was the true mother of Ionian democracy. As the Athenian Isocrates said, "Athens was the champion of the masses, the enemy of dynasties, deny- ing the right of the many to be at the mercy of the few." Everywhere throughout the empire, as thousands of inscrip- tions show, the ruling power became an Assembly and Council like those at Athens ; but the arrangement was commonly 1 See Abbott, II. 344-346, for an inscription showing the conditions imposed by Athens upon one community. Some details for other cities are given in the same volume, 371-373. Freeman, Federal Government, I. 23-29, gives a good comparison between the subject cities and X\x^ American States or British colonies. 162 GROWTH OF THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE. [§ 185 brought about without violence. Later, during the Pelopon- nesian war (§ 211 ff.), most of the cities remained faithful long after they might have revolted with impunity : and when rebellion did come it was usually preceded by internal oligarchic revolution. In the next century, too, after a period of Spartan tyranny, many of these same cities again sought protection and democracy in a new Athenian league (§ 229). None the less, it was plain, by 460 b.c, that the attempt at a union of Greek states on the basis of representation and equality had failed. We can see now that the indifference of the Greeks to representation and to any citizenship outside their own city doomed such a plan from the first. The confederation was fated to fall to pieces or to be consolidated into a single imperial state. This last chance to make an Hellenic nation (imperialism) still remained ; and Athenian success would no doubt have been happy for Greece and for the world. But three opposing forces proved too strong : the omnipresent tendency to city independence ; the bitter hatred of the oligarchic factions in the cities most friendly to Athens and even in Athens itself ; and the natural jealousy felt by cities outside the em- pire, like Corinth and Sparta. The conflict between the imperial Athenian democracy and these forces made the political history of Greece for the rest of the century; and the fall of Athens at its close involved, soon after, the fall of Hellas. 185. The Rift between Athens and Sparta In 465 b.c. Athens made war upon Thasos, a revolted member of the league. After a two years' siege, the Thasians applied to Sparta for aid. That city purposed secretly to invade Attica, although the two states were still in alliance under the league of 481 B.C. The treacherous project was prevented by a de- structive earthquake at Sparta, which was followed at once by a desperate revolt of the Messenian Helots. Instead of attack- ing Athens, the hard-pressed Spartans called upon her for aid. Ephialtes, leader of the democratic party (§ 200), opposed such a step, but Cimon urged that Athens should not let her yoke- fellow be destroyed or Greece be lamed. The generous but short- sighted policy of the aristocratic party prevailed, and Cimon led an Athenian army into the Peloponnesus. A little later, however, the Spartans, suspecting the same bad faith of which § 186] A LAND EMPIRE. 163 they knew themselves guilty, dismissed the Athenians insult- ingly. The anti-Spartan party in Athens was strengthened by this act. Cimon was ostracized, and his party was left utterly helpless for many years. Athens now formally renounced her alliance with Sparta, and entered into treaty with ArgoSj Sparta's sleepless enemy. Megara, too, joined the Athenian league, to secure protection against Corinth, and so gave ^^thens command of the passes from the Peloponnesus. 186. Marvelous Activity of Athens : Growth of a Land Em- pire. — A rush of startling events followed. Corinth and Aegina declared war upon Athens. Aegina was blockaded, and reduced after a long siege ; Corinth was struck blow after blow, even in the Corinthian gulf ; and Athenian fleets ravaged the coasts of Laconia and burned the Spartan dockyards. At the same time, while keeping up her fleet in the Aegean, Athens sent a great armament of two hundred ships (and more, later) to aid Egypt in a revolt against Persia.^ The expedition was at first brilliantly successful, and Persia seemed on the point of being deprived of all contact with the Mediterranean. Else- where also for a time Athens was almost uniformly victorious. A Spartan army crossed the Corinthian gulf and appeared in Boeotia to check Athenian progress there. It won a partial victory at Tanagra, — the first real battle between the two great states, — but used it only to secure an undisturbed re- treat into the Peloponnesus. The Athenians at once reap- peared in the field, crushed the Thebans in a great battle at Oenophyta, became masters of all Boeotia, and, expelling the oligarchs, set up democracies in the various towns. Phods and Locns at the same time allied themselves to Athens, so that she seemed in a fair way to extend her land empire over all central Greece, to which she held the two gates, Thermop- ylae and the passes of the Isthmus. A little later, part of 1 Such a fleet required forty thousand sailors (two hundred to a ship), and from two thousand to five thousand hoplites. The sailors, however, came largely from the non-citizen class, and some perhaps were even slaves. 164 GROWTH OF THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE. [§ 187 Tliessaly was brought under Athenian influence, and Achaea in the Peloponnesus itself was added to the league. Indeed it is impossible even to mention the multiplied instances of limit- less energy and splendid daring on the part of Athens for the few years after 460 e.g., while her empire was at its height. For one instance: just when Athens' hands were fullest in Egypt and in the siege of Aegina, Corinth tried a diversion by invading Megaris. Athens did not recall a man, but, arming the youths and the old men past age of service, repelled the invaders. The Corinthians, stung by shame, made a second, more determined, attempt, and were again repulsed with great slaughter. It was at this time, too, that the city completed her fortifications by building the Long Walls from Athens to Peiraeus — a measure which added also a large open space to the city, where the country people might take refuge in case of invasion. 187. Loss of the Land Empire. — But the resources of Athens were severely strained, and a sudden series of stunning blows well-nigh exhausted her. Two hundred and fifty ships and the whole army in Egypt were lost — a disaster that would have annihilated almost any other Greek state. Megara, which had itself invited an Athenian garrison, now treacherously massacred it and joined the Peloponnesian league. A Spartan army entered Attica through the recovered passes ; and, at the same moment, Euboea — absolutely essential to Athenian safety — burst into revolt. All Boeotia, too, except Plataea, fell away : after an Athenian defeat, the oligarchs won the upper hand in its various cities and joined themselves to Sparta. 188. The Thirty Years' Truce, and Peace with Persia. — The activity and address of Pericles (§ 200) saved Attica and Euboea, but the other continental possessions and alliances were for the most part lost, and in 445 B.C. a Tliirty Tears^ Truce was concluded between the contending leagues. A little before this, according to a somewhat vague account, by the Peace of Callias, Persia had recognized the freedom of » • » » » » •» » » \ c ' § 190] MATERIAL STRENGTH. 166 the Asiatic Greeks and had promised to send no warship into the Aegean. In any case, these conditioDS were effectively- secured, whether by express treaty or not, and the long war with Persia, too, came to a close. II. THE EMPIRE AND THE IMPERIAL CITY IN PEACE.i " The Athens of the fifth century was a great state in a higher sense than most of the kingdoms of the Middle Ages. . . . For the space of a half century her power was quite on a par with that of Persia^ . . . and the Athenian Empire is the true precursor of those of Macedonia and i?ome." — Holm, IL 259. A. Material Strength. 189. Relative Power. — Athens had failed to keep her con- tinental dominion, and the second chance for a united Hellas had passed ; but at the moment the loss of this territory did not seem to impair her strength. The maritime empire was saved and consolidated, and, for a generation more, the Greeks of that empire were the leaders of the world in power as in culture. They had proved themselves more than a match for Persia ; the mere magic of the Athenian name sufficed to re- strain Carthage from any renewal of her attack upon the now weakened Sicilian Greeks ; the Athenian power in Thrace easily held in check the rising Macedonian kingdom ; Eome was still a barbarous village on the Tiber bank. The center of physical power in the world was imperial Athens. .190. Population. — The cities of the empire counted some three millions of people.^ The number seems small to moderns ; but it must be kept in mind that the population of the world 1 The intellectual greatness of Athens obscures the fact sometimes that she stood also for a great material power and for a high political development. A complete survey calls for all three topics. The latter two have been partly- discussed, and may be best disposed of here before the first one is taken up. 2 See Holm, II. 223-224, and Cunningham's Western Civilization, 109, for a discussion of authorities. The most cautious inquiry is Beloch's Die Bevol- kerung der griechisch-romanischen Welt (1886). 166 THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE IN PEACE. [§191 was small, and that the Athenian Empire was made up — as no other empire ever has been — solely of select, cultured, wealthy, progressive communities. Of course, slaves made a large fraction of this population. Thus Attica itself contained from two hundred and thirty-live thousand to two hundred and seventy-five thousand people, of whom from forty thousand to one hundred thousand were slaves.^ Thirty thousand or forty- five thousand more were metics. This left a citizen population of some one. hundred and twenty thousand or one hundred and fifty thousand, of whom perhaps thirty-five thousand were adult males. To this number should be added half as many cleruchs whom Pericles had settled as garrison colonies in outlying parts of the empire. The cleruchs — like the Koman colonists later, and unlike other Greek colonists — kept their enrollment in the Attic demes with all the rights of citizenship, though of course they could not exercise the higher political rights unless they came to Athens in person. They were mostly from the poorer classes, and were given lands in the new settlements sufficient to raise them at least to the class of hoplites. 191. The Imperial Revenues were large for any ancient state, especially for one that did not drain its people poor. The ruling city drew an annual income of about four hundred talents (f 400,000 in our values) from her Thracian mines and from the port dues and the taxes on metics. The tribute from the sub- ject cities amounted to half as much again. This was justly assessed, and it bore lightly upon the prosperous Greek commu- nities. For instance, the Asiatic Greeks paid only one sixth as much as they had previously paid Persia ; and the tax was never any considerable fraction of what it would have cost the cities merely to defend themselves against pirates, had Athenian pro- tection been removed.^ Indeed the whole tribute would not keep 1 Older estimates said four hundred thousand slaves — a number now abso- lutely discredited. 2 A good discussion is in Holm, II. 214-216 and 223-226. See also Abbott, IL 521. i 193] GOVERNMENT OF THE CITY AND EMPIRE. 167 one hundred ships manned and equipped for a year, to say nothing of building them ; and when we remember the stand- ing navy in the Aegean and the great armaments that .Athens sent repeatedly against Persia, it would seem that she bore at least her share of the imperial burden. B. Government of the City and Empire. 192. Steps in Political Development. — The chief steps from the constitution of Cleisthenes to that of Pericles were : (a) the growth of the office of general ; (6) the continued extension of the sphere of the Assembly, with the subordination of all other parts of the government to it ; (c) the limitation of the Areop- agus and the growth of the dicast courts; and (d) the intro- duction and wide extension of state pay for public service. There was no general recasting of the constitution at one moment, as there had been at the time of Solon and of Cleis- thenes ; and the change was much more in the spirit of the people than in the outer form of institutions. The first two steps mentioned above were altogether the result of a gradual development, independent of legislation. The others were brought about by piecemeal enactment. Ephialtes, and after- ward Pericles, were the guiding spirits in the development.^ 193. The Generals and the "Leaders of the People." — In 487 B.C. Solon's method of choosing archons by lot (§ 127 and note) had been restored. Partly as a result of this, the office grew unimportant, and its powers passed to the board of ten gen- erals, who became the real administrators of the empire, sub- ject to the sovereign Assembly. It was on their proposals, as a rule, that troops were levied and equipped, ships built and manned, and moneys raised. In particular, they managed for- eign relations, carried on all intercourse with ambassadors, and watched the movements of other powers through their agents 1 The extension of eligibility for oflBce to Solon's " fourth class," which it has been customary to credit to Aristeides just after Plataea, is flatly denied by Aristotle's newly discovered Constitution. 168 THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE IN PEACE. [§ 194 abroad. Thej could call special meetings of the Assembly at will, and were conceded precedence in addressing it.^ With the development of the Assembly's power (§ 194) there grew up, alongside these official administrators, a semi-official position of " leader of the people." The written law knew no such office; but the statesman most trusted by the popular party could exercise an authority greater than that of any officer of the constitution. It became desirable, therefore, from every point of view, that the Board of Generals should contain the " leader of the people " for the time being, to advocate its plans in the Assembly ; and such a union was kept up through all this period.' A " leader of the people " who was also pres- ident of the Board of Generals, held a position in some ways similar to an English prime minister's. 194. The Assembly.^ — Cleisthenes had left the Assembly theoretically sovereign, but in fact its various agents at first exercised independent authority. It was only after some time that the Assembly came to think it proper to supervise and check these other forces day by day ; and it was only by prac- tice that it learned how to do so effectively. But in the Age of Pericles this had come to pass. All other powers had be- come the obedient servants of the Assembly. The Council of Five Hundred existed not to guide it, but to do its bidding. The generals were its creatures and might be deposed by it any day of their short term of office. No act of government was too small or too great for it to deal with. The Assembly of Athens was to the greatest empire of the world in that day all, and more than all, that a New England town meeting a century ago was to its little unit of government. The world has never seen such a phenomenon elsewhere. The Assembly held forty stated meetings a year and many special meetings, so that a patriotic citizen was called upon to give one day in six or seven to the state in this regard alone. 1 On the Generals, read Holm II. 201, 202. a Read Grant, 141-149. Advanced students may consult Gilbert, 285-310. § 196] GOVERNMENT OF THE CITY AND EMPIRE. 169 After the period of Athenian greatness was past, it was found needful to pay citizens for the time given to these meetings ; but, while Athens ruled an empire, patriotism alone brought men to grant this serious tax upon their time. 195. The Waning of the Areopagus — The decline of the archonship to an ornamental office involved a like fate for the Areopagus — made up, as it was, of ex-archons. As a body holding office for life, it was always unpopular. During the Persian War, it is true, it had won high credit, justly ; and for some years afterward it was allowed to resume something of its ancient importance in the state, but, after the banishment of Cimon, Ephialtes reduced it to a minor criminal court. 196. The Dicasteries. — The chief judicial business fell now to large popular courts, whose importance became fully developed under Pericles. Six thousand citizens were chosen by lot each year (probably only from those who offered themselves), of whom one thousand were held in reserve, while the others were divided into ten jury courts of five hundred each, called dicas- teries. For important cases, several of these were sometimes thrown together. To these bodies the Assembly turned over the trial of offi- cials, so that they became high courts of impeachment. It was with a view to this duty that each dicast took an oath " abovfe all things to favor neither tyranny nor oligarchy, nor in any way to prejudice the sovereignty of the people." Besides performing this semi-political function, the dicasteries made : (a) supreme imperial courts to settle all disputes between sep- arate cities of the empire ; (6) courts of appeal for all important law cases in each of the subject cities ; and (c) the ordinary courts for all Athenians. A dicastery was both judge and jury ; it decided by majority vote, and no appeal was possible. Large bodies of this kind, without the check that even our smaller juries have in trained judges to guide them, gave many wrong and evil verdicts, no doubt. Passion and emotion and bribery all interfered, at times, with even-handed justice ; but, 170 THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE IN PEACE. [§ 197 on the whole, the system worked astonishingly well. Probably no other community has ever been educated up to a point where it could have made so great a success of such judicial machinery. In particular, it is notable that any citizen of a subject city was sure to get redress, if wronged by an Athenian officer. The public conscience was commendably sensitive upon that matter. 197. State Pay — Since these courts exercised so great weight and tried political offenders, it was essential to the democratic idea that they should not fall altogether into the hands of the rich. To prevent this Pericles introduced pay- ment for jury duty. The amount (three obols a day, or about ten cents) would furnish a day's sustenance for one person in Athens, but it did not suffice for a family.^ Moreover, even at such pay, a dicast could hardly count upon employment on more than two hundred days in the year ; and it is clear that jury pay could not have been a serious financial object with any large portion of the citizens, especially when it is remem- bered that Athens had no pauper class. Afterward, Pericles extended the principle of public pay- ment to other political services. Aristotle says that some twenty thousand men — over half the whole body of citizens — were constantly in the pay of the state. Half of this number, however, were engaged in some form of military service, and in some cases were not citizens. But, besides the six thousand jurymen, there were the five hundred senators, seven hundred city magistrates, seven hundred more officials representing Athens throughout the empire, and many inferior state ser- 1 It was about one third the average d&y's wage for a workingman, or one fifth that of a skilled artisan. The older estimates of wages in Athens seem to have been erroneous. See a discussion in Ilellenic Studies, 1895, pp. 229- 247. The enemies of the system ridiculed paid juries, as hostile critics may ridicule them, indeed, with us, by pointing to the " professional jurymen " known in parts of our country, who for the sake of the fee hang about the courtroom to get places when the regular panel is exhausted. Such ridicule does not condemn the system. § 198] GOVERNMENT OF THE CITY AND EMPIRE. 171 vants — keepers of public buildings, overseers of markets and the ports, jailers, and the like ; so that always from a third to a fourth of the citizens were in the civil service. Pericles has been accused sometimes of corrupting the Athe- nians by the introduction of such payment. But there is no evidence that the Athenians were corrupted under the system ; and further, such a system was inevitable when the democracy of a little city became the master of an empire. It was quite as natural and proper as is the payment of congressmen and judges with us. In the United States, only one man in about a hundred ever holds even a nomination for office, though our citizens give more universal attention to politics than is the case in any other modern country. Athens de- manded the services of all her citizens over half the time (counting the military service) . Of course, such a system involved public pay for the whole population of the ruling city. Sparta, it will be remembered, attained a less desirable end in a less desirable manner. She kept her whole citizen class on constant military footing by giving them the free use of state slaves to till their lands. In both Athens and Sparta the practice was totally different from the later custom, with which it is sometimes classed (§ 414), of distributing free corn as a gratuity or a bribe to the rabble of Rome. 198. Political Capacity of the Average Athenian. — Many of the numerous offices in Athens (nearly all the higher ones, in fact) could be held only once by the same man, so that each Athenian citizen could count upon serving his city at some time in almost every public capacity. Politics was his occupation; office-holding, his normal function. An unusually high average of intelligence is the only explanation of the fact that such a system worked. It certainly did work well. With all its faults, the empire was vastly superior to the rude despotism that followed in Greece under Sparta, or the anarchy under Thebes ; it gave to a large part of the Hellenic world a peace and security never enjoyed before, nor again until the rise of Roman 172 THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE IN PEACE. [§ 199 power ; while Athens itself, during and after its empire, was bet- ter and more gently governed than oligarchic cities like Corinth. Indeed, there is reason in the contention of Edward Free- man that the average Athenian's political training and ability resembled more nearly that of the average member of Parlia- ment (or of the American Congress) than that merely of the average citizen of England or America. " Moderns are apt to blame the Athenian Democracy for putting power in hands unfit to use it. The truer way of putting the case would be to say that the Athenian Democracy made a greater number of citizens fit to use power than could be made fit by any other system. . . . The Assembly was an assembly of citizens — of average citizens without sift- ing or selection ; but it was an assembly of citizens among whom the political average stood higher than it ever did in any other state. . . . The Athenian, by constantly hearing questions of foreign policy and domestic administration argued by the greatest orators the world ever saw, received a political training which nothing else in the history of man- kind has been found to equal." ^ 199. Imperfect Nature of the Democracy; the Final Verdict upon the Empire. — It is easy to see that the Athenian system was imperfect, tried by later standards of representative insti- tutions ; but it is more to the point to see that it was an ad- vance in political development over anything before attempted. To be sure, in Attica itself the thirty-five thousand male citizens were less than half the adult male population. Even adding the cleruchs, the fifty thousand cannot have been more than one fifteenth of the adult males of the empire; while — worse than the mere limitation in numbers — they stood all for one locality, and admission to their ranks came only by blood descent. It certainly is to be regretted that Athens could not 1 Freeman, Federal Government. On the advantages of small states, read pp. 37-43 (first edition), from which these passages are taken. Read also a spicy paragraph in Wheeler's Alexander, 116, 117. Galton argues that the average natural ability of the Athenian was as much higher than ours as ours is above that of the African negro {Hereditary Genius, 342, American edition, 1887) ; but probably Freeman is nearer right in placing the emphasis upon difference in training. 200] POLITICAL PARTIES AND LEADERS. 173 continue to admit her resident aliens to citizenship, as had been done once by Cleisthenes ; it is to be regretted that she could not extend to the men of her subject and allied cities that imperial citizenship which she did leave to her cleruchs, as Eome was to do much later. But the important thing is, that she had moved farther in both directions than had any other state up to this time. The admission of metics by Cleisthenes and the cleruch citizenship were notable advances. Tlie broadest policy of the age ought not to he condemned as narrow. 200. Leaders and Parties : Pericles. — A few words will sum- marize party history up to the leadership of Pericles. All factions in Athens had coalesced pa- triotically against Persia, and after- ward in fortifying the city ; but the brief era of good feeling was followed by a renewal of party strife. The aristocrats rallied around Cimon, while the two wings of the democrats were led at first, as before the inva- sion, by Aristeides and Themistocles. Themistocles was ostracized,^ and his friend Ephialtes became the leader of the extreme democrats. When Ephi- altes was assassinated by aristocratic opponents, Pericles stepped into his place. The aristocratic party had been ruined by its pro-Spartan policy (§ 185); the two divisions of the democrats reunited, and for a quarter of a century Pericles was in practice as abso- lute as a dictator, so that Thucydides characterizes Athens during this period of he'r greatness as " a democracy in name only, in reality ruled by its ablest citizen." Pericles belonged Pericles. — A portrait bust, now in the Vatican. 1 Special topic : Themistocles after Plataea ; note opposing views, and see especially Cox, Athenian Empire, 15-24. 174 THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE IN PEACE. [§ 201 to the ancient nobility of Athens, though to families that had always taken the side of thie people. His mother was the niece of Cleisthenes the reformer, and his father had im- peached Miltiades, so that the enmity between Cimon and Pericles was hereditary. The supremacy of Pericles rested in no way upon the flattering arts of later popular leaders. His proud, austere reserve verged on haughtiness, and he was rarely seen in public. He scorned to display emotion. His stately gravity and unruffled calm were styled Olympian by his admirers — who added that, like Zeus, he could on occasion overbear opposition by the majestic thunder of his oratory. His great authority came from no public office. He was elected general, it is true, fifteen times, but in the board he had most weight chiefly because of his unofficial position as recognized " leader of the people " (§ 193). It must be remembered that, general or not, he was master only so long as he could carry the Assembly, and that he was compelled to defend each of his measures against all who chose to attack it. The long and steady confidence given him honors the people of Athens no less than the statesman, and his noblest eulogy is that which he claimed for himself upon his death-bed — that, with all his authority, and despite the virulence of party strife, " no Athe- nian has had to put on mourning because of me." He stated his own policy clearly, and in his lifetime, on the whole, carried it to success. As to the empire, he sought to make Athens at once the ruler and the teacher of Hellas, the political, intellectual, and artistic center ; and, witiiin the city itself, he wished the people to rule not merely in theory, but in fact, as the best means of training themselves for high responsibilities. C. Intellectual and Artistic Athens. 201. The True Significance of Athens. — After all, in politics and war, Hellas has had superiors. Her true service to man- kind and her imperishable glory lie in her intellectual and artistic development. It was in the Athens of Pericles that 202] INTELLECTUAL AND ARTISTIC ATHENS. 175 these phases of Greek life developed most fully, and this fact makes the real significance of that city in history. 1. Ptirthenon 2. Erechtheum 3. Propylcua i. Pryti 6. Temple of Atelepiu^ 6. Monument of Lyaierates 7. Eleusinium BouUuterion 9. Tholoe 10. TempUofFuriee 11. Temple of Are* 12. So-called Prison of Socrates Map of Athens, with some structures of the Roman period. 202. Architecture and Sculpture. — Part of the policy of Peri- cles was to adorn Athens from the surplus revenues of the empire. The justice of this may easily be questioned, but the 176 THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE IN PEACE. [§202 result, just at that period of the perfection of Greek art, was to make the city the most beautiful in the world, so that, ever since, her mere ruins have enthralled the admiration of men. Everywhere arose temples, colonnades, porticoes, theaters — inimitable to this day. " No description can give anything but a very inadequate idea of the splendor, the strength, the beauty, which met the eye of the Athenian, whether he walked round the fortifications, or through the broad streets of the Peiraeus, or along the Long Walls, or in the shades of the Acad- emy, or amidst the tombs of the Ceramicus ; whether he chaffered in the market place, or attended assemblies in the Pnyx, or loitered in one of the numerous porticoes, or watched the exercises in the Gymnasia, or listened to music in the Odeum or plays in the theaters, or joined the throng of worshipers ascending to the great gateway of the Acropolis. And this magnificence was not the result of centuries of toil ; it was the work of fifty years. . . . Athens became a vast workshop, in which ar- tisans of every kind found employment, all, in their various degrees, contributing to the execution of the plans of the master minds, Pheidias, Ictinus, Callicrates, Muesicles, and others." — Abbott, Pericles^ 303-308. The center of this architectural splendor was the ancient citadel of the Acropolis, no longer needed as a fortification, but crowned with white marble, and devoted to purposes of religion and art. The " holy hill " was inaccessible except on the west. Here was built a stately stairway of sixty marble steps, leading to a series of noble colonnades and porticoes (the Fropylaea) of surpassing beauty. From these the visitor emerged upon the leveled top of the Acropolis, to find himself surrounded by temples and statues, any one of which alone might make the fame of the proudest modern city. Just in front of the entrance stood the colossal bronze statue of Athena the Defender, whose broad spear point glittering in the sun was the first sign of the city to the mariner far out at sea. On the right of the entrance and a little to the rear was the temple of the Wingless Victory, and near the center of the open space rose the larger structures of the Erechtheum^ and the Par- 1 Special reports : fuller accounts of all these works may be called for with profit. §202] INTELLECTUAL AND ARTISTIC ATHENS. 177 178 THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE IN PEACE. [§202 thenon. This last, the temple of the virgin goddess Athene (Parthenon means "maiden's chamber"), remains absolutely The Parthenon To-day, from the northwest. peerless in its loveliness among the buildings of the world. It was of no great size, — only some one hundred feet by two Figures from the Pakthk-Nuj-. i iix^zi.. §202] INTELLECTUAL AND ARTISTIC ATHENS. 179 hundred and fifty (the proportions, more exactly, are as four to nine), — while the marble pillars supporting its low pediment rose only thirty-four feet from their base of three receding steps, so that the effect was due wholly, not to the sublimity and grandeur of vast masses, but to the perfection of proportion, to ex- quisite beauty of line, and to the deli- cacy and profusion of ornament. On this structure, in- deed, was lavished without stint the highest art of the art capital of all time. Pheidias and his disciples cared for the ornamenta- tion within and without. Fifty life- size, or colossal, statues in the pedi- ments, and the four thousand square feet of smaller re- liefs m frieze and rp^j, Hermes of Praxiteles. metopes, were all finished with the same perfect skill, even in the unseen parts. "The beauty and perfection of all the invisible parts are such that the cost of labor and money must have been enormous. There is no show whatever for much of this extraordinary finish, which can only be seen by going on the roof or by opening a wall. Yet the religiousness of the unseen work has secured that what is seen shall be perfect with no ordinary perfection." — Mahaffy, Greek Civilization, 143-144. 180 THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE IN PEACE. [§203 Pheidias still ranks the greatest of sculptors, rivaled, if at all, only by his pupil, Praxiteles. Much of the work on the Acropolis he merely designed, but the great statues of Athene were his special work. The bronze statue has already been mentioned. Beside this, there was, within the Parthenon, a smaller, but still colossal, statue in gold and ivory, even more notable. These two works divide the honor of Pheid- ias' great fame with his Zeus at Olympia, which, in the opinion of the ancients, surpassed all other sculpture in gran- The Acropolis, as restored by Rehlender. deur of conception and in awe-inspiring attributes. Pheidias said that he planned the latter work, thinking of Homer's Zeus, at the nod of whose ambrosial locks Olympus trembled. The Hermes of Praxiteles is one of the few great works of antiquity that survive to us; of his Marble Faun we have a famous copy, which plays a part in Hawthorne's novel. 203. Painting. — In sculpture, then, the Greeks remain easily masters. About their painting we know less. Until the age of Pericles that art had been used chiefly to decorate vases ; now first it became independent in the work of Polygnotus, §203] INTELLECTUAL AND ARTISTIC ATHENS. 181 182 THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE IN PEACE. [§204 an alien Greek, upon whom the Athenians conferred citizen- ship, and who assisted in adorning the temples of the Acrop- olis. A higher development in technique came later (§ 256), but Polygnotus remains famous for a lofty sublimity of style. It was said that it was good for the young to look upon his work, for he painted men " as they ought to be." 204. The Drama. — In the age of Pericles, the chief form of poetry became the tragic drama — the highest development of Aeschylus. Euripides. Portrait busts, now in the Capitoline Museum. Greek literature. As the tenth century was the epic age, and the seventh and sixth the lyric, so the fifth century begins the dramatic period. The drama originated in the songs and dances of a chorus in honor of Dionysus, god of wine. The leader of the chorus came at length to recite stories in the intervals between the songs. Thespis (§ 131) at Athens, in the age of Peisistratus, is said to have developed this leader into an actor, apart from the chorus and carrying on dialogue with it. Now Aeschylus added another actor, and his younger contemporary, Sophocles, §204] INTELLECTUAL AND ARTISTIC ATHENS. 183 a third. Aeschylus, Sophocles, and their successor, Eunpidesj are the three greatest Greek tragedians. They carried this noble form of literature to its highest expression. Together they produced some two hundred plays, of which nine tenths are lost. The Greek drama will not admit readily of comparison with the modern drama. Sophocles and Shakespeare differ some- what as the Parthenon differs from a vast Gothic cathedral. The "unities" of time and place were strictly preserved by the Greek; the scene never changed, and all the action had to be such as could have taken place within one day ; everything else necessary to understand the action had to be told by one of the actors. The plays were presented, however, in sets of three (a trilogy), so that a longer series of connected events could be treated by the same dramatist. Never more than three actors appeared at once, but the chorus continued as an important factor, to add explanations and to voice the spectators' judgment, " to breathe forth the fire and shed the tears of the play." ^ Attic comedy arose also from the worship of the wine god — Sophocles a i.rA i i-statue, now in the Lateran Museum at Borne. 1 Some idea of the nature of the Greek tragedy may be obtained by read- ing the best modern translations and imitations, like Browning's Agamemnon and his Balaustion's Adventure. 184 THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE IN PEACE. [§205 not from the great religious festivals, however, but from the ruder village merrymakings, marked by indecent rites and orgies. It kept a scurrilous license throughout the century, and was used to attack public characters like Pericles and Soc- rates. Still, its great master, Aristophanes, for his wit and genius, must ever remain one of the bright names in literature. 205. Pericles' Policy as to Theater Money. — The great Thea- ter of Dionysus, in Athens, was on the southeast slope of the Theater of Dionysus at Athens. — Present condition, looking toward the Acropolis. Acropolis — the rising seats, cut in a semicircle into the rocky hill, looking forth, beyond the stage, over the blue Aegean. It could accommodate practically the whole free male population of the city. Here, twice a year, for some days, the master- pieces of the Greek drama were presented. Pericles secured from the public treasury the admission fee for each citizen who chose to ask for it. This measure was altogether different from the payment of officers and dicasts, and perhaps came nearer 206] INTELLECTUAL AND ARTISTIC ATHENS. 185 Theater of Dionysus at Athens. — Restoration, looking from the hillside. the vicious distribution of gratuities to a populace; but it must be kept in mind that the Greek stage was the modern pulpit and press in one. The practice, on the whole, was rather to advance religious and intel- lectual training than to give amusement. It was a form of adult education at state ex- pense. 206. History. — Prose litera- ture appears in history, philoso- phy, and the essay. The three great historians of the period are Herodotus, Thucydides, and Xenophon. For charm of nar- rative they have never been ex- celled. Herodotus was a native of Halicarnassus ; he traveled widely, lived long at Athens as the friend of Pericles, and finally in Italy composed his Thucydides. — Capitoline Museum. 186 THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE IN PEACE. [§207 great History of the Persian War, with an introduction cover- ing the world's history up to that event. Thucydides wrote the History of the Peloponnesian War (§ 211 ff.) to the year 410 B.C. Xenophon, who belongs rather to the next century, completed this story, and gave us, with other works, the Anah- asiSf an account of the expedition of the Ten Thousand Greeks through the Persian Empire in 401 b.c. (§ 222). 207. Philosophy. — The age saw a rapid development in philosophy — centered also at Athens. Anaxa^oras of Ionia, the friend of Pericles, taught that the ruling principle was Mind^ : "In the beginning, all things were chaos; then came Intelligence, and set all in order." He also attempted rational explanations of strange natural phenomena, which had been regarded as miraculous. But Anaxagoras, like Democritus and Empedocles of the same period, turned in the main from the old problem of a funda- mental principle to a new problem — how man knows the uni- verse. Their early attempts at explanation were not very satisfactory, and so next came the Sophists, to close one era by a skeptical philosophy. Man, they held, cannot reach truth itself, but must be content to know appearances. They taught Rhetoric, and were the first of the philosophers to accept pay for their services. Thus they were accused by conservative men of advertising, for gain, to teach youth how to make the worse appear the better reason, and the name sophist received an evil significance ; but many of them were certainly brilliant thinkers, who did much to clear away old mental rubbish. The most famous were Gorgias, the rhetorician, a Sicilian Greek at Athens, and his pupil, Isocrates, whose essays and orations represent the most famous Greek prose, and were the models on which Cicero trained himself — to influence all later prose. Socrates, the founder of a new philosophy, is sometimes con- founded with these sophists. Like them, he abandoned the attempt to understand the material universe, and ridiculed gently 1 Review his chief predecessors, § 142. §207] INTELLECTUAL AND ARTISTIC ATHENS. 187 the explanations of Anaxagoras ; but lie took for his motto, " know thyself," and considered philosophy to consist in right- thinking upon human conduct. Socrates was a poor man, an artisan-sculptor who neglected his trade to talk in the market place. He wore no sandals and dressed meanly ; and his large, bald head and ugly face, with its thick lips and flat nose, made him good sport for the comic poets. His practice was to entrap unwary antagonists into public conversation by innocent-look- ing questions, and then, by the inconsistencies of their answers, to show up the shallowness of their conventional opinions. This of course afforded huge merriment to the crowd of youths who followed him, and it raised him bitter enemies among his victims ; but his method of conversation was a permanent addi- tion to our intellectual weapons, and his beauty of soul, his devotion to knowledge, and his largeness of spirit make him the greatest name in Greek history. Late in life (399 b.c.) he was accused of impiety and of corrupting the youth, and was condemned to death by the dicasts on a close vote, mainly because he would not condescend to defend himself in any ordinary way. He refused to escape from prison, and after memorable conversations with his friends upon immortality, he drank the fatal hemlock with a gentle jest upon his lips. His execution is the greatest blot upon the intelligence of the Athenian democracy; but it must be remembered that that body was keenly religious and jealous of attacks upon its deities.^ Socrates' disciple, Plato, pictures him for us in his Dialogues, but rather, perhaps, as the mouthpiece of Plato than as the real Socrates. Xenophon's Memorabilia is a truer portrait. Plato (the " broad-browed "), with his great pupil and rival Aristotle, belongs really to the following period of history, but may be best treated at this point. Plato taught that ideas are the only real things, eternal and unchangeable ; the phenomena of this world are only shadows of the ideas, which exist in heaven. He was much influenced by the Pythagoreans, and 1 On the Greek religious feeling in the Age of Pericles and later, see Mahaffy, Social Life, 348-3M. 188 THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE IN PEACE. [§208 his philosophy is shot through with noble poetic imagination. His pupil Aristotle (born at Stagira in Macedonia) established a systematic body of philosophy that dominated the world until very modern times. His work was too many-sided to be summed up in any brief phrase. Besides his philosophical treatises he wrote upon rhetoric, logic, poetry, politics, and physics. He is by far the most modern in spirit of all the Greek philosophers. 208. Education. — Education at Athens typifies that of Ionian Greece. It aimed to train harmoniously the intellect, the sense of beauty, the moral nature, and the body. At the age of seven the boy entered school, but he was constantly under the eye not only of the teacher, but of a trusted ser- vant of his own family, called a pedagogue. In- deed, no other people have ever been so solicitous to preserve their boys and youth from evil and con- tamination ; and Professor Mahaffy thinks that Greek boys retained a delicacy of thought and feeling found among no other people. The chief instruments of instruction were Homer and music. The Wrestlers. 208] INTELLECTUAL AND ARTISTIC ATHENS. 189 Homer, it has well been said, was to the Greek at once Bible, Shakespeare, and Eobinson Crusoe. When the youth left school it was but to enter on a wider training of a like kind — in the Assembly, in the lecture halls of the rhetoricians and sophists, in the countless festivals and religious processions and dramatic representations of his city, and in the constant en- joyment of the noblest and purest works of art. Physical training^ be- gan with the child and continued through old age. No Greek youth would pass a day with- out devoting some hours to the development of his body and to over- coming any physical defect or awkwardness. All classes of citizens, except those bound by necessity to the work- shop, met for exercise. The result was a perfec- tion of physical power and beauty never at- tained so universally by any other people. Indeed it was from this perfection of the body, and from the unrivaled opportunity to study it constantly in all the exercises of the gymnasium, that the surpassing excellence of Greek sculpture came. Says Symonds : " The whole race rehearsed the great works of Pheidias and Polygnotus in physical exercises, before it learned to express itself in marble or in color." The Disk Thrower. After Myron, in the Vatican. Now 1 Read Gardner, Ifew Chapters, 266-270. 190 THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE IN PEACE. [§209 209. Summary: Extent and Degree of Culture.^ — The amaz- ing extent and degree of Athenian culture overpower the imagination. With the few exceptions indicated, the famous men mentioned in the paragraphs above were all Athenian cit- izens. That one city with its small free population gave birth to more famous men of the first rank in this one century, it has been said, than all the world has ever produced in any other equal period of time. Others swarmed to the same center from less favored parts of Hellas ; for, despite the con- demnation of Socrates and some other such crimes, it remains true that no other city in the world afforded such freedom of thought, and that nowhere else was artistic merit so appreci- ated. The lists of names that have been mentioned give but a faint impression of the splendid throngs of brilliant poets, artists, philosophers, and orators, who jostled each other in the streets of Athens. This, after all, is the final justification of the Athenian democracy ; and Abbott {History, II. 415), one of its sternest modern critics, is forced to exclaim, " Never before or since has life developed so richly as it developed in the beautiful city which lay at the feet of the virgin goddess." The finest glorification of the Athenian spirit as a whole is contained in the great funeral oration delivered by Pericles over the fallen Athenians at the close of the second year of the Peloponnesian War. Thucydides gives the speech and repre- sents no dou.bt the ideas, if not the words, of the orator : — "And we have not forgotten to provide for our weary spirits many re- laxations from toil ; we have our regular games and sacrifices throughout the year ; at home the style of our life is refined, and the delight which we daily feel in all these things helps to banish melancholy. Because of the greatness of our city, the fruits of the whole earth flow in upon us ; so that we enjoy the goods of other countries as freely as of our own. . . . "And in the matter of education, whereas our adversaries from early youth are always undergoing laborious exercises which are to make them brave, we live at ease, and yet are equally ready to face the perils which they face. . . . iHolm, 1. 1-4; Mahaffy, Social Life. §210] INTELLECTUAL AND ARTISTIC ATHENS. 191 "If then we prefer to meet danger with a light heart but without labo- rious training, and with a courage which is gained by habit and not en- forced by law, are we not greatly the gainers ? " We are lovers of the beautiful, yet simple in our tastes, and we cul- tivate the mind without loss of manliness. Wealth we employ, not for talk and ostentation, but when there is a real use for it. To avow poverty with us is no disgrace ; the true disgrace is in doing nothing to avoid it. An Athenian citizen does not neglect the state because he takes care of his own household ; and even those of us who are engaged in business have a very fair idea of politics. We alone regard a man who takes no interest in public affairs, not as a harmless, but as a useless character. . . . "In the hour of trial Athens alone is superior to the report of her. No enemy who comes against her is indignant at the reverses which he sustains at the hands of such a city ; no subject complains that his mas- ters are unworthy of him. And we shall assuredly not be without wit- nesses ; there are mighty monuments of our power which will make us the wonder of this and of succeeding ages. . . . For we have compelled every land and every sea to open a path for our valor, and have every- where planted eternal memorials of our friendship and of our enmity. . . . "To sum up : I say that Athens is the school of Hellas, and that the individual Athenian in his own person seems to have the power of adapt- ing himself to the most varied forms of action with the utmost versatility -and grace. . . . " I would have you day by day fix your eyes upon the greatness of Athens, until you become filled with the love of her ; and when you are impressed by the spectacle of her glory, reflect that this empire has been acquired by men who knew their duty and had the courage to do it, and who in the hour of conflict had the fear of dishonor always present to them. . . . "For the whole earth is a sepulcher of famous men ; not only are they commemorated by columns and inscriptions in their own country, but in foreign lands there dwells also an unwritten memorial of them, graven not on stone but in the hearts of men. Make them your examples, and, esteeming courage to be freedom and freedom to be happiness, do not weigh too nicely the perils of war. ..." 210. Summary: Limitations. — At the same time two limi- tations in Greek culture must be noted. a. It rested necessarily on slavery and consequently could not honor labor, as modern culture at least tries to do. It was militant rather than industrial. Trades and commerce were 192 THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR. [§211 left largely to the free non-citizen class, and actual manual labor was performed mainly by slaves. As a rule, it is true, this slavery was not harsh. In Athens, in particular, the slaves were ordinarily hardly to be distinguished from the poorer citizens, and indeed they were better treated than were poor citizens in many oligarchic states ; but there was always the possibility of cruelty and of judicial torture, and in the mines, even in Attica, the slaves were killed off brutally by the merciless hardships to which they were subjected. h. Greek culture was for males only. It is not probable that the wife of Pheidias or of Thucydides could read. Women had lost the freedom of the semi-barbaric society of Homer's time, without gaining much in return. Except at Sparta, where physical training was thought needful for them, they passed a secluded life in separate women's apartments, with no public interests, appearing rarely on the streets. At best they were only higher domestic servants. The chivalry of the medieval knight toward woman and the love of the modern gentleman for his wife were equally unthinkable by the finest Greek society of this age. A rare exception proves the rule. No account of the Athens of Pericles should omit mention of Aspasia. She was a native of Miletus, loved by Pericles. Since she was not an Athenian citizen he could not marry her ; but he lived with her in all respects as his wife, a union not grievously offensive to Greek ideas ; and her dazzling wit and beauty made his home the focus of the intellectual life of Athens. Anaxagoras, Socrates, Phei- dias, delighted in her conversation, and she has sometimes been credited with inspiring the policy of Pericles himself ; but she is the only woman who need be named in Greek history after the time of Sappho and Corinna.^ \ III. THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 211. Causes. — The Thirty Years' Truce between Athens and Sparta ran only half its length. The immediate occasion for the renewal of the conflict was some assistance that the Athe- 1 The student with a taste for a noble book should read Landor's Pericles and Aspasia. §213] RESOURCES AND PLANS. 193 nians gave Corcyra against Corinth in 432 b.c, but the real causes lay in natural antagonism of character and in a standing conflict of interests. Sparta began to pose as the champion of a free Hellas, and finally sent an ultimatum: Athens must let all the Greek cities go free ; that is, abandon her empire. Athens replied that Sparta might first set free Messenia and the Perioeci towns of Laconia ; and the war began. 212. Resources and Plans. — The Peloponnesian League with its allies could master a hundred thousand hoplites, against whom in that day no army in the world could stand ; but it could not keep in the field any considerable fraction of that force longer than a few weeks. Sparta could not capture Ath- ens, therefore, and must depend upon ravaging Attic territory and inducing Athenian allies to revolt. Athens had only some twenty-six thousand hoplites at her command, half of whom were needed for distant garrison duty ; but she had a navy even more unmatched on the sea than the Peloponnesian army was on land ; her walls were impregnable ; the islands of Euboea and Salamis, and the open spaces within the Long Walls, could receive her country people with their flocks and herds; the corn trade of south Kussia was securely in her hands, the grain ships entering the Peiraeus as usual, however the Spartans might hold the open country of Attica ; and Athens could eas- ily afford to support her population for a time from her annual revenues, to say nothing of the immense surplus of six thoU-' sand talents in the treasury. Under these conditions Pericles refused to meet the Spartans in battle, and confined himself to ravaging the Peloponnesian coasts with his navy. Neither party could get at the other. The war promised to be a matter of patience and endurance. 213. An Unforeseen Factor. — Pericles died in the third year of the war, but his plan apparently would have worked well except for a tragic fatality that had already fallen upon Athens. A terrible plague had been ravaging Asia, and, just at this time, reached the Aegean. In general, in Greece it did little harm ; 194 THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR. [§214 but in Athens — the streets overcrowded with the population of all Attica living in unusual and unsanitary conditions — the pestilence returned each summer for some years and was deadly beyond description. It is estimated that a fourth of the popu- lation was swept away, and the demoralization of society was even more fataJ.^ 214. Summary of Events and Traits. — Still, Athens recovered her buoyant hope, and the war lasted from 431 to 404 b.c, with one short and ill-kept truce. The notable matters for special reports or for further study are : — (1) Athenian superiority in naval tactics — the easy equality of an Athenian squadron in the early years to triple its numbers (illustrated by Phormio's engagements in the Corinthian gulf). (2) Massacres of prisoners: Thebans by Plataeans, 431 b.c. ; Plataeans by Thebans, 427 b.c. ; Mytilenaean oligarchs by Athens (the story of the decree and the reprieve) ; the Melians by Athens, 415 b.c. ; thousands of Athenians in the mines of Syracuse ; the four thousand Athenians by Sparta after Aegospotami. (3) The condemnation of the Athenian generals after the victoiy of Arginusae. q4) Cleon's leadership at Athens. (5) The surrender of one hundred and twenty Spartans at Sphacteria. (6) The war in Thrace. (7) The "Peace of Nicias." (8) Alcibiades. (9) The Syracusan expedition — Nicias. 215. The Closing Years : Rule of the Four Hundred; Persian Gold. — The turning-point in the war was the unwise and miscon- ducted Athenian expedition against Syracuse. Two hundred perfectly equipped ships and over forty thousand men — among them eleven thousand of the flower of the Athenian hoplites — were pitifully sacrificed by the superstition and miserable gen- eralship of their leader, the good but stupid Nicias (413 b.c). Even after this crushing disaster Athens refused peace that should limit her empire. Every nerve was strained, and the last resources and reserve funds exhausted to build and man ^ Read the account in Thucydides. §216] ' THE CLOSING YEARS. 195 new fleets. Indeed, the war lasted nine years more, and part of the time Athens seemed as supreme in the Aegean as ever. Two things are notable in the closing chapters of the struggle — the attempt at political reaction in Athens, and the be- trayal of the Asiatic Greeks to Persia by Sparta. a. In 411 B.C., after a century of quiet, the oligarchs tried to secure the government. Wealthy men of moderate opinion were wearied by the ruinous taxation of the war. The democ- racy had blundered sadly and had shown its unfitness for deal- ing with foreign relations, where secrecy and dispatch are so essential ; and at home it had fallen under the control of a new class of leaders — men of the people, like Cleon the tanner, and Hyperholus the lampmaker, men of strong will and of abil- ity, but rude, unscrupulous, and demagogic. Under these condi- tions the officers of the fleet conspired with the oligarchic secret societies at home and terrorized the city by the assassination of leading democrats. The Assembly was induced to pass a decree for a new constitution. Five of the conspirators chose ninety-five others, and each of the hundred added three more, making a council of Four Hundred. This body was to govern the city and appoint all magistrates. It was pledged to create an Assembly of the five thousand wealthier citizens. This step the oligarchs hesitated to take. Meantime, they betrayed Athenian interests to Sparta, and proved generally incom- petent, except in murder and plunder. After a few months, the Athenian fleet at Samos revolted and deposed its oligarchic officers ; then the democracy at home expelled the Four Hun- dred and restored the old constitution. 6. In 412 B.C., immediately after the destruction of the Athenian army and fleet in Sicily, Persian satraps appeared again upon the Aegean coast, and Sparta bought the aid of their gold by promising to betray the freedom of the Asiatic Greeks, to whom the Athenian name had been a shield for seventy years. 216. Aegospotami : the Surrender. — Persian funds now built fleet after fleet for Sparta, and slowly Athens was exhausted, 196 THE WESTERN GREEKS. [§217 despite some brilliant victories. In 405 b.c. her last fleet, dis- couraged and demoralized and possibly betrayed by its com- manders, was surprised and routed at Aegospotami. Lysander, the Spartan commander, executed in cold blood the four thou- sand Athenian citizens among the prisoners. Athens still held out through a terrible siege, until it was starved into submission in 404 b.c. Corinth and Thebes wished to raze it to the earth ; but Sparta had no mind to remove so useful a check upon Thebes, and was content with gentler terms. Athens renounced her empire and all her old alliances, surrendered all her ships but twelve, and bound herself to fol- low Sparta in peace and war. Then the Long Walls and the fortifications of the Peiraeus were demolished, to the music of Peloponnesian flutes, and Hellas was declared free. In reality it remained only to see to what master Hellas would fall. IV. THE WESTERN GREEKS IN THE FIFTH AND FOURTH CENTURIES. 217. A Brief Sketch of Events in Magna Graecia ought to be included in this portion of Greek history. The tyrant Gelon and his brother and successor Hiero for a few years after the repulse of Carthage (480 b.c.) made Syracuse the most power- ful city in the West ; indeed, for a short time just before the full bloom of Athens, it was the center of Greek civilization and the most brilliant city in the world. Between 475 and 450 B.C. the tyrants gave way to democracies in Magna Graecia; but the old political union of the cities was lost, and petty wars and incessant strife of faction blasted the rising culture. It was these dissensions and the wars between lonians and Dorians in Sicily that called in Athens (415-413 b.c), to her own ruin, during the Peloponnesian War. Then, in 409 b.c, like Persia in the East, Carthage renewed her designs, and quickly overran all the island except Syracuse, which was saved by a new tyrant, Dionysius. This remarkable ruler built up a great military power, and in a long war won back much § 217] FIFTH AND FOURTH CENTURIES. 197 of the island, setting up dependent tyrants in the various cities, after the fashion of Gelo before him. Thus the prize of Sicily hung between Greek and Carthaginian for a century more, until it was finally seized by Rome (§§ 359-362). The only episode worthy of attention here was the career of Timo- leon the Liberator^ (344-336 B.C.), a Corinthian hero, who for a brief period drove out the tyrants, preserved order, and checked the barbarians. Soon after his death the noted Agath- ocles restored the rule of tyrants, which lasted until Eome became mistress. For Further Reading. — Sources: (1) The interesting period, 479- 431 B.C., is singularly lacking in authorities, because of the loss of ancient manuscripts. Almost the only approach to a contemporary narrative is the brief account with which Thucydides prefaces his history of the war. Plutarch, however, had access to many sources since lost, and therefore his Lives for this period (^Themistocles, Aristeides, Pericles) have the character of a source to us. The same is true of Aristotle's Constitution of Athens. (2) For the war, Thucydides is the great authority ; he was an Athenian general, and he was banished because his carelessness per- mitted a serious loss in Thrace, but we have no reason to think him unfair, unless it be toward his accuser, Cleon. Xenophon, in his Hel- lenica, takes up the story of the latter part of the war. Plutarch's Alci- biades and Nicias are useful for the same period. Modern authorities for the whole period, 479-404 b.c. : Cox's Athenian Empire ; Grant's Greece in the Age of Pericles ; Abbott's Pericles ; Cox's Oreek Statesmen; Lloyd's Age of Pericles ; and the Histories of Holm, Grote, Abbott, and Curtius. For art and culture: Mahaffy's Survey and Social Life; Murray; Jebb ; Tarbell ; Marshall ; and the works of the Greek dramatists and philosophers themselves. For the Western Greeks : Plutarch's Timoleon and Dion and Freeman's Story of Sicily. Special Reports (see suggestions also in §§ 179, 181, 200, 214, 217) : — 1. Trial and death of Socrates (Plato's Apology; Xenophon's Memo- rabilia; Curtius, IV. 148-164). 1 Special reports : (1) Timoleon ; (2) the parallels between the fate of east and west Hellas in the fifth and fourth centuries (see Holm, U. 524). 198 THE WESTERN GREEKS. [§217 2. Attacks upon the friends of Pericles just before the Peloponnesian War. 3. The attempts to remodel Greece : (a) by Sparta just after the Per- sian War, through the Amphictyonic League ; and (6) by Athens later, through the creation of a new religious league (Holm, II. 237-239). 4. Agathocles' invasion of Africa in war with Carthage. Imaginative Exercises. — This period affords excellent material for exercises based upon the training of the historic imagination. Let the student absorb all the information he can Bnd upon some historic subject until he is infused with its spirit, and then reproduce it from the inside^ with the dramatic spirit — as an actor in that time, not in the descriptive method of another age. The following topics are suggested (the list can be indefinitely extended, and such exercises may be arranged for any pe- riod where an approach is made to exhaustive study) : — 1. A captive Persian's letter to a friend after Plataea. 2. A dialogue between Socrates and Xanthippe. 3. An address by a revolted Helot at Ithomg to his compatriots. 4. Extracts from a diary of Pericles. 6. A day at the Olympic games (choose some particular date). CHAPTER VI. FROM THE PALL OF ATHENS TO THE FALL OP HELLAS. 404-338 B.C. 218. Decline of the City State — At Aegospotami the hrilliant politi- cal work of Athens was undone. Persia and Carthage had already begun again to enslave the Sicilian and Asiatic Greeks : and in the European peninsula the power which so long had kept these barbarians in check was crushed. The Athenian Empire had lasted seventy glorious years. Nearly an equal time was yet to elapse before Hellas fell under Macedonian sway ; but this period is one of shame or of profitless conflict, and it need not detain us long. It falls into three divisions — the brutal terrorism of Sparta, the hopeless anarchy under Thebes, and the subtle encroachments of the northern monarchy. In the whole period, the city state is declin- ing, — to give way to the system of great monarchies. Neither Thebes nor Sparta make any contributions toward the accomplishment of Hellenic unity. I. THE SPARTAN SUPREMACY. A. Character in General. 219. Harmosts and Decarchies. — For thirty years Sparta was to be physical mistress of Greece more completely than ever Athens was ; and had she been capable of enlightened leadership, this opportunity would have been the fairest of all to make a single Greek state. But the cities of the old Athe- nian Empire found that they had exchanged a wise, mild rule for a coarse and stupid despotism. Their old tribute was doubled ; a Spartan harmost (military governor), supported by a garri- son, held supreme authority in each city ; ^ and such local con- 1 For a comparison of Athenian and Spartan rule, read Cox, Athenian Empire, 229-231. Under Athens, garrisons in subject cities had been rare exceptions. 199 200 FALL OF ATHENS TO FALL OF HELLAS. [§220 trol as was left to the citizens was everywhere taken from the old democracies and given to boards of oligarchs — commonly- made up of ten persons each, and so called decarchies. The garrisons plundered at will ; the harmosts grew rich from ex- tortion and bribes ; the decarchies were slavishly subservient to their masters and protectors, the harmosts, while they wreaked a long pent-up vengeance upon their fellow-citizens in confiscation, outrage, expulsion, assassination, and massacre. With regard to these decarchies, an Athenian exclaimed, just after their overthrow : — '* What form of oppression escaped them ? Or what deed of shame or cruelty did they not perpetrate ? They found ■ their friends among the most lawless ; they considered traitors as benefactors ; they chose to be themselves slaves to Helots [the harmosts were often of low birth] that they might be supported while they outraged their country." — IsocRATES, IV. iii. 220. A Famous Example : the " Thirty Tyrants *' at Athens. — Por a brief time Athens itself suffered from this form of Spar- tan rule. Lysander had appointed a committee of thirty from the oligarchic clubs of Athens to " reestablish the constitution of the fathers " ; meantime they were to exercise dictatorial power. Their guiding genius was Critias, a brilliant and un- scrupulous pupil of Socrates. The more cautious members rallied around Theramenes, a shifty politician who had played many parts. The Thirty filled all offices with their followers, and plotted to establish their rule permanently. They installed in the Acropolis a Spartan harmost and garrison, disarmed the citizens, except some three thousand of their own adherents, and began against wealthy democrats and metics a career of bloody proscription and greedy confiscation. The victims were counted by hundreds — perhaps by thousands. Larger numbers fled, and, despite the orders of Sparta, were sheltered by Thebes. The more conservative faction of the Thirty tried to check the wholesale butchery, only to become themselves the victims of the extremists. Theramenes was seized and sent to immediate execution. He seems to have expected his §221] THE SPARTAN SUPREMACY. 201 fall to drag down his opponents, and as he drank the hemlock he poured out the dregs with the mocking salutation, '^ Here's to the gentle Critias." But Critias had crushed all opposition within the city, and he relied upon Lysander to protect him from without. Finally, however, in 403 b.c, after something over a year of this reign of terror, one of the democratic exiles, ThrasyhuluSj with a band of companions from Thebes, seized the Peiraeus. The men of the Port rose to his support. The Lacedaemonian garrison and the forces of the Thirty were defeated ; a quarrel between Lysander and the Spartan king prevented serious Spartan interference, and the old democracy was restored. Thrasybulus, one of the most liberal of Greek statesmen, urged that the metics and sailors of the Peiraeus, who had fought thf* Thirty, should be incorporated in the State. Unfortunately » this just measure, which would have compensated Athen"^ partly for her terrible losses in the Peloponnesian War, was not adopted ; but in other respects the restored democracy showed itself generous and self-controlled. Critias had fallen in battle. A few of the most guilty of the Thirty were punished, but all their adherents were admitted to a general amnesty — the first sweeping measure of the kind in history. The good faith and moderation of the democracy contrasted so favorably with the cutthroat rule of the two recent experiments at oligarchy that Athens was undisturbed in future by internal revolution. 221. Spartan Decay. — In Sparta itself a social revolution had been going on. Spartan officials abroad had yielded to corruption before, but now wealth and luxury replaced the old simplicity at home. Moreover, the number of full citizens was rapidly decreasing. Through the accumulation of property in the hands of a few men, it came to pass that many Spartans lost the power to support themselves at the public mess (§ 113), and so ceased to enjoy political rights. The nine or ten thou- sand citizens of 700 b.c. shrank to two thousand. The result- ing class of "Inferiors" added by their discontent to the 202 FALL OF ATHENS TO FALL OF HELLAS. [§222 standing menace of the Helots, and a successful rising seems to have been averted only by an accident.^ The Spartan Empire even at home rested on a volcano. B. Wars and Leagues to the Peace of Antalcidas. The March of the Ten Thousand ; Renewal of War with Persia. — In 401 b.c. the weakness of the Persian Empire was made strikingly manifest. Cyrus the Younger, brother of the king Artaxerxes, endeavored to seize the Persian throne. As satrap in Asia Minor he had given Sparta decisive help against Athens, and now Sparta gave some countenance to his expedi- tion. Through her aid, Cyrus enlisted ten thousand Greeks in his army. He penetrated to the heart of the empire, but in the battle of Cunaxa, near Babylon, he was killed and his Asiatic troops routed. The Ten Thousand, however, proved un- conquerable by the Persian host of half a million, but the Greek leaders were entrapped afterward by treachery and murdered ; still, under the inspiration of Xenophon the Athenian (whose Anabasis is our history of these events), the Ten Thousand chose new generals and made good a remarkable retreat to the coast. Until this time the Greeks had waged their contests with Persia only along the coasts of Asia ; after this, the dream of conquering and Hellenizing the continent became a fixed idea in the Greek mind, and at length Alexander made it fact. First, however, the attempt was made by Agesilaus, king of Sparta. Sparta had incurred the wrath of Persia by favoring Cyrus, and Agesilaus burned with a noble ambition to free and protect the Asiatic Greeks, who a little before had been aban- doned to Persia by his country. He invaded Asia Minor with a large army, and seemed in full career of conquest, when he was checked by the progress of events in Hellas. 223. A Greek League against Sparta, 395 B.C. — No sooner was Sparta engaged with Persia than enemies rose against her 1 Special topic : Cinadon's conspiracy. §225] THE SPARTAN SUPREMACY. 203 in Greece itself. Thebes, Corinth, Athens, and Argos leagued in a struggle called the Corinthian War. Persia supplied the allies with funds, and the two wars became intermingled. The contest turned upon two remarkable battles : in the first, an Athenian general in Persian service shattered the maritime empire of Sparta; and in the second, Athens for the first time shook Spartan supremacy on land. 224. Conon at Cnidus. — Conon was the ablest of the Athe- nian generals in the latter period of the Peloponnesian War. At Aegospotami he was the only one who had kept his squad- ron in fighting order, and after all was lost he had escaped to Rhodes and entered Persian service. Now, in 394 e.g., in command of a Phoenician fleet, at the battle of Cnidus he completely destroyed the Spartan naval power. Spartan au- thority in the Aegean fell at once. Conon sailed from island to island, expelling the Spartan harmosts and garrisons, and restoring the democracies ; and in the next year he anchored in the Peiraeus and riebuilt the Long Walls. These events raised Athens again to the place of one o'f the great powers, and threw Sparta back into her old position as head of the powerful Peloponnesian league only. 225. Iphicrates, and the Change in Warfare. — Shortly after, even this position was threatened. The Athenian Iphicrates introduced the first striking innovation in land warfare since the hoplite overcame the chariot and the knights, five hundred years before. His work was to increase the efficiency of light- armed mercenaries so as to make them a match for the citizen hoplites. This he did by making their pikes and swords heavier and longer (to do which he lightened even their former defensive armor), and by training them to a nimble dexterity that the hoplite could not imitate. The result was seen in 390 b.c, when, with these peltasts, Iphicrates cut to pieces a Spartan battalion of seven hundred hoplites near Corinth (Xenophon^s Hellenicaj iv. 5). The leadership of 204 FALL OF ATHENS TO FALL OF HELLAS. [§226 Sparta had rested upon her acknowledged superiority in the field, and now this supremacy was challenged. 226. Peace of Antalcidas, 387 B.C. — Accordingly, Sparta sought peace with Persia. The two powers invited all the Greek states to send deputies to Sardis, where the Persian king dictated the terms. The document read : — ** King Artaxerxes deems it just that the cities in Asia, with the islands of Clazomenae and Cyprus, should belong to himself ; the rest of the Hellenic cities, both great and small, he will leave independent, save Lemnos, Imbros, and Scyrosj which three are to belong to Athens as of yore. Should any of the parties not accept this peace, I, Artaxerxes, together with those who share my views [the Spartans], will war against the offenders by land and sea." — Xenophon, Hellenica, v. 1. These terms were taken by Sparta to dissolve all the other leagues (like the Boeotian, of which Thebes was the head), but not to affect the control of Sparta over her subject towns in Laconia, nor to weaken the Peloponnesian confederacy. Thus Persia and Sparta again conspired to betray the Greeks. Per- sia would help Sparta keep the European Greek states divided and weak, as they were before the Persian War ; and Sparta would help Persia recover her old authority over the Asiatic Greeks. By this crowning iniquity the tottering Spartan supremacy was bolstered up a few years longer. Of course the shame of betraying the Asiatic Greeks must be shared by the enemies of Sparta who had used Persian aid against her ; but the policy had been first introduced by Sparta in seeking Persian assist- ance in 412 against Athens (§ 215, 6), and so far no other Greek state had offered to surrender Hellenic cities to barbarians as the price of such aid. C. Prom the Betrayal of Hellas to Leuctra. 227. High-handed Aggressions. — The power so infamously recovered by Sparta was used with the same brutsll cunning as in the past, and with even more arrogant contempt for justice. The Spartan government cynically announced the maxim that anything was right which was expedient,^ and avowed a §229] THE SPARTAN SUPREMACY. 205 policy of keeping down all beginnings of greatness in Greece. Arcadia had shown signs of growing strength, but the leading city, Mantinea, was now broken up and the inhabitants dis- persed in villages ; by treachery in time of peace a Spartan force seized the citadel of Thebes; and, a little later, when the Athenian naval power began to revive, a like treacherous, though unsuccessful, attempt was made upon the Peiraeus. 228. The Ruin of the Chalcidic Confederacy. — These outrages were all to recoil finally upon the head of the offenders ; but first there occurred an event, deplorable for Greece. After the overthrow of the Athenian power on the north coast of the Aegean in the Peloponnesian War, Olynthus, a leading Greek city of the district, had built up a promising Hellenic confederacy, to check the Thracian and Macedonian barbarians. From the little that we know of this league, it seems probable that a definite advance in federal government was made here. The cities retained their equality and separate independence in local matters ; but they were merged in a large state with new bonds of union never before seen in Greek leagues. Tlie Qitizens of any city could live and hold land and intermarry in anyi other city of the confederaxiy ; and no one city had superior right^or privileges, as Athens had had in the Delian League. Th^ forty states so united made already a formidable power, and if left to grow, this union might have saved Hellas from Macedonian conquest, or even have brought all Hellas into union. Athens and Thebes had declined to join, however, and now Sparta destroyed the confederacy, leaving the ground cleared for the subsequent growth of Macedon.^ 229. The Revolt of Thebes, and the New Athenian Confederacy. — The attack upon Spartan rule game from Thebes and Athens,, who had been so wantonly injured. The Spartan garrison at iFor the world this was no doubt well, in view of Alexander's conquests later ; but from a Greek point of yiew the ruin of the confederacy was most unhappy. Advanced students may consult Grote, X. 67-94, and Freeman's, Federal Govemmenf,^ 1. 190-197^ on. the. nature of this fedexal state. 206 FALL OF ATHENS TO FALL OF HELLAS. [§230 Thebes supported an oligarcliic Theban government whose terrorism drove crowds of citizens into exile. Athens received them, as Thebes had sheltered Athenian fugitives in the time of the Thirty Tyrants ; and from Athens their leader Pelopidas struck the return blow.^ Thebes was surprised and seized by the exiles, and the government passed into the hands of the democrats. An indecisive war with Sparta followed for some years. During this conflict, in 377-376 B.C., the cities of the Aegean began to seek protection against Sparta in a new league with Athens. This confederacy had a definite written constitution.^ Each state was to send a deputy to a congress at Athens. Athens herself was to have no representative in the congress, but she was to have a veto upon its decisions. Thus the con- federacy consisted of two parts, — Athens and the allies, neither of which could coerce the other. The old arrangement of contributions of money and ships was adopted under new names. The league came to count seventy communities ; but it was designed only to check Sparta, and it faded away when Sparta became too weak to be feared. 230. Leuctra ; the Overthrow of Sparta. — In 371 e.g. the con- tending parties, wearied with war, concluded peace. But when the deputies were about to sign for their cities, Epaminondas, the Theban representative, demanded the right to sign for all Boeotia, as Sparta did for all Laconia. Sparta, therefore, ex- cluded Thebes from the peace and turned to crush her, now left alone. A powerful army at once invaded Boeotia, — and met with an overwhelming defeat by a smaller Theban force at Leuctra. This amazing result was due to the military genius of Epam- inondas. Hitherto the Greeks had fought in extended lines, from eight to twelve men deep. Against such a Spartan line Epaminondas adopted a new arrangement that marks a step in 1 Special reports : Pelopidas' expedition from Athens ; the Social War. a Gilbert, 435 ff., or Holm, HI. 85-87. §230] THE SPARTAN SUPREMACY. 207 warfare. He massed his best troops in a solid column, fifty deep, on the left, opposite the Spartan wing in the Pelopon- nesian army. His other troops were spread out as thin as possible. The solid phalanx was set in motion first ; then the thinner center and right wing advanced more slowly, so as to engage the attention of the enemy opposite, but not to come into action until the bat- tle should have been won by the massed column. In short, Epaminondas simply adopted a device whereby he could safely mass a great part of his force against one part of his enemy's line.^ The weight of the Theban charge crushed through and trampled under the Spartan force. Four hundred of the seven hundred Spartans, with their king and with a thousand Perioeci, went down in ten minutes. The field was won, and Sparta was a second- rate power. The mere loss was a fatal enough blow, now that Spartan citizenship was so reduced, — the number of full citizens after this battle did not exceed fifteen hundred, — but the effect upon the military prestige of Sparta was mqj-e deadly. None the less, the Spartan character never showed to better advantage. Sparta was always greater in defeat than in victory. Her virtue was that of endurance rather than of action; and she met her fate with heroic courage. The news of the overthrow did not interfere with a festival that was going on, and only the relatives of the survivors of the battle appeared in mourning. 1 The Spartans seem to have been unable to modify their military system so as to cope with the evident peril from these new tactics, which were to win again with almost equal ease at Mantinea (§ 231). After this, Sparta played little part in Greece for a hundred and fifty years, until the time of Cleomehes (§266). 208 FALL OF ATHENS TO FALL OF HELLAS. [§231 IL THEBAN SUPREMACY. 231. The Interest in the Brief Supremacy of Thebes centers in two facts — the personality of Epaminondas and the connec- tion with young Philip of Macedon. Epaminondas ^ marks one of the fair heights to which human nature ascends. With a more lovable and more justly balanced character, he sought to do for Thebes what Pericles had done for Athens; and while he lived, success seemed possible. Sparta was humiliated and Laconia ravaged. Messenia was liberated on one side, with its new capital, Messene, and Arcadia was organized into a federal union on another side — " to sur- round Sparta with a perpetual blockade." In the latter district, Mantinea was restored, and Epaminondas united forty scattered villages into a new city, Megalopolis (the Great City). Except for aid from Athens, Sparta probably would have been totally destroyed. Epaminondas then turned upon Athens, built fleets, swept the Athenian navy from the seas, and made Euboea a Theban possession. Meantime Pelopidas had been active in the north. Both Thessaly and Macedonia were brought under Theban influence, and the young Philip^ prince of Macedon, spent some years in Thebes as a hostage, learning lessons in war and in politics that were to result in the conquest of Greece and of Asia. *Thus Thebes had replaced Sparta as head of Greece, and a humiliating embassy to the Persian court obtained express recognition of that fact from the Great King. This leadership, however, rested solely on the supreme genius of one statesman, and vanished instantly at his death. In 362 B.C., for the fourth time Epaminondas marched against Sparta, and at Mantinea won another great victory, by tactics like those of Leuctra. This was the greatest land battle ever fought between Hellenes, and nearly all the states of Greece took part on one side or the other. The victory of Thebes ought to have made her suprem- 1 Special report upon his character and work. §233] THE RISE OF MACEDON. 209 acy lasting ; but Epaminondas himself fell on the field, and his city sank at once to a slow and narrow policy. No state was left in Greece to assume leadership. Even within the Peloponnesus, Arcadians and Messenians proved incapable of steady government; and a turbulent anarchy, in place of the stern Spartan rule, seemed the only fruit of the brief glory of the great Theban. III. THE RISE OF MACEDON. 232. Political Demoralization in Hellas: Mutual Stalemate.— The failure of the Greek cities to federate or consolidate made it certain that sooner or later they must fall to some out- side power. Sparta and Thebes (with Persian aid) had been able to prevent Athenian leadership ; Thebes and Athens had overthrown Sparta ; Sparta and Athens had still been able to stalemate Thebes. Each state had been discredited and ex- hausted in turn ; and each, in varying degree, had sinned by calling in Persia or by recognizing her as arbiter in Hellenic politics. No one of the three had thought of empire primarily as involving duties to the subjects. The Greeks had not de- generated,^ as is sometimes taught; but the imperfections of their political system had become apparent, and it was to be replaced by something stronger. 233. Macedon : its People and King. — The Macedonians were part of the "outer rim of the Greek race." They were still barbaric, and perhaps were mixed somewhat with non-Hellenic elements. They had remained in the tribal stage until just before this time, when a series of able kings had consolidated them into a real nation. The change was so recent that Alex- ander a little later could say, in his one reproachful speech to his army : — "My father, Philip, found you a roving people, without fixed habita^ tions and without resources, most of you clad in the skins of animals. 1 On the virtue of the Greeks in the third century, see Holm, III. 178 fE. and 194-199. 210 FALL OF ATHENS TO FALL OF HELLAS. [§233 pasturing a few sheep among the mountains, and, to defend these, waging a luckless warfare with the Illyrians, the Triballans, and the Thracians on your borders. But he gave you the soldier's cloak to replace the skins and led you down from the mountains into the plain, making you a worthy match in war against the barbarians on your frontier, so that you no longer trusted to the security of your strongholds so much as to your own personal valor for safety. He made you to dwell in cities and pro- vided you with wholesome laws and institutions. Over those same bar- barians, who before had plundered you and carried off as booty both yourselves and your substance, he made you, instead of slaves and underlings, to be masters and lords." — Arrian, vii. 9. This Philip II is one of the most re- markable men in history.^ He was ambitious, crafty, sagacious, persist- ent, unscrupulous, an unfailing judge of character, and a marvelous organ- ^ izer. He set himself Philip II. — From a gold medallion struck by , i i • i Alexander. ^o make his people true Greeks by mak- ing them the leaders of Greece. He was determined to secure that primacy for which Athens, Sparta, and Thebes had all vainly striven. The struggle revealed the advantages of a con- solidated national monarchy as against divided, mutually jeal- ous city states, and of a single powerful ruler, able to keep his own council and to pursue one policy unwaveringly, as against public discussions, changing votes, and conflicting plans, in city assemblies. The result was foregone. 1 Read Wheeler's characterization, Alexander the Great, 5-7. 234] THE RISE OF MACEDON. 211 234. Progress of the Conflict. — At Philip's accession Macedon was still a poor country without a safe harbor. The first need was an outlet on the sea. Philip found one by conquering the Chalcidic peninsula. Though Sparta had ruined the Athenian power there, and afterward the Olynthian, yet both Athens and Olynthus kept important possessions in that region, and, at this stage, by combining they might still have checked Macedon. By playing them off against each other, Philip won ; and his energy developed the gold minefe of the district until they furnished him a yearly revenue of a thousand talents — as large as that of Athens at her greatest power. Then he turned to Greece itself, and here, too, he used an adroit mingling of cunning, bribery, and force. In all Greek states, among the pretended patriot statesmen, there were secret emis- 212 FALL OF ATHENS TO FALL OF HELLAS. [§235 saries in his pay. He set city against city ; and the constant tendency to quarrels among the Greeks played into his hands. The only man who saw clearly the designs of Philip, and who at the same time constantly opposed them, was Demosthe- nes the Athenian, the greatest orator of Greece. To check Macedonia became the one passionate aim of his life ; and the last glow of Greek political independence flames up in his appeals to Athens to champion Hellas against Macedon as she had once done against Persia, irrespective of all selfish ends : — " Suppose that you have one of the gods as surety that Philip will leave you untouched, in the name of all the gods, it is a shame for you in igno- rant stupidity to sacrifice the rest of Hellas ! " The noble orations by which he sought to move the Athe- nian assembly to action against Philip (the Philippics)^ are still unrivaled in that form of literature,^ but their practical effect was to secure only a halting policy. 235. The Macedonian Army. — Meantime, Philip built up an army as superior to the four-months citizen armies of Hellas as his diplomacy was superior to that of a popular assembly. His wealth enabled him to keep ready for action a disciplined force of veterans. He enlarged the Theban phalanx, and im- proved it, so that the ranks presented five rows of bristling spears projecting beyond the front soldier.' The flanks were protected by light-armed troops modeled after the peltasts of Iphicrates ; and the Macedonian nobles furnished the finest of cavalry. At the same time a field "artillery" first appears, able to throw darts and great stones three hundred yards. Such a mixture of troops, and on a permanent footing, was altogether novel. Philip was organizing the engine with which his son was to conquer the world. 236. Chaeronea and the Congress of Corinth. — In 338 b.c. Philip threw off the mask and invaded Greece. Athens and 1 Special report : Demosthenes. 2 Special report : the Macedonian phalanx. A good account is found in Curteis' Rise of the Macedonian Empire, 35-37. §237] THE RISE OF MACEDON. 213 Thebes combined against him — to be hopelessly crushed at Chaeronea. Then a congress of Greek states at Corinth recog- nized Macedonia as the head of Greece. A formal constitu- tion ^ provided that the separate states should retain their local self-government without payment of tribute, but that foreign matters, including war and peace, should be committed to Philip. Philip was also declared general-in-chief of the armies of Greece for a war against Persia. 237. The History of Hellas merged in a History of Hellenism. — Thus Philip posed, wisely, not as the vanquisher, but as the champion of Greece against the great foe of all Hellenes. He showed a patient magnanimity, too, toward fickle Greek states, and in particular he strove to reconcile Athens. Indeed, Philip needed, not reluctant subjects, but willing followers. The conquest was disguised under the color of national sym- pathies, but none the less the history of Hellas had closed. Greece thereafter, until well into the nineteenth century, was only a province of this or that foreign power. We pass to the story of a wider Hellenism and the creation of a new Graeco- Oriental world. For this, Philip had prepared by his two great achievements. He had united Greece under Macedonian supremacy by means of a national undertaking, and he had previously created the Macedonian political and military instruments with which his son was to carry that undertaking to successful issue. For these things Philip II ranks among the great positive forces in history. For Further Reading. — Sources: Xenophon's Hellenica and De- mosthenes' Orations. Modern authorities : Wheeler's Alexander, 14-18 and 64-80 (the best brief account) ; Holm, III. ; Curtius ; Curteis' Bise of the Macedonian Empire ; Sanky's Spartan and Theban Supremacies. Exercise. — Review the period 405-338 b.c. by "catchwords" (see exercise at close of § 176). iHolm, III. 283ff. PART III. THE GRAEOO-OEIENTAL WOELD.^ With Alexander the stage of Greek influence spreads across the world, and Greece becomes only a small item in the heritage of the Greeks. — Mahaffy. The seed-ground of European civilization is neither Greece nor the Orient, but a loorld joined of the two. — Benjamin Ide Wheeler. CHAPTER I. THE MINGLING OP EAST AND WEST. I. THE CONQUESTS OF ALEXANDER. 238. Alexander's Youth and Training. — Two great men en- gaged in the same work could hardly differ more widely than Philip of Macedon and his greater son, Alexander. The con- trast was due no doubt to Alexander's mother, Olympias, a half-barbaric Epirot princess of intense passions and generous enthusiasms, which mounted sometimes into frenzied religious ecstasies. Says Benjamin Ide Wheeler (Alexander' the Great, 5):- " While it was from his father that Alexander inherited his sagacious insight into men and things, and his brilliant capacity for timely and determined action, it was to his mother that he undoubtedly owed that passionate warmth of nature which betrayed itself not only in the furious outbursts of temper occasionally characteristic of him, but quite as much in a romantic fervor of attachment and love for friends, a delicate tender- ness of sympathy for the weak, and a princely largeness and generosity of soul toward all, that made him so deeply beloved of men and so enthu- siastically followed." 1 Cf . § 3 and § 5. 214 §239] THE CONQUESTS OF ALEXANDER. 215 J Much, too, in Alexander's character was due to careful train- ing. As a boy, he had been fearless and self-willed, with fer- vent affections and with a restless eagerness for action ; but his earliest tutors taught him to curb his impulses, to endure hardship, and to despise ease and luxury. His later education had been directed by Aristotle (§ 207). The young prince had ^hown an impatient ambition to master all departments of knowledge, and he was devoted to Homer, whose poems he knew by heart. Homer's Achilles he claimed as an ancestor and took for his ideal.^ Alexander. Alexander in a Lion-hunt. The two sides of a gold medallion of Tarsus. 239. Accession : Restoration of Order. — Philip was assassinated two years after Chaeronea, when just ready to begin the inva- sion of Asia. Alexander was a stripling of twenty years. He was to prove a rare military genius ; indeed, he never refused an engagement and never lost a battle; and also, on occasion, he could be shrewd and adroit in diplomacy. But at this time he was known only as an impetuous youth ; and it was natural enough to expect a rash boy to fail to hold together the empire that had been built up by the force and fraud of the most astute ruler of the time. Revolt and disorder broke out everywhere ; 1 Special report : anecdotes from Plutarch regarding Alexander's boyhood. 216 THE MINGLING OF EAST AND WEST. [§239 but the young king showed himself#at once both statesman and general. With marvelous rapidity he struck crushing blows on this side and on that. A hurried expedition con- ciliated Greece ; the savage and semi-dependent tribes of the north were quieted by a rapid march beyond the Danube; then, turning on Illyria, Alexander forced the mountain passes and overran the coun- try ; and while it was believed that he was killed or defeated among the barbarians, he suddenly appeared a second time in rebel- lious Greece, falling with swift and terri- ble vengeance upon Thebes, the center of revolt. The city was taken by storm and leveled to the ground, except for the house of Pindar (§ 141) ; and the thirty thousand surviving inhabitants were sold as slaves. The other states were terrified into abject submission, and were treated generously. A congress at Corinth renewed the compact formerly made with Philip; and, like his father, Alexander now turned, as the champion of Hellas, to the attack upon Persia. With the cool and practical Philip, this attitude may perhaps have been only a politician's device to secure empire in Hellas. With the enthusiastic Alexander, in the full flush of power, it became at once an all-controlling ideal. Head of Alexander Rondanini. Probably a copy of the gold-ivory portrait statue by the sculptor Leochares, just after the bat- tle of Chaeronea. (Now at Munich.) §240] THE CONQUESTS OF ALEXANDER. 217 240. The Persian Campaigns. — In the spring of 334 b.c. Alex- ander crossed the Hellespont with thirty-five thousand disci- plined troops. The number was quite enough to scatter any Oriental army, and as large as any general could handle in long and rapid marches in a hostile country ; but it contrasts strangely with the huge hordes Xerxes had led against Greece a century and a half before. The path of march and the immense distances traversed can be best traced by the map. The conquest of the empire occu- pied five years, and the story falls into three distinct chapters, each marked by a world-famous battle, a. Asia Minor : Battle of the Granicus. — The Persian satraps of Asia Minor met the invaders at the Granicus, a small stream in the Troad. With the personal rashness that was the one blot upon his supreme military skill, Alexander led the Mace- donian charge through the river and up the steep bank into the midst of the Persian c^alry, where he barely escaped death. The Persian nobles fought, as always, with gallant self-devo- tion, but were utterly routed. Then the Greek mercenaries in Persian pay were surrounded and cut down to a man. No quarter was to be given Hellenes fighting as traitors to the cause of Hellas. The victory cost Alexander only one hundred and twenty men, and it made him master of all Asia Minor. He then set up democracies in the Greek cities, — requiring them, however, to grant amnesties to other factions, — and he spent some months in receiving the submission and organizing the government of the various provinces. h. The Mediterranean Coast : Battle oflssus. — To strike at the heart of the empire at once would have been to leave in the rear a large Persian fleet which might encourage revolt in Greece. Alexander wisely determined to secure the entire coast before marching into the interior. Turning south, just after crossing the mountains that separate Asia Minor from Syria, at Issus he defeated a Persian host of six hundred thousand men, led by King Darius in person. The cramped space between the mountains and the sea made the very numbers of the Persians 218 THE MINGLING OF EAST AND WEST. [§241 an embarrassment to themselves, and they soon became a hud- dled mob of fugitives. Alexander now assumed the title of King of Persia. The sieges of Tyre (§ 59) and Gaza detained him a year, but Egypt welcomed him as a deliverer, and by the close of 332 b.c. all the sea power of the world was his. While in Egypt he showed his constructive genius by found- ing Alexandria at one of the mouths of the Nile ^- a city des- tined to be the commercial and intellectual capital of the world for centuries, where before there had been a mere haunt of pirates. c. Tlie Tigris-Euphrates District : Battle of Arhela. — Keject- ing contemptuously a proposed division of the empire with Darius, Alexander resumed his march. Following the ancient routes from Egypt to Assyria (§ 12), he met Darius at Arbela, near ancient Nineveh. The Persians are said to have numbered a million men. Alexander purposely allowed them choice of time and place, and by a third decisive victory proved the hopelessness of resistance in the field. Darius never gathered another army. The capitals of the empire — Babylon, Susa, Ecbatana, Persepolis — surrendered, with enormous treasure in gold and silver, and the Persian Empire had fallen (331 b.c.) 241. Campaigns in the Far East. — The next six years went, however, to much more desperate warfare in the eastern moun- tain regions, and in the Punjab. Alexander carried his arms almost twice as far east from Babylon as Babylon was from Macedonia. He traversed great deserts, subdued the warlike and princely barons of Bactria and Sogdiana up to the steppes of the wild Tartar tribes beyond the Oxus, twice forced the passes of the Hindukush (a feat almost unparalleled), subdued the valiant mountaineers of what is now Afghanistan, and led his army into the fertile and populous plains of northern India. He crossed the Indus, won realms beyond the ancient Persian province of the Punjab, and planned still more distant empires ; but on the banks of the Hyphasis his faithful Macedonians refused to be led farther to waste aWay in inhuman perils, § 242] THE RESULTS OF ALEXANDER'S WORK. 219 and the chagrined conqueror was compelled to return to Baby- lon — to die there of a fever two years later (323 b.c.) in the midst of preparations to extend his conquests both east and west.^ The last years, however, were given mainly to organ- izing the empire ; and to the results of this constructive work we will now turn. IL THE RESULTS OF ALEXANDER'S WORK. 242. Alexander's Expanding Views: "Merging of East and West." — Alexander began his conquest to avenge the West upon the East ; but as he came to see the excellent and noble qualities in Oriental life also, he rose rapidly with the years to a broader vision. He aimed no longer to hold a world-empire in subjection by the force of a small conquering tribe, but to amalgamate Persian and Greek into one people on terms of equality and cooperation ; he wished to marry the East and the West — "to bring them together into a composite civiliza- tion, to which each should contribute its better elements." Persian youth were trained by thousands in Macedonian fashion to re- place the veterans of Alexander's army ; Persian nobles were welcomed at court and given high preferment ; and in general the government of Asia was entrusted largely to Asiatics, on a system similar to that of Darius the. Great (§§ 75-77). Alexander himself adopted Persian man- ners and customs, and married Persian wives, and he bribed and coaxed his officers and soldiers to do the like. This was all part of a deliberate design to encourage the fusion of the two peoples. The Macedonians jealously protested, and even rebelled, but were quickly reduced to obedi- ence ; and there is no question as to the statesmanlike wisdom of Alexan- der's plan. "The dream of his youth melted away, but a new vision in larger perspecti^ve arose with ever-strengthening outlines in its place. The cham- pion of the West against the East faded in mist, and the form of a world- monarch, standing above the various worlds of men and belonging to 1 Topic : anecdotes of Alexander's later years ; the change in his charac- ter. See Wheeler's Alexander for an ardent defense, and note pp. 227-229 for an excellent description. 220 THE MINGLING OF EAST AND WEST. [§243 none, but molding them all into one, emerged in its stead." — Wheeler, Alexander the Great, 376.1 243. Hellenism the Active Element : the Many Alexandrias. — At the same time Alexander saw that to fulfill this mission he must throw open the East to Greek ideas. The races might mingle their blood; the Greek might learn from the Orient, and in the end be absorbed by it; but the thought and art of little Hellas must leaven with its active energy the vast passive mass of the East. A vital measure, adopted consciously to this end, was the foundation of chains of cities to bind together these conquests and to become the homes of Hellenic influence. Alexander himself built seventy of these towns (usually called from his name, like the first Alex- andria in Egypt). Their walls sprang up under the pick and spade of the soldiery along the lines of march — sometimes mere garrison towns on distant frontiers, but oftener mighty emporiums at the intersection of great lines of trade. There was an Alexandria on the Jaxartes, on the Indus, on the Euphrates, as well as on the Nile. One great city, we are told, walls and houses, was completed in twenty Alexander as Apollo.— Now in the Capitoline Museum. 1 Benjamin Ida Wheeler, throughout his brilliant volume, gives special em- phasis to this view of Alexander's mission. §243] THE RESULTS OF ALEXANDER'S WORK. 221 days. The sites were chosen wisely, and many remain great capitals to this day, like Herat and Kandahar (Iskandar, the Oriental form of the name Alexander). This building of Greek cities was continued by Alexander's successors.^ Once more, and on a vaster scale than ever before, the Greek genius for colonization found vent. Each of these cities from the first had a Greek nucleus. Usually this con- sisted only of worn-out veterans left behind as a garrison ; but enterprising youth emigrating from old Hellas, almost to its depopulation, continued to reenforce the Greek influence. The native village people roundabout were gathered in to make the bulk of the inhabitants, and these also soon took on Greek character : from scattered, ignorant rustics, they became arti- sans and merchants, devotedly attached to Greek rule and zealous missionaries of Greek culture. The cities "were all built on a large and comfortable model ; they were well paved ; they had ample provision for lighting by night, and a good water supply ; they had police arrangements, and good thor- oughfares." They received extensive privileges and enjoyed a large amount of self-government, even in the despotic East : they met in their own assemblies, managed their own courts, and collected their own taxes. They made the backbone of Hellenism throughout the world for centuries, and were truly Greek in character. Greek was the ordinary speech of their streets; Greek architecture built their temples and houses; Greek sculpture adorned them ; they celebrated Greek games and festivals ; and, no longer in little Hellas alone, but over the whole East, in Greek theaters, vast audiences were educated by the plays of Euripides. The unity of this widespread civilization cannot be insisted upon too strongly. Political unity, it is true, was soon lost; but the oneness of culture endured for centuries, and maintained its character even after Roman conquest. Over all that vast area there was for all cultivated men a single common language, a common literature, a common mode of 1 See Grote, ch. xciv., for a discussion of the number of such foundations. 222 THE MINGLING OF EAST AND WEST. [§244 thought. The civilization that had been developed by one small people became now the heritage of a great world. 244. Reaction upon Hellas and upon Hellenic Civilization. — Hel- las itself lost importance relatively, and even absolutely. It was drained of its intellect and enterprise, which wandered to the east to win fortune and distinction. And, of course, the victorious Hellenic civilization was modified by its victory, both in the old and in the new home. Sympathies were broad- ened. The barrier between Greek and barbarian faded away. Without some compromise with Orientalism, Greek ideas would hardly have won their way so rapidly.^ In particular, we may note two forms of the reaction upon the older Greek culture : the economic and the scientific. a. Economic. — The wealth of the world, and especially of Europe, was enormously augmented. The vast treasure hoards of Oriental mon- archs were thrown again into circulation, and large sums were brought back to Europe by returned mercenaries and adventurers. Trade was stimulated ; a higher standard of living arose for the many ; manifold new comforts and enjoyments adorned and enriched life. In its economic aspects, the conquest had results not unlike those of the discovery of Mexico and Peru upon medieval Europe, Somewhat later, perhaps as a result of this increase of wealth, there came other and unfortunate changes. Extremes of wealth and poverty appeared side by side, as in our modern society ; the great cities had their hungry, sullen, dangerous mobs ; and socialistic agitation began on a large scale. These last phe- nomena, however, concerned only the last days of the Hellenic world before its absorption by Rome. h. Scientific. — A new era of scientific progress began. Alexander himself always manifested the zeal of an explorer, and one of the most important scientific expeditions ever sent out by any government is due to him while in India. When he first touched the Indus, he thought it the upper course of the Nile ; but he built a great fleet of two thousand vessels, sailed down the river to the Indian Ocean, and then"(iispatched 1 The change suggests to the mind the similar change that took place when a Jewish religion widened to the faith of the Christian world. And, indeed, the conquests of Alexander and the spread of a common culture were a neces- sary prerequisite for the later spread of Christianity over these regions (§ 506). §245] THE RESULTS OF ALEXANDER'S WORK. 223 his friend Nearclius to explore that sea and to find a water route to the mouth of the Euphrates. After a voyage of many months, Nearchus reached Babylon, thus reopening an ancient route of commerce between Chaldea and India. He had mapped the coast line, made frequent land- ings, and collected a mass of observations upon natural phenomena and a multitude of strange plants and animals. Like collections were made by Alexander at other times, to be sent to his old instructor Aristotle, who embodied the results of his study upon them in a Natural History of fifty volumes. The Greek intellect, indeed, attracted by the marvels of a new world opened before it, turned from metaphysics and verbal discussions to scientific observation and to the classification of the facts of the universe. Again the result was not un- like that of the discovery of America upon the intellect of medieval Europe. This impulse was intensified by the discovery of the long series of astronomical observations of the Babylonians (§ 45) and of the his- torical records and traditions of the Orientals, reaching back to an antiq- uity of which the Greeks had not dreamed. The active Greek mind, seizing upon all this confused wealth of material, began to compare and put in order, and to erect, with principles of scientific criticism, a great system of knowledge about man and nature. 245. Summary. — Thus the new product was not sim ply- either of the old factors. Alexander's victories are not merely events in military history. They make an epoch in the onward march of humanity. Alexander enlarged the map of the world again and made these vaster spaces the home of a higher culture. He grafted the new West upon the old East, and from this graft sprang the plant of our later civilization. Alexander died at thirty-two. Had he lived to seventy, it is hard to say what he might not have done in providing for last- ing political union, and perhaps even in bringing India and China into the current of our civilization. His lamentably early death brought about the political disruption of his em- pire, and has left the world in two halves from that day to this. "No single personality, excepting the carpenter's son of Nazareth, has done so much to make the world we live in what it is as Alexander of Macedon. He leveled the terrace upon which European history built. Whatever lay within the range of his conquests contributed its part to 224 THE MINGLING OF EAST AND WEST. [§245 form that Mediterranean civilization, which under Rome's administration became the basis of European life. What lay beyond was as if on another planet." — Wheeler, Alexander the Great. References for Further Reading. — There is no contemporary historian of Alexander. Arrian (second century) and Plutarch are the earliest authorities of note, and they made use of histories, now lost, by Alexander's generals (some good extracts are found in Fling's Studies, No. 5). Modern scholars have availed themselves of great numbers of recently discovered inscriptions. Modern writers : The best treatment is Wheeler's Alexa7ider the Greats so freely quoted in these pages. Advanced students may consult also Holm, III. chs. xix.-xxix. ; Curteis' Bise of the Macedonian Empire ; Grote, chs. xci.-xciv. ; Thirlwall's Histoi-y of Greece; Hogarth's Philip and Alexander ; Dodge's ^Zexawder; and Mahaffy's Story of Alexander'' s Empire, chs. i.-iv. Freeman's Alexander (Historical Essays, 2d series) is an excellent discussion, and the opening pages give a critical bibliography for advanced students. Topics. — See suggestions in footnotes. For advanced work, Fling's Studies make some excellent suggestions : i.e. (1) Let a student compare the Alexander of Arrian with the Alexan- der of Plutarch, and both of these with some modern writer's Alexander. This exercise may be subdivided into periods or campaigns, and assigned to several students. (2) List the authorities mentioned by Plutarch in his Alexander, and ascertain the probable value of each. CHAPTER II. THE GRAECO-ORIENTAL WORLD — TO THE ROMAN CONQUEST. I. THE POLITICAL STORY. 246. Wars of the Succession (323-280 b.c). — For nearly half a century after Alexander's death the political history of the civilized world was a horrible welter of war, intrigue, and assassination, while his generals strove with one another for empire. For a time it seemed possible that some able leader might prove strong enough to hold together all Alexander's conquests. Antigonus came nearest such success ; but four other great generals and satraps united against him, and after his defeat at Ipsus in Phrygia (301 b.c), the contest became one merely over shifting lines of partition. 247. The Situation in the Third Century. — Finally, about 280 B.C., something like a fixed order emerged, and then followed a period of sixty years known as the Glory of Hellenism. The Greek world reached from the Adriatic to the Inclus, and con- sisted of: (a) three great powers, the kingdoms of Syria, Egypt, and Macedonia ; (b) a broken chain of smaller mon- archies scattered from Media to Epirus,' some of them, like Pordus and Armenia, under dynasties descended from Persian princes ; and (c) single free cities like Cos and Byzantium, or leagues of such cities, like that under the leadership of Rhodes. Politically in many ways all the vast district bore a striking resemblance to Europe of two centuries ago : there was a like division into great and small states, ruled by dynasties all 1 See an enumeration in Mahaffy's Alexander's Empire, 90-92 B.C. 225 226 THE GRAECO-ORIENTAL WORLD. [§248 related by constant intermarriage ; there was a common civil- ization, and a recognition of common interests as against out- side barbarism or as opposed to a non-Hellenic power like Rome ; and there were similar mutual jealousies and conflict- ing policies.^ "I wish to point out how rich in political instruction of every kind, rich perhaps beyond every other age of classical times, the age of Polybios really is. The Greek world of that day was made up of an assemblage of states, of every degree of power and of every form of political constitu- tion. There was nothing like it in the earlier days of Greece ; there was nothing like it in the after days when Rome practically became the world. But the Greek world of those days gives us a lively image of the political state of modern Europe for some ages past." — Fbeeman, Chief Periods^ 35. 248. Invasion by the Gauls. — The chief event of general interest in this period was the great Gallic invasion of 278 b.c. It was the first formidable barbarian attack upon the Eastern world since the Scythians had been chastized by the early Persian kings (§ 72). A century before, however, hordes of these same Gauls had devastated northern Italy and sacked Rome (§ 330). Now (fortunately not until the ruinous Wars of the Succession were over) they poured into exhausted Macedonia, penetrated into Greece as far as Delphi, and, after horrible ravages there, carried havoc into Asia. For a long period every great sovereign of the Greek world turned his arms upon them, and they were finally settled as peaceful 1 The teacher and advanced student will note the resemblance in the shift- ing alliances and the wars to preserve " the balance of power" or to secure trade advantages, and in the gradual development of a body of rules of war- fare and diplomacy that make a beginning of International Law, and in the abandonment of plans of conquest as the natural end of war. Ptolemy III. of Egypt (§ 251) conquered almost as widely as Alexander, but he added only insignificant strips of territory to his possessions when he made peace. The likeness to modern society, too, is notable, — the refinement of the age in its excellences and its vices, the erudition, the absence of great creative literature, the increase in technique and in criticism. See Mahaffy, in particular, for these phases. Of course the resemblance must not be pushed too far. The age was vastly inferior to that of modern Europe. §249] THE POLITICAL STORY. 227 colonists in a region of Asia Minor, called Galatia from their name. Perhaps we are most interested in noting that the Hellenic patriotism roused by the attack — in some measure like that in little Hellas, two hundred years earlier, by the Persian invasions (§ 176) — played a part in the national out- burst of art and literature which followed and which found its themes largely in this conflict. The Dying Gaul and the Apollo The Dying Gaul, incorrectly called The Dying Gladiator. Belvidere, among the noblest surviving works of the period, commemorate incidents in the struggle. 249. The Decline of the Hellenic World may be dated from 220 B.C. At that time the thrones of the three larger king- doms received youthful occupants who were all to illustrate the too common degeneracy in Oriental royal lines a few gen- erations after great founders ; and at almost the moment of this decay, there began the final attack from without upon the Hellenic East. Sixty years before, the rising Roman power had come into conflict with the Greek states in southern Italy 228 THE GRAECO-ORIENTAL WORLD. [§250 and in Sicily. Complications with the eastern Greek king- doms followed. Then came the Punic wars between Rome and Carthage. The Second Punic War began in 218 B.C. and involved all the great Greek powers, one by one, in its con- sequences (§§ 383-389). 11. SOME SINGLE STATES IN OUTLINE. 250. Syria was the largest of the great monarchies. It com- prised most of Alexander's empire in Asia, except the small states in Asia Minor. After the battle of Ipsus, it fell to Seleucas, whose descendants (Seleucidae) ruled it to the Roman conquest. They excelled all other successors of Alexander in building cities and extending Greek culture over distant regions. Seleucus alone founded seventy-five cities. About 250 B.C. Indian princes reconquered the Punjab, and the Parthians arose on the northeast to cut off the frontier Bactrian provinces from the rest of the Greek world, though these iso- lated districts remained under independent Greek kings, as their coins show, some two centuries more. Thus Syria shrank up to the area of the ancient Assyrian Empire — the Euphrates- Tigris basin and old Syria proper — but it was still, in common opinion, the greatest world power. After the second Punic War, the Syrian monarch gave shelter to Hannibal, the defeated Carthaginian leader, and so incurred Roman hostility. His power was shattered at Magnesia in the year 190 B.C., but the country did not become a part of the Roman dominions until 63 B.C. During this last, and weak, period of Syrian power, occurred the heroic rebellion of the Jews under the Macca- bees ; the Jewish state secured independence and maintained it a hundred years, until the East fell under Roman sway (162-163 B.C.). 251. Egypt included Cyprus, and exercised a vague suzer- ainty over many coast towns of Syria and Asia Minor. Im- mediately upon Alexander's death, one of his generals, Ptolemy, chose Egypt for his province, and his descendants ruled it § 253] SYRIA — EGYPT — MACEDONIA. 229 until Cleopatra yielded to Augustus Caesar (30 b.c), though it had become a Eoman protectorate some time before. The ^rst Ptolemies were wise, energetic sovereigns. They aimed to make Egypt the commercial emporium of the world, and to make their capital Alexandria the world's intellectual center. Ptolemy I. established a great naval power, improved harbors, and built the first great lighthouse. Ptolemy II. (Philadel- phus) restored the old canal of Neco from the Red Sea to the Nile, and constructed roads. Ptolemy III., in war with Syria, carried his arms to Bactria, and on his return secured the circumnavigation of Arabia which Alexander had planned. The even more remarkable progress in intellectual development under these kings will be treated below. The later Ptolemies were weaklings or infamous monsters, guilty of every despic- able folly and crime ; but even they fostered learning. 252. Macedonia ceases to be of great interest after the death of Alexander, except from a military point of view. Natu- rally it was the first part of the empire of Alexander to come into hostile contact with Eome. King Philip V. joined Car- thage in the second Punic War a little before the year 200 b.c. (§ 370). A series of struggles resulted, and Macedonia, with parts of Greece, became Roman in 146 b.c. 253. Rhodes and Pergamum. — Among the many smaller states, two deserve special mention. Rhodes had been a mem- ber of the second Athenian confederacy, but had become inde- pendent before the Macedonian era. Later on she headed a maritime confederacy herself, and in t^e third century she became the leading commercial state of the Mediterranean. Her policy was one of peace and freedom of trade. Pergamum was a small Greek kingdom in Asia Minor, which the genius and liberality of its rulers (the Attalids) raised to prominence in politics and art. When the struggles with Rome began, Pergamum allied itself with that power, and long remained a favored state under Roman protection. 230 THE GRAECO-ORIENTAL WORLD. [§264 III. SOCIETY. 254. General Culture. — From 280 to 150 b.c. was the period of the chief splendor of the new, widespread Hellenism. The age was a great and fruitful one. Society was refined; the position of woman improved ; private fortunes abounded, and private houses possessed works of art, which, in earlier times, would have been found only in palaces or temples. For the reverse side, there was corruption in high places, hungry and threatening mobs at the base of society, and, in general, shal- lowness and insincerity. Among the countless cities, all homes of culture, five great intellectual centers appeared — Athens, Alexandria, Rhodes, Pergamos, Antioch. The glory of Alexandria extended over the whole period, which is sometimes known as the Alexandrian age ; the others successively held a special preeminence for a genera- tion. Athens, however, always excelled in philosophy, and Rhodes in oratory. (Julius Caesar studied oratory at Rhodes.) 255. Literature. — Some new forms appeared in art and lit- erature: especially, (a) the prose romance, a story of love and adventure, the forerunner of the modern novel ; (b) the pas- toral idyllic poetry of Theocritus, which was to influence Ver- gil and Tennyson ; and (c) personal memoirs. These make a part of the debt we owe to this many-sided Alexandrian age. The old Attic comedy, too, became the New Comedy of Menan- der and his followers, devoted to satirizing gently the life and manners of the time. In general, no doubt, the tendency in literature was toward critical scholarship rather than toward great and fresh crea- tion. Floods of books appeared, more notable for style than matter. Erudition and technique are the key words to the age. Treatises on literary criticism abounded ; the science of grammar was developed; and poets prided themselves upon writing all kinds of verse equally well. In many of its faults, as in some of its virtues, the time strikingly resembles our own. §256] SOCIETY. 231 256. Painting and Sculpture. — Painting gained prominence at the expense of calmer, more monumental sculpture — as befitted a complex society that loved great passions and exciting mo- ments. Zeuxis, Parrhasius, and Apelles are the three great names connected with this art. These men seem to have carried realistic painting to great perfection. According to the Venus of Melos (Milo). — A statue uow in the Louvre. stories, Zeuxis painted a cluster of grapes so that birds pecked at them, while Apelles painted a horse so that real horses neighed at the sight. Despite the attention given to painting, Greek sculpture produced some of its greatest work in this period. Multitudes of splendid statues were created — so abundantly, indeed, that even the names of the artists are not preserved. Among the 232 THE GRAECO-ORIENTAL WORLD. [§257 famous pieces that survive, besides the Dying Gavl and the Apollo Belvidere mentioned in §248, are the Venus of Milo (Melos) and the Laocoon group. Laocoon. — Now in the Vatican. 257. Philosophy separates itself finally from science, and turns to theories of human conduct. It also leaves the closet for the street; it ceases to be the province of the secluded thinker, and seeks converts and proselytes. The period of the Wars of the Succession saw two new philosophical systems §267] SOCIETY. 233 born — Epicureanism and Stoicism. These were both essen- tially practical ; they dwelt mainly upon ethics and the laws of moral action, and sought human happiness and virtue, not knowledge. Epicurus was an Athenian citizen. He taught that every man must pursue happiness as an end, but he held that the most and the highest pleasure was to be obtained not by grati- fication of lower appetites, but by a wise choice of the refined pleasures of the intellect and of friendship. He advised tem- perance and virtue as means to happiness; and he himself lived an abstemious life, saying that with a crust of bread and a cup of cold water he could rival Zeus in happiness. But, under cover of his theories, some of his followers taught and practiced a grossness which Epicurus himself would have earnestly condemned. Epicureanism produced some lovable characters, but no exalted ones.^ On the speculative side, the Epicureans denied the supernatural altogether, and held death the end of all things. Contemporary with Epicurus, Zeno the Stoic taught at Athens. His followers made virtue, not happi- ness, the end of life. If happiness were to come at all, it would come as a result, not as an end. They placed emphasis upon the dignity of human nature. The wise man, they held, should be superior to all the accidents of fortune. They be- lieved in the gods as manifestations of one Divine Providence that ordered all things well. The noblest characters of the Greek and Roman world from this time belonged to this sect. Stoicism was inclined, however, to ignore the gentler and kind- lier side of human life ; and with weak and bitter natures it merged into the philosophy of the Cynics, of whom Diogenes with his tub and lantern is the great example.^ Both Stoics and Epicureans held to a wide brotherhood of man. Philosophy, like Greek civilization, became cosmopoli- tan. It took the place of religion as a real guide to life, and 1 For the philosophy at its best, read "Walter Pater's Marius the Epicurean. Its noblest speculation is found in Lucretius' poetry, 2 Special report : the stories of Diogenes. 234 THE GRAECO-ORIENTAL WORLD. [§258 the great body of philosophers were the clergy of the next few centuries much more truly than were the various priesthoods of the temples. 258. Libraries and Museums (** Universities ")• — Two new institutions appeared, which, when combined as at Alexandria, made the forerunner of the modern university. The union of a body of teachers and learners into a corporation, with perma- nent endowment and legal succession, began at this time in Athens and Alexandria, and the idea has never since died out of the world. Plato had bequeathed his gardens at Athens, with other property, to his followers, on the basis of a worship of the Muses (since the Athenian law could not recognize property rights in. a club unless it avowed some religious purpose). This was the first endowed academy. The model and name were used a little later by the first and second Ptolemies at Alexandria in their Museum. Here was founded a great library of over half a million volumes (manuscripts), with scribes to make careful editions and copies of them ; here also were established observatories and zoological and botanical gardens, with collections of rare plants and animals from distant parts of the world. The librarians and other scholars who were gathered about the institution by the Ptole- mies corresponded in some measure to the faculty of a univer- sity, and devoted their lives to a search for knowledge and to teaching. "The external appearance was that of a group of buildings which served a common purpose— temple of the Muses, library, porticoes, dwellings, and a hall for meals, which were taken together. The inmates were a community of scholars and poets, on whom the king bestowed the honor and privilege of being allowed to work at his expense with all imaginable assistance ready to hand. It was a foundation which had something of the Institute of France, and something of the Colleges at Oxford. The managing board was composed of priests, but the most influential post was that of librarian." — Holm, IV. 307. One enterprise, of incalculable benefit to the later world, may illus- trate the zeal of the Ptolemies in regard to collecting and translating texts. Alexandria had many Jews in its population, but they were com- 269] SOCIETY. 235 ing to use the Greek language. Philadelphus, for their benefit, had the Hebrew Scriptures translated into Greek, the famous Septuagint transla- tion, so called from the tradition that it was the work of seventy scholars. 259. Science. — As compared with all previous time, science made great strides. Medicine, surgery, botany, and mechanics first appear as real sciences. Archimedes of Syracuse discov- ered the principle of the lever, and of specific gravity, and constructed burning mirrors and new hurling engines that made effective siege artillery. Euclid at Alexandria produced the geometry which, with little modification, is still taught in our schools. Eratosthenes (born 276 b.c), the librarian at Alexandria, wrote a systematic treatise on geography, invented delicate astronomical instruments, and devised the present method of measuring the circumference of the earth — with results nearly accurate. A little later, Aristarchus taught that the earth moved round the sun; and Hipparchus calculated eclipses, catalogued the stars, and wrote scientific treatises on astronomy; indeed, he is regarded as the founder of mathe- matical astronomy and of plane and spherical trigonometry. Aristotle (§ § 207, 244 b) had already given all the proofs of 236 THE GRAECO-ORIENTAL WORLD. [§269 the sphericity of the earth that are common in our text-books now (except that of actual circumnavigation), and had asserted the probability that men could reach Asia by sailing west from Europe. References for Further Reading. — Mahaffy's Alexander's Em- pire, Greek Life and Thought, and Empire of the Ptolemies ; Freeman's Periods of European History (Lecture L) ; Grote, XII. 274-331 ; Gard- ner's New Chapters, ch. xv. ; Thirlwall, bks. vii. and viii. ; Holm, IV. Draper's Intellectual Development of Europe (I. 187-204) has a glowing account of the Alexandrian Museum and of Alexandrian science. Plutarch's Lives (Eumenes, Demetrius, Pyrrhus) for this period give the young reader a confused picture, but they are of much greater histori- cal value than the earlier Lives, and quite as full of charm. Exercise. — Review by " catchwords." CHAPTER III. GREECE— FROM ALEXANDER TO ROME. I. THE FEDERAL CHARACTER OF THE PERIOD. 260. The Political Situation. — During the ruinous Wars of the Succession, Greece was the battle ground for Egypt, Syria, and Macedonia. Those struggles left the land for a time in vassalage to Macedonia, and that country tried to secure her rule by garrisons in important places or by local tyrants sub- servient to her. But, almost at once, a new champion of Hel- lenic liberty appeared in a spot hitherto obscure. A league of small Achaean towns grew into a formidable power, gallantly freed most of historic Greece, brought much of it into its fed- eral union on equal terms, and for a glorious half-century maintained Greek freedom successfully. The story offers curious resemblances and contrasts to the period of Athenian leadership just two hundred years earlier. Greece could no longer hope to become one of the great physi- cal powers ; we miss the intellectual brilliancy, too, of the fifth century ; but the epoch affords even more instructive political lessons — especially to Americans, interested, as we are, in fed- eral institutions.^ 261. Earlier and Minor Federations. — In early centuries the more backward and tribal parts of Greece had offered many examples of confederation, as in the cases of the Phocians, Lo- crians, Acarnanians, and Epirots. In city Greece, however, no such league had flourished. The ancient Boeotian confederacy sank under the rule of a predominant city ; the later attempts 1 Read Freeman, Federal Government, I. 219-229, for the character and importance of Greek history in this period. 237 238 GREECE— FROM ALEXANDER TO ROME. [§ 262 of Athens and Olynthus to apply the federal principle to nu- merous city states had failed, the one from internal causes, the other from Spartan interference (§ 228). Now, two of the older confederacies — Aetolia and Achaea — stepped forth as cham- pions of Hellas, and the federal organization gained a promi- nence wholly new in history. 262. The Aetolian League seems to have been originally a loose union of mountain cantons for defence. The Wars of the Succession, however, made the Aetolians famous as the bold- est soldiers of fortune in the Hellenic world ; and this repute, together with the wealth brought home by the thousands of such adventurers, led to a more aggressive policy on the part of the league. The people remained, on the whole, rude moun- taineers, " brave, boastful, rapacious, and utterly reckless of the rights of others." They did play a part in saving southern Greece from the invading Gauls (§ 248), but their confeder- acy became more and more an organization for lawless plun- der. Their original constitution seems to have been much like the Achaean (which, however, we know more in detail) ; but as they extended their authority over distant cities by con- quest or by threats of blackmail, they did not incorporate these new elements into the union on equal terms, as the great Achaean League was to do with its new members. The Aetolian Union, therefore, soon comes to be less valuable as an example of federal government than is its great rival. II. THE ACHAEAN LEAGUE. 263. Origin. — The people of Achaea were unwarlike, and not particularly enterprising or intellectual. They gave no great name to literature or art, nor did they even furnish great states- men, for all the heroes of the league were to come from out- side old Achaea. But, still, the Achaean League is one of the most remarkable federations in history before the adoption of the present Constitution of the United States. A federal union of Achaean townships existed as early as § 264] THE ACHAEAN LEAGUE. 239 the Persian wars, as a common coinage of that time proves. Under the Macedonian kings the league was destroyed, and tyrants were set up in several of the ten Achaean cities. But, about 280 b.c, four small towns revived the ancient confeder- acy. Neighboring tyrants were driven out; indeed, Iseas of Ceryneia voluntarily resigned his tyranny, and brought his city into the league. The union swiftly absorbed all Achaea. The ruin that followed the Gallic invasion in the north seems to have prevented Macedonian interference until the federation was securely established. 264. The Constitution. — During this period the constitution took form. The supreme authority of the league was vested in a federal, congress. This was not a representative body, but a primary assembly, or mass meeting, of all citizens of the league who chose to attend. To prevent the city where the meeting was held from outweighing the others, each city was given only one vote.^ The Assembly was held twice a year, for only three days at a time, and in a small place, so that a great capital should not overshadow the rest of the league. It chose yearly a General (or president), with various subordinate officers, a Council of Ten, and a Senate, The same general could not be chosen two years in succession. •This government raised federal taxes and armies, and repre- sented Achaea in all foreign relations. Each city remained a distinct state, with full control over all its internal matters — with its own Assembly, Council, and Generals ; but no city of itself could make peace or war, enter into alliances, or send ambassadors to another state. That is, the Achaean League was a true federation, and not a mere alliance. In theory the constitution was extremely democratic; in practice it proved otherwise. Men attended the Assembly at their own expense; any Achaean might come, but only the 1 That is, ten or twelve men from a distant town cast the vote of that city, and counted just as much as several hundred from a city nearer the place of meeting. Compare the voting by " tribes " in the Athenian Assembly (§ 134). 240 GREECE — FROM ALEXANDER TO ROME. [§264 wealthy could afford to do so habitually. Then, since the meet- ings were necessarily so few and brief, great authority had to be left in the intervals to the general and council. Any Achaean was eligible to these offices ; but as they were unsala- ried, poor men could hardly afford to take them, and, in any case, could not get them from the wealthy class that dom- inated the Assembly. Thus a decidedly aristocratic character resulted from applying to a large territory the Greek system of a primary assembly, suited only to single cities. A primary assembly made the city of Athens a perfect democracy; the same institution made Achaea intensely aristocratic. The constitution, it is plain, avoided several dangers and evils common in early attempts at federation. Its two weak- nesses were : (a) that it made no use of the representative sys- tem, which no doubt would have seemed to the Achaeans less democratic, but which in practice would have enabled a larger part of the citizens to have a voice in the government; and (h) that all cities, great or small, had the same vote. This last did not matter so much perhaps at first, for the little Achaean towns did not differ materially in size ; but it became a mani- fest injustice, and therefore an element of weakness, when the union came later to contain some of the most powerful cities in Greece. However, this feature was almost universal in early confederacies that did not change into consolidated empires, and it was the principle of the American Union until 1789. The one exception of note was the Lycian confederacy in Asia Minor. The Lycians were not Greeks, apparently ; but they had taken on some Greek culture, and their federal union was an advance even upon the Achaean, though it was absorbed by Rome before it played an important part in history. In its Assembly, the vote was taken by cities, but the cities were divided into three classes : the largest had three votes each, the next class two each, and the smallest only one. This was the nearest approach in ancient history to a federation wherein the states should have weight according to their importance. Even the Lycians had no repre- sentative assemblies, and, at the league gathering, the numerical value of the vote of a city depended, of course, not upon the size of its contingent at that meeting but upon the relative place assigned it by the constitution. §265] THE ACHAEAN LEAGUE. 241 265. Expansion beyond Achaea. — The power vested in the general makes the history of the league the biography of a few great men. The most remarkable of these leaders was Aratus^ of Sicyon, who now entered upon the stage to extend the union far beyond Achaea. As a youth of twenty he had returned from exile to free his native city from a bloody and despicable tyranny (251 B.C.). The daring venture was bril- liantly successful, but it aroused the enmity of Macedon ; and to preserve the freedom so nobly won, Aratus brought Sicyon into the Achaean federation. Five years later he was first elected general of the league, and he held that office each al- ternate year (as often as the constitution permitted) from this time until his death, thirty-two years later, while the generals in the odd years were commonly his partisans. Aratus hated tyrants and longed for a free and united Greece. He aimed at a noble end, but did not refuse base means. He was personally incorruptible, and he lavished his own vast wealth for the union : but he was jealous of other leaders ; he betrayed to death on the field of battle the noblest hero of the league ; and finally, to maintain his supremacy, he called in Macedonia, and himself undid all his work. With abounding daring in a dashing project, as he many times showed, he lacked nerve to command in battle ; he frequently showed cowardice, and he never won a real victory in the field ; but, despite his many defeats, his persuasive power and his merits kept him the confidence of the union to the end of a long public life. In his second generalship, Aratus freed Corinth from her Macedonian tyrant by a desperate night attack upon the garri- son of the citadel. That powerful city then entered the union. So did Megara, which itself drove out its Macedonian garrison. The league now commanded the Isthmus, and was safe from ^ attack by Macedonia. Then several cities in Arcadia joined, and in 234 b.c. Megalopolis was added — at this time one of the 1 Aratus is the first statesman known to us from his own memoirs. That work itself no longer exists, but Plutarch drew upon it for his Life, as did Polybius for his history. 242 GREECE— FROM ALEXANDER TO ROME. [§266 leading cities in Greece. Some years earlier its tyranny had been seized by Lydiadas, a gallant youth animated by enthu- siasm for beneficent autocratic reform.^ The growth of the Achaean League opened a nobler way ; Lydiadas resigned his tyranny, and as a private citizen brought the Great City into the union. This made him a candidate for popular favor, and Aratus became his bitter foe. The new leader was the more lovable and heroic figure — generous and ardent, a soldier as well as a statesman. He several times became general of the league, but even in office he was often thwarted by the dis- graceful trickery of the older man. For many years Aratus had aimed to free Athens and Argos — sometimes by heroic endeavors, sometimes by assassination and poison. In 229 B.C. he succeeded. He bought the with- drawal of Macedonian troops from the Peiraeus, and Athens became an ally, though not a member of the league.^ The tyrant of Argos was persuaded or frightened into following the example of Lydiadas, — as indeed had happened meanwhile in many smaller cities, — and Argos joined the confederacy. The league now was the commanding power in Hellas. It included all Peloponnesus except Sparta and Elis. Moreover, all Greece south of Thermopylae had become free, — largely through the influence of the confederacy, — and most of these states also had entered into friendly alliance with it. 266. The Conflict with Sparta ; Social Reforms in Sparta. — But now came a conflict with Sparta. The struggle was con- nected with a great reform within that ancient city. The forms of the Lycurgan constitution had survived through many cen- turies, but at this time Sparta had only seven hundred full citizens. This condition brought about a violent agitation for social reform, the beginning of which indeed was noticeable one 1 This was true of several tyrants in this age, and it was due no doubt in part to the new respect for monarchy since Alexander's time, and in part to new theories of government taught by the philosophers. 2 The old historic cities, Athens and Sparta, could not be brought to look favorably upon such a union. §266] THE ACHAEAN LEAGUE. 243 hundred and fifty years before (§ 221). About the year 243 B.C. AgiSf one of the kings, set himself to do again what Lycur- gus had done in legend. Agis was a youthful hero, full of noble daring and pure enthusiasm. He gave his own prop- erty to the state and persuaded his relatives and friends to do the like. He planned to abolish all debts and to divide the land among forty-five hundred Spartans and fifteen thou- sand Perioeci — thus reestablishing the state upon a broad and democratic basis. He refused to use violence, and sought his ends by constitutional means only; but the disciplined con- servative party rose in fierce opposition and, by order of the ephors, Agis was seized, with his noble mother and grand- mother, and murdered in prison, — "the purest and noblest spirit," says Freeman, "that ever perished through deeming others as pure and noble as himself." But the ideals of the martyr lived on. His wife was forced to marry Cleomenes, son of the other king ; and from her this prince adopted the hopes of Agis. Cleomenes had less of high sensitiveness and stainless honor, but he is a grand and colossal figure. He bided his time ; and then, when the ephors were planning to use force against him, he struck first. He became king in 236 b.c. Aratus had led the Achaean League into war with Sparta in order to consolidate the Pelo- ponnesus ; but the military genius of the young king made even old, enfeebled Sparta a match for the league under the miserable leadership of its general. Cleomenes won two great victories,-^ Then, the league being helpless for the moment, he used his popularity to effect reform at home. The oligarchs were plotting against him, but he was enthusiastically sup- ported by the disfranchised multitudes. Leaving his Spartan troops at a distance, he hurried to the city by forced marches with some chosen followers, seized and slew the ephors, and proclaimed a new constitution, which embodied the economic 1 In one of these battles Aratus held back the Achaean phalanx, through timidity or jealousy, while Lydiadas, heading a gallant charge, was over- powered by numbers and slain. 244 GREECE — FROM ALEXANDER TO ROME. [§267 designs of Agis and whicli virtually placed all political power in the hands of the king. 267. Macedonian Supremacy Restored. — Cleomenes designed to make this new Sparta the head of the Peloponnesus. He and Aratus each desired a free united Greece, but under differ- ent leadership. Moreover Sparta now stood forth the advocate of socialism, and so was particularly hateful and dangerous to the aristocratic government of the league. The struggle between the two powers was renewed with fresh bitterness. Cleomenes won more victories, and then, with the league at his feet, he offered generous terms. He demanded that Sparta enter the union as virtual leader. This would have altered the character of the confederacy, but it would have created the greatest power ever seen in Greece, and, for the time, it would have insured a free Hellas. The Achaeans were gener- ally in favor of accepting the proposal; but Aratus — jealous of Cleomenes and fearful of social reform — broke off the negotiations by underhanded methods, and bought the aid of Macedon by betraying Corinth, a free member of the league and the city connected with his own most glorious exploit. As a result, the federation became a protectorate of Mace- donia, holding no relations with foreign states except through that power ; and the war became a struggle for Greek freedom, waged by Sparta under her hero-king against the overwhelm- ing power of Macedon assisted by the confederacy as a vassal state. The date (222 b.c.) coincides with the general decline of Hellenic power in the world (§ 249). For a while, Sparta showed surprising vigor, and Cleomenes was marvelously suc- cessful. The league indeed dwindled to a handful of petty cities. But in the end Macedonia prevailed. Cleomenes fled to Egypt, to die in exile ; and Sparta opened her gates for the first time to a conquering army. The league was restored to nearly its full extent, but its glory was gone. It still served a useful purpose in maintaining internal peace and order over a §268] THE ACHAEAN LEAGUE. 245 large part of Peloponnesus, but it was no longer a champion of a free Hellas. 268. The Final Decline of the League. — A war followed be- tween Achaea and Aetolia. This soon became a struggle between Macedonia and her vassals on the one side, and Aetolia aided by Rome on the other; for as Achaea had called in Macedon against Sparta, so now Aetolia called in Rome against Achaea and Macedonia, — and Greek history is closed. Some gleams of glory shine out at the last in the career of Philopoemen of Megalopolis, the greatest general the Achaean League ever produced, and one of the noblest characters in history ; but the doom of Achaea was already sealed. " Philo- poemen," says Freeman, " was one of the heroes who struggle against fate, and who are allowed to do no more than to stave off a destruction which it is beyond their power to avert." The sentence may stand not unfittingly for the epitaph of the great league itself. References for Further Study. — Sources : YlntSLrch.'' s Aratus,Agis, Cleomenes, Philopoemen ; Polybius' History (index for Achaean and Aeto- lian leagues; extracts in Fling's Studies^ No. 5). Modem authorities: Thirlwall, bk. viii. ; Freeman's Federal Government ; Holm, IV. Special Reports. — 1. Compare Plutarch and Polybius on the reforms at Sparta. 2. The life of Agis. 3. Cleomenes in exile. 4. Philopoe- men. Class Exercise. — Review, with attention to progressive development, the various confederacies, — Peloponnesian, Delian, Chalcidic, Achaean. REVIEW EXERCISES ON PARTS 11. AND IIL A. Fact Drills on Greek History. 1. The class should form a Table of Dates gradually as the critical points are reached, and should then drill upon it until it says itself as the alphabet does. The following dates are enough for this kind of drill in 246 GREECE— FROM ALEXANDER TO ROME. [§268 Greek history. The table should be filled out as is done for the first two dates. 776 B.C. First Olympiad (?) 338 b.c. 490 " Marathon 222 " 405 " 146 " 371 " 2. List and name fifteen battles in chronological order, between 776 and 146 B.C., stating for each the parties, leaders, result, and importance. {Such tables also should be made by degrees as the events are reached.) 3. Explain concisely the following terms or names: Olympiads, Ephors, Olynthiac Confederacy, Mycenaean Culture, Olympian Religion, Amphictyonies, Sappho. {Let the class extend the list several fold.) B. Topical Reviews. This is a good point at which to review certain " culture topics," — i.e. Greek philosophy, literature, art, religion, — tracing each separately from the dawn of history. The chief divisions of Greek history should be fixed clearly in the mind : for this the Table of Contents is a sufficient guide. PART IV. ROME. The center of our studies, the goal of our thoughts, the point to which all paths lead and the point from which all paths start again, is to be found in Borne and her abiding power.^ — Freeman. CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTORY SURVEY. I. THE PLACE OF ROME IN HISTORY. 269. The Exponent of Empire and Law. — Rome stands for organization and law, as Greece for culture. During the later period of the history of Greece there had been growing up in the peninsula to the west a power that was to take over, extend, and supplement her work. The peculiar function of Rome was to make empire ^nd to rule it. This the Romans them- selves recognized; their poet Vergil wrote: — "Others, I grant, indeed, shall with more delicacy mold the breath- ing brass ; from marble draw the features to the life ; plead causes better ; describe with a rod the courses of the heavens, and explain the rising stars. To rule the nations with imperial sway be thy care, O Romans. These shall be thy arts : to impose terms of peace, to spare the humbled, and to crush the proud." The history of Rome is the history of the growth of a vil- lage community into a city state ; the growth of that city state into a consolidated Italian state; and the further growth of 1 See § 3. 247 248 ROME — INTRODUCTORY SURVEY. [§270 that Italy into a world state. The village by the Tiber did first for its surrounding hills what Athens did for the villages of Attica ; but it went on to do for all Italy what Athens failed to do for Greece, and then for all the Mediterranean world what Alexander failed to do politically — save for a moment — for the eastern half. The later Greeks had collected and organized the letters, arts, sciences, of all the nations of anti- quity. Rome was to preserve this common treasure of mankind for future ages ; to extend this civilization over the barbarous West; to incorporate this new West along with the Hellenic empires of the East into a single, close-bound political unity ; and to furnish this world state with laws and institutions that have influenced all later time. 270. The Roman and the Greek : Work and Character. — This imperial work of Rome — to make the world Roman — was not due to her genius in war, great as that was, so much as to her political wisdom and her organizing power. The Romans were stern and harsh, but they were also just, obedient, reverent, and legal-minded. They were a disciplined people, and they loved order. The work of the Greeks and that of the Romans are curi- ously and happily related. Each is strong where the other is weak. The Greeks gave us philosophy and art ; the Romans, po- litical institutions and legal systems. The Greek intellect was speculative, the Roman was practical. The merit of the Greek was his individuality ; of the Roman, his submission to law. This truth is so important that it is worth while to see how diiferent scholars have phrased it. " The Greeks had more genius ; the Romans more stabiUty. . . . They [the Romans] had less delicacy of perception, . . . but they had more sobriety of character and more endurance. . . . Versatility belonged to the Greek, virility to the Roman." — Fisher, Outlines of Universal History, 125. "Action, achievement, and, as means to these, order, system, law, not attention to ideas or ideals, mark the Roman nature." — Andrews, Institutes of General History, 73. §272] THE LAND. 249 "Latium, in the poverty of its artistic development, stands almost on a level with uncivilized peoples ; Hellas developed . . . that marvelous world of poetry and sculpture, the like of which history has not again to show. In Latium no other influences were powerful but prudence, riches, strength ; it was reserved for the Hellenes to feel the blissful ascendancy of beauty. . . . The points in which the Hellenes excel the Italians are more universally intelligible and reflect a more brilliant luster ; but the deep feeling in each individual that he was only a part of the community, the rare devotedness and power of self-sacrifice, the earnest faith in its own gods, form the rich treasure of the Italian nation. . . . Resolutely, the Italian surrendered his own personal will for the sake of freedom, and learned to obey his father that he might know how to obey the state." MOMMSEN, I. 36. "If it be true, as is sometimes said, that there is no literature which rivals the Greek except the English, it is perhaps even more true that the Anglo-Saxon is the only race which can be placed beside the Roman in creative power in law and politics." — George Burton Adams, Civiliza- tion during the Middle Ages, 21. n. THE LAND. 271. Limits : the Apennine District ; Exclusion of the Po Valley. — Modern Italy, bounded by the Alps and the sea, comprises two distinct halves — the level valley of the Po extending from east to west, and the slender mountainous peninsula reaching from it south into the Mediterranean. But until about 27 b.c, the Po valley was always considered part of Gaul (Cisalpine Gaul, or Gaul this side, tho, Alps)^ and the name Italy was extended at most to the true peninsula with the Apennine range for its backbone. 272. Relations of its Geography to its History. — Like Greece, Italy was specially fitted by nature for the work it was to do. Three important considerations are easily grasped, each tend- ing to a development different from the eastern peninsula's. a. Political Unity. — Italy was more fit than Greece for that internal consolidation that made the only safe basis for ex- ternal empire. The valleys and tablelands of the Apennines are connected by easy passes, and the geographical divisions 250 ROME — INTRODUCTORY SURVEY. [§272 of the lowlands are larger and less distinct than the districts in Greece. The resulting tendency toward political unity was reenforced by other features : the fertile plains of the lowlands and the grassy slopes of the mountains were better suited to agriculture and grazing than were the lands of Greece, while Italy lacked the many harbors, the deep bays, and the island- studded sea that invited the earliest Hellenes to commerce. Thus, while civilization came later, energy and effort were kept at home longer, until the foundations of empire were more securely laid. b. Direction of the First Outside Effort. — The Apennines not only fixed the internal development of Italy ; they deter- mined also the direction of its first outward movements. The mountains are nearer the eastern coast, and on this side the short rocky spurs and swift torrents quickly lose themselves in the Adriatic. The western slope is nearly twice as broad ; here are the large fertile plains and the few rivers, and, as a result, most of the few harbors and the important states. Thus Italy and Greece stood back to back (§ 82d). This fact explains their separate development for so long a time. Thus, too, Italy faced west toward Spain, and, through Sicily, toward Africa ; and when she was ready for outside work, she gave herself first to conquering and civilizing these lands with their fresh, vigorous peoples. c. External Dominion} — European culture began in the peninsula which was at once " the most European of European lands" and the European land most accessible to the older civilizations of the East. Just as fittingly, the state which was to unify and rule the scattered lands of the Mediterranean took its rise in the central peninsula that divides and com- mands that inland sea. In actual history, her central position was to enable Italy, in her struggle for empire, to divide the Carthaginian power in Africa and Spain from its Hellenic 1 Fuller discussions in Mommsen, I. 15-17 ; How and Leigli, 2-11 ; Sliuck- burgh, 5-10. § 274] PEOPLES OF ITALY. 251 allies in the East, to concentrate her own forces along her shorter lines of communication, and to conquer her enemies in detail. IIL PEOPLES OF ITALY. 273. A Mingling of Races. — For some centuries on either side the birth of Christ, Italy was to be the mistress of the world ; but before, as since, she had been the victim of stronger peoples. Even in prehistoric times, the fame of her fertility and beauty had tempted successive swarms of invaders across the Alps and the Adriatic, and at the opening of history the land already held a curious mixture of races. 274. Chief Divisions. — The center was the home of the Italians who eventually were to give their language and law to the whole peninsula. They fell into two branches: the western Italians were lowlanders, represented mainly by the Latins of Latium; the eastern and larger section were high- landers, and were again subdivided into Sabines, Samnites, Volscians, Aequians, Lucanians, and so on. War, of course, was the normal condition between the Latins of the plain and their ruder kinsmen of the mountain. The more important of the other races were recent comers — Greeks in the south, Gauls and Etruscans in the north. The Greeks of Magna Graecia have been referred to in earlier pages. The Gauls had entered last, and held the Po valley. They were merely a portion of the Gauls from beyond the Alps, and they remained barbarian until conquered by Kome. The Etruscans are a mysterious people — " the standing riddle of history." Scholars now incline to believe them a branch of the broad-headed Alpine race (§ 8). At an early time they had held a large part of Italy in three great con- federacies — in the Po valley, in Etruria, and in Campania. Apparently they had ruled in Latium also, possessing for a time all the lowlands from the Alps to the Greek cities of the south. But before detailed history begins, they had been 252 ROME — INTRODUCTORY SURVEY. [§274 forced from the territory south of the Tiber by a Latin and Samnite revival, while the Gallic invasion had driven them Kk.mai>'s ov Etruscan Akch at A'olatkkkae. from the Po, and they had become restricted practically to the central district, Etruria, just beyond the Tiber from the Latins. They were still, however, the most civilized people in Italy. They were mighty and skillful builders, and have 274] PEOPLES OF ITALY. 253 left numerous interesting ruins with multitudes of inscriptions, in a language to which, unfortunately, scholars can find no key. They became celebrated early for their work in bronze and iron, and they were the first commercial people in Italy. Probably they introduced many arts from the Phoenicians and "Italians" (Umbrians) Etruscans 'm Greeks Gauls Ligurians Siculi and others 1 THE PEOPLES OF ITALY Greeks. In later times their power declined rapidly before the rising Eoman state, the heir of their civilization. Etrus- can rulers or builders in early Rome reared her walls, drained her marshes, and fringed the Tiber-side with great quays ; and to the last, the Roman's dress (the toga), his house, his favor- ite amusements (the cruel sports of the amphitheater), and much of his religion (especially the divination and soothsay- 254 ROME — INTRODUCTORY SURVEY. [§275 ing), were Etruscan ; while from the same source he learned his unrivaled power to build for all time.^ The Etruscans were Rome's first teachers. The Greeks were to take up that office at a later time. 275. " Fragments of Forgotten Peoples." — Besides these four great races, whom Rome was finally to fuse into one strong and noble nation, there were also fragments of earlier peoples — lapygians in the southern mountains, Veneti in the marshes of the northeast, and, in the extreme northwest, between the Alps and the sea, the wild Ligurians. These last were rude hill-men, resembling the Basques of the Pyrenees. They had fought savagely for their crags and caves with Etruscans and Gauls, and were long to harass the Roman legions with guer- rilla warfare. Later, they furnished Rome an admirable light infantry. Fob Further Reading. — With reference to the races of Italy, ad- vanced students may consult the linguistic theories in Mommsen, I. 9-17. Good treatments are given by How and Leigh, 11-19; Shuckburgh, 10- 20 ; and Allcroft and Masom, 1-18. Sergi's Mediterranean Bace gives recent theories. IV. GEOGRAPHICAL ADVANTAGES OF ROME. 276. Rome a Type, differentiated from other Italian Cities by Geography. — For long, Rome was simply one of many Italian towns, and, so far as we can tell, her development was typical of other Italian city life. It is impossible to say why just this particular city, rather than some other of the same land and race, should finally have become the ruling power; but we can see that the greatness of Rome rested, in part, at least, upon geo- graphical conditions. Four physical factors may be noted. 1 Special report : Etruscan art and architecture. Duruy's History of Rome, I., contains much valuable material. A brief discussion of the question of an Etruscan conquest of early Rome is given in Pelham, 32-36. See also Momm- sen's theory. Charles Godfrey Leland's Etrusco-Roman Remains (specially in the Introduction) gives a most interesting account of the survival to-day §276] GEOGRAPHICAL ADVANTAGES OF ROME. 255 a. Central Position. — E/ome is the central city of the penin- sula, and so had advantages for consolidating Italy like those enjoyed by Italy for unifying the Mediterranean coasts. It was not altogether accidental that Mediterranean dominion fell to the central city of the central land. b. Commercial Site. — The Tiber was the one navigable river of Italy. In very early times ships sailed up the river to Rome, while barges brought down to her wharves the wheat and wine of the uplands. The site had the advantages of a port, but was far enough from the coast to be safer than a coast town from sudden raids by the pirates that swarmed on the sea. There is no doubt that Rome's early greatness in Latium was largely due to her importance as a mart of commerce, and her earlier peasant dwellers rapidly became princely merchants and money lenders.^ c. A Mark State. — The Latin settlement by the Tiber was a " mark state," bordering on hostile Etruria across the river and on hostile Sabines in the eastern mountains. The set- tlers of necessity excelled other Latins in war, and held a moral leadership among them as their champions.^ Such a position was favorable also to some mingling of stocks, such as Roman tradition insisted did take place. d. " The Seven HiUs" : Federation, Flexible Custom, Law. — Most important of all, Rome was the " city of the seven hills." Italian towns, like the Greek (§ 93), had their origin each in some acropolis, or hill fortress ; and even in Latium there were many settlements, like the older Alba Longa or the later Praeneste, that frowned from more formidable heights than those held by Rome. But nowhere else was there so placed among the Tuscan peasantry of the old pre-Roman pagan religion and divination. 1 Read Moramsen, I. 59S2 on the Tiber traific, or Tighe, 51-53 ; and, if ac- cessible, Goldwin Smith's Greatness of the Romans, in the Contemporary Review for May, 1878, or in Lectures and Essays. 2 For the growth of ** mark," or border, states into empires, advanced stu- dents will note the later cases of Wessex in England, and Prussia and Austria in Germany. 256 ROME — INTRODUCTORY SURVEY. (;§ 277 in the midst of a fertile plain a group of hills, each suited for separate settlement, but so close together that hostility or isolation had to give way ere long to federation or conquest. Tradition and geography agree that Rome arose from the association of such a group of separate towns. ^ Nor was the gain merely in physical power. That was the least of it. Early societies are fettered rigidly by tyrannous eustom, so that the beginnings of change and progress are inconceivably slow. In Rome this incorporation of distinct societies on equal terms broke these bonds at a period far earlier than common. Necessity compelled the tribes to adopt broader views of their relations toward each other ; and com- promise and treaty took the place of inflexible custom. Thus Rome was started upon the development of her marvelous system of law, and the process of association began that was later to unite Italy. V. LEGENDARY HISTORY. 277. Old Writers and Sources.^ — The Romans did not begin to write the history of their city until about 200 B.C., — two centuries after Herodotus and Thucydides had created the noble historical literature of Greece. The first Roman histo- ries, moreover, were rude and meager annals. The composers found two kinds of materials for the earlier centuries — unre- liable family chronicles and scant official records. The latter, which had been kept by the colleges of priests, comprised only lists of magistrates for the early period, with an occasional brief notice of some striking event or some peculiar natural phenomenon, like an eclipse ; and even these barren records had been destroyed up to the year 390 B.C. (when the Gauls sacked the city), and had been restored, imperfectly, from 1 Freeman's Historical Essays, Second Series, 252, 253; Ihne's Early Rome, 6-8; Goldwin Smith, in Contemporary Review, May, 1878; Mommsen, I. 62- 71, and 100-109. 2 The class should read Ihne's Early Rome, 9-31; or Ihne's History, I. 277- 284; orTighe, 7-17; or Shuckburgh, 55-60. §278] LEGENDARY HISTORY. 257 memory. And though the great gentes fed their pride by set funeral orations ^ and by family histories, yet these were based upon oral tradition distorted to suit family glory ; and of course they were filled with the wildest exaggerations and inventions. From such sources Fabius Pictor (§ 489) wrote the first con- nected history of Rome. He and his successors (mostly Greeks at Rome) trimmed and patched their narratives in- geniously to get rid of the grosser inconsistencies ; borrowed freely from incidents in Greek history, and apparently just as freely from their imagination, to fill gaps ; and so gradually produced an attractive story that hung together pretty well in the absence of skilled criticism. These early works themselves are now lost ; but two hundred years later, Livy and Dionysius built upon them, and, until after 1800 a.d., the accounts of the legendary age by these writers were accepted as real his- tory. They held their place in schools even longer, and until recently were one of the most essential parts of a boy's " his- torical " knowledge. 278. Abstract of the ** Legends of Regal Rome." — According to this classical story (told in great detail through many chapters) Rome was ruled from 753 to 510 b.c. by seven successive kings. The founder, Bomu- lus^ was the son of Mars, God of War, and of a Latin princess ; as a babe he had been exposed to die, but was preserved and suckled by a wolf ; he grew up among rude shepherds ; with their aid he built a city on the Palatine Mount above the old wolf's den ; here he gathered about him outlaws from all quarters, and these men seized the daughters of a Sabine tribe for wives ; this led to war, and finally to the union of the Romans and the Sabines, who then settled upon one of the neighboring 1 Special report upon Roman funeral customs with reference to historical orations. The Latins never had a Homer to create a great national epic, but Niebuhr held that they must have had a voluminous ballad literature, and that the early annalists drew upon this. Maeaulay adopted this view, and in his Lmjs of Ancient Rome tried to reproduce such ballads. Every student should know the Lays ; and the introduction contains a valuable discussion upon the sources of Roman history.. Ihne, however, and later scholars gen- erally, doubt the existence of any extensive ballad literature at Rome. See Early Rome, 18, 19. 258 ROME — INTRODUCTORY SURVEY. [§279 hills. Romulus organized the people into tribes, curias, and gentes ; ap- pointed a senate ; conquered widely ; and was finally taken up to heaven by the gods in a thunderstorm, or, as some thought, was killed by jealous senators. Numa, the next king, elected after a year's interregnum, estab- lished religious rites, and gave laws and arts of peace, which were taught him by the nymph Egeria in a sacred grove by night. Tullus Hostilius, a warlike conqueror, is a shadowy Romulus, and Ancus Marcius is a faint copy of Numa. The fifth king was Tarquin the First, an Etruscan adventurer, who was succeeded by Servius Tullius^ son of a slave girl, and he was followed by a second Tarquin, Tarquin the Proud, whose tyranny led to expulsion and to the establishment of a republic. The last three sovereigns were "tyrants" in the Greek sense; they favored the common people, or the plebs, against the aristocratic patricians ; and they extended the sway of Rome, and constructed great and useful works. 279. The Present Attitude of Scholars. — To scholars of a century ago, Romulus and Tarquin were as historical as George the Third and Elizabeth ; but early in the nineteenth century the G-erman historian Niehuhr overthrew all belief in the stories prior to the republic, and indeed rejected the account of Livy for one hundred and twenty years more, down to 390 B.C. In 1853, Sir George C. Lewis in his two volumes on The Credibility of Early Roman History gave reasons for sus- pecting the details of the narratives for over a century more. No one now regards the legends of the regal period as history, and no one expects to fix more than general movements before 390 B.C. However, beside the legends, we now have some other mate- rial : the researches of archaeologists into the early buildings of ancient Rome reveal some facts in the city's material growth ; early inscriptions and annals in neighboring towns have been discovered, casting many side lights; and the study of later laws and customs helps to make clear the real nature of some obscure earlier institutions. Moreover, the stories themselves do have two kinds of historical value : they afford a basis for guesses at historical truth, some of which can then be proven good in other ways ; and in any case they show what the later Romans thought noble and admirable in character and life. §279] LEGENDARY HISTORY. 259 References for Further Reading. — Some of the more important references have been given in detail by sections and paragraphs. For the chapter, as a whole, the chief modern guides are Mommsen and Ihne. Special Reports.. — 1. Particular legends of the kings, with modem criticism or interpretation. The teacher can select as many such topics as he can spare time for ; material will be found in Ihne's Early Some, or better, History of Borne, I. 2. Discuss relative historical value of Plutarch's Lives of Bomulus, Aratus, Themistocles. The teacher can easily set a number of such exercises to different students ; thus, Numa, Solon, Cleomenes, for a second set, etc. CHAPTER II. PROBABLE CONCLUSIONS AS TO REGAL ROMR I. THE GllOWTH OF THE CITY. 280. Unification of the Seven HiUs. — The oldest part of Rome seems to have been a settlement on the crest of the Palatine — the most detached of the group of low hills on the south bank of the Tiber. The solidly built walls of this origi- nal " square town " can still be traced. With this city were successively confederated other Latin settlements on the neigh- boring hills, and finally a hostile Sabine outpost on the Quiri- nal.^ Each such addition called for another more widely circling wall. The latest of these early walls, known as the wall of Servius, enclosed all the seven hills, together with va- cant space sufficient for the growth of the city to a late period. Portions of this colossal structure still exist on the Aventine, as do also remains of the huge arched drains that converted the marshes between the Capitol and the Palatine into the firm ground of the Forum (market place) and the Comitium, or place of assembly. 281. Growth of Territory beyond the Walls. ^ At first, even after the union of the seven hills, the territory of the city must have been but a narrow strip along the river, some two miles down and five miles up its course, limited in every direction 1 Apart from tradition, the proofs of original separate settlements are manifold. Later Latin writers mention rude ramparts of distinct ancient settlements still existing in their day on the Esquiline, the Capitol, and the Quirinal; while in recent times such remains have been discovered on the Coelian. Various festivals of later Rome and certain religious rites point also to such union of separate settlements, and a number of double pries^ hoods indicate a like fact. See Pelham, 15-17, or Shuckburgh, 23-26; and, more fully, Mommsen, I. 77-87. 260 § 281] THE GROWTH OF THE CITY. 261 by the lands of other like towns (of which there were thirty in little Latium). But before 500 b.c. war with neighboring Latin, Sabine, and Etruscan cities had produced decided ex- pansion. Eome had come to possess nearly one third of Latium ROME under the Kings 1. Citadel (Arx). 4. Citadel at Janiculum. 7. Senate House (Curia). 2. Temple of Jupiter (Capitolinus). 5. Old Wall of Eomulus. 8. Comitium. 3. Quaysof the Tarquins. 6. Temple of Vesta. and to control the Latin side of the Tiber, some eighteen miles either way, from the highlands to its mouth, where was founded the first Roman colony, Ostia, for a port. Rome also won and held a fortified hill, the Mount Janiculum, just across the Tiber, 262 CONCLUSIONS AS TO REGAL ROME. [§282 as an outpost against the Etruscans. Several of the conquered Latin towns were razed, and their inhabitants brought to Eome. What was more important, Rome had destroyed Alba Longa (the Long White City), the ancient head of the Latin confed- eracy, and had succeeded to that headship herself. For Further Reading. — Mommsen, bk. i. chs. iv. and vii. ; Ihne, I. 8-107, gives a good criticism of the legends. II. CITIZENS AND NON-CITIZENS. 282. Patricians. — Three of the settlements on the Tiber hills seem to have federated finally upon a footing of essential equal- The Cloaca Maxima. ity, making the three Roman tribes — Ramnes, Tities, and Lu- ceres. These tribesmen were patricians (men " with fathers," or men of regular citizenship through their fathers). They formed the " Roman peoj)le " in the strict sense; and for a long time they were the only full citizens, except as they now and then adopted clans from conquered cantons into their ranks. §283] CITIZENS AND NON-CITIZENS. 263 283. Clients. — The greater patrician families in regal times contained numerous non-freemen, below the son and above the slave, known as clients. The client could hold property and engage in trade ; but his rights at law were secured only through Remains of the Wall of Servius on the Avbntine. his patron, and, as against the patron, he had no protection except custom and public opinion. His children remained de- pendents in the same family. The origin of the class is uncer- tain; but it was recruited in regal Rome from the freed slaves (who remained attached in this way to the family of their old master) and from strangers who, on coming to Rome, placed 264 CONCLUSIONS AS TO REGAL ROME. [§284 themselves of choice in this relation to a powerful patrician in order to secure protection. 284. Plebeians. — When the population of a conquered can- ton in the early time was removed to Eome, the whole people sometimes became " clients of the king.'^ They soon took the name of plebeians. Their rights were less assured at first than those of the clients .of some individual patrician, but they were freer from the interference of a master. They were reenforced by the class of refugees and adventurers that arose in all Ital- ian and Greek cities (§ 136), especially in a commercial city like Rome ; and their importance and security grew with their numbers, until the old domestic clients sought escape into their ranks. ^ Thus the inhabitants of Rome were left in the two classes,-- patricians and plebeians. The latter were not citizens. They had no part in the religion or law or politics of the city. They could not intermarry with citizens; and though good policy and custom required the city to protect their property rights, they had no satisfactory means ^ of securing even these against unscrupulous patricians. For Further Reading, especially with reference to the origin and standing of the plebs : Mommsen, I. 109-114 ; Tighe, 64-58 ; Ihne, Early Borne, 114, 115, or History, 1. 109, 110. IIL THE PATRICIAN ORGANIZATION. 285. The Family counted for more in Rome than in Greece or in the modern world. This was because of the peculiar power of the Roman father (patria potestas) over all h^ descendants in male lines. When his son took a wife, she, 1 This early clientage, which wholly vanished, must not he confounded with the later and far different clientage of the last days of the republic and of the empire. 2 Except in cases where the stranger came voluntarily from a Latin city whose people enjoyed by treaty mutual residence and trading rights with Rome. § 286] THE PATRICIAN ORGANIZATION. 265 too, leaving her own family, came under his control. His daughters of course by marriage passed from his hand under that of some other house-father. E-oman law recognized no relationship through females.^ The father ruled his house- hold, and the households of his male descendants, as priest, judge, and king. He could sell or slay wife, unmarried daughter, grown-up son, or son's wife ; and all that was theirs was his. No appeal lay from him to any higher judge. So much for law. In custom, the father was largely in- fluenced by near relatives and by his wife's relatives, and even more by public opinion and religious feeling. Thus a man was declared accursed if he sold a married son into slavery (though even then no law could touch him) ; and it is a curious fact that, despite the legal slavery of every wife, the Roman matrons possessed a dignity and public influence unknown in Greece.^ None the less this patria potestas was very real; and the des- potism of the head of the family was to influence profoundly the development of the head of the state.^ 286. The Gentes and Curias. — In Rome, as in Greece, we find above the family larger blood units, — the clans, or gentes. Originally, each clan must have been ruled by its chief, or perhaps by a council of heads of families. In the earliest historical times, however, the three hundred clans were grouped in thirty curias, which had come to be the most important divisions of the people, both for religious and for political pur- poses. Each curia possessed its own religious festivals, its own priest, its temple and sacred hearth ; and in the political assembly of the people, the curia was the unit for voting. Probably in origin the curia corresponded to the Greek phratry ; but in Rome it had become more vital, and had also come to be connected with a fixed territory. 1 See especially Coulanges, 71-75; and cf. § 91 of this book. 2 Special report : stories illustrating the influence of women in republican Rome. (Can you parallel them in Greek history?) 8 On the family, see Mommsen, I. 72-80. Advanced students may consult Coulanges' Ancient City, 41-76 and 95-131. 266 CONCLUSIONS AS TO REGAL ROME. [§287 287. Exclusion of the Plebs from the Patrician Organization- — The client had a subordinate place in the family worship (as indeed the slave had) ; possibly the client had a place also in the political gatherings of his patron's curia, though he cer- tainly had no vote ; but the free plebeians were wholly outside this patrician organization.^ Probably, however, they were not a mere mixed multitude. Many of them must have been brought to Rome as clans and tribes, and no doubt they kept up their gentile organization there, even though patrician (Roman) law and society knew nothing of it.^ (Cf. also § 317.) IV. RELIGION. 288. Sources in Ancestor and Nature Worship ; Greek Influence. — The chief sources of the Roman religion were two: (1) for the family and curia, an ancestor worship similar to the Greek, but more intense, as we should expect from the nature of the Roman family; and (2) along with this, for the state, a nature worship. This latter was far ruder than in Greece. The Romans lacked imagination to give a live human character and real feeling to the powers of nature, and they could never create a rich and beautiful mythology, even though they did finally borrow the Greek gods — Zeus as Jupiter (Zeus-pater), Hera as Juno, Athene as Minerva, Ares as Mars, and so on through the Pantheon (§ 100). 289. Character : a Worship of Abstractions, by Formal Rites. — In crossing to Rome these deities became less like men, and more like mere colorless abstractions. In consequence, Roman religion seems to us " insipid and dull," only " a dreary round of ceremonies,"^ with little of adoration, no poetry, and no love. As a matter of prudence, the will of the gods was 1 This seems by far the preferable view. See Ihne, History, I. 109-114, and Early Rome, 112, and 114-116. See also Coulanges, 299-313, 341-349, 354- 359, and elsewhere. Momrasen used to state a view sharply opposed to this, but his position has been somewhat modified in his later writings. 2 Read Ihne's Early Rome, 114. « The phrases are Momm sen's. § 291] RELIGION. 267 sought out by a strict study of omens, and they were wor- shiped with rigid observance of rites and ceremonies. Divine favor could be lost by failure to observe exact times and pre- cise gestures in a service, or by the omission or addition of a single word ; while, on the other hand, the mysterious intrica- cies of worship had the value of a conjui'or's charm, and almost compelled the aid of the gods. 290. Priesthoods ; Pontiffs and Augurs. — Under these condi- tions there grew up in Eome (as in other Italian towns) two important colleges of city priests — each a close corporation, holding office for life. a. The six pontiffs (pontifices) had a general oversight of the whole complex system of divine law, and, indirectly, they became the guardians of human science also. Their care of the precise dates of festivals made them the keepers of the calendar and of the rude religious annals; they had oversight of weights and measures ; and they themselves described their knowledge as the science of all things human and divine. h. The gods at Rome manifested their will by omens, not by oracles.^ The two most important kinds of these auspices were the flight, or other conduct of birds, and the nature of the entrails of animals. The interpretation of such signs became a kind of science, in the special possession of a college of six augurs. Besides these skilled colleges for the religion of the whole city, each temple had its special priest. Of these, perhaps the most important were the six Vestal Virgins, who for cen- turies kept the sacred fire alive and pure on the city hearth. 291. Political Value (Religious Fiction) . — Despite its formal- ism, or perhaps because of it, Roman religion became a mighty political instrument. No public act, vote, election, or battle, could be begun without divine approval. That approval once 1 The Sibylline Books were the only approach to an oracle in Roman his- tory. A good topic for brief oral report (see Etruscan influence, § 274) . 268 CONCLUSIONS AS TO REGAL ROME. [§291 given, the gods were to be held to strict account. They were preeminently the guardians of contracts ; and they themselves were bound by implied contracts with the state. If they were properly consulted concerning a proposed measure and had manifested their approval, then they were under obligation to see the project to a successful issue. Thus piety became a matter of foresight ; and the thrifty, mercantile Roman mind drove hard bargains, too, with the gods. Many " legal fictions " were introduced into the wor- ship, so that finally the state might do pretty nearly as it pleased and still hold the gods to a shrewdly-secured support.^ The soothsayers called for fresh animals until the entmils gave the signs desired by the ruling magistrate, and the gods were just as much bound as if they had shown favor at the first trial. The sky was watched until the desired birds did appear, and, in the later periods, tame birds were kept to give the re- quired indications. If all signs failed, the augur could still declare that he found them. He himself thereby incurred divine wrath, but, since all forms had been complied with, the gods were bound to treat the obligation to the state as if the announcement had been true. In the earlier ages, of course, this element of crafty contrivance was probably absent, but even then the religion had the same bargain-and-sale character and a like formalism. The priests and augurs, too, were the servants of the state, not its masters. They did not make a distinct hereditary class, but were themselves warriors and statesmen. In their priestly functions they acted only at the command of the civil magistrate. The augurs sought no omen, and made no announcement, except when directed to do so. For Further Reading. — On ancestor worship : Tighe, 35-43, and Coulanges, 1-48. For the state religion in general: Ihne, Early Rome, 92-104 ; How and Leigh, 288-292 ; or a longer discussion in Mommsen, ^ Such " fiction " is common in early religion, but nowhere else has it played 80 large a part as at Rome (see references at close of section). §293] EARLIEST POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS. 269 bk. i. ch. xii. For Greek influence : Tighe, 105-108. On "legal fiction " in the Roman religion : How and Leigh, 290 j or better, Ihne, Early Borne, 99, 100, 103, 125. V. EARLIEST POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS. 292. The King (rex). — The three political elements — king, council of chiefs, and popular assembly of tribesmen — which we saw in Homeric Greece (§§ 95-97), appeared also in legend- ary Eome. The king, however, held a more prominent place. He stood to the Roman state as the father to the Roman fam- ily. The royal imperium was only an enlarged copy of the paternal potestas. The king was judge, without appeal, in all cases outside the individual family. He was absolute over the lives of the citizens. He alone could call together senate or Assembly, or make proposals to them. The consent of the Assembly was required for the accession of a new king ; but, regularly, that consent could be given only to some one nominated by the previous king. (See also § 294.) So long, indeed, as the king claimed to keep within old cus- tom, there was no legal check upon his power. But he did not hold this authority against the popular will. He was absolute, because Roman ideas favored such power in the head of the family and of the state. Like the house-father, moreover, he was limited in practice by custom and by public opinion. He vras expected to consider the advice of the senate, as the father was to consider that of relatives, and he could not change an existing custom without the consent both of the Assembly and the senate. If he ceased to respect these in- definite but very real checks, he was very likely to cease to rule. 293. The Comitia Curiata. — The earliest popular Assembly was an assembly by curias. Each curia had one vote. If clients were present, they had no voice in determining the vote of their patrons' curias (§ 287 and note). The gathering politically was purely patrician. The curias met at call of the 270 CONCLUSIONS AS TO REGAL ROME. [§ 294 king, usually only to hear his commands, but their approval was required for all change, — for offensive war, new laws,^ the adoption of new clans into a curia or of strangers into a family, or the alienation of property by will. The Assembly also approved or rejected the king's nominees for offices. 294. The Senate seems originally to have been a council of the chiefs (cf. § 96) of the three hundred clans. It kept this number, but the kings gradually got the power of appointing to vacancies — probably at first when there were conflicting claims within a clan, and finally at will. The senate had become mainly an advisory body, though it had also a veto on any change. When a king died without a successor, it resumed more of its original power : its members ruled by turns, for five days each, as inter-reges (" kings for an interval "). The first inter-rex was chosen by lot ; each one then designated his successor, and any one after the first could nominate a perma- nent king ; but no election could take place except upon such nomination. Each inter-rex for his brief rule retained the regal imperium in full.^ VL TWO PREHISTORIC REVOLUTIONS-^ A. The Patrician Curiate Assembly gives Way to a Centuriate Assembly. 295. The Military "Census of Servius." — The first great po- litical change (admission of the plebs to citizenship) grew out of military reform, or at least was intimately connected with it. Originally, the army was made up of "the Roman people" — the patricians and their immediate clients. The plebeians paid a tax, probably, but as they grew in importance, the state 1 But cf. Pelham, 28. 2 On these institutions, see Mommsen, bk. 1. ch. vi. In particular, read pp. 80-85, on the king, and 96-102, on the senate. 8 The first two radical changes, as in Hellas, were the expulsion of the kings and the entrance of the plebs into the political city. § 296] THE CENTURIATE ASSEMBLY. 271 needed also their personal services. Tradition ascribes the new military census^ to Servius, the " sixth king." Rome was a city of some eighty thousand or a hundred thousand people (about the size of Athens in the Persian wars), with a fighting population of perhaps twenty thousand free males. Eighteen hundred of the wealthiest of these were called upon to serve as cavalry (equites, or knights), and all other landowners, ple- beians as well as patricians, were divided into five classes, ac- cording to the equipment they were able to furnish, for service in the infantry. At this time some eight thousand (the first class) had property enough to serve in full armor. They made the front ranks of the phalanx or legion. Behind them stood the second and third classes, less completely equipped, but still ranking as "heavy-armed." The poorer fourth and fifth classes served as light-armed troops. Then all the free non- landowners were enrolled in a mass, to follow the army, if necessary, as workmen or reserves. Each of the five classes was subdivided into centuries, or companies of a hundred men each. Half of the centuries of each class were made up of the younger men (seventeen to forty- six years of age), who were expected to take the field at any time. The other half, made up of older men, formed the gar- rison of the city, or were called out only on special occasions. When the arrangement took its fixed form, there were one hun- dred and ninety-three of these centuries, — eighteen of knights, eighty of the first class, twenty in each of the second, third, and fourth classes, thirty in the fifth class, with four centuries of engineers and trumpeters distributed among the others, and with the mass of non-landowners, known as the " century of the proletariat." 296. The * present similar pictures §495] PAGAN MORALS AND RELIGION. 417 Marcus Aurelius and Ms father (§ 459) illustrate like qualities on the throne; Epictetus shows them in slavery. All these are surrounded by friends whom they think good and happy people. Indeed, in a close survey, over against each evil we can set a good. Some distinct lines of im- provement are noted in the following six sections. 495. Women be- came free,^ the equals of men in law, and companions instead of servants in the family. If the con- fusion of the change brought corruption in some circles, it brought nobler virtue in others. A higher view of marriage appeared than ever before in the pagan world. Plutarch and Seneca, for the first time in history, insisted that men in all relations be judged by the same moral standard as women ; and Eoman law adopted this principle in the decrees of Antoninus and the maxims of Ulpian (§ 512). Plutarch's precepts on marriage "fall little if at all below any of modern days," and his own family life afforded a beautiful ideal of domestic happiness.^ Marcus Aurelius Antoninus. — A bust now in the Louvre. 1 On the position of women, read Lecky, European Morals, ch. v. 2 Lecky, II. 289. 418 EMPIRE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES A.D. [§496 Plutarch urges the highest intellectual culture for women; and, says Lecky: — "Intellectual culture was much diffused among them, and we meet with noble instances of large and accomplished minds united with all the gracefulness of intense womanhood and all the fidelity of the truest love. . . . The story of Brutus' Portia is pre- served by Shakspere, and more fully in Plu- tarch. The wife of Seneca desired to die with her husband. When Paetus, a noble Roman, was ordered by Nero to put himself to death, his friends knew that his wife Arria, with her love and her heroic fervor, would not sur- vive him. Her son-in- law tried to dissuade her from suicide by say- ing : ' If / am called upon to perish, would you wish your daughter to die with me ? ' She answered, ' Yes, if she has then lived with you as long and happily as I with Paetus.' Paetus for a moment hesitated to strike the fatal blow, but Arria, taking the dagger, plunged it deeply into her breast, and then, dying, handed it to her husband, exclaiming, ' My Paetus, it does not pain I ' " 496. Charity. — Public and private charity abounded. Homes for poor children were established. Wealthy men loaned money below the regular rate of interest, and provided free medicine for the poor. Tacitus tells how, after a great acci- Faustina (wife of Marcus Aurelius). — A bust now in the Louvre. §498] PAGAN MORALS AND RELIGION. 419 dent near Rome, the rich opened their houses and gave their wealth to relieve the sufferers. (See also § 459 h 2.) 497. Kindness to Animals. — Literature for the first time abounds in tender interest in animal life. Cato in the days of the "virtuous Republic" had advised selling old or infirm slaves; Plutarch in the "degenerate Empire" could never bring himself to sell an ox in its old age.^ We find protests even against hunting; and severe punishments were inflicted for wanton cruelty to animals. There seems little doubt that animals under the pagan Empire were better treated than in Southern Europe to-day. The gladiatorial games continued, it is true. The populace could not be deprived of them, and even the gentle ladies of fashionable society patronized them. They were defended by arguments like those used for bull- fights, bear baiting, cockfighting, and the prize ring, in later times ; but at last critics began to be heard, as never in repub- lican days, and Marcus Aurelius for his time made the combats harmless by compelling the use of blunted swords. Moreover, strange as the fact is, it is true beyond doubt — so strong is fashion even in the field of morals — that the passion for these inhuman games was not inconsistent with humanity in other respects. 498. Slavery grew milder. — Emancipation became so com- mon that six years is estimated as the average duration of domestic slavery. The horrible story of Pollio, a Roman noble who threw a slave alive to the lampreys in a fish pond for carelessly breaking a precious vessel, is often given as typica^. It belongs in any case to the very beginning of the Empire, while there was yet no check in law upon a master ; but even then, Augustus, by a stretch of humane despotism, ordered all the tableware in Pollio's house to be broken and his fish ponds to be filled up. Evidently this means that such a master was socially ostracised. In Nero's time a special judge 1 Read Lecky, II. 165. 420 EMPIRE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES A.D. [§ 499 was appointed to hear slaves' complaints and to punish cruel- ties to them, and Seneca tells us that cruel masters were jeered in the streets. Law began to protect the slave directly also by imperial edicts, and his condition steadily improved.^ 499. Sympathies Broadened. — The philosophers taught the brotherhood of man ; and even the rabble in the Koman theater, we are told, were wont to applaud the line of Terence : " I am a man ; no calamity that can affect any man is without mean- ing to me.'' The age prided itself, justly, upon its enlightened humanity, much as our own does. Trajan instructed a gover- nor not to act upon anonymous accusations, because such con- duct " does not belong to our age." 500. The Gentler Spirit of Imperial Law. — The result of this broader humanity not only showed in society at large, but, more important to us, it was crystallized in the Roman law.^ The harsh law of the Republic became humane. Women and children shared its protection. Torture was limited. The rights of the accused were better recognized. From this time dates the maxim, '' Better to let the guilty escape than to pun- ish the innocent." " All men by the law of nature are equal," became a law maxim through the great jurist Ulpian — a phrase that was to work political revolutions in distant ages. At the time it had a practical consequence. Slavery, argued Ulpian, existed only by the lower artificial law. Hence in all unproven cases, the benefit of the doubt was given to the man claimed as a slave.^ 501. Scepticism and Religion. — The masses of the people remained, as always, sincerely devout. The upper classes were sceptical scoffers in the last days of the Republic, and Cicero 1 Lecky, I. 303-308. 2 Read Lecky, I. 294-297, and Curteis, 17. Hadley, Roman Law, Lectures II. and IIL, and Gibbon, ch. xliv., give longer discussions. 8 It is curious to remember that the presumption was just the other way in nearly all Christian countries through the Middle Ages, and in the United States under the Fugitive Slave Laws from 1793 to the Civil War. § 503] HIGHER PAGAN MORALITY. 421 wondered how two augurs could meet without laughing in each other's faces. This tendency continued through the first cen- tury A.D., but seems to have given way after that to a revival of religious feeling and to a more devout tone in philosophy. 502. The Change in Moral Standards due in Part to Despotism. — " That effeminacy fell upon men which always infects them when they live under the rule of an all-powerful soldiery. But with effeminacy there came in time a development of the feminine virtues. Men ceased to be adventurous, patriotic, just, magnanimous; but in exchange they became chaste, tender-hearted, loyal, religious, capable of infinite endur- ance in a good cause." — Seeley, Boman Imperialism^ 33. G. Extracts to show the Higher Pagan Morality. 503. From the Thoughts of Marcus Aurelius : — Aurelius thanks the gods "for a good grandfather, good parents, a good sister, good teachers, good associates, and good friends." "From my mother I learned piety, and abstinence not only from evil deeds but from evil thoughts." From a tutor "... not to credit miracle workers and jugglers, with their incantations and driving away of demons ; ... to read carefully, and not to be satisfied with a super- ficial understanding of a book." "There are briers in the road ? Then turn aside from them, but do not add, ' Why were such things made ? ' Thou wilt be ridiculed by a man who is acquainted with nature, as thou wouldst be by a carpenter or shoemaker if thou didst complain that there were shavings and cuttings in his shop." " All that is from the gods is full of providence." " On every vexation apply this principle : This is not a misfortune, but to bear it nobly is good fortune." "The best way to avenge thyself is not to become like the wrong- doer." "When thou wishest to delight thyself, think of the virtues of those who live with thee." "Love men; revere the gods." [Does not this come near* the two commandments' ?] " As emperor I am a Roman, but as a man my city is the world." " Think of thyself as a member of the great human body, — else thou dost not love men from thy heart." "Suppose that men curse thee, or kill thee ... if a man stand by a 422 EMPIRE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES A.D. [§ 504 pure spring and curse it, the spring does not cease to send up wholesome water." "To say all in a word, everything which belongs to the body is a stream, and all that belongs to the soul is a dream and a vapor ; life is a warfare and a stranger's sojourn, and after fame is oblivion. What then is there about which we ought seriously to employ ourselves ? This one thing — just thoughts and social acts, words that do not lie, and temper which accepts gladly all that happens." " Why then dost thou not wait in tranquillity for thy end, whether it be extinction or removal to another life ? And until that time comes, what is sufiBcient ? Why, what else than to venerate the gods and bless them, and to do good to men, and to practice tolerance and self-restraint." " Everything harmonizes with me which is harmonious to thee, O Universe ! Nothing is too early or too late which is in due time for thee I Everything is fruit to me which thy seasons bring, O Nature 1 From thee are all things, in thee are all things ; to thee all things return. The ' poet says, Dear city of Cecrops ; and shall not I say. Dear city of Zeus ? " " Many grains of frankincense upon the same altar ; one falls before, another after ; but it makes no difference." " Pass through this little space of time conformably to Nature, and end thy journey in content — just as an olive falls when it is ripe, blessing Nature who produced it and thanking the tree on which it grew." *' What is it to me to live in a universe if devoid of gods. But in truth gods do exist, and they do care for human things, and they have put the means in man's power to enable him not to fall into real evil." " It is sweet to live if there be gods, and sad to die if there be none." ^ ^ 604. FromEpictetus:-.'. *' He is unreasonable who is grieved at things which happen from the necessity of nature." "Nothing is smaller than love of pleasure and love of gain and pride. Nothing is superior to magnanimity and gentleness and love of mankind and beneficence." " What we ought not to do we should not even think of doing." »' No man is free who is not master of himself." "Think of God more frequently than you breathe." "Fortify yourself with contentment, for this is an impregnable fortress." " If you wish to be good, first believe that you are bad." 1 Read Watson's Marcits Aurelius, or Matthew Arnold's, in Essays in Criti- cism, First Series. § 505] CHRISTIANITY. 423 *'Do not so much be ashamed of that disgrace which proceeds from men's opinions as fly from that which comes from the truth." " No man who loves money and pleasure and fame, also loves mankind, but only he who loves virtue." " If you wish to be rich, know it is neither a good thing nor in your power ; if you wish to be happy, it is a good thing and in your power ; for the one is a temporary loan of fortune, but happiness comes from the will." " When you die you will not exist, but you will be something else of which the world has need ; you came into existence not when you chose, but when the world had need of you." "To me all significations are auspicious if I choose; for, whatever results, it is in my power to derive benefit from it." " It is not possible to be free from faults ; but it is possible to direct your efforts incessantly to bring faultlessness." " Death or pain is not formidable, but the fear of pain or death." > H. Christianity. 505. Some Inner Sources of its Power. — Meanwhile a new creative force had arisen— Ahe greatest single power that has ever worked upon the souls of men?-, God as a tender father replaced the gods demanding worship for themselves as the price of holding their liands from afflicting meii. Confidence in a blissful life after death replaced the old gloomy and shadowy future. The obligation of pure and helpful living was substituted for the duty of minute ceremonial. Christi- anity made hope, love, and mutual helpfulness the essence of religion for the masses of men, and it replaced the lofty but trembling aspirations of the noblest philosophers by a sure and glowing faith. Individuals in the pagan world, it is true, like Plato and Aurelius, held opinions regarding God, duty, immor- tality, not unlike the teachings of Christ ; but through Christi- anity these higher doctrines, " which the noblest intellects of [pagan] antiquity could barely grasp, have become the truisms of the village school, the proverbs of the cottage and the alley." * 1 Lecky, European Morals. See that work (II. 1-4) on the relation of pagan speculation and teaching to Christian faith ; and also some good pages in Matthew Arnold's Essays in Criticism, First Series, 345-348. 424 EMPIRE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES A.D. [§606 506. Debt to the Roman Empire.' — In three distinct ways the Empire had made preparation for Christianity. The gentler humanizing tendency of the age, and the change in standard of morals, made easier the victory of Christianity, with its emphasis on humility and self-sacrifice. The debt to the political organization will be noted later (§ 533). Easiest of all to trace is the debt to Roman imperial unity. Except for the widespread rule of E;Ome, Christianity could hardly have reached beyond Judea. The early Christian writers recognized this, and regarded the creation of the Empire as a providential preparation. No other government was tolerant enough to permit the spread of such novel worship.^ The Empire had tolerated broadly the religions of all nations (except those believed to be seriously immoral), and so melted down sharp local prejudices, v The political and social unifica- tion of the Empire, with its common language and customs, laid the foundation for its spiritual union in Christianity. Says Renan : — " It is not easy to imagine how, in the face of an Asia Minor, a Greece, an Italy, split into a hundred small republics, and of Gaul, Spain, Africa, Egypt, in possession of their old national institutions, the apostles could have succeeded, or even how their project could have been started." 507. The Earlier Persecutions. — The Roman Empire encour- aged the utmost freedom of thought upon all subjects. Marcus Aurelius, in appointing men to the endowed chairs of philoso- phy at Rome, seems to have been indifferent as to their agree- ment with his own philosophical beliefs. Why, then, did Rome persecute the early Christians ? To understand this at all, it is best to treat separately the " persecution " under Nero, and the persecutions in the follow- ing century. We know from the Book of Acts that within thirty years after the death of Christ his disciples were to be found in all large cities of the eastern part of the Empire, and that they 1 Read Fisher's Beginnings of Christianity, 47-73. § 507] CHRISTIANITY. 425 had appeared in Eome itself.^ Tliey were still confined, how- ever, almost wholly to the lower classes of society, and culti- vated Romans heard of them only by chance, if at all, and as a despised sect of the Jews. The Jews themselves accused the Christians of all crimes and impieties, — of eating young children and of horrible orgies in the secret love-feasts, or communion suppers. The accusation was accepted carelessly, because of the secrecy of the Christian meetings and the deplorable tendencies to licentious rites in various eastern religions which Rome had been compelled to check. The great fire in Rome, 64 a.d. (§ 458 5), first brought the Christians to general notice, and gave occasion for the first important men- tion of them by a pagan historian. The origin of the fire, says Tacitus, was charged [probably by the Jews] upon the new sect, — " Whom the vulgar call Christians, and who were already branded with deserved infamy. Christus, from whom the name was derived, was executed when Tiberius was imperator, by Pontius Pilate, the procurator in Judea. But the pernicious superstition^ checked for the time, again broke out, not only in its first home, but even in Rome, the meeting place of all horrible and immoral practices from all parts of the world." Tacitus plainly does not think the charge of incendiarism proven, but he rather approves the punishment of these "haters of the human raoe." Nero was glad to satisfy the rage of the Roman populace by sacrificing such victims, and\ numbers were put to death with fiendish tortures. Some were wrapped in skins of wild beasts to be torn by dogs; others were tarred with pitch and used as torches to illuminate the revels in Nero's gardens. The punishment, however, was not in name or fact a religious persecution proper, and it was of course confined to the city of Rome.^ Fifty years later, Pliny was a provincial governor under 1 On the church at Rome, see Fisher's Beginnings, 520-533; Pennsylvania Reprints, IV. No. 1 ; Farrar's Darkness and Dawn (a novel). 2 Ramsay, ch. xi. ; Renan in the Hihhert Lectures, 1880, Second Lecture^ 70-100; Milman, II. 35-39; Hardy; Fisher; Capes; Bury. 426 EMPIRE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES A.D. [§ 508 Trajan. He wrote to Eoine for instructions. Many persons in his province were accused by the people, sometimes anony- mously, of belonging to the " deplorable superstition " of the Christians. Such men, it was charged, were guilty of immoral practices, and also brought down the anger of the gods upon the state since they would not sacrifice to its gods. Pliny had investigated and had found that they lived pure, simple lives, but that they refused with " immovable obstinacy " to sacrifice to the Roman gods. This, he thought, deserved death, and some he had condemned ; but the numbers of such offenders were so great, and they came forward so readily, that he was embarrassed. Trajan instructed him not to seek them out, and not to receive anonymous accusations, but added that if they were brought before him and then refused to sacrifice, they must be punished.^ 508. Causes of the Persecutions. — From these letters two things appear : (a) the populace hated the Christians as they did not hate the adherents of other strange religions, and pressed the government to persecute them ; (b) the best rulers, though deploring the bloodshed, thought it proper and right to punish the Christians with death. These facts can be partly explained, (a) Rome tolerated and supported all religions, but she expected all her popula- tions also to tolerate and support the state religion. The Christians alone not only refused to do so, but declared war upon it as sinful and idolatrous. To the populace this seemed to challenge the wrath of the gods ; and to enlightened men it seemed to indicate at least a treasonable temper, (b) All secret societies were feared and forbidden by the Empire on political grounds. The Church was a vast, highly organized, widely diffused, secret society, and " as such, was not only distinctly illegal, but in the highest degree was calculated to excite the apprehension of the government." (c) The attitude of the 1 Read the correspondence in Fling's Stvdies, 140-143, or in Bury, 446-448. See, too, Penmylvania Reprints, IV. p. 10; Ramsay, 196-225. § 509j CHRISTIANITY. 427 Christians toward society added to their unpopularity. Miiny of them refused on religious grounds to join the legions, or to fight, if conscripted. This again seemed a dangerous and in- explicable treason, inasmuch as a prime duty of the Roman world was to repel barbarism. Then the Christians were unsocial ; they abstained from most public amusements, and refused to illuminate their houses or garland their portals in honor of national triumphs. Thus we have religious and social motives with the people, and a political motive with statesmen. It follows that the periods of persecution often came under those emperors who had the highest conception of duty. 509. A Survey of the Attitude of the Government. — The first century, except for the horrors in Kome under ^ero, afforded no persecution until its very close.- In 95 a.d. there was a per- secution, not very severe and lasting only a few months. Under Trajan we see spasmodic local persecutions arising from popular hatred, but not instigated by the government. Hadrian and Antoninus Pius strove to repress popular out- breaks against the Christians. Aurelius, in the latter part of his reign, permitted a persecution. On the whole, the second century was a time when the Christians were theoretically out- lawed, but when there were only a few enforcements of the law against them, and those local.^ The third century was an age of threatened anarchy in gov- ernment, ^nd, as we shall see, of decline in prosperity. The few able rulers strove strenuously to restore society, and this century accordingly was an age of definitely planned, imperial persecution. Says George Burton Adams : " There was really no alternative for men like Decius, and Valerian, and Diocletian. Christianity was a vast organized defiance of law." No resto- ration of earlier Roman conditions, such as the reformers hoped for, could be possible unless this sect was overcome. But by 1 On the slight nature of the persecution before Decius, 249 a.d., see Lecky, I. 443^45; Curteis, Roman Empire, 20-30. 428 EMPIRE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES A.D. [§ 510 this time Christianity was too strong. It had come to count nobles and rulers in its ranks. At the opening of the fourth century a.d., the keen Constantine saw the advantage to be gained by enlisting this force upon his side in the civil wars, and the era of persecution by the pagans ceased forever. 510. Summary — (a) The persecution of the Church by the best emperors becomes explicable. (6) It was not of such a character as to seriously endanger a vital faith, (c) It did give rise to multitudes of heroic martyrdoms of strong men and weak maidens, which make a glorious page in human his- tory, and which by their effect upon contemporaries justify the saying, "The blood of the martyrs is the seed of the church."^ (d) The moral results of Christianity were so far most apparent in the social life of the lower classes in the cities. The effect upon legislation and government was to begin in the fourth century a.d. For Further Reading on the Persecutions. — There are a few excellent pages on the persecution by good emperors in Matthew Arnold's Essays in Criticism, First Series (essay on Marcus Aurelius), 359-363. The causes and extent of persecution are summarized in Ramsay, oh. XV. ; chs. x.-xiv. give its history in the first two centuries. The attitude of the imperial government is discussed in Watson's Aurelius, eh. vii. ; Capes' Antonines, ch. vi. ; Carr, ch. ii. ; Ulhorn, 282-297. A lengthy treatment will be found in Milman, bk. ii. ch. ix. , and in Lecky, I. 398-468. A valuable brief statement in Curteis' Boman Empire, 20-30. See also Church's To the Lions and Newman's Callista (novels). Ll||Ch TH E THIRD CENTURY— GENERAL DECLINE.^ 511. Renewal of Barbarian Attacks. — For two centuries the task of the legions had been comparatively easy, but in the reign of the peaceful Marcus Aurelius the torrent of barbarian 1 Special report : stories of famous early martyrs ; the persecutions of Decius and of Diocletian. 2 Most of the preceding topics in this chapter have been treated only to about 200 A.D. In some cases — imperial organization, lists of emperors, and Christianityi— it was more convenient to cover the three centuries. §512] THIRD CENTURY— GENERAL DECLINE. 429 invasion began to beat again upon the ramparts of civilization. The Moorish tribes were on the move in Africa ; the Parthians, whom Trajan had humbled, again menaced the Euphrates; and Tartars, Slavs, Finns, and Germans burst upon the Danube. Aurelius gave the years of his reign to campaigns on the frontier.^ For the time, indeed, Rome beat off the attack ; but from this date she stood always on the defensive, with exhaust- less swarms of fresh enemies ever surging about her defenses ; and after the great and prosperous reigns of Septimius and Alexander Severus (§ 461) they began to burst through for destructive raids. Early in the third century the Parthian Empire dissolved, only to give way to a more formidable renewed Persian kingdom under the Sassanidae kings. This power for a time seemed the great danger. In 250 and 260 a.d., the Persians poured across the Euphrates. The emperor Valerian was defeated and taken prisoner, and Antioch was captured. New German tribes, too, — the mightier foe, as events were to prove, — had appeared on the European frontier : the Alemanni crossed the Rhine and maintained themselves in Gaul for two years (236-238 a.d.) ; in the disorders of the fifties, bands of Franks swept over Gaul and Spain; the GotJis seized the province of Dacia, and raided the eastern European provinces. In the sixties, Gothic fleets, of five hundred sail, issuing from the Black Sea, ravaged the Mediterranean coasts, sack- ing Athens, Corinth, Arg\)s, and Sparta. Claudius II. and Aurelian, however, restored the old frontiers, except for Dacia, and chastised the barbarians on all sides, and the worst of this evil was confined to the middle third of the century ; ^ but a fatal blow had been struck at the prestige of Rome. 512. Political Decline. — The "barrack emperors of the third century " (§ 461) is the general name given by Hodgkin to 1 Chapters of the Thoughts were composed, as the date lines show, in camp in the mountains of Bohemia or Moravia against the Marcomanni (Markraen) and Quadi. 2 Read a few pages in Hodgkin, I. 44r-71. 430 EMPIRE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES A.D. [§ 513 the twenty-five rulers of this ninety years from Commodus to Diocletian. They were set up by the army, and all but four died by revolt (two of these four in war against Goths and Persians). The imperial power had become the sport and spoil of the legions, except for brief intervals when some strong ruler chanced to grasp the scepter. Sometimes the throne was actually auctioned to the highest bidder. In the sixties the Empire seemed to have split finally into petty fragments. But the age proved finally to have been only one of transition ; in the next century, as we shall see, Diocletian and Constantine were to remove the causes of internal dis- order and to introduce another long period of political calm. 513. Decline of Population and of Material Prosperity. — By the irony of fate, the reign of the best of emperors marks also another great calamity. In the year 166 a new Asiatic plague swept from the Euphrates to the Atlantic, carrying off, we are told, half the population. From Aurelius to Aurelian, at brief intervals, the pestilence returned, to leave wide regions desolate and to demoralize in- dustry and society. Those who recovered from the disease often showed a weakened energy, and the vitality of the Em- pire was fatally lowered. It takes vigorous, young societies a long time to recover from a single blow of this kind;^ to the Roman Empire, the disaster was the more deadly because population had already become stationary, if it was not even on the decline. The reasons for this are not altogether clear. The wide- spread slave system was no doubt one cause. The high stand- ard of comfort, and consequent dislike for large families, as in modern France, was another. But these seem insufficient. It is hardly possible to charge the evil to immorality on a large scale, since the victory of Christianity does not seem to have checked it. Whatever the cause, the fact is beyond ques- 1 It is said to have taken a century for England to recover from the effects of the Black Death in the fourteenth century. §515] THIRD CENTURY — GENERAL DECLINE. 431 tion ; and so the gaps left by the pestilence remained unfilled. The fatal disease of the later Empire was want of men.* 514. Decay in Literature. — Great names in po^ry, history, and science cease. Literature is no longer creative. Philosophy and theology become a dreary waste of controversy. We have multitudes of " Apologies " for Christianity from the Church Fathers (Lactantius, TertuUian, and Origen — all in Africa), and volume upon volume against them from the New Platon- ists, like Plotinus and his disciple Porphyi'y (Asiatics). Works on Christian doctrine and practice were written also by St. Clement (Alexandria) and St. Cyprian (Carthage). The one advance is in Roman law (§ 500). This is the age of the great jurists, of whom Ulpian is the most famous. 515. General Summary — At the same time, the century had many bright spots; and indeed the first third was, on the whole, one of the happy periods in human history. The gentle Alexander Severus in particular restored the glories of the age of the Antonines.2 But after his murder by the rebellious legions, for the second third of the century, society as well as government seemed on the point of dissolution, as in the first century B.C. The soldier-emperor Aurelian (270-275 a.d.) re- stored order while his strong hand held authority, and, ten years later, Diocletian began the reforms that were to save society for two hundred years more. References for the Empire of the first three centuries. — Sources: Augustus' Monumentum Ancyranum ("The Deeds of Augustus") is important for the reign of the first emperor; it is a long inscription, composed by Augustus, found on the walls of a temple in Ancyra ; a trans- lation is given in Pennsylvania Beprints, V. Tacitus covers the early period. Suetonius gives us the Lives of the first twelve Caesars. Modern Authorities. — General survey : Capes' Early Empire and The Age of the Antonines (Epochs) and Bury's Human Empire (Student's 1 Read Seeley's Roman Imperialism, 53-^)4. 2 Special report ; see Gibbon, in particular. 432 EMPIRE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES A.D. [§515 Series), to 180 a.d., fill the period between Mommsen and Gibbon. Gib- bon (chs. iv.-xii.) remains the great guide for the third century. Pelham covers the whole period in brief. Merivale's seven volumes on The Bomans under the Empire may be consulted ; vols, iii.-vii. cover the ground from Mommsen to Gibbon. The third century is not attractive, and writers on the Early Empire show a disposition to stop with the Antonines, while treatments of the later period usually begin with Dio- cletian. Hodgkin, I. 5-16, has an excellent summary from Augustus to Diocletian. On society : Inge, Society in Borne ; Lecky, European Morals, chs. ii. iii. (for advanced students) ; Thomas, Boman Life. On Christianity : All the authorities above and those given at the close of Division III. Advanced students will find matter in Fisher, Milman, Ramsay, Hardy, Alzog, Sheldon, and Renan. CHAPTER III. THE EMPIRE OF THE FOURTH CENTURY: DIOCLETIAN TO THEODOSIUS. L OUTLINE OF REIGNS AND EVENTS. (For Reference and Review.) 516. Diocletian to Constantine. — Diocletian (284-305 a.d. ) reor- ganized the government, established firm peace on all frontiers, aud toward the close of his reign carried on the most terrible and thorough persecution of the Christians. In 305 a.d. he and his associate Maximian abdicated.! There followed eight years of civil war between six rivals, and several years more of joint rule between Constantine and Licinius. Then for fourteen years, to 337, Constantine ruled as sole emperor. He made Christianity the favored religion of the empire, and he built at Byzantium his new Christian capital, Constantinople. 517. From Constantine to the Division of the Empire under Valentinian. — Constantine's three sons succeeded him ; they massa- cred many relatives in Oriental manner, and warred among themselves until the empire was again united under one of them, Constantius. He was succeeded in 361 a.d. by his cousin, the moral, robust Julian, known as "the Apostate." Julian tried to restore pagan worship and to reform the corrupt court, but, after two years, fell in battle against the Persians (363 a.d.). An officer, Jovian, was elected emperor in the camp, and on his death a few months later, the officers, with the approval of the army, chose the vigorous Valentinian to succeed him. Valentinian restored the system of joint emperors. 1 When pressed afterward to assume the government again, Diocletian wrote from his rural retreat: " Could you come here and see the vegetables that I raise in my garden with my own hands, you would no more talk to me of empire." 433 434 EMPIRE OF THE FOURTH CENTURY A.D. [§518 518. Valentinian to Theodosius : the Last "Partnership'* Em- perors. — 'Valentinian I., r (West.) Associates his brother, the weak 364-376. i Valens, in the government. Valens, 364^78. r (East.) Falls in battle (Adrianople, § 562) J against the Goths, who (376 A.D.) now break I over the Danube permanently. Gratian, 375-383. Valentinian II., 375-392. Theodosius I. , 379-395, known as Theodosius the Great. (West.) Half-brothers, sons of Valentinian I. Valentinian II., a minor ; Gratian the real ruler. On the death of his uncle Valens, he invests an exiled general, Theodosius, with the Eastern Empire. (East, 379-383.) Quiets the Goths ; succeeds to the real authority in the West also after death of Gratian. 392-395., sole emperor., even in name : the last real union of the whole empire under one ruler. Prohibits pagan worship. 619. Final Separation into Two Empires. — On the death of Theodosius the empire was again divided between his two sons, Arcadius (§ 573) and Honorius (§ 572). This marks the final separation, in fact, of the East from the West ; after this, it is proper to speak of two Roman Empires. The eastern lasted for over a thousand years ; the western be- gan to crumble almost at once, and had disappeared as an empire within a century. For Further Reading. — Pelham, 551-571; Gardner's Julian; Hodgkin, I. pts. i. and ii. ; Gibbon. For the Gothic invasion, see § 562 ff. II. RESTORATION AND REFORMS. 520. "Partnership Emperors" and Caesars: the Four Prefec- tures, —r In 284 A.D. Diocletian, a stern and able soldier, became master of the empire, and at once set about its reform. His plans were carried out in greater detail by Constantine (306- 337 A.D.). The work of the two should be treated together. Diocletian introduced the system of " partnership emperors." I ' 5^ .%'^. ■^v.^^ o() 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 ~ fntrrVW \ \ C\ 50 LL r%^ 45 te h ^\ \ JT ■^k 1 \ \ \ rT^ \ ^ -^>\\ , /■-^^ 1 h V/ir* -^ \ ^V^'"^^ ■\ A ^^kN W«0,V' \ ~HiHA ^ 3=r^ ^*^\- - \ v V 4^ M^¥%SS^A ^^■:- ■■ - \ >v^^ \ 7 n.S OF \ 'i i^ \ \ -^yo^ ). ..-AX ^ ^^ 40 1 W#%^^-A^J^-5^ \ ^ ||^ 86. <^^' ^^:^:r" 1 V X ! -*^ ll 1 \^ 30 Y^^^^^^^^-A^^^.^jis^^wr^iSJ^ \ J °- o , ^^rr^Y^^'ti/ i -r-izn.... " r^}^\^. 26 1 """\ r^*ww^ \^ vL— ^---'nL^r^^v^ * ^ \ 1 V— — " "K ^^« .^ ^ \ \ 1 ' \ ---^ \ .-^"5i\ test 20 from Greenwich 25 30 35 40 __ 521] A BUREAUCRATIC DESPOTISM. 435 There were now to be two Augusti, one with his capital m the East at Nicea, the other at Milan. Each was to associate with him a Caesar, as assistant and probable successor. The empire was marked off into four great sections, each under the imme- diate supervision of one of the four rulers. This was not a partition of the empire, however. It was only a division of the burden of administration. The power of each emperor in theory extended over the whole empire. Edicts in any part were published under their joint names. The rulers were designed to act in harmony, and for much of the following century they did so. 521. A Complex Hierarchy Appears. — The whole administra- tion was organized into a systematic hierarchy. The following table shows the grouping of administrative units : — Prefectures. Dioceses. ' East. >| Egypt. ' East. Asia Minor. Pontus. The East. ^ ^ Thrace. ' Macedonia One . Illyricum. -i and Greece. hundred . Dacia. and twenty ' Italy. Provinces.'^ ' Italy. ^ Africa. ^ Illyria. The West. ^ ' Spain. . Gaul. The Gauls. Britain. ■' Countless Municipalities. Before this time the governors of provinces had stood directly below the emperor. Now the forty provinces were subdivided into some one hundred and twenty. These were then grouped 1 A table of provinces is given in Bury's Later Roman Empire, I. xv.-xix. and in Bury's edition of Gibbon> II. 550 ff. 436 EMPIRE OF THE FOURTH CENTURY A.D. [§522 into a dozen dioceses, each under a governor of higher rank, to sift all matters that came up from the governors of provinces. The dioceses were again grouped into the four great sections of the empire, called prefectures, and each of these, when not ruled by a Caesar or Augustus in person, was under a prefect, who sifted business once more, and sent up to the emperor only the more difficult or important matters. 522. Separation of Civil and Military Functions, and Other Mili- tary Reform. — The governors of provinces and dioceses, too, became purely civil functionaries. All military command was intrusted to distinct officers, immediately responsible to the emperor. The civil and the military powers were intended to watch and check each other. To provide further against mili- tary adventurers, the old legions were broken into small regi- ments — with less of corps spirit of course, and less possibility of concerted action. At the same time the imperial army was increased some fifty per cent — to about six hundred thousand men. 523. Growth of a Bureaucracy ; the Heads developed from An- cient ''Household " Offices. — A third change was directed to the same general end — to divide duties and to fix responsibilities more precisely. The freedmen of the emperor in the Early Empire had been intrusted often with great administrative power, but in an irregular manner. Now these "household officers " grew into state officers, each with a permanent depart- ment of government, and each the head of an extensive system.' The more important heads were : (1) the Great Chamberlain, 1 An excellent summary is given in Woodrow Wilson's The State, 135, 136, from which the next paragraph in the text is condensed ; a fuller treatment is given in Guizot's Civilization in France. This growth of administrative oflSces is a good illustration of the way existing institutions and organs are adapted to new needs. Progress in government has been mainly by adapta- tion, not by invention. Out of a city government Rome developed a machinery to govern her wide dominions ; and Imperial Rome developed her machinery out of the organization of the royal household. This last phenomenon has been repeated many times, as in the empire of Charlemagne and in medieval England. §526] A BUREAUCRATIC DESPOTISM. 437 originally the chief of those who served the emperor in his chamber ; (2) the Master of Offices, like to a medieval Justi- ciar ; (3) the Quaestor, an imperial chancellor ; (4) a Treasurer- General, to oversee the provincial receivers of revenue ; (5) the Count of the Privy Revenue; and (6 and 7) two Counts of the Domestics, — military commanders of the imperial household troops, cavalry and foot, — who correspond to medieval Con- stable and Master of Horse. This organization served as a model in Europe for many centuries, and has influenced the form of all modern cabinets. Along with these changes at the court, went the multiplica- tion of subordinate officials of all kinds throughout the prov- inces. Each of the departments of administration (bureaus) named just above, and many others not named here, were sep- arately responsible to the emperor, but each was organized itself into a hierarchy of officials, responsible each grade to the one above. 524. Despotic Forms Assumed. — To secure to the imperial power greater stability and reverence, the forms of monarchy were now introduced, and the republican cloak of Augustus was discarded. Subjects prostrated themselves at the sover- eign's feet. The emperor assumed a diadem, dazzled the multitude by the Oriental magnificence of his court, and fenced himself round with minute ceremonial and armies of func- tionaries. Despotism was at last avowed as a policy, and adorned with its characteristic trappings. The senate of Eome — the last of the republican institutions — ceased to take part in the government of the empire, and became only a city council. 525. General Result. — Significantly, like the reforms that had preserved the declining society of Caesar's day, all these changes also were in the direction of a more despotic organiza- tion (§ 441). The medicine had to be strengthened ; soon all its virtue would be exhausted. The essence of the changes lay in introducing a more minute subdivision of the labor of adminis- 438 EMPIRE OF THE FOURTH CENTURY A.D. [§ 526 tration by the multiplication of officials, and in making them more closely respoyisible to the despotic head by the establish- ment of a new gradation among them. The result was a centralized, bureaucratic despotism. The government became a vast, highly complex machine, temporarily efficient in preserving order. For a time, indeed, it galvanized society into new life ; but it pressed itself upon the masses with crushing weight, and the final collapse, when it came, was the more complete. To this despotic organization we owe thanks, however, for putting off the catastrophe in Western Europe for two centu- ries more. In this time, Christianity won its battle over paganism, and Eoman law took on a system that enabled it to live even under the approaching barbarian conquest. Except for the interval, these two greatest gifts of the empire could hardly have come to us in so vigorous a form. For Further Reading. — Seeley 's ^omaw /mpenaZiswi, 65-96; Gib- bon, chs. xiii. xxvii.; Bury's Later Boman Empire, bk. i. ch. iv.; Arnold's Provincial Administration, 166-178. III. EXCURSUS. The Nature of Bureaucratic and Centralized Administration. 526. Absolutism and Centralization may be distinct. Absolutism refers to the source of political power; i.e. in a system of absolutism, supreme political power is in the hands of one person. Centralization refers to the kind of administration. A centralized administration is one carried on by a hierarchy or bureaucracy ; i.e. a body of officials of many grades, all appointed from above., those of any one grade being responsible to those just above them, and finally to the supreme government. This form of government is found to-day in France (a republic) and in Russia (a despotism). Thus absolutism and centralization do not necessarily go together. A government may emanate from the people and yet rule through a central- ized administration. It may be absolute and yet allow decentralized §528] THE EMPIRE BECOMES CHRISTIAN. .439 local agencies, as in the England of Henry VIII. or in Russia in past centuries. But absolutism is likely to develop centralized agencies, as Russia has been doing in recent times. 527. Centralization and Local Self-government Contrasted. — An efficient centralization under a great genius may temporarily confer great and rapid benefits, as in France under Napoleon the First. But the system always decays, and it does nothing to educate the people politi- cally. Local self-government is often provokingly slow and faulty, but it is surer in the long run. Toulmin- Smith's characterization should be pondered by every Amer- ican student (^Local Government, 12 and 20) : — " Local self-government is that system of government under which the greatest number of minds, knowing the most, and having the fullest opportunities of knowing it, about the special matter in hand, or having . the greatest interest in its well-working, have the management of it. *' Centralization is that system of government under which the smallest number of minds, and those knowing least, and having fewest opportuni- ties of knowing it, about the special matter in hand, and having the smallest interest in its well- working, have the management of it." IV. THE CHURCH OF THE FOURTH CENTURY. A. The Empire becomes Christian. 528. Constantine and his Motives.^ — The great event of the fourth century a.d. is the victory of Christianity in the empire. The underlying causes, so far as history deals with them, have been touched upon. The immediate occasion was the shrewd statesmanship of Constantine the Great. Constantine was one of the contestants for the throne after the abdication of Diocletian (§ 516). We have no reason to suppose that he gave much thought to the truth of Christian doctrine, and we know that he did not practice Christian virtues ; but he was astute enough to recognize the good policy of allying this new, rising power to himself against his persecuting rivals. 1 Carr, eh. iv. ; Ulhorn, 420-444; Schaff, III. 11-37; Alzog, I. 463-473. 440 EMPIRE OF THE FOURTH CENTURY A.D. [§ 529 The Christians still were less than one-tenth the population of the Empire. But they were energetic and enthusiastic ; they were massed in the great cities which held the keys to political power ; and they were admirably organized for rapid, concentrated action. Constantine may have seen, also, in a broader and unselfish way, the futility of trying to restore the old pagan world, and have felt it desirable to bring about har- mony between the political government and this most power- ful of single forces within the Empire, so as to utilize its strength instead of always combating it. 529. Christianity Tolerated and Favored. — At a critical mo- ment in the civil war, Constantine issued the Edict of Milan : " We grant likewise to the Christians and to all others free choice to follow the mode of worship they may wish, that whatsoever divinity and celestial power may exist may be propitious to us and to all that live under our government." ^ This ordained religious toleration. At a later time Constan- tine showed many special favors to the Church, as by grants of money for building, and by exempting the clergy from taxa- tion (cf. § 483), but it is not correct to say that he made Chris- tianity the state religion. At the most he seems to have given it a specially favored place among the religions of the Empire. 530. Persecution by the Church. — As a result of his favor, the indifferent masses passed over rapidly from the old religion to the new one, and before the end of the century paganism was rapidly dying out. The tendency is voiced in the following extract from Eusebius' Life of Constantine (II. 5), purporting to be the address of Licinius to his soldiers before the final conflict with Constantine. "Friends and fellow-soldiers: These are our country's gods, and these we honor with a worship derived from our remote ancestors. But he who leads the army opposed to us has proven false to the religion of his fathers and has adopted atheistic sentiments, honoring, in his infatu- ation, some strange and unheard-of deity with whose despicable standard 1 Translated in full in Pennsylvania Reprints, IV. No. 1. §531] THE EMPIRE BECOMES CHRISTIAN. 441 he now disgraces the army, and confiding in whose aid he has taken up arms . . . not so much against us as against the gods he has forsaken. However, the present occasion shall decide . . . between our gods and those our adversaries profess to honor. For either it will declare the vic- toiy to be ours, and so most justly evince that our gods are the true helpers and saviours ; or else if the god of Constantine, who comes we know not whence, shall prove superior to our deities ... let no one henceforth doubt what god he ought to worship. But if our gods triumph, as they undoubtedly will, let us prosecute the war without delay against these despisers of the gods." Unhappily, the Church at once began to use violence to stamp out the older religions. The Emperor Gratian allowed the orthodox Christians to prevent all worship by those Christian sects that the Church councils declared unorthodox, and the great Theodosius forbade all pagan worship. Thus Christianity became the sole recognized and legal religion. Heathen tem- ples and idols were destroyed, schools of pagan philosophy were broken up,^ and adherents of the old worship were put to death. This deplorable policy was opposed, in vain, by some of the greatest of the Fathers, as by Augustine and Chrysostom. This persecution by the Church, in centuries to come, was to dwarf into insignificance even the terrible persecutions it had suffered. The motive, too, differed widely from that of the old imperial persecution. It was not political, but theological, and so it began a new era. In gen- eral, each persecuting sect since has justified its action on the ground that belief in its particular faith was necessary to salvation, and that therefore it was right and merciful to torture the bodies of heretics in order to save their more precious souls, or other souls endangered by them. Under cover of such theorj^ there now began this dark and bloody chapter in human history — to last over twelve hundred years. 531. Effect of the Conversion of the Empire. — The conversion seems to have produced less improvement politically than we 1 Special report : the story of the pure and noble Hypatia, of Alexandria. Read Kingsley's novel, Hypatia. See a terrible five-page summary of early persecutions by the Christians in Lecky, II. 194-198. The old religion survived longest in out-of-the-way corners ; and so its adherents came to be described as pagans or rustics. A similar fact caused the Christian Germans afterward to desf ribe the like class in their speech as heathens (heath-dwellers). 442 EMPIRE OF THE FOURTH CENTURY A.D. [§531 should have expected. In general the Church fell in with the despotic tendencies of the times, so far as human government was concerned. So far as great social institutions or customs go, it mitigated slavery somewhat further; it made suicide a crime; it built up a vast and beneficent system of charity;^ and it deserves almost sole credit for the rapid abolition of the gladiatorial games.^ The deeper results, in the hearts of Hall of the Baths of Diocletian: now the Church of St. Mary of the Angels. individual men and women, history of course cannot trace directly. But no event of this kind can operate in one direction only. The pagan world was converted at first more in form than in spirit, and it reacted upon Christianity. The victory was in part a compromise. . The pagan Empire became Christian, but the Christian Church became, to some degree, imperial and pagan. The gain enormously exceeded the loss; but there 1 Read Lecky, II. 79-98. 2/6.36-38. §533] THE CHURCH. 443 did take place, naturally and inevitably, a sweeping change from the earlier Christianity. 532. The Importance of the Victory of Christianity just at this time lies in the fact that Christianity was then able to con- quer also the barbarians, who were soon to conquer the Empire. Freeman {Chief Periods, 67-68) calls the conversion of the 'Koman Empire the " leading fact in all history from that time onward,", because, "where R(5me led, all must follow." The barbarians, for the most part, became Christians before they became conquerors. Otherwise their conversion would have been more difficult, if not impossible. B. Okganization.^ 533. Tendency to Monarchic Government and to a Hierarchic Organization. — Naturally, the government of the Church came to be modeled upon that of the Empire. It grew more and more monarchic in type, with gradations in rank and with geo- graphical divisions corresponding to those of the civil state. Each city was the seat of a bishop, with authority over out- lying parishes. The church of the chief city in a province was commonly the mother church of many other societies. From this and other causes, the bishop of the chief city gradually came to exercise great authority over the other ' bishops, and was known as a metropolitan, or archbishop. The next step was to exalt one of these metropolitans above the others in a diocese. This lot fell usually to the metropolitan in the chief city of the civil diocese. Thus the civil diocese became an ecclesiastical unit also, with its chief metropolitan, or patriarch, at its head. By degrees the East became divided essentially between the four patriarchs of Antioch, Jerusalem, Alexandria, and Constantinople. The bishop, or metropolitan, of Rome held a like position for all the dioceses of the West — a fact due 1 A good brief statement is found in Curteis, 36-38. Advanced students may consult Schaff, III. ch. x. ; Alzog, I. 195-206; Sheldon, 239-2S9; Hatch, Lecture III. 444 EMPIRE OF THE FOURTH CENTURY A.D. [§ 534 partly, perhaps, to the circumstance that there were no other great cities in the West.^ To complete this movement — to make the Church a mon- archy — would have required only to exalt one of these patri- archs over all the other four. This did not come to pass, although claims to such jurisdiction were made. Thus from the Empire the Church borrowed the pomp and the admirable organization th^t enabled it to conquer the conquerors when the Empire itself fell. Says Freeman : — "Before this Semitic faith could become the faith of Aryan Europe, its dogmas had to be defined by the subtlety of the Greek intellect, and its political organization had to be wrought into form by the undying genius of Roman rule." (Cf. § 3, note, and § 64, close.) C. The Catholic Doctrine. 534. Definition of Doctrine and Rise of Heresies. — The early Christians had had no need to define their doctrines in nice detail, but gradually Greek speculative thought built up a sys- tem of theology. This, of course, brought out differences of opinion. In such disputes the opinions o:^ the majority pre- vailed as the orthodox doctrine, and the views of the minority became heresy. The majority of these early heresies arose from different views as to the nature of the divinity of Christ. 535. The Arian Heresy : Council of Nicaea, 325 ad. — The most important doctrinal dispute in the early centuries was the one leading to the Nicene Creed. Arius, a forceful priest of Alex- andria, denied that Christ was equal to the Father. AthanasiuSf of the same city, became the foremost advocate of this equality. He held (1) that Christ is the son of God, (2) that he is the Saviour of the world, (3) that he is coeternal with God, and (4) that he is of the same substance with God. Arius denied the last two points. The struggle waxed fierce, and divided 1 The term diocese in the West never had an ecclesiastical use correspond- ing to its civil meaning. §636] LITERATURE AND SCIENCE. 445 Christendom into opposite camps. But this would have de- stroyed the good results Constantine had hoped for from his recognition of the Church, and finally, to put an end to the con- troversy, he summoned the first Ecumenical Council.^ This council met at Nicaea in Bithynia, in 325 a.d. The view of Athanasius was declared to be the orthodox doctrine, and Arianism was condemned as a heresy. It was, however, to play an important part in later history. For Further Reading on the Church in the fourth century : Carr, 27-139; Kingsley's Hermits; Lecky, II.; Stanley's Lectures on the Eastern Church; Sheldon's Early Church; Newman's Arians. The canons and creeds adopted by the first four Ecumenical Councils are given in Pennsylvania Beprints, IV. No. 2. For advanced students : Hatch's Organization of the Early Churches ; Milman, bks. iii. iv. ; Alzog ; Schaff ; Gibbon, chs. xv. xvii. Some further extracts from sources in Pennsylvania Beprints, V. The nearly Christian literature is translated largely in the Bohn Library or the Ante-Nicene Library. Special Reports. — 1. Constantine's "conversion," and his life and character. 2. Julian's attempt to restore paganism. 3. Arius and Athanasius after 325 a.d. 4. Other heresies of the early centuries, especially Manichaeism and Gnosticism (and Church councils occasioned by them). 5. The Emperor Theodosius and Ambrose. 6. Hermits* (see Lecky, II. 107-140, and Kingsley's Hermits). 7. The Bishop under the Empire, his life and work. V. LITERATURE AND SCIENCE. A. Authors and Works. 536. Theological Character of the Literature. — The great names in literature were almost all names of churchmen, and the writings were nearly all theological. In all other lines the period was one of intellectual decay. Poetry, science, and literature proper vanished. 1 Universal council, representing the whole Church. Synods for separate portions of the Empire had been held before, of course. 446 EMPIRE OF THE FOURTH CENTURY A.D. [§537 537. Pagan Writers. ^ Ammianus : an Asiatic Greek soldier ; spirited continuation of Tacitus' history. Eutropius : soldier ; summary of Roman history. Julian (emperor) : memoirs of himself and a "Refutation" of Chris. tianity. 538. Christian Writers. Ambrose (Saint) : Gallic Roman ; lawyer and counselor ; bishop of Milan ; disciplined the Emperor Theodosius; wrote letters, sermons, hymns. Anthony (Saint) : Egyptian ; hermit ; letters. Arius and Athanasius (§ 535). Augustine (Saint) : Numidian ; bishop of Hippo ; letters, commenta- ries, sermons, theological works ; Confessions and The City of God. Basil (Saint) : "I *u i • i i ^, ,r. . xN ^ > theological works. Chrysostom (Samt) : orator i Eusehius : bishop ; ecclesiastical history. Jerome (Saint) : Pannonian ; Syrian hermit ; translated the Bible into Latin (the Vulgate) ; controversial works. Martin (Saint) : soldier, monk ; bishop of Tours ; established first monastery in Gaul (famous for its beautiful manuscripts). Uljilas : Gothic hostage ; became bishop and missionary among his people ; converted them to Arianism; arranged a Gothic alphabet and translated the Bible into Gothic (the oldest literary work in a Teutonic language ; a copy in silver letters upon scarlet parchment is preserved in the library of Upsala University). B. Decline in Learning. 539. Attitude of the Church toward Pagan Learning. — The no- blest movements have commonly carried some evils with them. One cause for the intellectual decline is that the Christians in general were hostile to the old pagan science, and even more hostile to the old literature, with its stories (often immoral) of the pagan gods, while for centuries the Christian world itself produced little to make good the loss. Christians had not generally attended the public schools until they were able to dominate them, and after that the schools rapidly deterio- rated. That the new society should have feared both the § 640] DECLINE TN LEARNING. 447 charm and the contamination of the old pagan poetry it is possible for us to understand; contempt for pagan literature and science had less excuse, and savored more of ignorance and bigotry.^ 540. A Few Illustrations of this feeling may be given. The Apostolical Constitutions (350 a.d.) contain the injunction : ^ — " Refrain from all the writings of the heathens ; for what hast thou to do with strange discourses, laws, or false prophets, which in truth turn aside from the faith those who are weak in understanding ? For if thou wilt explore history, thou hast the Books of the Kings ; or seekest thou for words of wisdom and eloquence, thou hast the Prophets, Job, and the Book of Proverbs, wherein thou shalt find a more perfect knowledge of all eloquence and wisdom, for they are the voice of the Lord, the only wise God. Or dost thou long for tuneful strains, thou hast the Psalms ; or to explore the origin of things, thou hast the Book of Genesis ; or for customs and observances, thou hast the excellent law of the Lord God. Wherefore abstain scrupulously from all strange and devilish books." — Quoted by MuUinger, Schools of Charles the Great, 8. The Fourth Council of Carthage (398 a.d.) cautiously re- stricted the reading of secular books by bishops; and even St. Jerome, an ardent scholar during most of his life, came for a time to rejoice in the growing neglect of Plato, and to warn Christians against pagan writers. Many of the early Fathers were themselves learned before they became Christians, and could afford this tone better than the rising generation to whom they spoke. Eusebius exclaims, "It is not through ignorance of the things admired by philosophy, but through contempt of them, that we think so little of these matters, turning our souls to the exercise of better things." Some unfortunate results appeared very early. The spherical form of the earth, for instance, was a well-known fact in Greek 1 The attitude was somewhat like that of the Puritans of the seventeenth century toward the plays of Shakspere and his fellow-dramatists ; but in the third and fourth centuries the result was more disastrous, because then all literature and science were pagan, and so banned. 2 These " Constitutions " were never sanctioned by Church councils, but this particular passage undoubtedly represents a very prevalent feeling. 448 EMPIRE OF THE FOURTH CENTURY A.D. [§541 science (§ 259) ; but the early Fathers demolished the idea for the Christian world by theological arguments. "It is impossible," said St. Augustine, " there should be inhabitants on the other side of the earth, since no such race is recorded in Scripture among the descendants of Adam." Many argued in like tone that Scripture gave no warrant for the sphericity of the earth, and that therefore it could not be; "besides," some of them added, " if the earth were round, how could all men see Christ at his coming ? " Lactantius, the " Christian Cicero " (§ 514), speaks of the doctrine in these words : — " Is it possible men can believe that the crops and trees on the other side of the earth hang downward, and that men have their feet higher than their heads ? If you ask them how they defend these monstrosities, how things do not fall away from the earth on that side, they reply that the nature of things is such that heavy bodies tend toward the center, while light bodies, as clouds, fire, and smoke, tend from the center to the heavens on all sides. Now I am really at a loss what to say of those who, when they have once gone wrong, steadily persist in their folly, and defend one absurd position by anotlier." 541. Persecution of Learning. — Unhappily, to enjoin ignorance upon the faithful did not content the more active spirits. They turned to active persecution. At Alexandria, after desperate strife between pagans and Christians, the Emperor Theodosius ordered the destruction of the temple of Serapis, in which at this time were the great library and the delicate astronomical instruments that had been used by the Alexandrian astronomers.^ Soon after (414 a.d.) came the horrible murder of Hypatia (§ 530, note), and the final suppression of Alexandrian science.^ 1 This is the library which the Mohammedans have been accused of burning, some three centuries later, on the excuse that if the books contained only what was in the Koran they were unnecessary, and if they contained anything else they were false. Unfortunately, this story seems to represent not so unfairly the attitude of early Christians toward science and the Bible. (Bury, how- ever, holds that the burning of the books at the time of the destruction of the Serapion is not proven ; Bury's Gibbon's Decline and Fall, III. 199-201 and 495.) 2 Political rivalry had a part in these outbursts in Alexandria, but they were connected with a wide-spread movement against the old philosophy. § 643] GENERAL DECLINE IN SOCIETY. 449 542. The Result. — The complete extinction of the old schools was not to come until the general cataclysm that followed the barbarian invasions in the next century ; but it is undoubtedly true that those institutions were already being destroyed, or replaced by schools of infinitely lower character, for theological training only. There is some consolation, perhaps, in the fact that the schools and Greek learning had already begun to decline in the third century (before the triumph of Christianity) along with the general decay in the Roman world ; and it is possible to look upon their complete overthrow as a necessary step in the erection, centuries later, of a higher and nobler educational sys- tem. We shall have occasion, too, to notice that for centuries after the barbarian invasions the monasteries were the sole refuge of learning in the West. None the less it is shirking the facts not to recognize this hostile and bigoted attitude of the early Christians as one of the leading factors in the decline of Romano-Greek science and letters. For Further Heading. — Laurie, Bise of Universities, 19-27 ; Mul- linger, Schools of Charles the Great (early pages) ; Draper, I. 314-326 and 367 V Compayre, History of Pedagogy, 62-64 ; West, Alcuin, 9-21. VL SOCIETY IN THE FOURTH CENTURY. A. Introductory Survey. 543. Growing Exhaustion of the Empire. — The three quarters of a century after the reunion of the Empire under Constantino were marked by a fair degree of outward prosperity, despite several brief wars for the throne. But the secret forces that were sapping the strength of society continued to work cease- lessly, and early in the coming century the Empire was to crumble under barbarian attacks. These inroads themselves will be treated farther on. We may notice now that they were at least no more formidable than those the Empire had so often rebuffed. Apparently, indeed, they were weaker. The barba- rians, then, are not to be considered as the chief cause of the 450 EMPIRE OF THE FOURTH CENTURY A.D. [§ 544 "Fall." Those causes were internal. But when an empire is overthrown from internal causes, it is usually either by national revolt or by the personal rebellion of satraps. Not so the Roman Empire. The subject peoples had no desire to rebel, and the reforms of Diocletian guarded against rebellion by governors. The Roman Empire was overthrown from without by an ordi- nary attack, because it had grown weak within and had become a mere shell. This was not due, in any marked degree at least, to decline in discipline or bravery. The Roman army kept its superb organization, and to the last was so strong in its moral superioiity that it was ready to face any odds unflinchingly.^ But more and mo^-e it became impossible to find men to fill the legions, or money to pay them. Dearth of men and of money was the cause of the fall of the state. 544. The Causes Political and Social rather than Moral. — The older writers explained the decay on moral grounds. Recent scholars are at one in recognizing, first, that the moral decay of society has been greatly exaggerated, and, secondly, that such decay operates only indirectly anyway upon a political society. The immediate causes seem to have been political and economic, especially the latter.^ B. Classes. 545. General View. — To understand ever so faintly the causes of the decay of population and wealth, we must see more clearly the make-up of Roman society. At the top of the social system was the emperor, to direct the machinery of government. At the bottom were the peasantry and artisans, the producers of food and of wherewithal to pay taxes. Between these two 1 Read Dill, 288-291 , for examples, and see a quotation from the stout soldier Ammiamis, in Sheppard, 139-141. 2 On the exaggeration of the moral decline, read Dill, bks. ii. and iii. (espe- cially pp. 115-131 and 227-228); Seeley, especially 54-(J4 ; and Adams, 79-81. Kingsley, Roman and Teuton, Lecture II., gives graphic statement of the older but rather unhistorical view. If read, it should be corrected by Dill's treatment of the same authorities. §547] THE NOBLE CLASSES. 451 extremes were two aristocracies, — the senatorial nobility and the curials, or civic nobility. 646. The Senatorial Nobility now included large numbers who never sat in the senate either at Eome or Constantinople. All high officials and the higher clergy belonged to this class. It had swallowed up the old senatorial class of Rome, and most of the knights. It was a nobility of office, hereditary for two or three generations ; but if a family kept its rank it must fur- nish new imperial officials from time to time.^ Its privileges consisted : (1) in its dignity ; (2) in the fact that a member was a citizen of the whole Empire, not of one municipality only ; and (3) in exemption from municipal taxes. Its burdens lay in heavy forms of imperial taxes, both direct and indirect. A noble might at any moment be called upon for ruinous expenses ^ at the capital, or to assume some costly office at a distant frontier. But of course only a few were actually so burdened, and the lot of the majority was enviable. 547. The Curials.^ — Below the imperial nobility was a local nobility. Each city had its senate, or curia. The curials were exempted from conscription and corporal punishment, and they had the management of the local finances ; but the}^ were liable for deficits and for many burdensome duties in connection with the corn supply and poor-relief. Those who rose to the higher magistracies had also to bear extravagant municipal expenses in providing festivals and shows. More crushing, however, were the imperial burdens. The curials became the collectors of the imperial land tax in their respective municipalities, and were made personally responsible for any deficit. The needs of the Empire caused the amount to be increased steadily, while the ability to pay, and the number of curials, as steadily decreased. 1 The principle seems to have been not unlike that of the modern Russian nobility. Advanced students may refer to Leroy-Beaulieu's Tsars and the Russians, I. bk. vi. 2 Dill, 249; Bury's Later Empire, 37-42. 8 Dill, 260-262 (excellent) ; Hodgkin, IL 585 ff. ; Bury. 452 EMPIRE OF THE FOURTH CENTURY A.D. [§648 To secure this security for the revenue, the curials also were made an hereditary class and were bound to their fun6tion. They were forbidden to enter the Church, the army, or the law, to remove from their city, or even to travel without special per- mission. Various emperors in their legislation refer to the curials as the " sinews of the commonwealth,'^ and strenuous attempts were made to reenf orce their numbers. Between them and the laborers came a small middle class of petty traders, small landowners, and professional men. When any one of these acquired a certain amount of land, he was compelled by law to become a curial ; but the general drift, as we shall note in the next sections, was for the small landowners to sink rather than rise, and they could furnish few recruits to fill the gaps. A place in the senate of his city had once been the highest ambition of a wealthy non-noble citizen; but in the fourth century it had become almost an act of heroism to assume the duty. A story is told that, when in a Spanish municipality a public-spirited man voluntarily offered himself for a vacancy, his fellow-citizens erected a statue in his honor. In the grow- ing exhaustion of the Empire, the position became more and more unendurable, until to the natural decrease in its numbers there were added desperate attempts to escape at any sacrifice. Of course the desirable escape was into the imperial nobility, but this was possible only to a few. Others, despite the prohibi- tions of legislation, sought refuge in the artisan guilds, in the Church, — or even in serfdom, in a servile marriage, or in flight to the barbarians. 548. The Artisans were grouped in guilds, or colleges, each with its own organization. Each member was bound to his guild, as the curial to his office. 649. The Peasantry had become serfs.* In the later days of the Republic, the system of great estates, which had blighted 1 Arnold, 161-163; Bury, I. 28-32 and III. 418^21; Dill, 262-266. The teacher will see the need of guarding the students against thinking of serf- dom as a result of the barbarian conquests and of the later feudalism. § 549] THE COLONI. 453 Italy earlier (§§ 396-398), had begun to curse province after province outside Italy. Free labor disappeared before slave labor, or continued the conflict on unequal terms. As a result, grain culture declined and large areas went out of cultivation. To remedy this state of affairs in part, the emperors intro- duced a new system. After successful wars, they gave large numbers of barbarian captives to great landlords, — thousands in a batch, — not as slaves, but as coloni, or serfs. The purpose was to secure an hereditary agricultural class and so keep up the food supply. The coloni were really given not to the land- lord, but to the land. They were not personal property, as slaves were. They were part of the real estate. They, and their children after them, were attached to the soil, and could not be sold off it. They had some civil rights, and could con- tract a legal marriage, as a slave could not. They had also some property rights. Each had his own plot of ground, of which he could not be dispossessed so long as he paid to the landlord a custom-fixed rent in labor and in produce. Augustus began the system on a small scale in Italy, and it soon became a regular practice so to dispose of vanquished tribes. Of course this made it still more impossible for the free small-farmer to maintain himself. That class sank into serfs ; but it had been on the high road to extinction anyway. On the other hand, the slaves rose into serfs, until nearly all cultivators of the soil were of this order. This institution of the Empire was to last for hundreds of years, under the name of serfdom, and it was to help make possible the transition from the ancient slave organization to the modern free-labor organization of industry. From the point of view of the slave, it was an immense gain. At the moment, however, it was one more factor in killing out the old middle class, in widening the gap between the noble classes and the small cultivators, and in making transition from class to class more impossible. In the fourth century, too, the lot of these coloni had become miserable. They were crushed by imperial taxes, in addition to the rent due their landlord j and in Diocletian's time they 454 EMPIRE OF THE FOURTH CENTURY A.D. [§ 550 rose in Gaul against society, in the first of the series of Middle- Age jacqueries, to plunder, burn, and murder. 550. The Approach of a Caste System. — Thus society was crystallizing into castes. Not only had the peasantry become serfs, attached from generation to generation to the same plot of ground, but the principle of this rural serfdom was being applied to all social duties. The artisan was bound to his hered- itary guild, and, just as truly, the curial and the noble were bound each to his hereditary order. All freedom of movement seemed lost. Society as well as government was becoming des- potic and Oriental. C. Taxation.^ 551. The Empire was "a great tax-gathering and barbarian- fighting machine." It collected taxes in ordei' to fight bar- barians. But the time came when the provincials began to dread the tax-collector more than the Goth. This was partly because of the decrease in ability to pay, and partly because the bureaucratic organization cost more and more. Says Goldwin Smith: "The earth swarmed with the consuming hierarchy of extortion, so that it was said that they who received taxes were more than they who paid them." The forms of taxation were manifold. The chief ones were the poll tax (paid mainly by the coloni), duties at the ports, legacy duties, taxes on sales of all kinds, and the land tax (which crushed the curial s). As in France before her great Revolution, so in the Em- pire, the upper classes secured release by law from some of their proper burdens, and succeeded by unfair assessment in shifting most of the rest on to the classes less able to pay.^ Taxation yielded less ; the revenue shrank; and at the same time the wealth-producing power of society was being dried up by the unfair distribution of burdens and by the 1 Dill, 266-281 ; Cunningham, Western Civilization, 182-195 ; Arnold, passim. 2 Advanced students may read Taine's Ancient Regime, bk. v. eh. li., for the comparison. §553] CAUSES OF SOCIAL DECAY. 455 unproductive expenditure of the taxes that were drained from the land. The Empire suffered from a lack of wealth as well as from a lack of men. D. Summary of the Decline. 552. Economic Causes have been dealt with at some length. To review : they fall chiefly under the heads of (a) decline of population, and (6) increase of taxation unwisely apportioned. Back of these conditions lay the absence of money ,^ the debase- ment of the coinage, the slave and caste system of society (see also § 513). 553. Political Causes. — "The benefits of despotism are short-lived ; it poisons the very springs which it lays open. . . . And w^hen once this better hour has passed away, all the vices of its nature break forth with redoubled violence, and weigh down society in every direction." — GUIZOT. It is perhaps hard to blame despotism, since only despotism had saved society from an earlier overthrow (§§ 441, 521). But it is important to see that at last its medicinal value was exhausted, — and indeed that in the long run a bureaucratic despotism is always a weak government (cf. § 523). This is from two causes: — a. It lacks support in popular enthusiasm ; the people care little whether they live under one government or another. When the Teutons broke into the Empire (§ 562 ff.), they were resisted only by the regular Eoman legions, not by the provin- cials — except in Britain, which was less thoroughly Komanized. It seems probable that the secret of decay lay largely in the loss of political ideals and political enthusiasm. h. The machinery itself gets beyond the control of the rulers. This was made plain in these days of Roman decline. There were many emperors of noble purpose and of fair ability who did their best to correct the evils of the age ; but they were helpless against the universal indifference, or "passive resistance, 1 Cunningham's Western Civilization, 182-184. 456 EMPIRE OF THE FOURTH CENTURY A.D. [§ 554 or secret thwarting, of the whole body of nobles from whom the officials were drawn. The tone of the imperial laws waxes indignant or descends to urgent entreaty; but the purpose is hampered by a slow, negligent, or corrupt bureaucracy. The emperors had lost control of the vast machine, and in this most important respect government was reduced to a paralysis. Dill {Roman Society , 275-281), after a review of the efforts and failures of the emperors, says : — "These are a few examples of the efforts of government to alleviate that mass of misery and social injustice which it was impotent to cure. To a sympathetic mind, there is no more painful reading than the Theo- dosian Code of the fifth century [§ 573]. The authors of these laws are generally loaded with the double opprobrium of weakness and corruption. 'The unfortunate are always to blame.' The system of bureaucratic despotism, elaborated finally by Diocletian and Constantine, produced a tragedy in the truest sense, such as history has seldom exhibited ; in which, by an inexorable fate, the claims of fancied omnipotence ended in a humiliating paralysis of administration ; in which determined effort to remedy social evils only aggravated them till they became unendurable ; in which the best intentions of the central powers were, generation after generation, mocked and defeated alike by irresistible laws of human nature and by the hopeless perfidy and corruption in the servants of government."! 554. Th^ Infusion of Barbarian Blood and Customs, before the Conquest. — The only measure that actually helped to fill the gaps in Roman population was the introduction of barbarians. It is hard to realize on how large a scale this took place. The Teutonic conquest of the fifth century found the Roman army composed of Germans, and whole provinces settled mainly by them, w^hile that same people furnished the great officers of the Empire and made everywhere a large part of the slave and serf class.^ This Germanization of the Empire, need- ful as it had been, helped of course to make later Germanic conquest easier. The wall of partition was lowered. The 1 Special reports for advanced students : the Constitutions of Majorian, and his reign. 2 Read Bury, I. 21-31; Adams' Civilization, 67; Dill, 291-298. §654] CAUSES OF SOCIAL DECAY.- 457 Germans within had a friendly leaning to those without. It led to a more rapid fusion of the two peoples and cultures, and lessened the agony of the change; but, in reviewing the causes of the fall of Kome, we must count this introduction of conquered barbarians as one of the active elements of dis- integration.^ For Further Reading. — (In this chapter the references are given at the end of each section.) On the internal decay and the causes of the " Fall" : Seeley's Imperialism^ Lecture III. ; Adams' Civilization during the Middle Ages, 76-88 (specially good); Bury, I. 25-36; Hodgkin, II. 532-613, and, if accessible, his article on The Fall of the Boman Empire in the Contemporary Eeview, January, 1898 (Mr. Hodgkin in this article does not even refer to moral causes) ; Dill, bk. iii. REVIEW EXERCISE FOR PART V. 1. Add the dates 9, 14, 69, 180, 325 a.d. to the list. 2. Extend list of terms and names for fact drill. 3. Memorize a characterization of the centuries of the Empire; i.e., — First and second centuries : good government, — happy, peaceful, prosperous. Third century: general decline, — material, political, and intel- lectual. Fourth century : revival of imperial power ; victory of Christi- anity. Fifth and sixth centuries (in advance) : barbarian invasions and conquests. 4. Review the growth of the Christian Church through the whole period. 1 Bury (1.33-35) adds Christianity as a disintegrating factor — in no un- friendly spirit; and Hodgkin, a strong churchman, has an even more striking passage to the same effect. A good topic for special report by advanced stu- dents. PART VI. KOMANO-TEUTONIO EUROPE. The settlement of the Teutonic tribes was not merely the introduction of a new set of ideas and institutions, . . . it was also the introduction of fresh blood and youthful mind — the muscle and brain which in the future were to do the larger share of the world's work. — George Burton Adams. ♦ CHAPTER I. THE TEUTONS. 555. Early Home and Peoples. — The Rhine and the Danube separated the Roman world from the barbarian Germanic world — just as that line has continued to divide the Romance^ nations from the modern German and Slav peoples. In the fifth century the* Germans were to burst across these rivers and occupy the Western Empire. The region from which they swarmed lay between the Danube and the Baltic, north and south, and between the Rhine and the Vistula, east and west. The tribes that had roamed hither and thither in this region for centuries were known to themselves by no single name, but the Romans called them all Germans. In the fifth century the more important groups were the Goths, Bur- gundians. Vandals, Alemanni, Suevi, Lombards, Franks, and Saxons. The Norsemen were to appear later. 556. Stage of Culture. — As contrasted with the Roman world, the Germans all had a strong family likeness in character and institutions, but among themselves they showed wide dif- 1 Of mingled Roman and Teutonic elements. 458 §557] CULTURE — CHARACTER. 459 ferences.^ The distant tribes were savage and unorganized. Those nearer the Empire had taken on more civilization and had moved toward a stronger political union, under the rule of great tribal kings; but in general they seem to have been little, if at all, above the level of the better North American Indians. They had no cities, but dwelt in palisaded villages, as the Iroquois did. They lived chiefly by hunting and fishing, and what little agriculture they had was managed by women or slaves. They had no true alphabet (except the Gothic, just invented by Ulfilas, § 538) and ' no literature, except rude ballads.^ They had no %^^^^_ A Dolmen of the Ancient Germans. money, and their trade was barter. Skins or rude cloths formed their cloth- ing, but the nobler warriors possessed chain mail and wore helmets crested with plumes, horns, dragons, and other strange devices. 557. Character. — Tacitus says of the Germans, as a whole : — "They have stern blue eyes, ruddy hair, bodies large and robust, but powerful only in sudden efforts. They are impatient of toil and labor. Thirst and heat overcome them, but from the nature of their soil and climate they are proof against cold and hunger." — Germania, iv. The usual marks of savagery were found among them. They were fierce, quarrelsome, hospitable. Their cold, damp forests had helped to make them excessive drunkards and immoderate eaters, and when not engaged in war they would spend day after day in sleep or gluttony. They were desperate gamblers, too, and, when other wealth was gone, they would stake even personal liberty upon the throw of the dice. 1 Read Dill, 301, for illustrations. 2 Special topic: the Runes. 460 THE TEUTONS. [§657 At the same time, they do seem to have possessed some peculiar characteristics not common in savage races. Women were revered. Tacitus dwells upon the excellence of their family life. " The married state," he says, " is a life of affec- tion, and it is kept pure." They reverenced truth and fidelity. Their grim joy in fighting rose to fierce delight in battle, and sometimes to a " Baersark " rage that knew no peril and made men insensible to wounds. In particular, they possessed a proud spirit of personal liberty (in striking contrast with the classical devotio-n to the State), a "high, stern sense of man- hood and the worth of man," which was to influence profoundly later European history. Another quality is even less tangible, but deeply important. The Germans resembled the Hebrews in a serious, earnest tempera- ment, rising sometimes to an imaginative mysticism, T, ^, K f -r which has made their Battli:-ax and Mack. - Anns of ieu- tonic chieftains in an early period. Christianity differ widely from that of the clear- minded, methodic, sunnier peoples of Southern Europe. They felt the solemn mystery of life, with its shortness of days, its sorrows, and unsatisfied longings ; and this inspired in them, not unmanly despair nor light recklessness, but a heroism tinged with melancholy. In the Song of Beowulf, an old poem that has come down to us from the German forests, the chieftain, about to go out to an almost hopeless encounter with a terrible dragon that had been destroying his people, exclaims : — " Each man must abide the end of his life work ; then let him that may work, work his doomed deeds ere night come." And, again, as he sits by the dragon mound, victorious, but dying:— § 558] RELIGION. 461 ' ' These fifty winters have I ruled this folk ; lives there no folk-king of folk-kings about me — not any one of them — dare in the war-strife wel- come my onset ! Time's change and chances I have abided ; held my own fairly ; sought not to snare men ; oath never sware I falsely against right. So, for all this, may I glad be at heart now, sick though I sit here, wounded with death-wounds ! " The same trait of mingled gloom and heroism is seen in a unique and striking feature of their religion (at least as it finally developed in Iceland). This was the belief in the "Twilight of the Gods." Heroes who had fought a good fight on earth were to reap their reward hereafter in fighting beside the gods, the powers of Light and Warmth, against the evil giants of Cold and Darkness ; but in the end the gods and heroes were all to perish before the powers of evil : so that with these Teutons, says John Richard Green, "life was built, not on the hope of a hereafter, but on the proud self-conscious- ness of noble souls." A story connected with the conversion of the Germans in Britain illustrates the same trait. The king of Northumbria sat among his chieftains, and the missionaries had just spoken.. Then arose an aged chief : — "O king, what is this life of man? Is it not as a sparrow's flight through the hall when one sits at meat of an evening in wintertide ? Within is light and warmth and song ; without, cold, darkness, and icy rain. Then the sparrow flies in at one door, tarries a moment in the warmth, and then, flying forth from the other door, vanishes again into the dark. Such, O king, seems the life of man ; and if this new teaching can tell us aught certain of the time before and after, let us follow it." 558. Religion. — The old German religion was a rude poly- theism, based on nature worship. The chief place was held by the worship of Woden, the war god and the god of their rude science. From him the noble families all claimed descent. Tho7', whose hurling hammer caused the thunder, was the god of storms and of the air. Freya was the deity of joy and fruitfulness.^ 1 Compare with Greek deities, § 100. These Teutonic gods live still in our names for the days of the week. Woden's day, Thor's day, and Freya's day 462 THE TEUTONS. [§559 The Saxons and Franks when they broke into the empire were still heathen. All the other tribes that settled in the empire in the fifth century had just become converts, in name at least, to Arian Christianity, through the labors of Arian exiles. (Cf . Ulfilas among the Goths, § 538.) 569. Political Organization. — Tacitus shows the Germans with three distinct orders of ' political units, — village, can- ton (or later " hundred "), and tribe. The village was origi- nally no doubt the home of a clan. The village and the tribe each had its popular assembly with its hereditary chief. The tribal chief, or king, was surrounded by his council of smaller chiefs. To quote Tacitus : — " In the election of kings they have regard to birth ; in that of generals to valor. Their kings have not an absolute or unlimited power ; and their generals command less through the force of authority than of example. If they are daring, adventurous, and conspicuous in action, they procure obedience from the admiration they inspire." — Germania, 7. "On affairs of smaller moment, the chiefs consult ; on those of greater importance, the whole community ; yet with this circumstance, that what is referred to the decision of the people is first discussed by the chiefs. They assemble, unless upon some sudden emergency, on stated days, either at the new or full moon. When they all think fit, they sit down armed. Silence is proclaimed by the priests, who have on this occasion a coercive power. Then the king, or chief, and such others as are con- spicuous for age, birth, military renown, or eloquence, are heard ; and gain attention rather from their ability to persuade, than their authority to command. If a proposal displease, the assembly reject it by an inartic- ulate murmur ; if it prove agreeable, they clash their javelins ; for the most honorable expression of assent among them is the sound of arms. In the same assemblies, chiefs are also elected to administer justice through the cantons and districts. A hundred companions, chosen from the people, attend upon each of them, to assist them as well with their advice as their authority, "i — Tb. 11, 12. are easily recognized in their modern dress. Tuesday and Saturday take their names from two obscurer gods, Tiw and Saetere, or the latter perhaps from the Latin Saturn, while the remaining two days of course are the Moon's day and the Sun's day. 1 Cf . the early Greek political organization, §§ 92-95. §561] POLITICAL ORGANIZATION. 463 560. The "Companions." — One peculiar fact in social organ- ization must be noted. A great chief was surrounded by a band of " companions," who lived in his household, ate at his table, and fought at his side; to them the chief gave food, weapons, and plunder; for the honor and safety of their " lord " they devoted their energies and lives. The element of personal loyalty in the institution of "companion" and lord was to influence the development of later European feudal- ism. The class in Germany itself seems to have been made up largely of outlaws or adventurers skilled in arms. It grew in importance, however, after the invasions, and finally was to develop into the nobility of much of later Europe (§ 611). 561. The Charm of the South. — The sunny south, with the wonders and riches of its strange civilization, fascinated these savages with a potent spell. For five hundred years they had been striving to enter in and possess it. The pressure of fiercer barbarians behind them and of their own increasing population had produced certain periods of special effort, and sometimes they had burst in for brief periods of plunder, but always hitherto to be driven out by some Marius, Caesar, Aurelius, Aurelian, Diocletian, or Julian. All this time, how- ever, they had been filtering in as slaves, coloni, soldiers, and adventurers, and even by whole tribes as subjects or allies, until Western Europe was largely German in blood (§ 554) ; all this time, too, the wild Germans beyond the barriers were learning to unite into larger confederations, and to act to- gether in their attacks. Now, about the year 400 a.b., in the exhaustion of the empire, they began at last to come in as conquerors. For Further Reading. — Sources : Our two chief authorities for the early Germans are Caesar and Tacitus. Caesar drew his knowledge largely from the Gauls, and his treatment is provokingly brief ( Com- mentaries on the Gallic War, bk. iv. chs. 1-3; and vi. chs. 21-24). Tacitus, in his Germania, treats them at length, but less as a skilled observer than as a moralist — to contrast their barbaric simplicity and 464 THE TEUTONS. [§561 virtue with the vices of Roman civilization. Guernsey Jones' Source Extracts — Civilization in the Middle Ages — contains twenty pages of extracts from the Germania which should be accessible to every student. Modem accounts : The three most readable treatments are the opening pages of Green's English People, Taine's English Literature (bk. i. ch. i. sections 1-3), and Kingsley's Bonian and Teuton, 1-16 (The Forest Children). The last is idealized. Gibbon, ch. ix., gives a famous discussion. Kingsley protests indig- nantly against Gibbon's view of the stage of Teutonic culture ; but see Adams' Civilization, 7, 8. Advanced students will find the Teutonic spirit voiced nobly in William Morris' Sigurd the Volsung, and an admirable discussion of the political system in Stubbs' Constitutional History of England, chs. ii. and iii. Many of the works mentioned at the close of the next chapter will be found useful for more exhaustive study here. CHAPTER II. THE INVASIONS — FIFTH AND SIXTH CENTURIES. How can a man draw a picture of that which has no shape ; or tell the order of absolute disorder ? It is all . . . like the working of an ant- heap ; like the insects devouring each other in a drop of water. Teuton tribes, Sclavonic tribes, Tartar tribes, Boman generals, empresses, bishops, courtiers, adventurers, appear for a moment out of the crowd, — dim phantoms, nothing more, most of thtm, with a name appended, — and then vanish, proving their humanity only by leaving behind them one more stain of blood. — Charles Kingsley. I. THE BURSTING OF THE BARRIERS. A. The Danube (376 a.d.). 562. Admission of the West Goths into the Empire ; Adrianople. — The event which we now recognize as the fir^t step in the victory of the Teutons seemed to the Romans at the time only a continuation of an old successful policy of the empire. Many tribes had been admitted within the boundaries as allies and had proven faithful defenders of the frontiers. In 376 a.d. such a measure was repeated on a vast scale. The whole people of the West Goths ( Visigoths), possibly a million souls, appeared on the Danube as fugitives from the more terrible Huns — wild, nomadic horsemen from Tartary, who were wasting southern Russia. Valens, emperor of the East, granted the prayers of the suppliants, allowed them to cross the Danube, and gave them lands south of the river. They were to give up their arms, while Roman agents were to supply them food until the harvest. These agents embezzled the imperial funds and furnished vile and insuffi- 465 466 INVASIONS — FIFTH AND SIXTH CENTURIES. [§562 § 563] THE BURSTING OF THE BARRIERS. 467 cient food', while at the same time, for bribes, they allowed the barbarians to retain their arms. The Goths rose and marched on Constantinople. At Adrianople (378 a.d.) Valens was defeated and slain, and the victorious occupation of the empire began. The Goths ravaged the land up to the walls of the capital, but they could not storm a great city. The new emperor, Theodosius the Great (§ 526), finally pacified them, and they remained peaceful settlers for nearly twenty years. 563. Alaric : in Greece, Illyria, and Italy. — In 395, Theodo- sius died, and at once masses of the Goths rose under an ambitious young chieftain, Alaric, whom they soon made king of their nation. Alaric led his host into Greece, spared Athens for a heavy ransom, and sacked Corinth, Argos, Sparta, and all the Peloponnesus. Apparently he was trapped there by the gigantic Vandal, Stilicho, a general of Honorius, emperor of the West ; but finally the Goth either bought or maneuvered his way out with all his plunder. He then extorted from Arcadius, the terrified emperor of the East, a commission as imperial lieutenant in Illyria and Greece; and, in Kingsley's phrase, " there he staid, somewhere about the head of the Adriatic, poised like an eagle in mid air, watching Eome on one side and Byzant on the other, uncertain for a while on which quarry he should swoop." In 402, he made up his mind for Rome. Stilicho, the Roman shield, beat him off in two battles ; and he drew back for a few years into Illyria. Meanwhile Stilicho turned upon and destroyed a more savage horde of two hundred thousand wilder Germans, who had poured down through the Alps under Rado- gast and were besieging Florence. But soon afterward Hono- rius, very possibly with good reason, suspected his general of plotting to seize the throne, and had him murdered. The deed was signal enough for Alaric to try Italy once more. This time he captured Rome ; and then for five days and nights that proud city was given up to sack by the Goths (410 a.d.) — 468 INVASIONS — FIFTH AND SIXTH CENTURIES. [§564 just eight hundred years after its capture by Brennus and his Gauls.^ 564. The Visigothic Kingdom in Spain. — Soon afterward, Al- aric died in South Italy. His brother and successor, Ataulf, felt more strongly the spell of Eoman civilization. He himself has stated his purpose : — "It was at first my wish to destroy the Roman name, and erect in its place a Gothic empire, taking to myself the place and the powers of Caesar Augustus. But when experience taught me that the untamable barbarism of the Goths would not suffer them to live beneath the sway of law, . . . I chose the glory of renewing and maintaining by Gothic strength the fame of Rome, desiring to go down to posterity as the restorer of that Roman power which it was beyond my power to replace." Ataulf married the emperor's sister, and accepted a com- mission to conquer certain German tribes that had meanwhile crossed the Rhine (§§ 565-567); and so the Goths left Italy, and set up a kingdom in Southern Gaul and Spain (414-419 A.D.). Gaul they were to lose in less than a century to other Germans (§ 590), but the Visigothic kingdom in Spain lasted three hundred years, to the Moorish conquest (§ 625), and its fragments were to grow together again through the Middle Ages into the Spain of to-day. The date 419 a.d. marks the estab- lishment of the first permanent Teutonic state within the old Empire. B. The Rhine. ' 565. The Barrier Bursts, 406 a.d. — Italy was now to have peace for a generation under puppet emperors and the Ger- man lieutenants behind the throne; but the Rhine frontier had already given way, between the two invasions of Italy by Alaric, and all the Western Empire outside Italy was quickly lost. Clouds of Germans had long been massing on the Rhine. In 406 A.D. they forced a passage, and then with little oppo- sition spread themselves over the land. The leading peoples in the invasion were Burgundians, Vandals, and Suevi. 1 Read Dill, 303-314, for the moral effect of the capture of Rome. ,ogo' ,^^e by the HUt OTO^ \~n v'^"^ <\ > .<^ .& /^ Danube t^ i J . C K SEA II t3- c/ EXFLANAXION: — FIRST INROAD OF HUNS ^^— — SECOND INROAD OF HUNS VANDALS << — VISIGOTHS I I I I I OSTROGOTHS. TO 488 f-H •(■ FRANKS Q^ » 1 « JUTES, SAXONS, AND ANGLES. § 568] THE BURSTING OF THE BARRIERS. 469 566. The Burgunds settled on the upper Rhine, where the name of their kingdom has always remained. A little later, under their king, Gundohald, they produced the earliest written code of Teutonic law. Like the Goths, too, they soon came to regard themselves, in a vague way, as living under the author- ity of the Empire. A Burgundian king, thanking the emperor for the title Patrician, writes : — *' My people is yours, and to rule them delights me less than to serve you. . . . Our ancestors have always preferred what an emperor gave to all their fathers could bequeath. In ruling our nation, we hold ourselves but your lieutenants: you, whose divinely appointed sway no barrier bounds, whose beams shine from the Bosphorus into distant Gaul, employ us to administer the remoter regions of your empire ; your world is our Fatherland." 567. The Vandals and Suevi ravaged Gaul and settled in Spain (409 A.D.). In 414 the West Goths attacked them (§ 564) ; the Suevi remained in the northwest corner of the peninsula as subjects of the Gothic state; the Vandals, in 427, crossed to Africa, and, after ten years of warfare, set up a Teutonic king- dom there, with its capital at Carthage. These Vandals, whose name has become a synonym for wanton destructiveness, were the most untamable of all the Teutonic peoples. In Africa they soon became pirates, terrorizing the Mediterranean. In 455, they invaded Italy and sacked Kome in a way that made Alaric's capture seem merciful. A century later, however, the Vandal kingdom was overthrown by the imperial general Belisa- rius, and Africa was again added to the Eastern Empire (§ 583). 568. The Franks and Romans in North Gaul. — Another great German people, the Franks, had long had homes on both sides of the lower Rhine, from Cologne to the sea. They had been " allies " of Rome ; but now they began to add to their terri- tory by spreading themselves slowly over north Gaul. In the end they were to prove the most important of all the Teutonic invaders, but their real advance was not to begin until toward the close of the century (§ 587 ff.). Meantime, in northwestern 470 IN VASIONS — FIFTH AND SIXTH CENTURIES. [§569 Gaul, a semblance of Koman authority was kept up by Roman generals, who were really independent sovereigns. II. THE HUNS. 669. New Barbarian Races : the Turanian Huns. — The Roman world had already come in contact with Celts in Western Europe, Ger- mans in the central parts, and Slavs (§§ 3 and 9) in the eastern. Behind these, and breaking through them, pressed a confused mass of ruder peoples, — Huns, Tartars, Finns, Avars (§ 562). These are all spoken of sometimes (with the Turks) as Turanians. The word does not express race-relationship, properly, but rather a stage of culture and of language. The various peoples comprehended under this name spoke languages in the "agglutinative" stage (like our Indians), — a stage which precedes inflected language, such as Romans, Greeks, Teutons, and Slavs spoke, — and some of these more savage peoples, too (Huns, Bulgars, Avars), do seem, from the physical descriptions left us, to have belonged to different stocks from the other European races. The student must he careful not to confuse any of these, or the Slavs, with the Teutons. 570. Chalons. — In the midst of the occupation of the empire by the Teutons, the conquerors and the decaying Roman world were menaced with common ruin. Attila, king of the Huns, had built up a vast military power, reaching from central Asia into central Europe, and now his terrible hordes swept into Gaul. It was his characteristic boast that grass never grew again where his horse's hoofs had trod. The fate of civilization hung trembling in the balance, while the great " battle of the nations " was fought out at Chalons (451 a.d.). Hun, Slav, Tartar, Finn, and the tributary Teutonic nations matched themselves against the Roman and the free Teutons (West Goth, Burgundian, and Frank). Even when so reeuforced, the forces of civilization were insignificant before the innumerable host of Asiatic barbarians ; but victory was won by the general- ship of the Roman leader, the hero Aetius. Attila is said to have lost from one hundred and sixty thousand to three hun- dred thousand men (greatly exaggerated numbers, no doubt) j and with spent force his invasion rolled away to Italy and the East §571] THE HUNS. 471 Even had the Huns won, they could hardly have held an empire together ; and so this contest between savagery and civilization was perhaps less critical than a struggle between rival civilizations, as at Marathon or the Metaurus, or, later, at Tours (§ 625). But it is easy to mal^e too much of this consideration. At that decisive moment the Teutons were still hesitating on the threshold of civilization, and a Roman defeat would have annihilated the championship of civilization in Western Europe. Under these conditions, even a brief Tartar domination might have wrought irreparable loss ; and so, both for character and conse- quence, the battle of Chalons has always seized upon the imagination. " That is the Hunnenschlacht ; ' a battle,' as Jornandes calls it, ' atrox, multiplex, immane, pertinax.' Antiquity, he says, tells of nothing like it. No man who had lost that sight could say that he had seen aught worth seeing. A fight gigantic, supernatural in vastness and horror, and in the legends which still hang about the place. You may see one of them in Von Kaulbach's immortal design — the ghosts of the Huns and the ghosts of the Germans rising from their graves on the battle-night in every year, to fight it over again in the clouds, while the country far and wide trembles at their ghostly hurrah." — Kingsley, Boman and Teuton^ 88. " It was the perpetual question of history, the struggle told long ago by Herodotus, the struggle between Europe and Asia, the struggle between cosmos and chaos — the struggle between Aetius and Attila. For Aetius was the man who now stood in the breach, and sounded the Roman trum- pet to call the nations to do battle for the hopes of humanity, and defend the cause of reason against the champions of brute force. The menace of that monstrous host which was preparing to pass the Rhine was to exter- minate the civilization that had grown up for centuries . . . and to paralyze the beginnings of Teutonic life. . . . " But the interests of the Teutons were more vitally concerned at this crisis than [even] the interests of the empire. . . . Their nascent civili- zation would have been crushed under the yoke of that servitude which blights, and they would not have been able to learn longer at the feet of Rome the arts of peace and culture." — Bury, I. 176. 571. Attila before Rome; Pope Leo. — The Huns turned upon defenceless Rome ; but the great Pope Leo, by his personal intercession, worked the miracle of turning the Tartar from his prey. One ancient writer, indeed, hints that Attila's army was wasting under Italian fever and the harassing strategy of Aetius, whose smaller forces hung upon its flanks. At all 472 INVASIONS — FIFTH AND SIXTH CENTURIES. [§572 events, Attila withdrew from Italy, to die shortly after. His empire fell to pieces, and the Teutons of Germany regained their freedom in another great battle, at Netad. One curious result followed Attila's invasion of Italy. To escape the Huns, some of the ancient Veneti of northeast Italy took refuge among swampy islands at the head of the Adriatic, and so began a settlement destined to grow, in a later age, into the great republic of Venice. III. ITALY AND THE EASTERN EMPIRE. In the Fifth and Sixth Centuries (from Alaric to the Lombards) . "Taking one's stand at Rome, and looking toward the north, what does one see for nearly one hundred years ? Wave after wave rising out of the north, the land of night, and wonder, and the terrible unknown ; visible only as the light of Roman civilization strikes their crests, and they dash against the Alps, and roll over through the mountain passes, into the fertile plains below. Then at last they are seen but too well ; and you discover that the wayes are living men, women, and children, horses^ dogs, and cattle, all rushing headlong into that great whirlpool of Italy : and yet the gulf is never full. The earth drinks up the blood ; the bones decay into the fruitful soil ; the very names and memories of whole tribes are washed away. And the result of an immigration which may be counted by hundreds of thousands is this — that all the land is waste." — KiNGSLEY, Boman and Teuton, 58. A. Table of Emperors, to the Last Western Emperor 572. Western Empire. 573. Eastern Empire. Honorius, 395-423 a.d. Arcadius, 395-408 a.d. Stilicho, the Vandal, the real power ; re- pulses Alaric ; is suspected and murdered by Honorius (409 a.d.). Alaric's Goths sack Rome (410 a.d.). Final loss of most of Gaul and Spain to Burgundians, Goths, Suevi, and Franks (§§ 603-608). Valentinian III., 425-455 a.d. Loss of Africa (Vandals). AUius (a Ger- man brought up among the Huns), now the imperial general, the real upholder Theodosius IT., 408-450 A.D. Theodosian Code, 438 A.D. 574] ITALY AND THE EASTERN EMPIRE. 473 of the empire ; saves part of Gaul ; re- pulses Attila {Chd,lons, 451 a.d.); is murdered by Valentinian, who suspects him ; Valentinian himself murdered by Roman senator, Maximus, whose home he has outraged. Maximus, 455 a.d. Compels Eudoxia, widow of his victim, to marry him ; she invites Geiseric, king of the Vandals, to avenge her ; the Vandals cross from Carthage, capture Rome, sack it for fourteen days, and carry -away the plunder of the world, much of it to sink in a storm in the Mediterranean (§ 667). Count Rikimer, 456-472 a.d. A German imperial general; sets up and deposes four puppet-emperors (does, at last, what Stilicho and Aetius had been suspected of wanting to do). Orestes, 472-476 a.d. Imperial general ; deposes the reigning emperor and sets up his own son — Romulus Augustulus. (Note the advance upon Rikimer.) He is overthrown by Odovaker (next paragraph), and the West has no emperor again until 800 a.d. Marcian, 450-457 a.d. Leo I., 457-474 a.d. Zeno, 474-491 a.d. Reunites the empire in name. B. Odovaker (Odoaceb). 574. In 476, Odovaker, another German officer in imperial service, seized the power in Italy, slew Orestes, and sent the dethroned boy, Romulus Augustulus, to live in luxurious retire- ment in a villa near Naples. Odovaker was leader of the Heruli, a small German people, and his power in Italy rested on their support and on that of other German mercenaries. He represents an advance upon the policy of the earlier German officers of the century, who had ruled Italy at the head of imperial armies and through puppet emperors. But, after all, it is the same policy developed a little farther, and the date 474 INVASIONS — FIFTH AND SIXTH CENTURIES. [§ 575 476 A.D., which is sometimes said to mark the Fall of Rome, is only one in a series, and neither first nor last. Odovaker did not dare call himself king of Italy. The Koman senate, at his command, sent to Zeno at Constantinople (§ 573), urging that the West needed no separate emperor, and asking that Zeno receive Italy as part of his dominion, to be ruled under Odovaker as lieutenant. This was of course granted, and Italy in name became a province of the Greek Empire (cf. like commissions to Burgundians, Goths, and Franks, §§ 564, 566, 599). Odovaker gathered Roman philoso- phers and men of letters about him, and tried to establish firm order and good government ; but he was soon attacked by another more powerful German people (§ 577). C. The East-Gothic Kingdom. 575. The Ostrogoths before they entered Italy. — When the West Goths sought refuge south of the Danube in 376 a.d., an eastern division of the same race had submitted to the Huns. These East Goths (Ostrogoths) recovered their independence on the death of Attila; and for a generation now they had dwelt within the Danubian provinces of the Eastern Empire, sometimes as allies, sometimes as enemies. Their young king, TJieodoric, had been brought up as a hostage at the imperial court. He had felt the charm of Roman civilization and adopted its culture, but, with it all, he remained a typical Teutonic hero — of gigantic stature and romantic temper, a matchless warrior, impetuous in strife and wise in counsel — the kingliest figure of all the centuries of the invasions. 576. The Conquest of Italy. — In 489 a.d. Theodoric asked leave from Zeno to reconquer Italy for the Empire. Zeno was glad to get rid of him and to destroy barbarian by barbarian. With magnificent ceremonial he appointed Theodoric patrician, and gave the desired commission. Odovaker made a gallant resistance for fpur years. Theodoric beat him at Verona in a 576] ITALY AND THE EASTERN EMPIRE. 475 great battle,^ and then besieged him in the impregnable fortress of Ravenna. Odovaker finally surrendered on terms of friend- Church of San Vitale at Ravenna (time of Theodoric the Great) . ship, but soon after was murdered at a banquet, on some sus- picion, by Theodoric's own hand — the one sad blot on the great Goth's fame. 1 Where Theodoric earned his name Dietrich (Theodoric) of Bern (Verona). 476 INVASIONS — FIFTH AND SIXTH CENTURIES. [§577 577. "Theodoric the Civilizer," 493-526 a.d. — Then began a Gothic kingdom in Italy, like the Teutonic states in Spain and Burgundy, and one that deserved a better fate than was to befall it. The Ostrogoths had come in as a nation, with women and children. They took a third of the lands of Italy (which had been held by the mercenaries of Odovaker), but all the rights of the Roman population were respected scrupu- lously. Goth and Eoman lived in harmony side by side, each under his own law. Cities were rebuilt and new ones founded, SkPUI.CHKK 01-' THKOJXilt] (tki:at at Kavkxxa. with a new period of architectural glory. Public works were restored. The subdivision of the land into small estates led to a revival of agriculture. Theodoric's long reign was peaceful, prosperous, and happy, and Italy began to recover something of her former greatness. 678. The "Empire** of Theodoric the Great. — Theodoric, too, was the center of an informal alliance extending over all the Teutonic west. His wife was a Frankish princess ; the Bur- gundian and Visigothic kings were his sons-in-law; his .sister was married to the king of the Vandals. All these states recognized a certain preeminence in Theodoric, and it seemed z^^ r^ \^\ >- \ ) ■^'^ \ r^ /^<^ ^ \ >{^ \ j^ ^ ^ Jr^ -v ' V ^^ A^:A^^-/^ t^m < ,.-^^, \ )^>' \ ^ i'^ tl 5 * S ». ^-5 :^:n\ /^ / =?WW PM f^^^=S3-7v^ v^ — s^ ( % # > ru^-y^ \- V fp7 \i // J-^ s (T ?v **'^ C ^^^1 Jf^ I / ~^. r '« ^s^.,^,,.,,^^ "'l— Lj''~^* Vj' o ^ A -J ^Jjjlj^ / « '^'^ \ ^ 1 "^ // !3^ r'^ ^fi^ J 1 "%¥ r b < 1 i 1 1 > ^ 1 ^ '^J -^ Mffhifi } ~« o 7'' /^^^v^\ »- 1 i -5] ^^ / 1 8 y^ ^ 1 ~ / / ^ __^^ — ? ?_ --. 1 § 581] ITALY AND THE EASTERN EMPIRE. 477 as though he were about to reunite the West into a great Teu- tonic empire, and so anticipate Charles the Great (§§ 636-649) by three centuries. 579. Elements of Weakness in the Gothic State. — After all, however, the Goths were strangers ruling a vastly larger Roman population. More serious still, they were Arians. Theodoric had shown a perfect toleration for the orthodox Christians (Catholics), but it was unbearable to the more zealous of these to be ruled by a heretic race. Theodoric's last years were shadowed by plots among the Eomans to bring in the orthodox eastern power ; and the night after his death, so it was told, a holy hermit saw his soul flung down the crater of Stromboli. A strong successor perhaps could yet have main- tained the state ; but Theodoric left only a daughter, and the Goths at once fell into factions among themselves. D. Revival of the Empire. 580. The "Greek" or Byzantine Empire. — The parts of the empire peculiarly Latin had now fallen in pieces. There was left the empire east of the Adriatic. This part had always been essentially Greek in culture (§ § 391, 491, 492) ; and though ifc called itself Roman for the next ten centuries down to its fall, we commonly speak of it as the Greek Empire. Separated now from the west, it rapidly grew more and more Oriental in character. It preserved Greek learning, and warded off Persian and Arabian conquest, but it did not otherwise influence West- ern Europe greatly after the first few centuries. 581. Slav Invasions in the East. — When Theodoric led his Goths into Italy, he left the line of the Danube open to the more savage Slavs (§ 569). That people had been filtering into the East, as the Teutons had done in the West, as slaves, coloni, and mercenaries ; and now, in 493 a.d., came their first real invasion. Then, for a generation, successive hordes poured in, penetrating as far as Greece, until Eastern Europe also seemed 478 INVASIONS — FIFTH AND SIXTH CENTURIES. [§582 lost to the Empire. Even the immediate neighborhood of Con- stantinople was saved only by a seventy-eight-mile Long Wall that protected the narrow tongue of land on which the capital stood. 582. Restoration and Reconquests. — At length, a century and a half after Theodosius the Great, another strong ruler arose at Constantinople. Justinian (527-565 a.d.) renewed the old frontier of the Danube, saved Europe from a threatened Persian conquest, and then turned to restore the imperial power in the West. He reconquered Africa, the Mediterranean islands, and part of Spain. ; and of course he caught eagerly at the condi- tions in Italy, after the death of Theodoric, to regain that land and the ancient Roman capital. His generals, Belisarius and Narses, were victorious here also, but only after a dreadful twenty years' war that destroyed at once the Gothic race and the rising greatness of the peninsula. Rome itself was sacked once more (by the Gothic king, Totila, 546 a.d.), and left for eleven days absolutely uninhabited.^ 583. The Justinian Code. — Justinian is best remembered for his work in bringing about the codification of the Roman law. In the course of centuries that law had become an intolerable maze. Julius Caesar had planned its codification. Theodosius II. (§ 573) had made a beginning a century before Justinian ; and now, in an incredibly short time, a commission of great lawyers gave to the whole body of the law a marvelous sym- metry, brevity, and perspicuity. The work comprised the Code, or laws proper, the Digest, based upon the multitudinous " opinions " of the great lawyers of the past, and the Institutes, a kind of text-book upon the principles of Roman law. The reconquest of Italy by Justinian established the Code in that land. Thence, in later centuries, it spread over the West, becoming the foundation of all modern legal study in continental Europe, and the basis of nearly all codes of law 1 Read the story of this struggle in Kingsley's Roman and Teuton. § 585] ITALY AND THE EASTERN EMPIRE. 479 now in existence. Says Iline {Early Rome, 2), "Every one of us is benefited directly or indirectly by this legacy of the Roman people — a legacy as valuable as the literary and ar- tistic models which we owe to the great writers and sculptors of Greece." And Woodrow Wilson declares {The State, 158) that Roman Law "has furnished Europe with many, i/ no^ most, of her principles of private right/' * E. The Jjombards in Italy. 584. Invited by Narses. — Among the mercenaries with whom Narses had conquered the Goths were bands of Lombards, a new German people who had crossed the Danube into the Eastern Empire when the East Goths moved on into Italy. Narses had been made governor of Italy with the title of exarch, and with his capital at Ravenna. After the death of Justinian, it is said, he found that enemies at the imperial court were plotting his ruin, and in revenge he invited the Lombard nation to seize Italy for themselves. 585. Final Break-up of Italian Unity. — In 568 a.d. these new invaders entered the land, and soon occupied the greater part of it. Their chief kingdom was in the Po valley, which ever since has kept the name Lombardy, while Lombard "duke- doms " were scattered over other parts of the peninsula. The Empire retained (1) the Exarchate of Ravenna on the Adri- atic, (2) Rome, with a little surrounding territory on the west coast, and (3) the extreme south. This last was to remain Greek for centuries. 1 Cf. §§463 and 500. English and American law is always regarded, prop- erly, as having a very distinct origin ; but Roman law profoundly affected legal development even in England, and so in the United States, while the law of Louisiana came very directly from it through the French code. On Roman Law, advanced students may consult Hadley, Introduction to Roman Law, and the noted forty-fourth chapter of Gibbon. "Wilson's The State, pp. 142- 159, gives an excellent account of its growth, and pp. 160, 161, a full bibliogra- phy for advanced students. A good treatment of Justinian's work is given also in Bury, bk. iv. ch. iii. 480 INVASIONS — FIFTH AND SIXTH CENTURIES. [§ 586 Thus the middle land which Roman and Teuton had strug- gled for through two centuries was at last divided between them, and shattered into fragments in the process. Italy ceased to be a state for thirteen centuries, and was not again united until 1870. IV. THE FRANKS. 586. Preeminence among the Teutonic Conquerors. — The re- lation of the Franks on the lower Rhine to the early invasions has been noted (§ 568). Their real advance began almost at the time of the rise of the East Goths — eighty years later than the making of the Vandal, Burgundian, and Visigothic kingdoms, and as much earlier than the Lombard kingdom. To them fell the work of consolidating the Teutonic states into a mighty empire. Their final success was due, in the main, to two causes. a. They did not migrate to distant lands, but only expanded from their original home ; hence their state kept a sound basis for its power in an unmixed Teutonic element, while the other conquering nations lost themselves in the larger Roman popu- lations among whom they settled. h. When they adopted Christianity, it was the orthodox in- stead of the Arian form ; this not only gained them support in their wars, but it did away for them with a standing cause of jealousy that existed between the other Teutons and their subjects. 587. Clovis; Early Conquests. — Until nearly 500 a.d. the Franks were pagans. Nor were they yet a nation, but were split into petty divisions without a common king. The founder of their greatness was Clovis (Clodowig, Louis). In 481 A.D., at the age of fifteen, he became king of a petty tribe near the mouth of the Rhine. In 486 he attacked the Roman possessions in North Gaul, and, after a victory at Soissons, added them to his kingdom. Ten years later he conquered the Alemanni, who had invaded Gaul, in a great battle near Strass- burg, and made tributary their territory beyond the Rhine. r ia Longitude West 10 from Greenwich 5 5 Longitude Eas p / 1 »" '^'d ~^ / « ---C^ / / "/ / / ^ ' / ^ ^II?"^^^^-^^^ h fp ^ i^ \/\ ^'^ / %s / ' P'^MiJ^ /^ _\ / ^ 5o.j 50 ■~~^-^y_^^ / f^^^r^^^'^T'Cr <^«^4^'^" — *^^ / ^ / '^ / / — — -/— ^^'L— .^t' "S"^^^^^ / / '•^'Tl^JC, ofiUieimJyN^l^^i^^^ 1 / / l^^^ i^^'^-^x/T / ' / / / ^^^""■'* ^T z-^^v r ^ fii^"^^- / / / / >^!r'^°iZir'"^'^ '' — "v'^'^^*-^) xT"^ ^'^^^-j^y 45 r— ^-^L^^_^ 7^-^-^____^ / ^ ' W 1^*^^ ^^^^ ./-TLOM ^^^^"^--^ . / ~~~ ~~ — " — r— — — — _ ^ ^ VpiANS /■' " / ' / ViT^ — ^ V^tyons L.-v^" / 1* W|-«leaux;j rWl|43-534^< :/ 40 ■ — ^-^^^Z / '' /^^'■"^""ft^'^'-vw^v-^^ ^!l!L .^^^ V ^ // \~^~~~~--rL^Jy^' ^ .^^^If^ra^o ^ ^ % y-^^— v^Xx^^^j^iX^ ^^ /^ O? ^ (J'andate)!, ^ / ^ ^ / V,^'^-— --v/^ >i ^_^^^ -i.-v_,^ 35 ^/~~'~^— - --/\-^--^S.^^ ' '• ^ / a^; r / / ^~~~ rr»^=-~-__ \ ' 10 5 5 After 607 the Kingdom of the West Ooths i:. from Gr-cuwich 15 25 1 ^ THE GERMANIC KINtiDOltS ESTABLISHED ON ROMAN SOIL Close of Fifth Oentury (Britain iu Sixth Century) SCALE OF MILES 6 50 100 200. 300 400 > s i^'^^^l pa o r I>ST Aquileja C^\ N- S idua \ TaiaiitO/ 1^ rCarthage ^ T H S ^ A yf^^^ aitedjlo a.8mall Boutben strip (Septimania)^ § 689] THE FRANKS. 481 588. The Conversion of Clovis to Catholic Christianity.' — The real importance of the battle of Strassburg lies in this — that it was the occasion for the conversion of Clovis. His wife, Clotilda, was a Burgundian princess, but, unlike most of her nation, she was a devout Catholic. In a crisis in the battle, Clovis had vowed to serve the God of Clotilda if He would grant him victory ; and in consequence he and three thousand of his warriors were baptized immediately afterward. This fact was vital in both the religious and political history of Europe. Clovis was influenced, no doubt, by keen political insight. In the coming struggles with the Arian Goths and Burgundians, it would be of immense advantage to have the subject Roman populations on his side, as an orthodox sovereign, against their own hated heretic rulers. The conversion was a chief agency, therefore, in building up the great Frankish state. Another result was not so easily foreseen : the rising Frankish kingdom came into intimate union with the rising bishops of Rome ; and so this conversion was to prove a factor in building up the ecclesiastical headship of the Papacy and its temporal power (§ 632). 589. Later Conquests of Clovis and his Sons ; the Frankish Em- pire of the Seventh Century. — His conversion furnished Clovis with a pretext for new advances. Declaring it intolerable that those "Arian dogs" should possess the fairest provinces of Gaul, he attacked both Burgundians and Visigoths, driving the latter for the most part beyond the Pyrenees. Then, by a horrible series of bloody treacheries during the remainder of his thirty years' reign, he got rid of the many kings of the other Franks, and consolidated that whole people under his sole rule. " Thus," says the pious chronicler, Gregory of Tours, " did God daily deliver the enemies of Clovis into his hand, because he walked before His face with an upright heart." His sons com- pleted the subjugation of Burgundy, and added Bavaria and 1 Advanced students will enjoy looking up Gregory of Tours' delightfully na'ive account, il. 30. Compare with the conversion of Constantine. 482 INVASIONS — FIFTH AND SIXTH CENTURIES. [§690 Thuringia to the realm — the last two on the German side of the Rhine, beyond the old Roman world. 590. The Empire of the Franks under the Later Merovingians. — So in fifty years, mainly through the cool intellect and ferocious energy of one brutal savage, a little Teutonic tribe had grown into the great Frankish state, including nearly the whole of modern France, the Netherlands, Switzerland, and Germany almost to the Elbe (except for the lands of the heathen Saxons toward the mouth of that river). Such territory to-day would make the greatest power in Europe. In the sixth and seventh centuries its preeminence was even more marked. Gothic Spain was weakened by quarrels between Arian and Catholic, Italy torn to shreds, Britain in chaos (§ 591), non-Frankish Germany filled with savage, unorganized tribes. The only real rivals of the Frankish state were the Greek Empire and a new Mohammedan power just rising in Arabia (§ 620 ff.), soon to contest Europe with both Greek and Frank. The family of Clovis is known, from one of his ancestors, as Merovingian. It kept the throne for over two centuries after Clovis' death. In the first half of the period the rulers were commonly men of ruthless energy. In the second half they be- came mere phantom kings, and all real authority was exercised by great nobles who finally replaced them with a new royal line (§ 633). The two hundred years make a dismal story of greed, family hate, treacherous assassination, unbridled licentiousness, monotonous brutality. Few chapters in history are so unattrac- tive. The empire was divided among the four sons of Clovis ; reunited under a survivor, by methods similar to those of Clovis himself ; and then again divided ; and so on for long periods. Some sense of underlying unity, however, was preserved, and for long the superior claims of the family of Clovis to rule all the Teutonic parts of the dominion that he had founded were prac- tically unquestioned. The Franks themselves, however, spread very little south of the Loire : North and South Gaul remained distinct in blood and character (§§ 616, 618, 619, 625). 591] BRITAIN. 483 V. BRITAIN. 591. The Conquerors and the Early Kingdoms ; the Victory exceedingly Slow. — The Teutonic conquest of Britain differed widely from that of the Continent. In the later period of Eoman rule, fierce Saxon pirates had begun to harass the eastern coasts cruelly, swooping down in their swift barks tc burn, slay, and plunder ; then sacrificing to Woden on the shore a tenth of their captives, and vanishing as swiftly as they came.^ When the Roman legions were finally withdrawn in 408 a.d., to defend Italy against Alaric, the inhabitants of the island were left exposed both to these German marauders and to the untamed Celts beyond the northern wall. The despairing Britons called in the German raiders to beat off the other foe, and these dangerous protectors soon began to seize the land for themselves. The chief invading tribes were the Jutes from the Danish peninsula (Jutland), and the Saxons and Angles (English) from its base. The Jutes made the first per- manent settlement, about the middle of the century (449 a.d.), in southeastern Britain. The Saxons occupied the southern shore, and the Angles the eastern, carving out numerous petty states in a long series of crnel campaigns. Gradually these little units were welded into larger kingdoms, until there appeared seven prominent Teutonic states : Kent, the king- dom of the Jutes ; Sussex, Essex, and Wessex (kingdoms of the South Saxons, East Saxons, and West Saxons), and the English kingdoms of East Anglia, Northumbria, and Mercia. We sometimes call the group of seven kingdoms The Heptarchy. It was 600 A.D. before the German states had spread them- selves over the eastern half of the island, after one hundred and fifty years of incessant war. This is a striking contrast to the rapid occupation of Gaul and Spain. The causes and the result of the difference are noteworthy. 1 Church's Count of the Saxon Shore is a readable novel dealing with this period of England's history. 484 INVASIONS — FIFTH AND SIXTH CENTURIES. [§592 592. The Causes of the Delay concern both Britain itself and the invaders. The Saxons at home were living in petty tribes under no common government, and therefore they could make no great organized attack ; coming by sea, too, they necessarily came in small bands, not in a vast army. Moreover, they were still pagans, and, unlike even the Franks, untouched by Roman culture, so that they appeared as ruthless destroyers and pro- voked a desperate resistance. At the same time, Britain was less completely Romanized than were the continental provinces ; there was more of forest and marsh, and a less extensive net- work of Roman roads; hence the natives found it easier to make repeated stands, — and those natives, too, had probably not so completely laid aside military habits as had the Gauls. 593. Result : England preeminently a Teutonic State. — Be- cause the conquest was so slow, it was thorough. England alone, of all the Roman provinces seized by the Teutons, be- came strictly a Teutonic state. In the eastern half of the island in particular, Roman political and legal institutions, the Roman language, Christianity, even Roman names for the most part, vanished, and the Romanized natives were slain, driven out, or enslaved. 594. Conversion to Christianity, and Three Results. — About the year 600, Christianity first began to win its way among these heathen conquerors. In the north of England, the early missionaries came mainly from the old (Celtic) Christian Church still surviving in western Britain and in Ireland, and long cut off from close connection with the rest of Christen- dom ; the south, on the other hand, was converted by mission- aries sent out directly by the Pope of Rome ; and the rulers of the north were soon brought to accept this better organized form of Christianity. The victory of the Roman Church dates from the famous Council of Whitby in Northumbria, in 664 a.d. Three political results followed the conversion : — a. Warfare with the native Britons became milder and more like ordinary wars between rival states. §594] BRITAIN. 485 h. The ecclesiastical union of the island foreshadowed and helped to create the later political union. c. The adoption of the same form of Christianity and the same church government as that on the Continent brought the island back into the general current of European development. For Further Reading on the Chapter. — The sources are not avail- able except Gregory of Tours for the Franks, the first real history of the Middle Ages. Modern authorities : Hodgkin's Theodoric (Heroes) ; Kings- ley's Boman and Teuton ; Sheppard's Fall of Borne ; Bradley's Goths (Nations) ; Curteis' Boman Empire, 48-54 and 95-209 ; Green's English People^ opening chapters; Bryce's Holy Boman Empire^ chs. ii. and iii.; Freeman's Historical Geography^ 87-110; Sergeant's Franks (Nations); Adams' Civilization during the Middle Ages; Church's Beginning of the Middle Ages; Church's Early Britain; Oman's Byzantine Empire (Nations), chs. vi.-vii.; Emerton's Introduction to the Middle Ages; Church's Count of the Saxon Shore and Dahn's Felicitas (Novels). For advanced students : Hodgkin's Italy (7 volumes) ; Bury's Later Boman Empire ; Green's Making of England ; Freeman's Chief Periods (Lectures III. and IV.), Goths at Bavenna (Essays, 3d series), and Franks (Essays, 1st series). Exercise. — For review, trace each barbarian people from the cross- ing of the barriers to the last mention in this period. Trace the history of Gaul, Italy, and Spain, through the period, noting for each land what peoples left important elements in race or institutions. In both exercises, the device of catchwords may be used with advantage ; and students may be encouraged to prepare tables, showing, in separate columns, the peoples, events, leaders, dates, etc. List battles, with leaders and dates, for rapid " fact-drills." The field is a good one for exercises calling for historical imagination (p. 198). Special Reports. — 1. The " Fall " of Rome, 476 a.d. (Besides other authorities, see Bryce's Holy Boman Empire, ch. iii. ; Freeman's review of Bryce in Essays, 3d series ; Hodgkin, II. ch. viii. : Bury, preface and bk. iii. ch. v.) 2. Aetius (Freeman in English Historical Bevieio, July, 1887, if accessible). 3. Attila's pretexts (Bury, I. 175). 4. A glimpse of Hun life (Bury, I. 213-223). 6. Anecdotes of Pope Gregory and the English prisoners ; Augustine's Mission ; Queen Ber- tha's work (cf. Clotilda in Gaul). 6. Stories of the Celtic monks in North England. 7. Council of Whitby. CHAPTER III. THE STATE OF EUROPE, 600-800 AD. I. THE DARK AGES.i 595. The Dark Ages. — After all allowances are made (§§ 597, 599), the invasions of the fifth and sixth centuries remain the most remarkable catastrophe that ever affected a civilized society. It took long to restore order. The seventh and eighth centuries are a dreary period of confusion, law- lessness, and ignorance — the lowest point ever reached by European civilization. To these four centuries, if to any, the name Dark Ages may be applied. There was no tranquil leisure and therefore no study. There was little security and therefore little labor. While the Franks and Goths were learning the rudiments of civilized life, the Latins were losing all but the rudiments — and, for a time, losing faster than the Germans gained. To the old causes of decay, two new ones were added : the indifference and ignorance of the new ruling classes, few of whom could read or write, and the growing divergence between the new spoken language and the literary language. Classical literature, long sinking anyway, sud- denly became extinct. The old Eoman schools finally dis- appeared, or were represented only by new monastic schools with meagre and formal instruction in the merest rudiments. At the same time the old Koman civilization, in many obscure ways, did survive, and new institutions slowly grew up to mold medieval^ Europe into form once more (§§ 596-615). 1 Read Church's Beginning of the Middle Ages, ch. ii. (last part) and ch. iii. 2 The in-pouring of the Teutons between 376 and 476 is sometimes said to close Ancient History. Those who speak in this way divide history into Ancient, Medieval, and Modern, and give the name Medieval to the period 486 § 597] BARBARIANS AND OLD ROMAN CIVILIZATION. 487 IL THE BARBARLAJ^S AND THE OLD ROMAN CIVILIZATION. 596. Small Numbers of the Invaders ; Weak Resistance by Pro- vincials. — A significant fact is that the forces which occupied the western Roman world in the fifth century were far smaller than had been driven back in rout many times before. The highest estimate for the whole Burgundian nation is eighty thousand. The Vandals counted no more. The Visigoths, when they conquered Spain, hardly exceeded thirty thousand warriors. Clovis commanded less than six thousand men when he annexed Roman Gaul. The conquests (outside Britain) were attended with little warfare. When the Roman legions had been beaten in the field, the struggle was over. Those legions and their com- manders were mainly German. The provincials were largely so (§ 554), and in any case these last had come to be tem- porarily indifferent to a change of masters. Nor, indeed, did it appear to them at the time that the change differed materi- ally from the practice of admitting turbulent " allies " into the empire — a process that had been going on for centuries. The importance of this previous slow occupation, in contrast with the final swift conquest, cannot be too strongly empha- sized. Until the last moment, it was "not a torrent over- whelming, but a slow, persistent force disintegrating." "The barbarian," says Seeley, with some exaggeration, of course, "occupied the Roman Empire almost as the Anglo-Saxon is occupying North America: he settled and peopled rather than conquered it." — Roman Imperialism^ 56. 597. The relatively Small Amount of Destruction outside Brit- ain.^ — The reverence of the barbarians for Rome has been illustrated repeatedly in the preceding pages (especially §§ 56.4, c>QQ>). Even Clovis was pleased to receive an appointment as from about 400 to about 1500 a.d. This book follows a different classification (§§ 3, 4) , but it sometimes uses the expressions Medieval and Middle Age as descriptive terms for the period to which they are commonly applied. 1 For §§ 597-599, read Bryce's Holy Roman Empire, ch. iii. 488 THE STATE OF EUROPE, 600-800 A.D. [§ 598 consul from Constantinople. The Germans did not wish to destroy, but to possess. They were awed by the marvelous devices, the massive structures, the stately pomp, of the civili- zation they had conquered. The mood is best shown by the exclamation of a Gothic king when first he visited Constanti- nople : " Without doubt the emperor is a god on earth, and he who attacks him is guilty of his own blood." These conditions helped to make the destruction of the old civilization on the Continent less than we should at first expect. Much of course the barbarians did destroy — often in the wanton mood of children, as in the story of the warrior who dashed his battle-ax at the beautiful mosaic floor to see whether the swan swimming there were alive. More was lost because they did not understand its use. But the framework of Koman society did survive, together with many specific insti- tutions ; and most that at the time seemed ruined was sooner or later to be recovered by the Teutons themselves, — so that " almost, if not quite, every achievement of the Greeks and the Romans in thought, science, law, and the practical arts, is now a part of our civili- zation — either among the tools of our daily life or in the forgotten foun- dation-stones which have disappeared from sight because we have built some more complete structure upon them." i 598. Relations between Teutons and the Roman Populations. — The Germans already within the empire had been largely Romanized. The new invaders settled among Roman popula- tions ten or fifteen, or many more, times their own numbers. At first the Teutons made the rulers and the bulk of the larger landlords. They formed the aristocratic forces in rural society. The towns, with their varied industries, remained essentially Roman ; and the older inhabitants also furnished most of the priests and the secretaries and confidential officers of the con- quering lords. After a while the two races fused rapidly, and the Germans in the main were assimilated to the older physi- cal type (outside of eastern Britain and northeastern Gaul). 1 Adams' Civilization, &-10. Cf . §§ 3 and 269 of this book. § 600] BARBARIANS AND OLD ROMAN CIVILIZATION. 489 599. Persistance of the Idea of a Roman Empire. — We see now that the Roman Empire had passed away in the West before the year 500. But men of that day did not see it. They could not believe that the dominion of the " Eternal City " was dead ; and therefore in a most important sense it did not die. The idea of Rome's rule lived on for three hundred years, until it again became external fact (§ 642). To understand the sixth, seventh, and eighth centuries, it is needful to remember this central truth of Freeman's (condensed from his Historical Geography, 106) : — "Teutonic kings ruled in the West, but nowhere (except in England) had they become national sovereigns in the eyes of the people of the land. They were simply the chiefs of their own peoples (Goths, Franks, etc.) reigning in the midst of a Roman population who looked to the Caesar of New Borne (Constantinople) as their lawful sovereign." 600. The Church and the Barbarians. — The Church suffered a lowering of religious tone, due to the imperfect comprehension of Christianity by the new converts ; and at the same time it gained power through their superstitious reverence. Christi- anity raised the new nations, but in the effort it was dragged down part way to their level. More emphasis was placed on ceremonies and forms. The clergy, especially the higher clergy, became often merely ambitious and worldly lords, preachers of a coarse and superficial religion, men who too often connived at imposture, lived vicious lives, and were unable to understand the services they mumbled. Such degradation, in the terrible calamities of those centuries, was to be expected. The student's danger is in overrating it. Despite it all, the truth remains, that the Church and the Christian teaching was the salt that kept the world sweet for later times. In the wildest disorder of the sixth and seventh centuries, there were found priests, monks, and bishops inspired with zeal for righteousness and love for men, and there were found also in all ranks of society some willing followers of such teachers. The Church as a whole protected the weak and stood for peaceful, industrious, and right living. 490 THE STATE OF EUROPE, 600-800 A.D. [§ 601 601. Excursus : Moral Preaching in the Dark Ages. — Controversial Protestant writers have sometimes accused the Catholic Church of this age of putting all stress upon forms and of neglecting totally the duty of man to man. The charge is bitterly unjust. Many sermons of the seventh century place peculiar emphasis upon good works. " It is not enough," says the good Bishop St. Eloy, to his flock, in a fervent exhortation, — "It is not enough, most dearly beloved, for you to have received the name of Christians if you do not do Christian works. To be called a Christian profits him who always retains in his mind and fulfills in his actions the commands of Christ ; that is, who does not commit theft. . . . "Come, therefore, frequently to church; humbly seek the patronage of the saints ; keep the Lord's day in reverence of the resurrection with- out any servile work ; celebrate the festivals of the saints with devout feeling ; love your neighbors as yourselves ; what you would desire to be done to you by others, that do you to others ; what you would not have done to you, do to no one ; before all things have charity, for charity cov- ereth a multitude of sins ; be hospitable, humble, casting your care upon God, for he careth for you ; visit the sick ; seek out the captives ; receive strangers ; feed the hungry ; clothe the naked ; set at naught soothsayers and magicians ; let your weights and measures be fair, your balance just, your bushel and your pint honest. . . ." i III. MONASTICISM. 602. Eastern Hermits and Western Monks. — The eastern Church gave rise early to a class of ascetics and hermits who strove each to save his own soul by tormenting his body, and by secluding himself from the world.^ The persecutions in the third century augmented the numbers of these fugitives from society more excusably, until the Egyptian and Syrian deserts swarmed with tens of thousands of them. In some cases they came to unite into small bodies with common rules of life. In 1 This homily is printed at some length by Maitland {Dark Ages, 109 ff .) . Curiously enough, garbled extracts from just this sermon led many historians (Robertson, Hallam, etc.) to deny any religion of good works to this age. Advanced students may like to compare Robertson's treatment {Histoi-y of Charles V., note xi. of the Proofs and Illustrations) with Maitland's refuta- tion. Guizot {Civilization in France, II. 322, 327) gives some good illus- trations of the homely and practical preaching of the day and its intensely religious cljsracter. * Read Kingsley's Hermits. § 603] MONASTICISM. 491 the latter part of the fourth century this idea of religious com- munities was transplanted to the West, and the long anarchy- following the invasions gave peculiar inducements to such a life there. Thus arose one of the most peculiar and powerful medieval institutions. The fundamental causes in Europe were, first, the longing on the part of many men for a life of religious contemplation, and, second, the peculiar conditions which, over large areas, made any quiet living impossible except through some such withdrawal from society. At the same time, European monasticism differed widely from its model. The monks in the West did partake in the belief that holy living lay in repressing natural instincts and affections ; but they never paralleled the worst excesses of the East, and they wisely sought escape from temptation, even within their quiet walls, not in idleness, but in active and in- cessant work. Their very motto was, " To work is to pray," and the old proverb of Satan and idle hands strikes a keynote in Western monasticism. The contrast typifies the difference between the practical West and the mystical East. 603. Growth and Organization. — A body of enthusiasts, unit- ing for mutual religious aid, would raise a few rude buildings in a pestilential marsh or in a wilderness. Gradually their numbers grew ; the marsh was drained, or the desert became a garden through their toil ; the first plain structures gave way to massive and stately towers; lords or kings gave the mon- astery lands; fugitive slaves and serfs tilled them; perhaps villages or towns sprung up upon them under the rule of the abbot. Such was the story of hundreds of early communities. Similar institutions for women afforded a much-needed refuge for great numbers of that sex in that troublous age. At first each such monastery or nunnery was a rule unto itself. Finally the various communities became united in a few great brotherhoods. In particular, St. Benedict, in the sixth century, published and preached rules for a monastic life 492 THE STATE OF EUROPE, 600-800 A.D. [§ 604 that were widely adopted. Two hundred years later, nearly all monks in Western Europe were Benedictines. The order at its height is said to have counted over forty thousand monasteries. 604. The Three Vows and the Monastic Life. — Each Benedic- tine took the three vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience. He renounced all wealth for himself (though the monastery might become wealthy) ; he renounced marriage; he renounced his own will in all things in favor of that of his superior in the monastery — the abbot or prior. To all this was added the obligation of work. The monks were the most skillful and in- dustrious tillers of the soil ; they taught neighboring youth in monastic schools ; they lovingly copied and illustrated manu- scripts ; and they themselves produced whatever new literature Europe had for some centuries. In particular, they cared for the poor and suffering. For centuries of disorder and violence the monasteries were to Western Europe the only almshouses, inns, asylums, hospitals, and schools. 605. Relation to the Clergy. — A monastery at first was a religious association of laymen; but gradually the monks be- came the most zealous of missionaries and the most devoted of preachers. As they took on clerical character, there arose a long struggle between them and the bishops. The bishops desired to exercise authority over them as over other lower clergy ; the monks insisted upon independence under their own abbots, and finally won it in a long series of charters. Because subject to rule, the monks became known as regular clergy, while the ordinary clergy were styled secular.^ IV. DEVELOPMENT OF TEUTONIC LAW. 606. Codes. — When the barbarians entered the Empire, their law was simply unwritten custom. Much of it continued so, 1 Good brief treatments of early monasticism will be found in Curteis and in Adams, a longer account in Guizot, II., or in the Church histories. Hen- derson's Documents gives the "Rule of St. Benedict." § 608] DEVELOPMENT OF TEUTONIC LAW. 493 especially in England ; but, under the influence of Roman ideas, the tribes on the Continent soon began to put parts of their law in the form of written codes. These throw interesting sidelights upon the times and the men. Three points may be noted here. 607. Personality of Law. — In modern civilized countries, law is territorial; that is, all persons in a given territory come under the law of that land. But to the Teutons, even after their conquests, law was personal. A man carried his law with him wherever he went. It was felt that a Roman, a Goth, a Burgundian, even though all were members of the Frankish state, should each be judged by his own law. 608. Trial by Compurgation or Ordeal. — Proof rested not upon evidence to the fact in dispute, but upon the sworn word of the accuser and accused, backed by their compurgators — not witnesses, but persons who would swear they believed that the chief actors respectively were telling the truth.^ This system was in a way an appeal to the divine judgment.^ To speak falsely was to invite divine vengeance, and stories are told of men who fell dead with the judicial lie on their lips. The same idea was elaborated a little later in two other forms of proof — the ordeal and the judicial combat. In the former, the accused tried to clear himself by the lot, by plunging his arm into boiling water, by carrying red-hot iron, by being thrown bound into water, etc.^ Among the noble classes the 1 The value of a man as a compurgator depended upon his rank ; a noble was worth several freemen. The number called for depended also upon the crime. According to one code, three compurgators of a given rank could free a man accused of murdering a serf ; it took seven if he were accused of kill- ing a freeman, and eleven if a noble. 2 The idea, and probably the practice itself, survives in the boy's incanta- tion, " Cross my heart and hope to die," if his word is questioned. 3 For a brief description of these trials, see Emerton, 80-87. Such tests were sometimes made by deputy; hence our phrase, "to go through fire and water " for a friend. The byword, " he is in hot water," comes also from these trials, and so, too, the later test of witchcraft by throwing suspected old women into a pond to sink or float. 494 THE STATE OF EUROPE, 600-800 A.D. [§ 609 favorite method came to be the "trial by combat," — a judicial duel which was prefaced by religious ceremonies and in which God was expected to " show the right." 609. Money Payments for Offences. — Warriors were too valu- able to be lightly sacrificed, and punishment by imprisonment was not in keeping with Teutonic custom. Practically all crimes had a money penalty, varying from a small amount for cutting off the joint of the little finger to the wer-geld (man- money), or payment for a man's life. It is significant that the fine for cutting off a man's right arm was about the same as for killing him outright. The wer-geld varied, of course, with the rank of the victim. For Further Reading. — Probably the best brief treatment is in Emerton's Introduction, 73-91 ; Henderson's Documents (314-319) gives a number of formulas for ordeals. See also Penn. Beprints, IV. No. '4. V. INFLUENCE OF THE CONQUESTS UPON TEUTONIC POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS. 610. Kingship becomes Hereditary and more Absolute. — The conquest modified Teutonic institutions in many ways. In particular, greater power fell to the kings. They secured large shares of confiscated wealth and land, so that they could re- ward their immediate followers and build up a still stronger personal following; the Roman idea regarding absolutism in the head of the state had its influence; and their authority grew by custom, since, in the confusion of the times, multitu- dinous matters were necessarily left to their decision. From these three factors it came to pass that the former war chiefs became real sovereigns.^ 611. A New Territorial Nobility: the Germ of the Later Feudal System. — The old nobility of blood gave way to a new terri- 1 Clovis was a fairly despotic king before his death ; a special report upon the vase of Soissons incident (told in all histories of France) will show how limited his power was at first, and also somewhat how, in war, a chief could increase his power. §613] ROMAN AND TEUTONIC CONTRIBUTIONS. 495 torial nobility of office or service. The higher ranks came in part from the old class of " companions " of the king (§ 560), who were now rewarded with grants of land and intrusted with important powers as governors of provinces (counts and dukes). So were brought together the holding of land, the exercise of political power, and the Teutonic personal relation of "companion" and lord. This union was to grow into the feudal system, the peculiar organization of society in Europe for several hundred years; but the new system was not clearly established until after the year 800 a.d. 612. The Popular Assemblies decreased in Importance as the power of the kings and nobles grew; but such assemblies did not at this time altogether disappear. In England they survived as occasional Folk-moots, and under the Frankish kings as Mayfield assemblies. VI. SUMMARY OF ROMAN AND TEUTONIC CONTRIBUTIONS. The two great streams of influence that were to make the modern world had now come in contact (§§ 3, 4). Let us sum up the elements of each . 613. TheT^oman Empire Contributed: — Indirectly : a. The Greek intellectual and artistic conceptions, together with all that had been preserved from the older world. h. Christianity. Directly : c. A universal lan^RpllJ^kommon medium of learning and intercourse for cenBHks. d. Roman law. ^ e. Municipal institutions. / The idea and machinery of centralized administration. g. The conception of one lasting universal supreme authority to which the civilized world owed legitimate obedience. Note that these elements were not all of them unmixed with evil. The fifth and sixth were, to some degree, inharmonious also. The last was to lie at the base of the medieval Empire (§§ 641, 643) and of the Papacy. 496 THE STATE OF EUROPE, 600-800 A.D. [§ 614 614. The Teutons Contributed: — a. Themselves (cf. theme sentence at the head of Part VI. p. 458). h. The new value of the individual as opposed to the state. c. Personal loyalty^ as contrasted vrith loyalty to the state. d. A new chance for democracy — in the popular assemblies of different grades, some of which, in England, were to develop representative features. It is not correct to say that the Teutons gave us representative govern- ment. What they did was to give another chance to develop it. The ear- lier peoples had lost their chances. The longer-continued rural organi- zation of the Teutons, together with certain future features of English history, were to secure success. e. A system of self-developing law. The codification of the E-oman law preserved it, but also fixed and crystal- lized it. Teutonic law was crude and unsystematic, but it contained possibility of growth. The importance of this has been felt mainly in the English " Common Law," which is of course the basis of our American legal system. 615. Influence of the Mixture upon Later European Civilization. — This mingling of forces has been felt ever since in European history. As has been before noted (§ § 79, 80), Oriental civiliza- tions quickly became uniform; society crystallized; develop- ment ceased. European civilization began in Greece with diversity and freedom, and these factors were aided by geo- graphical conditions over all Western Europe, with its small territorial divisions and indented coast. But after some centu- ries, the Eoman Empire had begun to take on Oriental uniform- ity : society there, too, had crystallized (§ 550), and progress apparently had ceased. The mingling of the new elements contributed by the Teutons with the older Roman elements resulted in an interaction of opposing principles which has pre- vented later European society from becoming stagnant, and has significantly aided progress. CHAPTER IV. POLITICAL EUROPE, 600-800 A.D. I. THE FRANKS TO CHARLES MARTEL. 616. Rivalry of Neustria and Austrasia. — Tn the seventh century the lines of partition between the Frankish sub-king- doms (§ 590) shifted from time to time, but on the whole there stand out four great sections of the empire: Burgundy and Aquitaine in the south, and the East Franks and West Franks (Austrasia and Neustria) in the north. The first two were mainly Koman in blood; the last two were largely German, especially Austrasia. This province comprised the old home and the chief vigor of the Frankish race, little affected by Roman influences; but Neustria, containing the early con- quests of Clovis and his imperial capital, held a certain pres- tige over all the rest. The family contests among the rulers of the sub-kingdoms finally resolved themselves into a struggle for supremacy between these two states, Neustria and Austrasia ; it was plain that south Gaul must fall to the victor. 617. "Do-nothing Kings" and Mayors of the Palace. — From 628 to 638 A.D. the whole empire was reunited under the vigor- ous Dagobert, but after that monarch's death the Merovingian line declined rapidly. The kings earned the name of "Do- nothings," and real power w^ls exercised in each sub-kingdom by a mayor of the palace. Originally this ofiicer was a chief domestic, the head of the royal household (cf. § 519) ; but one by one he had withdrawn all the functions of government from the indolent kings. At first the office was filled by the king's appointment; as it grew more important, the nobles 497 498 POLITICAL EUROPE, 600-800 A.D. [§ 618 sometimes claimed the right to elect the holder ; and in Aus- trasia the position finally became hereditary. Soon after Dago- bert's time, the rule of the mayors had become so undisguised that contemporaries began to date events by the mayor's name rather than by the king's. Once a year, the long-haired king himself was carried forth in stately procession on his ox-cart, to be shown to the Assembly of the Mayfield. The rest of the time he lived retired on some obscure estate, in indolence and swinish pleasures that brought him to an early grave.^ 618. Pippin of Heristal: Testry. — The fifty years after Dago- bert were filled with anarchy and civil war, and the Frankish state seemed about to fall to pieces; in particular, Bavaria and Thuringia (purely German) and Aquitaine (the most purely Roman province, § 590) broke away into states practically independent under native dukes. But finally, at the battle of Testry (687 a.d.), the Austrasians under their mayor. Pippin of Heristal, established their supremacy over the W-est Franks. Austrasia at this moment had no separate king, and Pippin might now have set np an independent kingdom there; but instead he chose wisely to rule both kingdoms as mayor of Neustria, appointing a trusted friend mayor of Austrasia. In appearance, Austrasia remained the less dignified state, but really it had given to the realm of the Franks a new line of rulers and a new infusion of German blood and ideas. Testry stands for a second Teutonic conquest of the more Roman provinces, and for a reunion of the two halves of the empire. Some of the great border dukedoms long remained almost independent; but Pippin is rightly regarded as the second founder of the Frankish state. 619. Charles Mattel, Sole Mayor. — Pippin's son, Charles, went farther. He concentrated in his single person tne offices of mayor of Austrasia, of Neustria, and of Burgundy, and brought back to subjection the great dukedoms of Bavaria and Thuringia; 1 Read Hodgkin's Charles the Great, 13. §620] THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIL. 499 he established firm order, too, among the unruly chiefs of the German frontier, and partially reasserted the old Frank ish authority over Aquitaine, which was now making a gallant fight for national independence. The crushing blows Charles dealt his rivals in these struggles won him the title of the Hammer (Martel), which he was soon to justify in a more critical con- flict that saved Europe from Mohammedanism (§ 625). Except for Pippin and Martel, there would have been no Christian power able to withstand the Arab onslaught. The victory of Testry and the pounding of the Hammer of the Franks came none too soon. For Further Reading. — Hodgkin's Charles the Great, 8-45 ; Church's Beginning of the Middle Ages, 82-88 j Sergeant's Franks. II. THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIL. 620. Arabia before Mohammed. — About a century after Clovis built up the empire of the Franks, a better man, out of less promising materials, began to create a mighty political and religious force in Arabia — at the farthest corner of the Medi- terranean world, and in a region until then beyond the pale of history. This new power w^as destined, within the time spanned by one human life, to win Persia from the Zoroastrians, Asia and Africa from the Greek Empire, and to contest Western Europe with the Franks. Checked in thiis attempt, it was still to maintain itself in Spain for eight hundred years, and later to win Eastern Europe, where, though corrupt and decayed, it still maintains a foothold. The best of the Arabian tribes were related to the Jews and the old Assyrians, but on the whole the peninsula contained a mongrel population. A few tribes near the Bed Sea had risen to a respectable material civilization, but the greater number were poor and ignorant; all were weak, disunited, and idola- trous. The inspiring force that was to lift them to a higher life, and fuse them into a world-conquering nation, was the fiery enthusiasm of Mohammed. 500 POLITICAL EUROPE, 600-800 A.D. [§ 621 621. Mohammed, to the Hegira. — This remarkable man never learned to read, but his speech was fluent and forceful, and his manner pleasing and commanding. His youth had been mod- est, serious, and truthful, so that he had earned the surname of The Faithful. At twenty-five he became wealthy by marriage with his employer, the good widow Kadijah, and until forty he continued to live the life of an influential, respected merchant. He had always been subject, however, to occasional periods of religious ecstasy (which may have been connected with a ten- dency to hysteria or epilepsy), and now, upon a time as he watched and prayed in the desert, a wondrous vision revealed to him (he said) a higher religion, and enjoined upon him the mission of preaching it to his people. At first, indeed, Mohammed seems to have feared that this vision was a subtle temptation of the devil; but Kadijah's confidence convinced him that it came truly from heaven, and he entered upon his arduous task. The better features of the new religion were drawn from Jewish and Christian sources (with which the merchant had become somewhat acquainted in his travels) ; and indeed Mo- hammed recognized Abraham, Moses, and Christ as true proph- ets, but claimed that he was to supersede them. His precepts were embodied in the sacred book of the Koran. The two es- sential elements of his religious teaching were belief in one God {Allah), and submission to His will (Islam) as revealed by His final prophet. Mohammed's closest intimates accepted him at once, but be- yond them, in the first twelve discouraging years of preaching, he made only a few groups of converts. Especially did his townsfolk of Mecca, the chief city of Arabia, jeer his preten- sions. The priests of the old religion roused the people against him, and finally he barely escaped with life from his home. 622. From the Hegira to the death of Mohammed, 622-632 A.D. — This flight of the prophet from Mecca is the Hegira, the point from which the Mohammedan world reckons time, §622] THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIL. 501 as Christendom does from the birth of Christ. The first year of the Mohammedan era corresponds to our year 622 a.d. From this time dates a change in Mohammed's policy. Like his enemies, he also took up the sword; and now he made converts rapidly and soon recaptured Mecca, which became the sacred city of the faith. His fierce warriors were almost irresistible, inspired, as they were, not only by religious devo- tion, but also by a high fatalism that conquered fear, and by a faith that rejoiced in death in battle as the surest admission to the joys of Paradise. "The sword," said Mohammed, **is the key of heaven. A drop of blood shed in the cause of God is of more avail than two months of fast- ing and prayer ; whoso falls in battle, all his sins are forgiven ; at the day of judgment his wounds shall be resplendent as vermilion and odor- iferous as musk.'* At the same time, they were comparatively mild in victory. Pagans, it is true, had to choose between the new teaching and death; but Jews and Christians were allowed to keep their faith, if they chose, on 'payment of tribute. Mohammed preached now a political system as well as a religion. He became not only prophet, but king — supreme in all matters civil, military, and religious. This theocratic and despotic character descended to the Caliphs who followed him ^ and has marked the chief rulers of the Mohammedan world ever since. Mohammed has been vehemently accused of resorting to fraud and deceit to advance his cause. To ascertain the exact truth of the matter is impossible. In the stress of conflict, and under the temptation of power, his character may have suffered some decline; but on the whole, he seems to have been earnest and sincere to the end, however self-deluded. Certainly his rules restrained vice and set up higher standards of right than had ever been presented to the people for whom he made them ; and the religious enthusiasm he inspired created a mighty nation of devoted courage and strict morals, 1 Caliph means "successor " of the Prophet. 502 POLITICAL EUROPE, 600-800 A.D. [§ 623 and, finally, of noble culture. Just before his death, he had sent ambassadors to demand the submission of the two great powers in the East, — the Greek Empire and Persia. Accord- ing to the story, the Persian ruler answered the messenger, naturally enough : " Who are you to attack an empire ? You, of all peoples the poorest, most disunited, most ignorant ! " " What you say," replied the Arabian, " was true. But now we are a new people. God has raised up among us a man. His prophet, and his religion has enlightened our minds, extin- guished our hatreds, and made us a society of brothers.'' 623. The Seventy Years of Conquest. — Mohammed lived only ten years after the Hegira, and his own sway had nowhere reached beyond Arabia. Eighty years after his death, his followers stood victorious upon the Oxus, the Indus, the Black Sea, the Atlantic. Most of the wide realm so bounded — in- cluding the great historic peoples of the Iran plateau and of the Nile and Euphrates valleys — still belongs to their faith. All the Asiatic empire of Alexander had fallen to it ; all North Africa beside ; and already, drawing together the sweeping horns of its mighty crescent-form, this new power was trying to enter Europe from both east and west — by the narrow straits of the Hellespont and of Gibraltar. 624. The Attack upon Europe in the East; the Repulse at Constantinople. — The preservation of Europe from the first attack lay with the Greek Empire. After Justinian (§ 582) that state had fallen again to decay, and, for a time, had seemed in danger of annihilation by the Slavs from Europe and Persians from Asia. Now the Arabs had conquered Persia, taking its ancient place as the champion of the Orient; they had overrun Syria and Asia Minor also; and in 672 a.d.. they besieged Constantinople itself. Their victory at this time (before Testry) would have left all Europe open to their triumphal march ; but the heroism and generalship of Constan- tine IV. saved the western world. Happily, in the twenty years' anarchy that followed this emperor's death, the Sara- §625] THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIL. 503 cens made no determined effort ; but in 717 a.d. they returned to the attack. A new and vigorous ruler had just come to the throne at Constantinople — Leo the Isaurian, who was to begin another glorious line of Greek emperors. Leo had only- five months after his accession in which to restore order and to prepare for the terrific onset of the Mohammedans ; but once more the Asiatics were beaten back — after a twelve months' siege. The most formidable menace to Europe wore itself away on the walls of the city of Constantine. Arabian chroniclers themselves say that only thirty thousand survived of a host of one hundred and eighty thousand well-appointed warriors who began the siege. The Greek authorities made the Saracen numbers some three hundred thousand, and "by the time the story reached West- ern Europe these numbers had grown beyond all recognition." A chief weapon of the defense was the newly invented Greek fire, which was afterward to be used with terrible effect by the Mohammedans themselves. Six centuries later, Western Europe was still ignorant of its secret, and an old crusader who first saw it in a night battle described it as follows : '* Its nature was in this wise, that it rushed forward as large round as a cask of verjuice, and the tail of the fire which issued from it was as big as a large-sized spear. It made such a noise in coming that it seemed as if it were a thunderbolt from heaven, and it looked like a dragon flying through the air. It cast such a brilliant light that in the camp we could see as clearly as if it were noonday." — Joinville, St. Louis. 625. The Attack in the West : Repulse at Tours. — In 711 A.D., however, the Arabs did enter Spain, and were soon mas- ters of the kingdom, except for a few remote mountain fast- nesses where Visigothic chieftains maintained a precarious independence. Then, crossing the Pyrenees, the Mohamme- dan flood spread over Gaul, even to the Loire. Now, indeed, it " seemed that the crescent was about to round to the full." But the Duke of Aquitaine (who had long led a revolt against Frankish supremacy) now fled to Charles Martel for aid, and in 732 A.D., in the plains near Tours, the "Hammer of the Franks " met the Arab host with his close array of mailed Austrasian infantry. From dawn to dark, on a Saturday in 504 POLITICAL EUROPE, 600-800 A.D. [§ 626 October, the gallant turbaned horsemen of the Saracens dashed recklessly, but in vain, against that stern wall of iron. That night the survivors stole in silent flight from their camp, and, though they kept some hold upon a fringe of Aquitaine for a while, Gaul was saved. The battle of Tours, just one hundred years after Moham- med's death, is the high-water mark of the Saracen invasion. No doubt the attempt would have been renewed more vigor- ously, but only a few years afterward the Mohammedan world, like Christendom, split into rival empires. The Caliph of the East built, for his capital, Bagdad on the Tigris, for centuries the richest and greatest city in the world; the Caliphate of the West established its capital at Cordova in Spain. The two states were bitter rivals, and, with this disunion, the criti- cal danger to Western civilization had passed. The repulses at Constantinople and at Tours rank with Marathon, Salamis, Metaurus, and Chalons, in the long struggle between Asia and Europe. 626. Later Mohammedanism. — The Arabs quickly adopted the Greek culture, and, to some degree, extended it, in their centuries of supremacy. In Persia and Spain they developed a noble literature ; they sustained the most advanced schools and universities of the Middle Ages ; from India they brought the "Arabic" notation; algebra and alchemy (chemistry) are Arabic in origin as in name ; the heavens retain evidence of their studies in a thick sprinkling of Arabic names (like Aldeh- eran), while numerous astronomical terms (azimuth, zenith, nadir, etc.) testify to the same zeal. On the whole, however, the Arabs showed little real creative power; and at a later time political leadership fell to races like the Turks,^ even less 1 The term Saracen, sometimes applied to any Mohammedan power, he- longs strictly to the Arahs ; in North Africa the Arabs mingled with the Berbers of Mauritania, and the race became known as Moors (afterward dominant in Spain) ; the Turks, who now for almost a thousand years have been the leading Mohammedan people, came in later from Northern Asia and are allied to the Tartars. §627] THE PAPACY. 505 capable of culture. Moreover, Mohammedanisin did directly sanction polygamy and slavery (evils which Mohammed found existing about him, and which he accepted); it left no room for the rise of woman ; and, worst of all, since the Prophet's teachings were final, it crystallized into a changeless system, opposed to all improvement and doomed therefore to decay. Thus, even at its best, Mohammedan civilization was marked by an Oriental character : it was despotic, uniform, stagnant, — sure to be outrun finally by the western European world, ruder at first, but more progressive. For Further Reading. — Curteis' Boman Empire, 210-227; Stills, 98-126 ; Freeman's Saracens^ Bury, II. bk. v. ch. vi. ; Oman's Byzan- tine Empire; Carlyle's essay on Mohammed {Heroes and Hero-worship). Advanced students may consult Draper's Intellectual Development oj Europe, and Bury's Gibbon, ch. 1. Muir's The Coran gives translations of important passages; some translations are given m Guernsey Jones' Source Extracts, ni. THE PAPACY. A. KisE TO Ecclesiastical Headship. 627. Claim: Doctrine of the "Petrine Supremacy." — In the fourth and fifth centuries the Christian Church had divided its allegiance between the great patriarchs of Jerusalem, Antioch, Alexandria, Constantinople, and Rome (§ 533). In spite of the growing tendency to monarchic organization, no one of these bishops had been able to establish authority over all Christen- dom ; but claim to such supremacy had been put forward by one of them. The claim took this form : Christ had especially intrusted the government of his Church to Peter; Peter (according to tradition) ^ had founded the first church at Rome ; hence the bishops of Rome, as the successors of Peter, held spiritual sway over Christendom. ^ See a good argument in Ramsey's Church in the Empire, 506 POLITICAL EUROPE, 600-800 A.D. [§ 628 628. Advantages and Events that helped to make this Claim Good. — To support her claim over all the West against her » eastern rivals, Eome possessed many advantages in past his- tory, and in the events of the first Christian centuries. a. From early times the bishops of Eome were readily allowed a certain precedence in dignity, even by the other patriarchs, because men so inevitably thought of Rome as the world-capital.^ h. The Latin half of the empire, which would most naturally turn to Eome for leadership, contained no other apostolic church, nor even any other great city, to become a possible rival. The other patriarchs were all in the Greek half of the empire — east of the Adriatic (§§ 391, 533). c. The absence of doctrinal disputes in the West, as com- pared with the incessant hair-splitting controversies in the more speculative East (§ 534), made it easier for spiritual leadership to maintain itself. d. A long line of able popes,^ by their moderation and states- manship, helped to confirm the place of Eome as the repre- sentative of all the West. Not unfrequently, indeed, they were accepted as arbitrators in the disputes between eastern patriarchs. e. The barbarian invasions strengthened the position of the pope in at least two ways : the decline of the imperial power in the West diminished the danger of interference from Con- stantinople; and the churches in Spain and Gaul, in their dread of the Arian conquerors, turned to Eome for closer guidance, abandoning any tendency to national independence in ecclesiastical matters. /. Eome's own missionary labors did much to extend her power; in particular, it was through her that the Arian conquerors in the West were finally brought to the orthodox 1 The philosopher Hobbes called the Papacy only " the ghost of the Romau Empire, crowned and seated on the grave thereof." 2 The name Pope (papa) was originally only a term of affectionate respect, applied to any bishop. Special reports : Leo and Gregory the Great. §629] THE PAPACY. 507 doctrine, and that the pagans in Teutonic England and in Ger- many were converted to Christianity. To these last, in par- ticular, Rome was a mother church, to be obeyed implicitly in matters of faith. ^ 629. Rome freed from Eastern Rivals; the "Great Schism." — The peculiar claims of Rome, however, carried no weight in the East; and until 650 a.d., even to men of the West, her bishop appeared only one (though the most loved and respected one) among five great patriarchs. But the next century eliminated the other four, so far as western Christendom was concerned. Alexandria, Jerusalem, and Antioch fell to the Saracens in quick succession ; and soon afterward remaining Christendom split into rival Latin and Greek churches, grouped respectively around Rome and Constantinople. The schism, like the political division of the old Roman Empire into East and West, seems to have been based upon fundamental differences in character ; certainly it followed the same persistent lines of partition between the Latin and Greek cultures (§ 391).^ The split had begun to show very early; it was assisted by the political differences of East and West, and by the Teutonic jealousy of the Greek emperor ; but the final occasion for actual separation was a religious dispute over the use of images in worship. This is known as the "iconoclast" (image-breaking) ques- tion. A small but influential minority in the Greek Empire had desired to restrict or abolish the use of images, which, they felt, the more ignorant were apt to degrade from symbols into idols. The great reforming emperor. Lea the Isaurian (717-741 a.d.), put himself at the head of the move- ment, with all his despotic authority, and finally ordered all images removed from the churches.^ The West in general 1 Special report : the life and labors of Boniface, "Apostle to the Germans." 2 Was the division of the Arabian power into rival caliphates (§ 625) affected perhaps by the like differences in civilization ? 3 In the East, Leo and his successors were temporarily successful. The monks and populace resisted them, however, and before the year 800 a.d. the 508 POLITICAL EUROPE, 600-800 A.D. [§630 believed in their use, and in Italy the Pope forbade obedience to the imperial decree. The result was the separation of Christendom into two halves, never since united. The Great Schism left the supremacy of Rome unquestioned in the Latin Church, while other conditions, to be noted in the next section, erected its leadership into a real monarchy, spiritual and temporal, such as was never attained in the Greek Church, where the patriarchs of Constantinople were overshadowed by the imperial will. B. The Pope becomes a Temporal Sovereign. 630. The Pope as a Civil Officer of the Greek Emperor. — While the Roman bishops were winning this spiritual rule over all the West, they were also becoming temporal princes (or kings) over a small state in Italy. This process begins with the Lombard invasion. In the break-up of Italy (§ 585), the imperial governor (exarch) at Ravenna was cut off from Rome and the strip of territory about it still belonging to the Empire. Now, from the time of Constantine, all bishops had held considerable civil authority ; and this new condition left the bishop of Rome the chief imperial lieutenant in his isolated district. At the same time, in the position that he claimed as spiritual head of Christendom, in some matters he called for submission from the emperor himself. Thus his double char- acter of the emperor's servant and the emperor's superior could be easily confused ; while the difficulty of effective communica- tion left him in any case very nearly an independent sovereign. 631. This Virtual Independence avowed by Open Rebellion. — But the emperor did not permit this growing independence without a struggle : one pope was dragged from the altar to a dungeon ; another died a lonely exile in the Crimea ; and only image-worshipers regained the throne in the person of the Empress Irene. Meantime, however, the question had divided Christendom. The churches of Greece and Russia and the other Slav states of Southeastern Europe still belong to the Greek communion. §632] THE PAPACY. 509 a threatened revolt in Italy saved another from a like fate in 701 A.D. This last fact is notable. More and more the Roman population of Italy rallied round the great bishop as cham- pion against the disliked Greek Power. When the Emperor Leo III. (§ 624) tried to reform and extend imperial taxation in Italy, Pope Gregory sanctioned resistance. The imperial decree regarding images, we have noted, met with like recep- tion. Projects were discussed for setting up a new emperor in Italy, or for a confederation of all Italy under the Pope. As the image-worship dispute grew violent, church councils, summoned by Pope Gregory II. (730 a.d.) and Gregory III. (731 A.D.), excommunicated Leo. The emperor sent a fleet and army to seize Gregory and subdue Italy, but a storm wrecked the expedition and the Pope's rebellion succeeded. Subsequent Roman bishops assumed office without imperial sanction,^ and fifty years later Pope Hadrian made the political separation more apparent by ceasing to date events by the reigns of the emperors.^ 632. Recognition and Protection of the New Sovereignty by the Franks. — The third step was to secure recognition for the new sovereignty. The Lombard kings in Italy, at war with the emperor, had seized the Exarchate of Ravenna in the north, and were bent upon seizing Rome also, on the ground that it likewise belonged to their enemy the emperor. A Lombard master close at hand would have been more dangerous to the papal claims than a distant Greek master; and the popes appealed to the Franks for aid. It happened that the great Prankish Mayors had need of papal sanction for their plans just then, and so the bargain was struck. The story demands that we return to Prankish history. 1 Until this rebellion, the popes, though elected by the clergy and people of Kome, had waited like other bishops for confirmation by the emperor before entering on their office. 2 Instead, he called a certain day " December 1, of the year 781 under the reign of the Lord Jesus Christ, our God and Redeemer," and so began our method of counting time. He should have made the year 785 (§ 458) . 510 POLITICAL EUROPE, 600-800 A.D. [§ 633 For Further Reading. — Church, 106-110; Carr's Church and Em- pire^ ch. xxiv. ; Adams' Civilization, ch. vi. ; Bury, II. ; Wells' Age of Charlemagne (Epochs of Church History) ; Emerton ; Curteis ; and the Church Histories, Catholic and Protestant, named on page 445. IV. THE FRANKS AND THE PAPACY. (The Franks from Charles the Hammer to Charles the Great.) 633. The Carolingian Dynasty secures the Throne, with Papal Sanction. — Shortly after the victory at Tours, the " Do-nothr ing" king died. Charles Martel did not venture, or did not care, to take himself the title of king, but neither did he place any Merovingian upon the throne. Before his death he secured the consent of the nobles to the division of his office between his sons Karlmann and Pippin. These young mayors, less secure at first than their victorious father, thought it best to crown a Merovingian prince, in whose name they might govern, like their predecessors. Their first work was to continue the task of their father and grandfather in restoring authority over Aquitaine and Bavaria. Then Karlmann entered a monastery, — as various other princes, English and Lombard, did in this age, — and Pippin began to think of taking to him- self the name and dignity, as well as the labors, of royalty. He felt, however, the need of powerful sanction in so establish- ing a new royal line ; and in 750 a.d. he sent an embassy to the Pope to ask "whether this was a good state of things in regard to the kings of the Franks." The Pope, who needed Pippin's aid against Lombard encroachment, replied, " It seems better that he who has the power should be king rather than he who is falsely called so." Thereupon the last Merovingian was sent to a monastery and Pippin assumed the crown. 634. Pippin saves and enlarges the Temporal Power of the Pope. — Just before the death of Charles Martel, the Pope, besieged in Kome by the Lombard king, had sent frequent requests to the Prankish ruler for succor. From the days of Clovis the Franks had maintained friendly relations with the ' ^'r. • §635] THE FRANKS AND THE PAPACY. 511 Roman bishops, but Martel would not heed this summons. The Lombards were his allies against the Arabs, and his hands were full at home./ Pippin, however, now owed more to the Papacy ; and wheir the Lombards attacked Rome again (soon after Pippin's coronation), Pope Stephen set out in person to beg aid at the Prankish court. During this visit he himself reconsecrated Pippin king of the Franks. In return. Pippin made two great expeditions into Italy, winning easy victories over the Lombards. The second time (756 a.d.), he reduced Lombardy to a vassal kingdom, and gave to the Pope the territory that the Lombards had recently seized from the Exarchate of Ravenna. 635. Different Views as to the Nature of the Authority Con- ferred. — This is the famous ^^ Donation of Pippin." Papal writers hold that the Pope was intended to be wholly sov- ereign in this territory. Protestant scholars generally main- tain, on the other hand, that Pippin had stepped into the place of the Greek emperor, and had simply intrusted to his lieutenant, the Pope, somewhat larger domains than formerly. This view was held also long before the Reformation by the successors of Pippin as rulers of Germany and Italy. Possi- bly, at the moment, neither party had any consistent theory as to the exact nature of the act. In practice, the Prankish kings and the popes long remained close friends, and it was not until much later (when disputes arose), that a theory of the situation was needed. When that time did come, however, the absence of clear definition of powers in this grant was to en- tangle well-meaning men on opposite sides in hopeless quarrels for centuries. The papal view at length prevailed. From this Donation there arose the kingdom of the Papal States — a strip of territory reaching across the peninsula from Rome to Ravenna.^ i 1 This papal kingdom lasted until 1870, when its last fragment was united to the new-boru kingdom of Italy. Many Catholics hope still for its restora- tion. They believe that the pope cannot be free to direct kingdoms and rulers in moral questions as they think he should, unless he is independent 612 POLITICAL EUROPE, 600-800 A.D. [§ 636 In the attempts to sustain the papal claims there grew up a story of a supposed " Donation of Constantine the Great " in the fourth century. According to this imaginary Donation, the emperor conferred upon the popes wider domains and more ex- tensive privileges. The legend was supported in the ninth century by a curious pious forgery, put forth under the name of the great Bishop Isidore of Spain. These forged Decretals of Isidore were accepted as authentic for many centuries.^ It is desirable to try to understand that such " forgeries " were not reprehensible in the same degree as they would be now, with our clearer view of the value of historical truth. They are very common in uncritical ages, and usually they portray what their authors believed to be true. These writers made use of facts somewhat in the same way that a historical novelist does now. The development of history has now made such looseness of thinking and of conduct impossible. For Further Reading. — Emerton, 151-177 ; Hodgkin's Charles^ 44-82 ; Bryce's Holy Boman Empire^ 34-41 ; Sergeant's Franks. Hen- derson's Documents contains the " Donation of Constantine." politically. This he can be only if he is himself a sovereign prince. No doubt some feeling of this kind began very early to inspire the popes in their march toward kingship. 1 Special topic. See especially Milman, III. 191, note ; Bury's Gibbon ; Cutts' Constantine : and references above. CHAPTER V. THE EMPIRE OF CHARLEMAGNE. (Revival of the Western Empibb.) I. EXPANSION OF THE AREA OF CIVILIZATION 636. Importance and Character of the Wars of Charles the Great. — In 768 A.D. Pippin, king of the Franks, was succeeded by his son Charles. This prince was to be known in history as Charles the Great (Karl Magnus,^ Charlemagne). At his accession the Prankish state comprised the same area as in the time of Dagobert ; but meantime it had absorbed more of the old Roman cultui-e, and it promised now to make progress possible once more in Western Europe. It was in peril, how- ever, from Mohammedanism on one side, and, yet more, from barbarism on the other ; but under the new and vigorous Caro- lingians the Franks took the aggressive and rolled back the tide of invasion. Charles' long reign (768-814) was filled with in- cessant border war, oftentimes two or more great campaigns in a season. He stands forth, therefore, as a warlike figure, and like Caesar and Alexander, he did, in vital respects, extend by arms the* area of civilized life. Charles, however, though he 1 This French form, Charlemagne, has acquired so wide use that it is not well to cast it aside; hut the student must not think of Karl the Great as a Frenchman, or even as "king of France." He was king of the Franks; he himself was a pure-hlooded German (Austrasian Frank) ; he had the yellow hair and fair skin of the northern race ; his speech was German ; his favorite capital was the German Aachen (disguised later under its French name Aix) ; and in history he was really the predecessor, not so much of the later French kings, as of the German kings and emperors. The form Karl Magnus, some- times severely criticised, has the sanction of contemporary use, and is sug- gestive of the mingling of Roman and Teutonic elements in that age. 613 514 THE EMPIRE OF CHARLEMAGNE. [§637 planned campaigns, rarely took charge of their conduct, and his warfare has little that is striking or romantiq. It consisted generally in sending overwhelming forces into the enemy's country to besiege its strongholds and waste its fields. Charles was neither fighter nor general, but rather statesman and ruler. He warred not for glory or gain, but to crush threatening perils before they should become too strong. 637. The Winning of the Saxon Lands, to the Elbe, 772-804. — The chief struggle was with the heathen Saxons, who were threatening to treat the Frankish state as small bands of them had already treated Britain some three centuries before. That fierce people still held the wilderness between the Rhine and the lower Elbe, and they maintained there a thirty-two-year struggle against all the power of Charles — repeatedly van- quished and baptized,^ and as often massacring Frankish garrisons and returning to heathen independence. Charles' methods grew more and more stern and cruel. The greatest blot on his fame is the "massacre at Verden"of forty-five hundred leaders of "rebellion" who had been surrendered at his demand. At last even the heroic Widukwd, the soul of the resistance, despaired, and became a faithful vassal ; but the embers of revolt still broke again and again into flame, until Charles finally transported whole Saxon tribes into Gaul, giving their homes to Frankish pioneers. Whatever we think of the methods or excuses, these wars were to prove the most fruitful of the century. The long pounding of thirty years laid the foundation for modern Ger- many. Widukind happily failed where Herman had succeeded, and Charles completed the work that Caesar and Augustus began eight centuries before (§§ 437, 472). Now that the Roman world had been Germanized, it was time for Germany to be Romanized. Civilization and Christianity were extended from the Rhine to the Elbe. The district was planted with 1 Quite in Mohammedan fashion, Charles offered the tribes that submitted a choice between Christian baptism and the sword. §639] EXPANSION OF THE AREA OF CIVILIZATION. 515 churches, towns, monasteries ; and from a barbarian menace, it became a chief agent in winning more lands from savagery. These Saxon campaigns began the armed colonization of the heathen East by the civilized Germans that was to become one of the great marks of the later Middle Ages. 638. Spain, Italy, Bavaria. — Other foes engaged the attention the great king would have preferred to give to reconstruction. The Saracens were easily thrust back to the Ebro, so that a strip of north Spain became a Frankish mark.^ The last vassal Lombard king, Desiderius, quarreled with the Pope; and, after fruitless negotiation, Charles marched into Italy, confirmed Pippin's grant to the Pope, sent Desiderius to a monastery, and crowned himself king of the Lombards, at Pavia, with the ancient iron crown of Lombardy. A revolt in Bavaria led to the extinction of its line '■ ' "" ^'' j of native dukes, and Ba- ^^^^^^^" "^i^— -— — j 639. Result : the Union ^ ^^^^^^^^^^^H of the German Peoples. — ^^ ^^ ^^ Thus, by expansion and Throne of Charlemagne, in the cathe- •^ -^ dral of his capital city Aachen (Aix). consolidation, Visigoth, Lombard, Burgund, Frank, Bavarian, Allemand, Saxon, — all the surviving Germanic peoples, except those in the Scandina- vian peninsula and in Britain, — were united into a Christian Romano-Teutonic state.^ This seems to have been the aim of 1 The defeat of Charlemagne's rear guard, on the return, by the wild tribes- men of the Pyrenees in the pass of Roncesvalles, gave rise to the legend of the death of the hero Roland in battle with Saracens there. The details are fable, but the Song of Roland was the most famous poem of the early Middle Ages. 2 The population was largely Roman, of course, hut politically the different parts of the state were essentially Teutonic. In all its divisions, in Italy and south Gaul, as in Saxon-land, the rule for the most part was in Teutonic hands. 616 EMPIRE OF CHARLEMAGNE. [§640 Charlemagne. More than this he did not wish. He might easily have seized more of Spain or the provinces of the Greek Empire in south Italy (and the Empire had given him no little provocation), but with rare moderation he even returned freely some Adriatic provinces that had voluntarily submitted to him. For mere conquest, such realms would have been vastly more attractive than the bleak Saxon-land, but it seems plain that Charles did not choose to incorporate incongruous elements needlessly into his German state. It is notable also that the small Teutonic states outside his realms, in Denmark and in England, recognized some vague overlordship in the ruler of the Teutonic continent. , 640. Defensive Wars against the Eastern Slavs ; Dependent States. — So, too, his later wars against the heathen tribes of the East were essentially defensive. Beyond the German ter- ritory there stretched away indefinitely savage Slavs and Avars, who from time to time hurled themselves against the barriers of civilization, as in old Koman days. But the new vigorous Teutonic race who now championed the cause of civilization attacked barbarism in its own strongholds. Gradually the first line of these peoples beyond the Elbe and Danube (includ- ing modern Bohemia and Moravia) were reduced to tributary kingdoms — to serve as buffers against their untamed brethren farther east ; but Charles made no attempt really to incorporate these conquests into his Frankish state, or to force Christianity upon them. II. THE REVIVAL OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE IN THE WEST. 641. Reasons and Pretexts. — The state ruled by Clovis and Dagobert had been not so much a kingdom as an empire, in extent and character, comprising, as it did, many sub-states and diverse peoples.^ Charlemagne had given new emphasis to 1 This is the proper use of the term empire as distinguished from kingdom, and this meaning it always had until Napoleon III. obscured it in the popular §643] REVIVAL OF ROMAN EMPIRE IN THE WEST. 517 this character, and now he strengthened the structure by reviv- ing for it the dignity and the magic name of the Roman Em- pire. He knew that the mere " king of the Franks " could never sway the minds of Visigoth, Lombard, Bavarian, Saxon, and especially of the Roman populations they dwelt among, as could the ^'Emperor of the Romans'' ruling from the old world-capital. But there was already a " Roman Emperor " at Constanti- nople, whose authority in legal theory still extended over all Christendom (§§ 574, 599, and elsewhere). Just at this time, however, Irene, the empress mother, put out the eyes of her son, Constantine VI., and seized the imperial power. To most minds. East and West, the world-throne was vacant; and Charles decided to restore it to its ancient capital in the West. 642. Election and Coronation. — On Christmas day, 800 a.d., Charles was at Rome, whither he had been called once more to protect the Pope from turbulent Italian enemies. During the Christmas service, while the king knelt in prayer, Pope Leo III. placed upon his head a gold crown and saluted him as Charles Augustus, Emperor of the Romans. The act was rati- fied by the enthusiastic acclaim of the multitude; and once more Rome had chosen an emperor. 643. Theory of the Empire.^ — This act of Leo and Charles was not a partition of imperial duties, as between Diocletian and his colleague, nor a friendly division of territory, as be- tween Arcadius and Honorius (§ 572). It was in theory the ) restoration of the seat of the one universal Empire to Rome. \ In fact, it created two rival empires, each calling itself The Roman Empire, and looking on the other as a usurpation. Charles is said commonly to have " revived " the Western mind by assuming the style of emperor while merely ruler of France (1852- 1870). The first Napoleon was really an emperor. 1 Besides the account in Emerton and Adams, see especially Bryce, 50-58 and 67-71 ; Sheppard, Fall of Rome, 496 ff. ; Bury, II. ; and Freeman, in His- torical Essays, First Series {^Holy Roman Empire). 518 THE EMPIRE OF CHARLEMAGNE. [§644 Empire. This is essentially correct if we look at results, but in theory, and in the speech of men of his day, he was the suc- cessor, not of Romulus Augustulus (§ 514), but of Constantine VI.*, just deposed at Constantinople. In course of time, to be sure, men had to recognize that there were two Empires as there had come to be two branches of the Christian Church, but to the men of the West, their Empire, as their Church, remained the only legitimate one. 644. Distinctive Character of the Western Empire. — Neither Empire was really Koman. The Eastern grew more and more Oriental, until it ended in 1453 a.d. when the Turks captured Constantinople. The Western grew more and more Teutonic, until it ended in 1806, before which time its rulers had shrunk into little more than dukes of Austria.^ Both Empires con- tinued to stand for civilization as against barbarism : the East- ern, however, was henceforth largely passive, and calls for little attention in European history; the active and positive forces were found in the Western. The Eastern Empire warded off from Europe inroads of Asiatic barbarism, and served as a storeliouse of the old culture. The Western Em- pire learned from the Eastern some of its civilization, and extended Christianity and good order in Central Europe.^ The new Western Empire, too, while one in theory with the old Empire of Augustus and Constantine the Orreat, differed from it almost as widely as from the Byzantine Empire. Two distinctions should be especially noted. a. It was European, and even Teutonic, rather than Medi- terranean, both in area and character. Charlemagne and his successors had to be crowned in Rome, but the German Rhine, not the Italian Tiber, was the real center of their state. The Greek and Oriental influences were almost wholly excluded, and Roman ideas, so far as they remained, were worked out by rulers of Teutonic blood. 1 This story belongs to modern history. 2 Cf . Bury, II. 516. § 645] REORGANIZATION. 519 b. It represented a federation of the Papacy and the impe- rial power. This began in the coronation and the donation of Pippin, and was confirmed by the Christmas day corona- tion of Charles. In later times the union was to be expressed in the name, The Holy Eoman Empire. The empire had its spiritual as well as its temporal head ; but the limits of authority were not well defined, and from the resulting dis- sensions, in large measure, was to come the decline of the imperial structure. III. REORGANIZATION. 645. Political: Counts and Missi Dominici; Mayfields. — Pippin had begun to replace native and hereditary Dukes with Counts dependent upon the royal will. Charles, extended the practice and made it one of his two chief agencies in strengthen- ing his authority over his wide-lying dominions. But these counts also tended to become local leaders, and to transmit their office and power to their sons. To move them from place to place would have been opposed to all the feeling of the time, and it would have been wasteful of power, especially on the Slav frontier, where the most powerful counts protected the "marches" of the empire. So, to guard against the decen- tralizing tendency, Charles introduced a new set of officers known as Missi Dominici, or king's messengers. The empire was divided into districts, each containing the governments of several counts, and to each such district, each year there was sent a pair of Missi (usually a count and a bishop), to examine the administration and to act, for the year, as the emperor's self, overseeing the work of local counts, correcting injustice, holding popular assemblies, and reporting all to the emperor.^ To keep in touch with the popular will, and to find out the needs of all parts of the Prankish kingdom, Charles made use of the old Teutonic assemblies in fall and spring. All free- men of the Franks could attend and speak. Sometimes, espe- 1 Cf. § 75. Read Emerton, 220, 221, and Adams, 160-162. 520 THE EMPIRE OF CHARLEMAGNE. [§646 cially when war was to be debated, the " Mayfield " gathering comprised the bulk of the adult males of the Frank nation. At other times it was made up almost wholly of the greater nobles and churchmen. The assembly was not in any sense a legislature. Legislation was in the hands of the king ; and, at most, the assemblies could only bring to bear upon him the weight of public opinion. 646. Relations to the Church. — In the lifetime of Charles himself, the popes secured little of the control they were after- ward to exercise in the Empire. Charles promulgated religious regulations through these popular assemblies. He appointed all bishops or controlled their appointment, and heard appeals from the bishops and archbishops. He also called special church councils, at which he presided in person ; the decrees he sanctioned himself, and in them, in one case at least,^ he declared doctrines false that had just been approved by the Pope. 647. Schools. — In that age, the chief foe of a great reformer like Charlemagne, was the dense ignorance even of the higher classes. Charles, did much to correct this. In particular he secured more learned men for the clergy. Monastic and epis- copal schools were opened throughout the empire ; and for the young nobles of the court, Charles established the famous School of the Palace. For teachers, learned men were sought out in north Italy, where the Eoman culture best survived ; and even from England the scholar Alcuin came to direct the Palace School. IV. SUMMARY. 648. The Great Powers in 8oo a.d. — Thus at the close of Ancient History the world is divided between four Great Powers — the two Christian Empires and the two rival Mo- hammedan Caliphates.^ 1 Special topic : the council of Frankfort, 794 a.d. 2 The Caliph Haroun al Raschid at Bagdad, the hero of the AraUan Nights, § 649] SUMMARY. 621 The Christian states were in some sense rivals; each was bitterly hostile to its Mohammedan neighbor ; and each in consequence was to some degree on friendly terms with the Mohammedan power bordering the other. The only one of the four states that was to stand, finally for progress was the Western Empire, with its fringes in the Teutonic states of Denmark and England. 649. The Place of Charlemagne in History. — Charles the Great seemed to have restored order to Europe. It is true he was ahead of his age, and, after his death, his great design in many respects broke to pieces ; but enough survived so that his long reign of nearly fifty years closes Ancient History and begins a new era. Charles himself is the greatest man of Europe for a thousand years — from the fifth to the fifteenth century. He stands for four great movements : the expan- sion of civilization in Western Europe and the creation of one great Romano-Teutonic state ; the revival of the Koman Empire in the West, as the outward form of this state ; organization and reconstruction in Church and State ; and a revival of learning. In all these, Charles built upon the work of his father and grandfather, but his own genius decided the pecul- iar character of the result. In the eighth century there were four great forces contending for Western Europe, — the Greek Empire, the Saracens, the Franks, and the Papacy. By the year 800, the Carolingians had excluded two and had fused the other two into the revived Roman Empire. For centuries more, this Roman Empire was to be the most important institution in Europe. It embodied the Roman idea of universal centralized au- thority, and it served to counteract the Teutonic over-tendency to individualism and separation. Barbarism and anarchy were again to break in after the death of the great Charles ; nay, was Charlemagne's contemporary, in an exchange of courtesies, the Saracen sent to the Frankish king a white elephant and a curious water clock that struck the hours. 522 THE EMPIRE OF CHARLEMAGNE. [§649 even some of his own institutions, like the growing feudalism, were instinct with the Teutonic spirit of decentralization and political disorder ; but the imperial idea to which he had given new life and new meaning was to be for ages the inspiration and rallying point of the best minds as they strove against these anarchic forces in behalf of order, peace, and progress. For Further Reading. — Good brief treatments in Emerton, 180- 235; Adams, 154-169; and Church, 110-137. Einhard's contemporary Life of Charlemagne is published in Harper's Half-Hour Series (15 cents). For longer modern studies, Hodgkin's Charles the Great, Mombert's Charles the Greats Cutt's Charlemagne^ Wells' Age of Charlemagne (P^pochs of Church History), MuUinger's Schools of Charles the Great, West's Alcuin, Sergeant's Franks, Bryce's Holy Boman Empire. EXERCISES ON PART VI. 1. Topical and " catchword " reviews : (a) The Church (see Part V. also); (6) The Franks ; (c) The Empire. 2. Dates to be added for events subsequent to the Teutonic invasions : 378 A.D. 476 A.D. 732 a.d. 410 ^ 622 800 What events connected with the invasions can the student locate, in order, between 378 and 476 ? What events in the history of the empire between 476 and 732 ? (Similar tests for other periods.) 3. Battles. Add five to previous lists (see p. 246). 4. Lists of questions by the class, as on earlier Parts or Chapters. (The following are offered as suggestive on this Part of the History : Name the first Carolingian king. Name a battle fought by Clovis. Name the two diverse civilizations embraced within the empire in the third century. What became of the Visigoths? Of the Ostrogoths? Who was the great opponent of Arius ? What principle underlies all the forms of the Ordeal ? Name another method of proof employed by the Germans, besides'the Ordeal.) APPENDIX. I. TABLE OF EVENTS AND DATES.* THE VARIOUS STATES OF THE MEDITERRANEAN WORLD. 5000 B.C. or 4500 . . 3800 2800 (about) . . (about) . . 2700 2500- -1500 . . . 2400 (about) . . 2234 2000 (about) . . 1800 (about) . . 1600 (about) . . Organized states appear in the lower valleys of the Nile and the Euphrates. Sargon the Elder. The political center in Egypt moves up the river from Memphis to Thebes. Approximate date of a voluminous Chaldean litera- ture (§ 45). The Mycenaean civilization on the coasts and islands of the Aegean (§ 87). Schliemann's Troy destroyed, 2500 B.C. The political center in Chaldea moves up the river to Babylon. Beginning of the recorded astronomical observations at Babylon, found there by Alexander nineteen hundred years later (§ 45). Chaldean rule already extended over Syria. The Hyksos conquest of Egypt. Abraham. Beginning of the Assyrian state. The Hebrews enter Egypt. Expulsion of the Hyksos from Egypt. Thutmosis III. of Egypt conquers Asia to the Tigris. Phoenician maritime supremacy in the Aegean. 1 The student should have access to Ploetz' Epitome of Universal History (Houghton, Mifflin and Co.). Chief reliance has been placed upon that work in preparing these tables. In the earlier centuries, several events that come near together are sometimes placed under one date, — the dates for these periods being only approximations, at best. 523 524 APPENDIX. B.C. 1380 (about) 1320 (about) 1280 (about) 1200 or 1100 1085 (?) . . 1055 (?) . . 1015-975 (?) 1000 (?) . 1000-900 975 (?) 850 (?) 800-600 776 . 753 752 745 730 722 700 682 672 653 650-500 Kameses II. The Libyan attack upon Egypt. The Hebrew Exo- dus. Assyria attains a brief supremacy over Chaldea, Rise of the Hittite Empire in Syria. The Achaeans conquer Southern Greece from the Ionic Pelasgians (§ 88). The Hebrews enter Palestine. The Trojan War (?). Homer's Troy destroyed. Perfection of the Phoenician alphabet. Tyre supreme in Phoenicia. Glory of the First Assyrian Empire under Tiglath- Pileser I. Kingdom of the Hebrews under Saul. David, king of the Hebrews. Rule of Solomon. Zoroaster. Early Homeric poems. The Dorian invasion. Kingship at Athens limited after the death of Codrus. Greek colonization of the islands of the Aegean and the Asiatic coast. The Hebrew state divided into the kingdoms of Judah and Israel. Carthage founded. Wider Greek colonization : coasts of the Black Sea, Magna Graecia, Thrace, and elsewhere. First recorded Olympiad. (Probably not a contem- porary record, but supplied or invented later.) Legendary date for the founding of Rome. Life archons at Athens give way to ten-year archons. Second Assyrian Empire ; Tiglath-Pileser II. Egypt conquered by Ethiopia. Sargon II. carries the Ten Tribes of Israel into the Assyrian captivity. King Pheidon at Argos. Nine annual archons at Athens replace the earlier and longer-termed archons. Egypt conquered by Assyria. Egyptian revolt ; independence under Psammetichus. The age of the Greek lyric poets; chief centers in Ionia. TABLE OF EVENTS AND DATES. 525 B.C. 640 . 632 . 625 (?) 624 . 612 . 610-595 610 (about) 606 . 604-561 594-593 586 . 560 . 560-527 558 . 558-529 545 . 538 . 537 . 525 . 522-485 522-448 Revolt of the Medes against Assyria. Scythian irruption. The new Babylonian Empire. Archonship of Draco at Athens. Cylon's insurrection at Athens. Neco ; circumnavigation of Africa. Solon captures Salamis. Destruction of Nineveh. Nebuchadnezzar, Archonship of Solon. Nebuchadnezzar captures Jerusalem and carries the Jews into the Babylonian captivity. Croesus establishes Lydia as a great power. Peisistratus at Athens. Founding of the Persian Empire. Cyrus the Great. Cyrus begins to conquer the Greeks of Asia Minor. Babylon becomes a Persian province. The Jews sent back to Palestine by Cyrus. Egypt becomes a Persian province. Darius I. of Persia. Pindar. GREECE. ROME. B.C. B.C. 510. . . Expulsion of the Peis- 510. . . Expulsion of the Tar- istratidae. quins. 509. . . Constitution of Cleis- thenes. 500-494 . The Ionic revolt. 494. . . First secession of the Plebs. 492-479 . Attack by Persia and Carthage. 493. . . First plebeian tribunes. 492. . . First Persian invasion ; Mount Athos. 490. . . Marathon. 486. . . Agrarian proposal of 483 . . Ostracism of Aristeides; adoption of Themis- tocles' naval policy. Spurius Cassius. 480. . Thermopylae, Artemi- sium, Salamis, Hi- mera. 526 APPENDIX. GREECE (continued). 479. . . Plataea, Mycale. 477. . . Confederacy of Delos organized. 472. . . Themistocles ostra- cized. 469. . . Revolt of Naxos. 468. . . Eurymedon. 462. . . Cimon leads an Athe- nian force to aid Sparta against her helots. 461. . . Rupture between Sparta and Athens ; ostra- cism of Cimon. 461-429 . Leadership of Pericles. 459. . . The Athenian expedi- tion to Egypt to aid a revolt against Persia. 468. . . The Long Walls at Athens. 457. . . Tanagra. 456. . . Aegina conquered by Athens. 464. . . Athenian disaster in Egypt. 446. . . Loss of Boeotia by Ath- ens ; loss of Megaris.' 446. . . Thirty Years' Truce between Athens and Sparta. Sparta. 444. 443. 488. . . The Parthenon com- pleted. 431-404 Peloponnesian War. 429 . . Death of Pericles. 421 . . Peace of Nicias. 416-413 The Sicilian expedition. 411. . The "Four Hundred" at Athens. 409. ROME {continued). 462 461-449 445 Proposal of Terentillius for written laws. The Decemvirs ; the twelve tables ; sec- ond secession of the plebs ; Valerian- Horatian Laws. Intermarriage between" the orders legalized. Consular tribunes. Censorship established. Plebeians attain the quaestorship. TABLE OF EVENTS AND DATES. 527 GREECE (continued). ROME (continued). 406. . . Arginusae. 405. . . Aegospotami. 404. . . Surrender of Athens ; the thirty tyrants. 404-371 . Supremacy of Sparta. 403. . . Thrasybulus frees Ath- 401 . . ens. . Cyrus the Younger and 400. . . Plebeians attain the the Ten Thousand consular tribuneship. Greeks. 399. . . Execution of Socrates. 396. . . Agesilaus invades Asia. 395-387 . The Corinthian War. 394. . . Cnidus. 393. . . Athens' Long Walls re- built. 390. . . Iphicrates' peltasts de- 390. . . Rome sacked by the stroy a Spartan bat- Gauls. talion. 387. . . Peace of Antalcidas. 387. . . The Tribes increased to twenty-five. 383-379 . Sparta crushes the Chal- cidic Confederacy. 377. . . New Athenian League. 371. . . Leuctra. 367. . . Th>Licinian Laws. 371-362 . Theban leadership. 366. . . Plebeians attain the 371. . . Megalopolis. consulship ; praetor- ship established. 362. . . Battle of Mantinea; death of Epaminon- das. 359-336 . Philip, king of Macedon. 358. . . The Tribes increased to twenty -seven. 356. . . Plebeians attain the dictatorship. 351. . . First Philippic of De- 351. . . Plebeians attain the mosthenes. censorship. 348. . . Death of Plato. 345-337 . Timoleon the Liberator. 343-341 . First Samnite War. 528 APPENDIX. GREECE (continued). ROME (continued). B.C. B.C. 338. . . Chaeronea. 340-338 . The Latin War. 337. . . The plebeians attain the praetorship. 336-323 . Rule of Alexander the Great. 334. . . The Granicus. 333. . . Issus. 332. . . Siege of Tyre ; Alex- 332. . . The Tribes increased andria founded. to twenty-nine. 331. . . Arbela. 325. . . Expedition of Nearchus. 326-304 . Second Samnite War. 323. . . Alexander's death. 323-276 . Wars of the Succession. 322. . . Death of Aristotle. 321 . . . Caudine Forks. 312 . . . Appius Claudius, cen- sor. 301. . . Ipsus. 300 . . , Plebeians admitted to the colleges of augurs and pontiffs. 299. . . The Tribes reach the number of thirty- three. 298-290 . Third Samnite War. 287. . . Hortensian Law. 285-247 280. . 278. . 245. 241 Ptolemy Philadelphus in Egypt. The Achaean League. The Gallic invasion. Aratus, general of the Achaean League. Agis at Sparta ; failure and death. 280-275 275. . 266. . 264-241 241-238 War between Rome and Pyrrhus ; Rome ab- sorbs Greek Italy. Beneventum. Conquest of the Gauls to the Rubicon. First Punic War ; most of Sicily becomes Roman. The Mercenary War in Africa ; Sardinia and Corsica become Ro- man. TABLE OF EVENTS AND DATES. 529 B.C. 225-222 ROME (^continued). The Gallic War ; Cisal- pine Gaul becomes Roman. GREECE {continued). B.C. 236 . . . Struggle between the League and Sparta ; Cleomenes' reforms at Sparta. 221 . . Cleomenes crushed by Macedon and the League. 220 . . . Marked decline in the Graeco-oriental kingdoms. ROME. [From 220 b.c. the rest of the world is drawn rapidly into the stream. of Roman development.] 218-201 Second Punic War ; Spain a Roman province. 216 . . . Cannae. 215-205 . First Macedonian War. 212 . . . Capture of Syracuse ; all Sicily becomes Roman. 207 . . . Battle of tha Metaurus. 202 . . . Zama. 200-196 . Second Macedonian War. 197 . . . Cynoscephalse ; Macedonia a dependent ally. 192-189 . War with Syria. 189 . . . Magnesia ; Syria a dependent ally. 171-167 . Third Macedonian War. 168 , . . Pydna. 167-130 . The Jews, under the Maccabees, become independent of Syria. 149-146 . Third Punic War. 146 . . . Destruction of Carthage and Corinth ; Macedonia and Africa become Roman provinces ; Greece dependent. 137-132 . First Slave War in Sicily. 133 . . . The Province of Asia organized. 183 . . . Tiberius Gracchus, tribune. * 123-122 . Caius Gracchus, tribune. 112-106 . The Jugurthine War. 102 . . . Aquae Sextiae. 91-88 . . The Social War. 88 . . , Sulpicius, tribune ; Sulla masters Rome. 530 APPENDIX. B.C. 88-84 . . First Mithridatic War. 87 . . . Cinna and Marius. 83-82 . . Civil War between Sulla and the democrats. 83-81 . . Second Mithridatic War. 82-79 . . Sulla, dictator. 76 . ; . Pompey goes to Spain against Sertorius. 74-63 . . Third Mithridatic War. 73-71 . . Spartacus' rising. 70 . . . Pompey and Crassus, consuls. 67-60 . . Pompey's special commissions against the Cilician pirates and against Mithridates. 63 . . . Pompey makes the Jews a tributary state. 63 . . . Cicero, consul ; Catiline's conspiracy. 60-53 . . The First Triumvirate. 59 . . . Caesar's consulship. 58-50 . . Caesar's conquest of Gaul. 49 . . . Caesar's invasion of Britain, 49-45 . . Civil war between Caesar and the oligarchic " Republicans." 48 . . . Pharsalus. 46 . . . Thapsus. 45 . . . Munda. 44 . . . Caesar assassinated. 43-31 . . Second Triumvirate. 42 . . . Philippi. 31 . . . Actium. 27 B.C.-14 A.D. Augustus, emperor. [For the reigns of the emperors to 476 a.d., see §§ 458-461, 516-519, and 572-573.] A.D. 9 . 43 . 69 . 70 . 79 . 85 . 101-106 161-180 212. . 226. . 272. . Hermann's victory over Varus in the Teutoberg forest. Beginning of the conquest of Britain. The year of anarchy after the death of Nero. Destruction of Jerusalem by Titus. Destruction of Pompeii by an eruption of Vesuvius. Conquest of Britain completed by Agricola. Conquest of Dacia by Trajan. Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, emperor. All freemen in the empire become Roman citizens. Rise of the new Persian Empire. Zenobia, Queen of Palmyra, conquered by Aurelian. TABLE OF EVENTS AND DATES. 531 A.D 284. 312. 325 . 357 . 376. 378. 402 . 406 . 410. 414-419 429 . 449. 451 . 455. 476. Reorganization by Diocletian. Edict of Milan by Constantine. ^ Council of Nicaea. Julian repulses the Alemanni. The Visigoths admitted into the Empire. Adrianople. Alaric invades Italy. Vandals invade Gaul and Spain. Alaric sacks Rome. Visigoths settle in Spain. Vandals invade Africa. Saxons (Jutes) invade Britain. Attila repulsed at ChUlons. Rome sacked by the Vandals. Odoacer deposes Romulus Augustulus. 486» . . 489-493 493-553 496. . -- 527-565 533-553 568 , -590. —610-641 622. 628-638 . 687 . 711 . -717. 732. 751. 768. —771. 797. — 8oa. — 814. TEUTONIC AND ROMAN EUROPE. Clovis at Soissons. Theodoric conquers Odoacer. Ostrogothic kingdom in Italy. Clovis at Strassburg ; accepts Catholic Christianity. Justinian I., emperor. Belisarius and Narses reconquer Italy for the empire. The Lombards enter Italy. Gregory the Great becomes Pope. Heraylius, emperor, saves Europe from the Persians. The Mohammedan Hegira. Dagobert. Battle of Testry. The Saracens enter Spain. Leo III., at Constantinople, repulses the main Saracenic invasion of Europe. Charles the Hammerer repulses the Spanish Mohammedans at Tours. Pippin, king of the Franks. Karl and Karlomann succeed Pippin. Karl (Charlemagne) sole king of the Franks. Irene seizes the imperial throne at Constantinople. Charlemagne crowned emperor at Rome. Death of Charlemagne. 532 APPENDIX. II. A CLASSIFIED BIBLIOGRAPHY.^ The following works are classified, first by subject, accord- ing to the general treatment in this text-book ; and then, under each subject, in two groups. In the judgment of the writer, all high school libraries should contain Group I. under each division, or an equivalent; and large high schools may, with advantage, possess Group II. also. A reduction of from twenty to thirty per cent from the list price can usually be obtained. For a discussion of the value of the principal works, it is well to consult Charles Kendall Adams' Manual of Historical Literature (Harpers). Works marked with a * should be present in more than one copy. When a book belongs to a series, the name of the series, in quotation marks, is given in a parenthesis after the title. In the case of translations, the translator's name is sometimes given after the title, in parenthesis. PRIMITIVE SOCIETY ; RACE. (See Introduction.) Group I. Bkinton (D. G.), The American Race. $2.00. New York . 1891. Chaillu (P. B.), The Viking Age. $7.50. Scribners . . 1889. Dodge (R. J.), Our Wild Indians. $2.50. Hartford . . . 1882. Grinnell (George B.), 77te/w(?m»is o/ To-cZay. $5.00. Chicago 1900. UoKRHES (Morris), Primitive Man. $0.40. " Temple Primers." Dent & Co., London 1901. K^ARY (CY.), The Dawn of History. 81.25. Scribners . . 1895. Mason (O. T.), Woman'' s Share in Primitive Culture. $1.75. Appleton 1894. Sergi (G.), The Mediterranean Pace. $1.00. Scribners . . 1901. 1 The following lists do not include all the works referred to in the text, because some there mentioned contain only a few pages suitable for students in secondary schools. A CLASSIFIED BIBLIOGRAPHY. 533 Group II. GoMME (G. L.), Ethnology and Folklore. $.75. London . . 1892. Lang (Andrew), Custom and Myth. $1.50. Longmans . . 1885. Myth, Mitual, and Eeligion. 2 vols. $4.00. Longmans . 1887. RiPhBY (^W. Z.), The Races of Europe. 2 vols. $5.00. Appleton 1899. Spencer (Herbert), Ceremonial Institutions. $1.25. Appleton 1880. Taylor (Isaac), Origin of the Aryans. $1.00. London . . 1892. Triton iB.B.)^ The Early History of Mankind. $3.50. Holt . 1870. ORIENTAL HISTORY. (See Part L) Group I. Hosmer (J. K.), TAe Jeios ("Nations"). $1.25. Putnams . 1885. Maspero, Life in Ancient Egypt and Assyria. $1.50. Appleton 1892. Egyptian Archaeology. $3.00. London .... 1889. These two volumes last-named can be spared, perhaps, if the next and more valuable work is present. Dawn of Civilization. $7.50. Appleton .... 1896. The first of three large volumes dealing with Oriental history ; it brings the story down to about 1600 b.c. The two other works, as less essential, are given in Group II. VKTmii (W.U.Y.), History of Egypt. 2 vols. $3.00. London. 1896. ^ecort^s o/f^e Pas«»( edited by Say ce). 6 vols. $6.00. London. Translations of inscriptions, with comments. . . . 1888-1892. Sayce (A. H.), Assyria: Its Princes, Priests, and People. $1.00. 1890. Social Life among the Assyrians and Babylonians. $1.00 . 1893. Fresh Light from Ancient Monuments. $1.00. . . . 1883. All three published by The Religious Tract Society, London. Babylonians a7id Assyrians. $1.50. Scribners .• . . 1889. — - Early History of the Hebrews. $2.00. Macmillan. . . 1897. Group II. Hibbert Lectures (The) for 1892. $3.00. Scribners. Layard (A. H.), Nineveh and Babylon. $1.50. Barnes & Co., New York 1856. McCuRDY (J. F.), History, Prophecy, and the Monuments. 3 vols. $6.00. Macmillan . . 1901. 534 APPENDIX. Maspero, Struggle of the Nations. $7.50. Appleton . . . 1897. This follows The Dawn of Civilization, mentioned above, to 850 B.C. Passing of the Empires. $7.60. Appleton .... 1899. This continues the story of the preceding volume to the Greek period. M11.VKR (Sir AI.FRKD), England in Egypt. $2.00. London . 1894. An excellent work, treating of modern conditions. Petrie (W. M. F.), Ten Years Digging in Egypt. $1.25. London 1892. Beligion and Conscience in Egypt. $2.00. London . . 1892. Rawlinson (George), Ancient Empires. 3 vols. $7.50. Boston 1870. Ancient Egypt. 2 vols. $5.00. Boston .... 1882. Rogers, History of Babylonia and Assyria. 2 vols. $3.00. Eaton & Mains 1901. Sayce (A. H.), A7icient Empires. $1.50. Macmillan . . 1884. GREEK HISTORY. (See Parts IL and IIL) Group I. Sources. * Aristotle, On the Constitution of Athens (Kenyon). $1.10. Macmillan. ♦Fling, Studies in European History (Selections from Sources, Greek and Roman History). $0.50. Ainsworth & Co., Chicago. Herodotus (translated by Macaulay). 2 vols. $4.50. Mac- millan. . * Homer, Uiad (Lang, Leaf, and Meyers). $1.50. Macmillan. * Od?/ssey (Butcher and Lang). $1.50. Macmillan. Plutarch, Lives (Stewart and Long). 4 vols. $8.00. Mac- millan. PoLYBius, History (Schuckburgh). 2 vols. $6.00. Macmillan. Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War (Jowett). 2 vols. $6.00. Boston. Xenophon, Works (Dakyns). Vols. I.-III. $7.50. Macmillan. Cheaper translations can be found, of course, as in Harper's Classical Library, but the editions named above are the most desirable. The trans- lations named in this bibliography have been followed, as a rule, in the quotations in the text. A CLASSIFIED BIBLIOGRAPHY. 535 Modern Accounts. Abbott (E.), History of Greece. 3 vols. $6.00. Rivington 1888-1899. * Cox (G. W.), Greeks and Persians (" Epochs ''). $1.00. Scribners 1876. * The Athenian Empu-e (''ETpochs''). $1.00. Scribners . 1876. Tales of Ancient Greece. $2.00. London .... 1878. CuRTEis (A. M.), Bise of the Macedonian Empire ("Epochs"). $1.00. Scribners jg37 GxRDSER (F.), Neiv Chaptei's in Greek History. $3.00. Putnams 1892. Gayley (C. M.), Classic Myths. $1.65. Ginn & Co. . . . 1893. Grant (A. J.), Greece in the Age of Pericles. $1.25. Scribners 1893. Greenidge, Greek Constitutional History. $1.50. Macmillan . 1896. GuERBER (H. A.), Myths of Greece and Borne. $1.50. American Book Co. . 1893. *Koi.^ {Kj)OL.vii), History of Greece. 4 vols. $10.00. Mac- millan (1885) lb5M-1898. Jebb (R. C), ^reeA; ZiYerrt«Mre(" Primers"). $.35. Macmillan 1878. *Mahaffy (J. P.), Survey of Greek Civilization. $1.00. Flood & Vincent, Meadville, Pa. 1896. Social Life in Greece. $2.50. Macmillan .... 1877. Alexander's Empire {''^?it\o\\^'"). $1.25. Putnams. . 1887. Marshall (J.), Short History of Greek Philosophy. $1.10. Macmillan 1891. Murray, Handbook of Greek Archaeology. $6.00. Scribners . 1892. Tarbell (F. B.) , History of Greek Art. $1.00. Chautauqua Series 1896. * Wheeler (Benjamin Ide), Alexander the Great ("Heroes"). $1.50. Putnams • 1900. Group II. Abbott (E.), Pmdes ("Heroes"). $1.50. Putnams. . . 1895. BoTsroRD (George W.), The Athenian Constitution. $1.50. Macmillan 1893. BLLMfiEK (H.), Home Life of the Greeks. $2.00. Cassell . . 1893. BvLTiycH (T.), Age of Fable. $3.00. Lee & Shepard (1881)1898. CouLANGES (Fustel de), The Ancient City. $2.50. Lee & Shepard 1874. Cox (G. W.), Lives of Greek Statesmen. 2 vols. $2.00. London 1886. Cvmivs (E.) , History of Greece. 5 vols, $10.00. Scribners . 1873. Tyxvinsos (T.), Education of the Greek People. $1.50. Appleton 1894. Dodge (T. A.), Alexander ("Great Captains"). $5.00. Hough- ton, Mifflin & Co 1890. 1882. 1892. 1863. 1874. 536 APPENDIX. Fowler (W. W.), The City State of the Gh'eeks and Bomans. $1.00. Macmillan 1893, Freeman (E. A.), Historical Geography of Europe. 2 vols. $5.00. Macmillan Story of Sicily {''^sXions.'"). $1.25. Putnams . History of Federal Government. $3.50. Macmillan Comparative Politics. $3.50. Macmillan Historical Essays. 3 vols. $6.00. Macmillan . .1871-1880. Gilbert (Gustav), Greek Constitutional Antiquities. $3.00. Sonnenschein 1892. Grote (George), History of Greece. 12 vols. $18.00. Harpers, 1849. Hall (H. R.), The Oldest Civilization of Greece. $2.00. Nutt & Co., London 1901. Hogarth (D. G.), Philip and Alexander. $1.50. London . 1897. Lang (Andrew), Corner and ^Ae ^pic. $2.50. Longmans . 1893. Lloyd, The Age of Pericles. 2 vols. $5.00. Macmillan . . 1875. Mahaffy (J. P.), Histoid of Greek Literature. 2 vols. $5.00. Macmillan 1890. Greek Life and Thought (from Alexander to the Roman Con- quest). $3.50. Macmillan . ' 1887. Problems in Greek History. $2.50. Macmillan . . . 1892. Egypt imder the Ptolemies. 2 vols. $5.00. Macmillan . 1899 OuKs (C.W. C), History of Greece. $1.50. London . . 1892. Pater (Walter), Greek Studies. $1.50. Macmillan . . 1895. RiDGEWAY (William), The Early Age in Greece. 2 vols. $5.00. Cambridge, University Press 1901. Sankey (C), Spartan and Theban Supremacies ("Epochs"). $1.00. Scribners 1877. Schvchhahdt (C), Schliemann's Excavations. $4.00. Macmillan 1891. Tsountas and Manatt, Mycenaean Age. $5.00. Houghton, Mifflin & Co 1896. Whibley (L.), Greek Oligarchies. $1.00. Macmillan . . 1896. Political Parties at Athens in the Peloponnesian War. $1.00. Macmillan 1889. Wilson (Woodrow), The State (revised edition). $2.00. Heath & Co 1898. The following Greek writers are desirable also : — Aeschylus (translated by Plumptre). $1.50. Routledge, New York. Aristophanes (Select Plays, translated by Frere). $0.40 each. Routledge, New York. A CLASSIFIED BIBLIOGRAPHY. 537 Demosthenes, Orations (Kennedy). 5 vols. .|5.00. Macmillan. Euripides, TForA:s (Coleridge). 7 vols. $0.30 each. Macmillan. Plato, Dialogues (Jowett). 4 vols. $8.00. Scribners. Sophocles, W^orA;s (Coleridge). 7 vols. $0.30 each. Macmillan. ROMAN HISTORY. (See Parts IV. and V.) Group I. From the preceding list (Group I.) the works of Coulanges, Fling, Fowler, Freeman, Polybius, Wilson. Sources. *Appian (translated by White). 2 vols. $3.00. Macmillan. AuRELius (Marcus A. Antoninus), Thoughts (translated by Long). $1,00. Macmillan. *Epictetus (Selections). $1.00. Putnaras ; or Long's transla- tion. $1.50. Bohn. * LivY, translated by Spillan. 4 vols. $4.00. Macmillan. Marcellianus (A.), History (Yonge). $3.00. Macmillan. * Pennsylvania Translations and Beprints from Original Sources. 7 vols. $1.50 each. University of Pennsylvania . 1892-1900. Suetonius, The Twelve Caesars (Thompson). $1.25. Bohn. * Tacitus. 2 vols. $3.50. Macmillan. Modem Authorities. , * Adams (G. B.), Civilization during the Middle Ages. $2.60. Scribners 1894. Arnold (T.), The Second Punic War. $2.00. Macmillan . . 1849. From Dr. Arnold's History of Borne. *Bee8ly (A. H.), The Gracchi, Marius and Sulla ("Epochs"). $1.00. Scribners 1887. Bradley (H.), TTie G^o«/is ("Nations"). $1.25. Putnams . 1888. *BuRY (J. R.), The Boman Empire to 180 a.d. ("Students"). $1.50 1893. Fills the gap between Mommsen and Gibbon better than any other single volume. The Later Boman Empire. 2 vols. $6.00. Macmillan . 1889. *Capes (W. W.), Early Boman Empire ("Epochs"). $1.00. Scribners 1886. 538 APPENDIX. * Capes (W. W.), Age of the Antonines ("Epochs"). $1.00. Scribners 1887. These two works of Capes also fill the interval between Moramsen and Gibbon. Carr, The Church and the Umpire. $1.00. Longmans . . 1887. Church (A. J.), Boman Life in the Days of Cicero. $1.00. Mac- millan 1883. * Church (R. W.), Beginning of the Middle Ages ("Epochs"). $.60. Longmans 1894. CuRTEis (A. M.), The Boman Empire from Theodosius to Charle- magne. $1.00. London 1875. Davidson (Strachan-), Cicero ("Heroes"). $1.50. Putnams 1891. Fishkr{G. v.), History ofthe Christian Church. $3.00. Scribners 1888. * Fowler (Warde-), Caesar ("Heroes"). $1.50. Putnams . 1891. Gardner, J?(?iaw (" Heroes "). $1.50. Putnams . . . 1896. GiBBOT!( (E.), Decline and Fall of the Boman Empire . . . 1845. Edited by Milman. 6 vols. $3.00. Scribners. Edited by Bury (1894-1899). 7 vols. $14.00. Granrud (J. E.), Boman Constitutional History. $1.25. Allyn & Bacon 1902. * How AND Leigh, History of Borne to the Death of Caesar. $2.00. Longmans 1896. Probably the best single volume. Ihne (Wilhelm), History of Bome. 5 vols. $18.75. Longmans. 1868-1890. *Ihne (Wilhelm), ^aWyiJojwe ("Epochs"). $1.00. Scribners. 1886. Inge (W. R.), Society in Bome under the Caesars. $1.25. Scribners . 1888. KiNGSLEY* (Charles), The Hermits. $1.25. Macmillan 1868 and 1880. Lanciani, Buins and Excavations of Ancient Bome. $4.00. Houghton, Mifflin & Co 1898. Merivale (C), Triumvirates ("Epochs"). $1.00. Scribners 1887. MoMMSEN (Theodor), jERsior!/ o/^ome. 5 vols. $10.00. Scrib- ners 1868-1885. Morris, JZanm'ftaZ ("Heroes"). $1.50. Putnams . . . 1897. *VE,hHAM (^U.F.), Outlines of Boman Histoi'y. $1.75. Putnams 1893. A single volume covering the whole period to 476 a.d., by a great scholar and teacher. Pellison, Boman Life in Pliny''s Time. $1.50. Flood & Vincent, Meadville, Pa 1887. Preston and Dodge, Private Life of the Bomans. $1.25. Leach, Boston 1893. Smith (R. B.), i^ome ami CarfAaflre ("Epochs"). $1.00. Scribners 1897. A CLASSIFIED BIBLIOGRAPHY. 539 Tig HE (Ambrose), Development of the Boman Constitution ("Primers"). $.35. American Book Co. . . . 1886. Ulhorn (G.), Conflict of Christianity with Heathenism. $2.50. Scribners 1880. Group II. Alcroft and Masom, Tutorial History of Borne. $1.50. Cam- bridge 1893, Alzog, Church Histoi-y. 3 vols. $10.50. Robert Clark & Co. 1880 Arnold (W. T.), Boman Provincial Administration. $1.50. Macmillan 1879 BoissiER, i?ome an(Z Pompeu. $2.50. Putnams . . . 1890 Church (A. J.), Oarf/irtgre ("Nations"). $1.25. Putnams . 1887 Cruttwe LL (C. T.), i?oman iiYera^wre. $2.50. Scribners. . 1890, C\5Tis iJEi. Jj.^, Constantine the Great. $1.00. London . . 1881 Dill, Boman Society in the Fifth Century. $2.50. Macmillan 1899, Dodge, Hannibal (" Captains "). $5.00. Houghton, Mifflin & Co. 1893, Caesar ("Captains"). $5.00. Houghton, Mifflin & Co. . 1894, Draper, Intellectual Development of Europe. 2 vols. $3.00. Harpers 1861 Fisher (G. P.), Beginnings of Christianity. $2.50. Scribners, 1878, Forsyth (William), Cicero. 2 vols. $4.00. London . . 1869, Freeman (E. A.), Chief Periods of European History. $3.00. Macmillan 1886, Froude (J. A.), Caesar, A Sketch. $1.50. Longmans . . 1880, Hadley (J.), Introduction to Boman Law. $2.00. Appleton 1876, HoDGKiN (T.), Italy and Her Invaders. 7 vols. $37.50. Claren- don Press 1880-1899, Lanciani, Ancient Borne in the Light of Becent Discoveries. $6.00, Houghton, Mifflin «& Co Lecky, History of European Morals from Augustus to Charle magne. 2 vols. $3.00. Appleton .... Mackail, Latin Literature. $1.25. Scribners MiDDLETON, Ancient Borne. 2 vols. $7.00. Macmillan Milman, History of Latin Christianity. 9 vols. $9.00. London Newman (J. H.), The Arians of the Fourth Century. $1,50, Longmans ......... Ramsay, The Church and the Empire, to 170 ad. $3.00. Put- nams 1893 'Res xyi (E.), Influence of Bome on Christi a Jiity. $1.50. Scribners 1888 ScHXTF, History of the Christian Church. 7 vols. $24.00. Scrib ners 1891. 1889, 1877 1896 1888, 1883 1888 540 APPENDIX. Seelet (J. R.), Boman Imperialism. $1.00. Roberts Bros. . 1871. Sheldon, The Early Church. .$2.00. Crowell, New York . . 1894. SuEPPARD {J. G.), The Fall of Borne. $2.50. Macmillan . . 1861. Shuckburgh, History of Borne. $2.00. Macmillan . . . 1894. ^uiTPL (Goiunwi^)., Lectures and Essays. $2.00. Macmillan . 1881. Stanley (Arthur), Lectures on the Eastern Church. $1.50. Murray 1884. Thomas (E.), Roman Life under the Caesars. $1.75. Putnams 1899. WxTSOTn^ Marcus Aurelius Antoninus. $1.50. New York . . 1884. THE TEUTONIC PERIOD TO 800 A.D. (See Part VI.) From the lists above: Freeman, Historical Geography; Story of Sicily; Comparative Politics ; Historical Essays ; Chief Periods. Wilson, The State. Adams, Civilization during the Middle Ages. Bradley, Goths. Bury, Later Boman Empire. Church, Middle Ages. Curteis, Boman Empire. Gibbon, Hodgkin, Pennsylvania Beprints, Tacitus, Marcelli- anus, Alzog, Dill, Draper, Lecky, Milman, Schaff, Sheppard. Group I. Sources. ♦EiNHARD [Eginhard], X(/e o/ CAarZewia^ne. $0.15. Harper's Half-Hour Series. •Henderson (E. F.), Historical Documents of the Middle Ages, $1.50. London 1892. * JojuES, Source Extracts for Medieval Civilization. $0.50. Ains- worth 1899. Also, from the list above: Tacitus, Marcellianus, and the Pennsylvania Beprints. Modern Accounts. *Brtce (James), The Holy Boman Empire. $1.50. Macmillan 1866. CuTTs (E. L.), Charlemagne. $0.60. Society for the Propagation of Christian Knowledge 1887 Davis, CAarZema^ne ("Heroes"). $1.50. Putnams. *Emerton, Introduction to the Middle Ages. $1.12. Ginn * Hodgkin (T.), T/ieocZonc ("Heroes"). $1.50. Putnams *Roi>QKis (T.), Charles the Great. $0.70. Macmillan 1899 1888 1896 1897 A CLASSIFIED BIBLIOGRAPHY. 541 KiNGSLEY (Charles), Roman and Teuton. $L00. Macmillan, 1864 and 1889. Sergeant, TTie i^ranArs C Nations"). $1.50. Putnams . . 1896. Group II. Maitland (S. R.)i Th^ Dark Ages. $1.50. Rivington . .* 1844. MoMBERT, Charles the Great. i$5.00. Appleton .... 1888. MuiR (William), r^e Co?'aw. $0,60. Society for the Propagation of Christian Knowledge 1878. McLLiNGER (J. B.), Schools of CharUs the Great. $2.00. Long- mans 1877. Oman, ^?/2aM«i?ie £'mpiVe ("Nations"). Putnams. $1.25. . 1892. Oman, European History, 476-918. $1.75. Macmillan . . 1896. W^\.i.^ (C.'L.), Age of Charlemagne. $2.00. New York . . 1898. West (A. F.), Alcuin. $1.00. Scribners 1890. FICTION. Prehistoric Life. Waterloo (Stanley), Story of Ah. Egypt. Ebers (G.), The Daughter of an Egyptian King. Sixth century b.c. The Sisters. Second century b.c. • Chreece. Church (A. J.), Callias. A story of the Peloponnesian War. Landor (Walter S.), Pericles and Aspasia. Rome. Becker (A. W.), Gallus. Fii-st century b.c. Bulwer-Lytton, The Last Days of Pompeii. Church (A. J.), The Hammer. Second century b.c. The Burning of Rome. Times of Nero. To the Lions. Second century a.d. The Count of the Saxon Shore. Fifth century a.d. Dahn, Felicitas. A story of the barbarian invasions. 542 APPENDIX. Farrar (F. W.), Darkness and Dawn. Times of Nero. James (G. P. R.), Attila. KiNGSLEY (Charles), Hypatia. Fourth century a.d. Newman (J. H.), Gallista. A story of the persecutions. Pater (Walter), Marius the Epicurean. Times of the Antonines. Wallace, Ben Hur. Time of Christ. Ware-(W.), Zenobia, Julian. Aurelian. INDEX The references are to sections, not to pages. Pronunciation, except for the more familiar names and terms, is indicated by division into syllables and accentuation. In a few cases, common diacrit- ical marks are used. The French n is represented by n. The index may be utilized for reviews upon "cross-topics," or topics that call for an arrangement different from that of the text. The more important subjects for such review are indicated in black italic. Aach'en, 636, note. Abraham, 40, 51, 60, 621. Absolute monarchy, Oriental, 22, 47; Greek tyrants, 107, 109 ; early Roman, 292, 299, 300; new mon- archy of Caesar, 439, 444 ; medicine of, renewed by Diocletian, 521, 525 ; nature of, as a political system, 526, 527 ; its virtue exhausted, 553 ; inherent weakness, 553; Teutonic, 610; Mohammedan, 622. Abyssinia, 12. Ac-ar-na'ni-a, 184, 261. Ac-ca'di-ans, 43, 44, 45. A-chae'a, geographical division of Greece, 186; name of all Greece as a Roman province, 389. Achaean League, origin and early growth, 260-263 ; constitution, 264 ; expansion beyond Achaea, 265; leading generals, 265; conflict with Sparta, 266; calls in Mace- donia, 267 ; final decline, 268, 389.. Achaeans, a Greek " race," 99; dis- possessed by Dorians, 101. A-chae'us, fabled ancestor of the Achaeans, 100. A-chirie§, 90, 143, 238. A-crop'o-lis, the central hill-fort about which grew a Greek city, 93, 276; Italian, 276. Acropolis of Athens, 124, 171, 202. Ac'ti-um, battle of, 455, 456. A-dri-an-o'ple, battle of, 518, 562. Adriatic sea, dividing Greek and Latin civilizations within the Roman Empire, 391, 491, 492 ; divid- ing Greek and Latin empires, 580 ; dividing Greek and Latin Christi- anity, 628. Ae'dile, 344, 346. Ae-gi'na, 156, 171, 173, 186. Ae-gos-pofa-mi, battle of, 216. Ae-mil-i-a'nus, Roman emperor, 461 ; see Sciplo. Ae-o'li-ans, a Greek ** race," 99; col- onies, 104. Ae'o-lus, fabled ancestor of the Aeo- lians, 100. Ae'qui-ans, 274, 328. Aes'chy-lus, 147, 172, 204. A-e'ti-us, Roman general, 570^72. Ae-toli-an League, 262, 267, 383. Africa, province of, 382, 567, 582. Ag'-a-mem'non, king of Mycenae, 86. A-gath'o-cles, 217. A-gres-i-la'us, king of Sparta, 222. A'gis, reforming king of Sparta, 266. Agrarian laws, Solon's, 126 ; Spurius Cassius', 319; Licinius', 326; the Gracchi's, 409-412, 415; Julius 447. 648 544 A-gric'o-la, Roman general, 459. A-grip'pa, minister of Augustus, 487. Al'ar-ic, 503, 564. Al'ba Lon'ga, 276, 333. Al-cae'us, 141. Al-ci-bi'a-des, 214. Alc'man, 141. Alcuin (Al'kwin), 647. Al-e-man'ni, a Teutonic people, 511, 555, 587. Alexander the Great, 3, 20, 45, 59, 69; youth, 238; accession and res- toration of order, 239; invades Asia as champion of Hellas, 239, 240; Persian campaigns, 240 ; in the Far East, 241; constructive work, expanding views, result, 242-245; compared with Caesar, 450. Alexandria, name of many Greek cities in Asia after Alexander, 243. Alexandria in Egypt, founded, 240, 243 ; glory of, 251, 254 ; patriarchate, 533, 627 ; conquest by Saracens, 629. Alexandrian Ag-e, the, 254. Alexandrian library, the, founded, 258 ; burned by monks, 541 ; by Mohammedans (?), ib. Alexandrian Museum, 258. Al'li-a, battle of the, 330. "Allies," the Italian, of Rome, 341, 342, 343. Alphabet, germs of, in Egyptian hieroglyphics, 25; Phoenician, 58; Greek, 98; Cretan, 87, note 2; Gothic, 538, 556. Alpine race, the, 8, 9, 274. Am-i-a'-nus, 537. Am-phic'ty-on'ic Council, the, 100. Amphictionies, Greek, 100, 104, 181 ; Latin, 333, note. A-nab'a-sis, 206. An-ac're-on, 131, 141. An-ax-ag'o-ras, 207. An-ax-i-man'der, 141. An-ax-im'I-nes, 142. Ancestor worship, in Egypt, 27,33; Chaldea, 49; Greece, 87. 91. Ancient history, definition and char- acter, 4. An'cus Mar'ti-us, king of Rome, 278. Angles, 591. INDEX. A'ni-o, the river, 314. ^ ^ Annals, early Roman, 277 ; olWacitus, 492. An-tal'ci-das, Peace of, 226. • An-tig'6-nids, rulers of the house of Autigonus, regent of Macedonia. 386. An-tig'6-nus, 246. An'ti-och, 254, 511, 633, 627, 629. An-ti'6-chus, king of Syria, 384, 385. An-to-ni'nus, Marcusa^urelius, 459, 460, 478, 492, 41^, 503, 507, 509, 511 , 513. Antoninus Pius, 459, 460, 478. An-to'-ni-us, Marcus (Mark An- thony), 451-455. A-pel'les, Greek painter, 256. Aph'ro-di'te, 100. A-p61'lo, 100, 132; Belvidere, 248. A'quae Sex'ti-ae, battle of, 421. A-qui-taine', subdivision of Prankish state, 616, 618, 619, 625. Arabia, 12, 620, 622, 626. See Mo- hammed. "Arabic" notation, 2, note; 626, note. A-ra'tus, general of Achaean League, 265, 266, 267. Arcadia, 231. Ar-ca'di-us, Roman emperor, 519, 563, 573, 643. Ar-chil'o-chus, 141. Ar-chi-me'des, 259. Architecture, in Egypt, 24; in Chal- dea and Assyria, 48; in Greece (Athens), 202; in Rome, 485-488; early Christian, 488. Archon, at Athens, 117, 138; king- archon, 107, 117. Ar' e-op'a-gus. Council of, 118, 127. 138, 195. A'res, 100, 288. Ar'gi-nu'sae, battle of, 214. Argives, see Argos. Argos, persistence of kingship, 107; Pheidon tyrant, 109; hostile to Sparta, 110; crippled by Sparta, 156 ; friendly to Persia, 167 ; allied to Athens against Sparta, 185; joins Corinthian League against Sparta, 223; joins Achaean League, 265; sacked by Goths, 511, 563. INDEX. 545 Ar'i-an-ism, 535, 538, 628, A-ri'on, 141. Ar-i-o-vis'tus, a German king, 437. Ar-is-tarch'us, 259. Ar-is-tei'des, Athenian leader, 165, 171, 181. '" Ar'is-toph'a-neg, 182, 204. Aristotle, quoted on Athenian his- tory, 119, 122, 125, 126, 127, 131, 133, 197 ; place in philosophy, 207 ; tutor of Alexander, 238; Natural History, 244; proofs of sphericity of earth, 259. A'ri-us, teacher of the Arian Heresy, 535. Armenia, 69, 247, 434, 474. Arminius, Roman name for Her- mann, which see. Army, Egyptian, 22; early Greek (Achaean) and Dorian (hoplite), 113, 121 ; citizen armies, hased on wealth, at Athens, 122; at Rome, 295; Theban phalanx, 230; Mace- donian, 235; Carthaginian mercen- aries, 357 ; see Roman army. Ar'ri-an, 233, 492. Art, Egyptian, 24; Chaldean and As- syrian, 48; early Greek, 140; in Age of Pericles, 201-203; in Alex- andrian Age, 256. Ar-tax-erx'es, king of Persia, 222, 226. Ar-te-mis'i-um, battle of, 170. Ar'te-mis, 100. Aryan race and language, 6, note, 68. Asiatic plague, 213, 513. As-pa'si-a, 210. Assemblies, Homeric folkmoot, 97; Athenian, Spartan, Roman, Teu- tonic, see each; in Britain after Teutonic conquest, 612, 614 ; Prank- ish Mayfield, 612, 645. As'sur-Nat'sir-Pal, 53. Assyria, geography, 39 ; political his- tory, 41 ; writing, 44; literature and science, 45, 46; society, 47; art, 48; religion and morals, 49, 50, 53, 54 ; contribution to government (sa- traps) , 74 ; a Roman province, 474. As-tar'te, 59, 357. At'aulf, Gothic king, 564. Ath-a-na'si-us, 535. A-the'ne, 100, 288! Athenian Assembly, under Eupatrid rule, 118; constitution of classes, 122; after Solon, 127, 129; after Cleisthenes, 135-137; of Pericles, 194. See Assembly. Athenian colonization, see Cle- ruchs. Athenian dicasteries, 196 ; payment of, 197. Athenian ' ' generals ' ' (strategi) , 138, 193. Athenian ' ' Leaders of the peo- ple " (demagofjues), 193. Athenian political capacity, 198. Athenian senate, after Solon, 127; after Cleisthenes, 137, 138, 194. See Areopagus. Athenian state-pay, 197. Athens, legendary founding, 93; type of Ionic cities, 9i); relation to At- tica, 114 ; how far a type of Greek cities, 116 ; decline of Homeric king- ship in, 117; rise of archons, 117; Eupatrid political oppression, 118; economic oppression, 119; rise of the hoplites, 121; constitution of classes, 122; Draco, 124; Solon's reforms, 125-129; Peisistratus, 131, 132; Cleisthenes' reforms, 133-139; part in Ionian revolt, 158; Persian heralds, 160; Marathon, 161, 162; a naval power, 165 ; second Persian invasion, 167; at battle of Artemi- sium, 170; abandoned to Persians, 171; battle of Salamis, 172, 173; receives offers from Persians, 174; second destruction of the city, 174 ; part at Plataea, 175; building of walls, 177 ; glory from Persian War, 179; assumes leadership of Asiatic Greeks, 179, 180; at Mycale, 180; confederacy of Delos, 180, 181 ; ex- pels Persians from Aegean, 182, 183 ; reduces rebellious members of League to position of subjects, 183; Athenian Empire, 183, 184; aids Sparta against Helots, 185 ; re- nounces alliance with Sparta, 185; marvelous activity, 185; land em- 646 INDEX. pire, 186 ; loss, 187 ; truce with Sparta, 188 ; peace with Persia, 188; power, 189; population, 190; cleruchs, 190; revenues, 191; con- stitution of Pericles, 192-199; gov- ernment of the Empire, 199; intel- lectual and artistic Athens, 201- 210; Peloponnesian War, 211-216; resources, 213; the plague, 213; rule of the Four Hundred, 215; siege and surrender, 216 ; rule of The Thirty, 220; democratic res- toration, 220 ; Corinthian War against Sparta, 223-225 ; Long Walls rebuilt, 225; attempted sur- prise by Sparta, 227 ; new Athenian confederacy, 229; shelters Theban exiles, 229; joins Sparta against Thebes, 231; contest with Philip II., 234; defeat at Chaeronea, 236; philosophic center in Alexandrian Age, 254; freed from Macedonian garrison by Aratus, 265; refuses to join Achaean League, 265, note; sacked by Goths, 511, 563. A'thos, Mount, 161 ; canal, 166. At'tal-ids, rulers of the house of Attains, king of Pergamum, 253. At'ti-ca, 93, 99, 101, 190. Attic comedy, 204. At'til-a, 570, 571, 572. Augurs (Roman), 290, 291, 327. Au-gus'tine (Saint), 538; condemns pagan learning, 540. Au-gU8'tus (Octavius, Octavianus), 451 ; forms Second Triumvirate, 452; overthrows Brutus and Cas- sius at Philippi, 452; overthrows Anthony at Actium, 455 ; establishes the Empire, 456 ; events of rule, 458 ; imperial constitution, republican forms, 462, 463 ; extends territory, 471,472; building, 486; Augustan Age in literature, 491; a title of future emperors, 521. Au'rar-maz'da (A-hu'ra Maz'da), Persian god, 72. Au-re'li-an, Roman emperor, 461, 511, 515. Aus-tra'si-a, division of Frankish state. 616, 618. A-vars, 569. Av'en-tine, one of Rome's Seven Hills, 280, 319. BS'al, 59, 357. Babylon (see also Chaldea) , capital, 40; conquered by Assyria, 41; re- volt, 42 ; new Babylonian Empire, 42; Persian capture, 42, 69 ; indus- try, 43; writing and libraries, 44, 45; Hanging Gardens, 48 ; influence on Persia, 71; Alexander's con- quest, 240 ; Alexander dies at, 241. Bac'tri-a, 241. Baer'sark, 557. Bagdad, 625. Barbarian invasions, Scythian, 41, 72; Celtic (Gauls), 248, mO; Teu- tonic attacks on Roman world, first century B.C., 421, 437; re- newed, third century A.D., 459, 511; successful in fourth century, 563 ff. ; not stronger than those repulsed by Marius and Caesar, 543, 596. Bar'ca, see Hamilcar. Barrack Emperors, the, 461, 512. Ba-sil'i-ca, 488. Bavaria, added to Frankish state by sons of Clovis, 589; independent after Dagobert, 618; reconquered by Martel, 619; incorporated in kingdom of Charlemagne, 638, 639. Bel-i-sa'ri-us, 563, 567, 582. Benedict, Saint, rules of, 603. Ben-e-dic'tines, 603; see Monasti- cism. Ben-e-ven'tum, battle of, 335. Be'o-wulf, Song of, 557. Berber, 8, 21, 357. Berlin Papyrus, the, 22, 30, 32. Bishop, 533; civil authority, 630; of Rome, see Papacy. Bi-thyn'i-a, Roman province, 466. Bo-a-di-ce'a, 476. Boe-o'ti-a, 141, 187. Boeotian League, 226, 261. Bohemia, tributary state of Charle- magne, (>40. Book of the Dead (Egyptian), 29, 33. Bren'nus, Gallic chieftain. 330. INDEX. 647 Britain, Phoenician trade, 57; Cae- sar's Invasion, 437 ; conquest begun by Claudius, 458, 473; completed by Agricola, 459; extent of Roman power in, 473; Hadrian's Wall, 459, 475 ; diocese of, 521 ; Teutonic eon- quest, 591 ; slow and thorough oc- cupation, 592; result, a Teutonic state, 593 ; conversion of Teutonic states to Christianity, 594; political results, 594. Brutus, Lucius Junius, 350; Marcus, 449, 454. Bud'dha, 2, note. Bureaucracy, in Egypt, 22 ; in Roman Empire, 521, 523, 525 ; nature of, 526, 527. Burgundians, a Teutonic people, 551 (see Teutons) ; converted to Arian Christianity, 558; settle in Gaul, 565, 566; first Teutonic written code, 566 ; reverence for Rome, 566 ; joins Rome against Huns, 570 ; at- tacked by Clovis, 589 ; numbers, 596. Burgundy, a subdivision of the Frankish state, 616. By-zan'tine Empire, see Roman Empire of the East. By-zan'ti-um, 516. Caesar, a title of the Roman em- peror, 463 ; survival in modern im- perial titles, 463, note ; an assistant of the emperor, 520. Caesar, Caius Julius, studied oratory at Rhodes, 254; in hiding from Sulla, 428; rise in Pompey's ab- sence, 435; character and aims, 435; First Triumvirate, 436; in Gaul, 437; the hope of the subject na- tionalities, 440 ; Civil War, 438- 444; master of the world, 444; pol- icy of reconciliation, 445; power and titles, 446 ; general reform, 447 ; provinces under, 448 ; murder, 449 ; place in history, 450 ; compared with Alexander and Napoleon, 450 ; in Roman literature, 490. Calendar, the, Egyptian, 26; Chal- dean, 45; Roman, reformed by Caesar, 447, and note. Cal-ig-'u-la (Caius Caesar, grandson of Augustus) , 458. Caliphs, 621, note. Cal'li-as, Peace of, 188. Cal-lic'ra-tes, 202. Cal-li'nus, 141. Ca-mil'lus, 328, note. Cam-pa'ni-a, Etruscans in, 274 ; Sam- nites recover, 274, 332 ; attacked by hill Samnites, 332 ; Rome called in, 332 ; Campanian mercenaries in Sicily, 359. Cam'pus Mar'ti-us, 487. Ca'naan-ites, 12. Can'nae, battle of, 367. Cap-pa-do'ci-ans, 76. Capua, joins Hannibal, 367 ; besieged by Rome, 372; destroyed, 377; re- founded by Caesar, 447. Car-a-cal'la, Roman emperor, 461, 480. Ca'ri-ans, the, 76, 84, 182. Car-6-lin'gi-an dynasty, descended from Charles Martel, 633. Car'thag-e, Phoenician colony, 58; attacks Greeks in Sicily, 155, 167; defeated at Himera, 174; signifi- cance of repulse, 176; held in check by Athenian name, 189; renews attempts on Sicily, 217 ; one of five great powers, 356 ; the rival of Rome in the West, 356 ; character of civil- ization, 358, 359; First Punic War — loss of Sicily, 361, 362; Merce- nary War — loss of Sardinia and Corsica, 363; Second Punic War — loss of Spain and much of Africa, 365-374 ; destruction after Third Punic War, 379-382; attempt of Gracchus to refound, 415, 417; re- founded by Caesar, 447 ; capital of Vandal kingdom, 567. Carthage, Council of, condemns pagan learning, 540. Cas'si-us, Caius, the conspirator against Caesar, 449, 454 ; Spurius. 319, 328, note, 411. Caste, none in Egypt, 22; approach to, in Roman Empire, 550. Catiline, conspiracy, 435. Cato, the Censor, urges destruction 548 INDEX. of Carthage, 379; on Roman sla- very, 405 ; attempts at reform, 407; literary works, 489. Cato the Younger, character and political ideal, 435; defeat at Thap- sus, 444 ; death at Utica, 444, note. Ca-tul'lus, 490. Cau'dine Porks, battle of, 334. Ce 'crops, 93, 503. Celts, H, 248, 262, 569 ; see Gauls. Censor (Roman), 325, 327, 344, 346. Centuries, Roman army of, 295 ; As- sembly, see Roman Assemblies. Ce'os, 141. Cer-a-mi'cus, 202. Cer'y-ne'ia, 263. £/haer'o-ne'-a, battle of, 236. -eiialcid'ic Confederacy, 228. -Charcis, colonies in Thrace, 106; an Athenian cleruchy, 133. -Ghal-de'a (see Babylon), early home of civilization, 12; geography and fertility, 39 ; myths, 40 ; First Chal- dean Empire, 40; Second (or Baby- lonian) Empire, 42; literature and science, 44-46; calendar, 45; soci- ety, 47; arts, 48; religion and morals, 49; place in history, 78. Chalons (sha-lon), battle of, 570, 572; significance, 570, 625. Charlemagne (sharl-e-man'), form of name, 636, note; condition of Frankish state at accession, 636; character and place in history, 636, 649; expands civilization, 636; wars with Saxons, 637 ; other conquests, 638; political aim, 639, 640; renews the Roman Empire in the West, 641, 642; organization, 645; relation to the Church, 64(>; schools, 647. Charles Mar-tel', Mayor of the Pal- ace, 619 ; reasserts Frankish author- ity over frontier provinces, 619; repulses Saracens at Tours, 625; rules without a king, 633; refuses to aid Pope against Lombards, 634. ■€her-so-nese', 164. Chiefs, Council of, Homeric, 96, 97; origin of Spartan senate. 111, and Athenian Areopagus, 118 ; of Roman senate, 292, 294; Teutonic, 569. Chmese, 2 and note, 79. Christianity, birth of Christ, 458; con- trast with the higher pagan philos- ophy, 505 ; debt to Roman Empire, 506; debt to Empire in political organization, 533; persecution of, 507-510, and 458, 459, 460, 516 ; num- ber of adherents and organization in third century, 528; Constantine makes it a favored religion, 516, 528, 529 ; persecutions by, 518, 530 ; effect upon slavery and gladiatorial games, 531 ; reaction of paganism upon Christianity, 531 ; conversion of barbarians influenced by early conversion of Empire, 532 ; church organization — hierarchic and mo- narchic tendencies, 533 ; rise of here- sies, 534 ; Arian heresy and Nicene Council, 535; attitude of Church toward pagan learning, 539, 540; Teutonic and Latin Christianity compared, 557; Arianism of Teu- tonic invaders (except Franks and Saxons) , 536, 558 ; Franks converted to orthodox Christianity, 588; ad- vantage of Franks against Arian rivals, 588, 589 ; Saxons in Britain converted, 594 ; old Celtic Church in Britain, 594; Council of Whitby, 594 ; nature of Chrfstianity among Teutonic conquerors, 600; moral excellence even in Dark Ages, 600, 601 ; Monasticism (which see) , 602- 605; rise of Papacy (which see), 627-632; Latin and Greek Christi- anity, 534, 628; Greek churches lost in great part to Mohammedans, 629; iconoclastic quarrel, 629, 631; Great Schism, 629-631. See Greek Christianity and Latin Christianity. ■Chry-sos'tom, Saint, 538. Cicero, 435, 450, 490. Cilician pirates, 434. Cilicians, 76. Cimbri, invasion by, 421. Ci-min'i-an Forest, 331. Ci'mon, 182, 185. Cin'a-don, 221. Cin-cin-na'tus, 328, note. Cin'na, 426. INDEX. 549 Cis-al'pine Gaul, 271; joins Sam- nites against Rome, 334; subdued up to Apennines, 335 ; again threat- ens Italy; conquered, 363; citizen- ship conferred by Julius Caesar, 440 ; furnishes Caesar's army, 440, 443 ; incorporated in Italy, 448. City-state, the, of the Greeks, 93, 94; decline of, 218. Ci-vilis, 476. Civilization, first homes, 12-13; ex- pansion in Asia, 68 ; expansion un- der Persian rule, 69, 72; Oriental progress summarized, 78, 79; Eu- ropean type, 80 ; beginnings in Greece, why, 82, 83, 84; Greek and Oriental relations, 87; fusion of Greek and Oriental, 242-245; Latin and Greek, under Roman sway, contrasted, 391 ; expansion of Latin (Caesar) , 437 ; expansion under Au- gustus, and later, 471-474; Roman and Teutonic contributions to later European, 613-615; area extended by Charlemagne, 637 ; Oriental character of Mohammedan, 626. Clan (gens, pi. gentes), Greek, 91, 92; clan village, 93; Roman, 286; Teu- tonic, 559. Classical history, defined, 3. Claud'i-an, Reman poet, on unity of Roman world, 481. Claudius, Appius, the decemvir, 320, 321 ; the censor, 335, 343, 345 ; Caius Claudius Nero, consul, against Han- nibal, 373; Tiberius Claudius, em- peror, 41-54 A.D., 458, 480; Marcus Aurelius Claudius (Claudius II.), 461, 511. Cla-zom'e-nae, 226. Clelsth'e-nes, 132-139. Cle-om'e-nes, reforming king of Sparta, 266,^267. Cle'on, Athenian demagogue, 214, 215. Cle-o-pa'tra, 20, 444. Cler'uchs, Athenian colonists, 133, 190, 199. Clo-til'da, wife of Clovis, 588. Clo'vis (Clod'o-wig) , 527-530, 597, 610, note. Cni'dus, battle of, 224. Co'drus.legendary king of Athens, 117. Col-i-se'um, 487. Col'line Gate, battle of, 427. Co-lo'ni, serfs, 549. Colonization, Greek, 102-106; Athe- nian cleruchies, 133, 190, 199; Ro- man, 336, 415, 417, 418, 447. Comitia, see Roman Assembly. Comitium, 280. Comercium, 338. Com-mo'dus, Roman emperor, 459. Companions, Teutonic, 560, 611. Com-pur-ga'tion, 608. Con-fu'ci-us, 2, note. Congress of Corinth, 236. Con-nu'bi-um, 338. Conon, Athenian general, 224. Con'stan-tine the Great, 516, 517, 520-522, 528-530, 535. Constantino IV., 624. Constantino VI., deposed by Irene, 641 ; succeeded in the West by Charlemagne, 641, 643. Constantinople, 516, 533, 562, 563, 5()4. Con-stan'ti-us, son of Constantine I., 517. Consular tribunes, Roman, 324-326. Consuls, Roman, established, 300, 301 ; imperium, 301 ; limitations, 302, 304; set aside for decemvirs, 320; restored, 321; set aside for consular tribunes, 324, 325; re- stored, one always to be a ple- beian, 326; a curule office, 344, 346. Cor-cy'ra, 106, 167, 184, 211. Cordova, caliphate of, 625. Co-rin'na, 141. Corinth, 105, 109, 156, 177, 186, 211, 223, 265, 267, 389, 477, 511. Corinthian War, 223, 224. Co'ri-o-la'nus, 328, note. Cornelia, mother of the Gracchi, 408, 418. Corsica, lost by Carthage to Rome, 3(>3. Cos, 247. Cras'sus, member of First Triumvir- ate, 432, 433, 436, 438. Cretan alphabet, 87, note. 550 INDEX. Crit'i-as, one of the Thirty at Athens, 220. Croe'sus, 68, 69, 157. Cu-nax'a, battle of, 222. Cu-ne'i-fonn writing", 44. Curia, the Roman, 286, 287. Curials, Roman, 547. Curiate Assembly, see Roman As- sembly. Curio, lieutenant of Caesar, 450. Curule office, 344, 399. Cylon, 123, Cynics, the, 257. Cy-nos-ceph'a-lae, battle of, 384. Cyprus, 87, 226, 251. Cy-re'ne, 106. Cyrus, the Great, 69, 75,' 157 ; the Younger, 222. Dacia, 461, 474, 511. Dag'o-bert, king of the Franks, 617, 636. Darius I., king of Persia, 72, 75, 76, 161, 166. Darius Codomannus, king of Persia, 240. Dark Ages, the, 595. David, king of the Hebrews, 62. Dec'arch-ies, rule of, under Spartan protection, 219. Decemvirs, Roman, 320-322. De'ci-us, Roman emperor, 461, 509. Delos, Confederacy of, founded by Aristeides, provisions, 181 ; work and growth, 182 ; becomes an Athe- nian Empire, 183, 184. Delphi, oracle at, 100, 118, 132, 167, 171. Demes, Attic, 135, 136. De-me'ter, 100. De-moc'ri-tus, 207. De-mos'the-neg, 234. Denmark, 640, 648. De-si-de'ri-us, last Lombard king, 638. Despotism, see Absolute Monarchy. Dictator, Roman, 305, 327, 344, 346; permanent office, Sulla, 428; Cae- sar, 446. Diocese, civil division of Roman Empire, 521 ; table of, 521 ; ecclesi- astical, 533. Di-o-cle'ti-an, 516, 520^23. Di-o-do'rus, 491. Di-og-'e-nes, the Cynic, 257. Di-o-nys'i-us, tyrant of Syracuse, 217 ; Roman historian, 277, 491. Di-o-ny'sus, 131, 204; theater of, at Athens, 205. Divination, Roman from Etruscan, 274, note. Do-mi' ti-an, reign, 459; wall on the Danube, 475. " Donation of Constantino," 635. "Donation of Pippin," 634, 635, 638. Do-nothing kings, the, 617. Do'ri-ans, a Greek race, 98; oligar- chies in Greek cities, 156 ; the in- vasion, 101, 102, 114; colonies, 104, 217. Dorus, fabled ancestor of the Dorians, 100. Dra'co, 124, 128. Dru'sus, tribune, rival of Gracchus, 417. DrusTis the Yotmger, proposal to extend Roman citizenship, 423. Dy'arch-y, 462. Early Law, rigidity of, 277. East Anglia, 591. Eastern Empire, see Roman Empire. Ebro, boundarj^ of Spanish mark, 638. Ec-ba-ta'na, 240. Education, Greek, 208; under the Roman Empire, 483, 484; decline after the third century, 540, 541 ; Roman schools almost disappear, 595; revival under Charlemagne, 647. Egypt, early home of civilization, 12 ; physical geography, 14, 15 ; political geography, 16; history, 17-20; peo- ple, 21, 22; position of women, 23; industries and art, 24; literature, 25; science, 26; religion, 27; moral- ity, 28-34; connection with Chal- dean culture, 37; conquest by Persia, 69; place in civilization, 78; revolt against Persia, 186; wel- comes Alexander, 240; one of the great powers of the Graeco-Orien- INDEX. 551 tal world, 247; history under the Ptolemies, 251 ; alliance with Rome, 383, 384; a diocese of the Roman Empire, 521. El-a-gab'a-lus, Roman emperor, 461. Elis, 265. Eloy, Saint, Bishop, sermon on good works, 601. Em-ped'o-cles, 207. Empire, term defined, 641, note. En'ni-us, 489. E-pam-i-non'das, 230, 231. Ephesus, 104, 140, 141. Eph-i-al'tes, 185, 200. Ephors, Spartan, 112, 113. Ep-ic-te'tus, 491 ; extracts from, 504. Epicurus, 257. E-pi'rus (Epeirus), 82, 247, 261. Equites, Roman order of, 396, 403, 414. Er-a-tos'the-nes, keeper of Alexan- drian library, 259. E-rec-the'um, 202. E-re'tri-a, 158, 161. Essex, kingdom of the East Saxons, 591. Ethiopia, 12, 19, 20. E-tru'ri-a, 274. Etruscans, 84, 274, 328, 330, 331. Eu-boe'a, 106, 133, 170, 187, 215. Eu'cUd, 259. Eu-dox'i-a, Roman empress, 572. Eu-pa'trids, at Athens, 117-124. Euphrates, 37, 38, 243, 438, 623. Eu-re-me'don, battle of the, 183. Eu-rip'i-de§, 204, 243. Eu-se'bi-us, ecclesiastical history of, 538 ; condemns pagan learning, 540. Eu-tro'pi-us, 537. Exarch of Ravenna, 584, 585. ^ Fabius Pictor, historian of Rome, 277, 489. Fabius, Quintus F. Maximus, 367. eudal system, in Egypt, 22 ; germs of European system, 560, 611. Finns, 511,569,570. Flavian Caesars, the, 459. Franks, early invasions, 511 ; a Teutonic people, 555 ; early home, 668; settlement in northern Gaul, 568 ; resistance to Attila, 570 ; real advance begins, 586 ; causes of pre- eminence over other Teutonic con- querors, 586; small numbers, 596; conquest of Gaul and the Aldmanni by Clovis, 587 ; conversion to Xptho- C^ dox Christianity, 588; importance, 588, 589 ; seizure of Burgundian and Visigothic territory, 589 ; consolida- tion of Frankish tribes, 589; sons of Clovis add Bavaria and Thurin- gia to the Frankish state, 589; chief divisions of state, 616; decline of ingian line after Dagobert, 617,618; rise of mayors, 618; new Teutonic conquest by the East Franks, Testry, 618; reorganiza- tion of the state, 618 ; Martel reas- serts authority over the frontier dukedoms, 619 ; repulses Saracens, 625 ; rule of Martel , sole mayor, 633 ; Karlmann and Pippin, 633; Pippin assumes crown, with papal sanc- tion, 633, 634; extends authority over north Italy, 634 : condition at Charlemagne's accession, 636; new expansion of territory, 637, 638 ; a Teutonic state, 639; buffer states against barbarians on the east, 640 ; revival of Roman Empire in the West, 641. See Roman Empire of the West. Fre'ya, Teutonic deity, 558. Ga'des (Cadiz), 68. Ga-la'ti-a, 248. Galba, 458, 460. Galen, 492. Gal-li-e'nus, Roman emperor, 461. Gaul, condition before Caesar, 437; Caesar's conquest, 437 ; prosperity in third century, 478; Teutonic in- vasions, 564; Visigothic state in south, 568; Burgundians in south- east, 566; Franks in north, 568; Roman authority in north, 568 ; in- vasion of Huns, 570; Gaul united by the Franks, 587-590. See Franks. Gauls, invasion of Greece, 248, 262; in north Italy, 274 ; sack Rome, 330. Gaul, the Dying, 248. 552 INDEX. Gaza, siege of, 240. Gei'ser-ic, king of the Vandals, 572. Gelon, 155, 167, 217. Gens, see Clan. Ge-nu'ci-us, 319. Germans, see Teutons. Gibraltar, straits of, 623. Gladiatorial games, 493, 497. Gor-di-a'nus 1., II., and III., 461. Gor'gi-as, 207. Gosh 'en, 60. Goths, 511, 518, 555, 558; see Ostro- goths and Visigoths. Grac'chus, Cains, authority for griev- ances of Italy, 400, note ; character and aims, 413; wins populace and equites, 414; agrarian reform, 415; colonization, 415; personal rule, 416; attempt to extend citizen- ship, 417; killed, 417; work over- thrown, 418. Gracchus, Ti-be'ri-us Sem-pro'ni-us, character and aims, 408; agrarian reform, 409-412 ; attempt to extend citizenship, 411 ; murder, 411. Graeco-Oriental World, the, merg- ing of East and West by Alexander, 242-245; Wars of the Succession, 246; political situation in third century B.C., 247; Gallic invasion, 248; decline, 249; single states in outline, 250-253; society, 254 ; liter- ature, 255; art, 256; philosophy, 257; libraries and science, 258, 259; absorbed or conquered by Rome, which see. Gra-ni'cus, battle of the, 240. Gra'ti-an, Roman emperor, 518, 530. Greek Christianity (see Christi- anity, to the Great Schism) , Icono- clasm, 629; position of Patriarch, 629. Greek drama, 131, 141, 204. Greek education, 208. Greek federations' 261 ff, Greek fire, 624. Greek philosophy, 141, 142, 207, 257. Greek religion, 91, 100, 143. Greeks, 3, 6, 13, 19, 46, 68, 69; Greece typical of Europe, 80-82; physical geography, 83, 84; Homer and archaeology, 85, 86 ; Mycenaean and Achaean cultures, 87, 88 ; eco- nomic features of Heroic Age, 89, 90 ; tribal organization, 91, 92 ; the city-* state, 93, 94 ; early political organi-J zation, 95-97 ; from the Dorian emigration to the Persian wars, 98-152; gap in the evidence after Homer, 98; "races," 99; unity of culture, 100 ; colonization, 101-106 ; from kings to democracies, 107- 109; rise of Sparta, 110-113; Athens to 500 B.C., 114-139 ; intellectual de- velopment to 500 B.C., 140-151 ; the Persian wars, 152-175; significance of Greek victory, 176; division of Hellas into two rival leagues, 178 ff. ; Athenian supremacy, 178- 210 (see Athens) ; Peloponnesian War, 211-216 ; the Western Greeks, 217; decline of the city-state, 218; Spartan supremacy, 219-230 (see Sparta) ; Theban supremacy, 231 ; subjected to Macedon , 232-236 ; his- tory of Hellas merged in that of Graeco-Oriental world, 237 (see Alexander and Graeco-Oriental world) ; Hellenizing the East, 242, 243; Greek cities in the Orient, 243 ; federal period in Greece, 260- 268 (see Achaean League) ; domi- nance of Macedonia, 260; of Rome, 389. Gregory the Great, Pope, 628, note; Gregory II. and III., 631. Gun'do-bald, king of the Burgun- dians, 5(56. Ha'dri-an, Roman emperor, 459, 480, 509. Hadrian, Pope. 632, note. Hadrian's 'Wall, 459, 476. Hal-i-car-nas'sus, 206. Hall'statt culture, 88. Halys River, 68. Ha-mil'car Bar'ca, 366. Hannibal, 250, 367, 370-374, 379. Ha'roun-al Ra'schid, 648. Has'dru-bal Barca, 373, Hasdrubal, commander in Third Punic War, 381. INDEX. 553 Hebrews, 3, note, 18, 56, 60-67, 70, 78. He-gi'ra, the Mohammedan, 621, 622. Helen, wife of Menelaus, 85. Hellas, 82, 98, 105, etc. ; see Greeks. Hel-le'nes, 82, 100, 105; see Greeks. Hel'les-pont, the, 166, 182, 623. Helots, the, 112; revolt, 185. Hel-ve'ti-i, 437. He-phaes'tus, 100. Hep'tarch-y, 591. He'ra, 100, 288. Her-a-clei'tus, 142. Herat, 243. Heresies, 534, 628. Hermann, victor in the Teutoberg Forest, 472, 637. Her'mes, 100. Hermits, in the Eastern Church, 602. Her'ni-cans, the, 328, note. Herodotus, quoted, 21, 39, 70, 162; place in literature, 20(i. Her'u-li, the, 574. He'si-od, 91, 141. Hestia, 100. Hezekiah, 54. Hierarchy, system of administra- tion, 521, 523, 526. Hi'e-ro, I., 217; II., 359. Hieroglyphics, Egyptian, 25; Chal- dean, 44. Him'e-ra, battle of, 174. Hindoos, 2, note, 6, note. Hip-par'chus, son of Peisistratus, 132; the scientist, 259. Hip'pi-as,'132. , History, divisions, 4, note. Hit'tites, 13, 20, 41, 56, 62. Holy Roman Empire, 644. Homer, 84-89, 98, 100, 208, 238. Ho-no'ri-us, Roman emperor, 562, 573. 579, 643. Hop'lite, rise to political power, 121. Horace, 491. Horatian Law, see Valerian-Hora- tian Law. Hor-ten'si-an Law, 345. Huns. 72, 569, 570. Hyk'sos, 18, 37, 60. Hy-met'tus, 131. Hy-pa'ti-a, 541. Hy-per'bo-lus, 215. Hy'pha-sis River, 241. I-a-pyg'i-ans, 275. I-be'ri-ans, 8, 9. Iconoclastic disputes, 629, 631. Ic-ti'nus, 202. Iliad, 85, 87, 100. lUyrian pirates, 383. Im'bros, 226. Im-per-a'tor, 463. India, 57, 69, 79, 241, 626. Indus River, 241 , 243, 244, 247, 438, 623. "Inexpiable War," the, between Carthage and her mercenaries, ms. Inter-rex, Roman, 294. Ionia, 104, 141, 142, 157, 158, 159, 180, 181, 184. lonians, inhabitants of Ionia, see Ionia; in Sicily, 217. I-o'ni-ans, a Greek " race," 99 ; driven out of Peloponnesus by Dorians, 104; colonization of Ionia, 104; democracy among, 109. I-phic'ra^teg, 225, 235. Ip'sus, battle of, 246. I'ran, plateau of, 68, 623. Irene, empress at Constantinople, 641. Iron, none in Egypt until 800 B.C., 24; in Greece, 87 ; in the Hallstatt cul- ture, 88. Iroquois (Ir'o-kwa) , a North Amer- ican Indian people, compared to early Teutons, 556. Is'e-as. 2.39. Isidore, Bishop, 635; " forged decre- tals," 635. Islam, 621. I-soc'ra-tes, 161, 207, 219. Israel, Kingdom of, 41. Is'sus, battle of, 240. Italians, divisions, 274. Italy, geographical meaning in ancient history, 271; physical geography and history, 272 ; contrasted with Greece, 272 ; peoples, 273, 274 : unit- ed by Roman conquest, .328-335 ; a confederacy under Roman rule, 336- 343; economic and social decay after Punic wars, 396-400 : wins 554 INDEX. citizenship, 411, 417, 423-425 ; Visi- goths in, 563; Huns, 611 ; province of Greek Empire under Zeuo, 574 ; Ostrogothic kingdom, 576-579; re- conquered for Greek Empire, 582 ; Lombards enter, 584 ; division be- tween Teuton and Empire, and break up into petty states, 585. Ja'nus, Temple of, 456. Jax-ar'teg, the, 243. Jerome, Saint, 539; condemns pagan learning, 540. Jerusalem, 42, 54, 69, 64, 459, 533, ()27,' 629. Josephus, 491. Jo'vi-an, Roman emperor, 517. Juba, king of Numidia, 444. Judah, kingdom of, 41. Ju-gurth'a, 420. Jug-urthine War, 420. Julian Caesars, the, 458. Ju-li-a'nus, Roman emperor, 461. Julian the Apostate, 517, 537. Juno, 100, 288. Jupiter, 100, 288. Jus-tin'i-an I., Emperor at Constan- tinople, 582, 583; Code, 583. Jutes, 591 . Ju've-nal, 492. Ka-di'jah, wife of Mohammed, 621. Kan-da-har', 240. Karlmann (Carloman) , son of Martel, (533. Kar'nak, 24. Kent, kingdom of the Jutes in Britain, 591. Khu-ni-a-to'nu, Egyptian king, 31. King-ship, see Absolute Monarchy.' Koran, the, 621. Lac-e-dae-mo'ni-ans, see Sparta. La-co'ni-a, 110, 112. Lac-tan'ti-us, 514 ; denies sphericity of the earth, 540. Land system, in Egypt, 22 ; in Sparta, 112; in early Athens, 119; Solon's reforms, 126 ; in early Rome, 312 ; see Agrarian Laws ; under the later Empire, 649. Lang-uage and race, 6 and note. La-oc'o-on, statue of, 256. Latin Christianity, see Christianity, to the separation of Latin and Greek Churches ; see Papacy. Latin civilization, contrasted with Greek, 391. Latin colonies, 339, 342, 343, 400. Latin languag-e, value of, in Middle Ages, 613. Latin League, ancient, 281 , 333, note Rome becomes head, 281 ; trading rights in, 284, note; revolt, 328 alliance with Rome, 328; Rome be- comes mistress, 329; rebellion, 331 subjugation and reorganization 331; the revolt of 338 B.C., 333 final subjection and dissolution, 33^, Latin right, the, 339. Latins, a division of the Italian race, 6, 274. Latins, a name applied to the South European people with the Latin civilization, 595. La'tium, 270. Law, rigidity of early> 277; English common, 6lij see Roman Law and Teutonic La-w.^ Lem'nos, 226. Leo I., Pope, 573. Leo III., Leo the Isaurian, emperor of the Greek Empire, repulses Sara- cens, 624; iconoclastic movement, 629, and note; resisted by Pope Gregory, 631; attempt to conquer . Italy, 631. Le-och'a-re§, Greek sculptor, 239. Le-on'i-das, king of Sparta, 170. Lep'i-dus, member of the Second Triumvirate, 455. Les'bos, 141. Libya, 12, 18. Libyan invasion of Egypt, 18, 60. Li-cin'i-an Rogations, the, 326. Li-cin'i-us, rival of Constantine, 516, 530. Licinius Stolo, tribune, 326. Li-gu'ri-ans, 275. Li'ris River, the, 331. Literature, Egyptian, 25; Chaldean, 45; early Greek Epic Age, see INDEX. 655 Homer; Lyric Age, 141 ; the Age of Pericles, 204-209 : Alexandrian Age, 255. 258, 259; Roman, early, 489; Age of Cicero, 490; Augustan Age, 491; second century a.d.,492; de- cline in the third century, 514 ; theo- logical character, 514; continued decline in fourth century, 536-542. Liv'i-us An-dro-ni'cus, 489. Livy, the historian, 277, 491. Local self-government, nature of, 526, 527. Lo'cris, 186, 261. Loire River, the, 625. Lombards, 551 ; Arians, 558; invade Italy, 584, 585; wars in Italy, 632; vanquished by Pippin at the call of the Pope, 634 ; a vassal state of the Franks, 634; incorporated in the Frankish kingdom, 638, 639. Lombardy, iron crown of, 638. Long Walls, of Athens, 177, note, and 186 ; rebuilt, 224. Luc an, 491. Lu-ca'ni-ans, 274. Lu'cer-e§, Roman tribe, 282. Lu'ci-an, 492. Lu-cre'ti-us, 490. Lyc'i-an Confederacy, 264. Lycians, 84, 182, 264. Ly-cur'gus, 110. Lydia, 68, 69, 157. Ly-di'a-das, 265, 266, note. Lyric Age, the, 141. Ly-san'der, 216, 220. Mac'ca-bees, the, 64, 250. Macedonia, 84 ; under Theban influ- ence, 231; the race, 233; territory before Philip IL,233; growth under Philip, 234-236; Chaeronea, 236; mistress of Greece, 236 ; Alexander (which see), 238 ff. ; one of the great powers of the Graeco-Orien- tal world, 247 ; Gallic invasion, 248 ; history in outline to 220 B.C., 252; supremacy in Greece after Alexan- der, 264, 265; loses through the Achaean League, 265 ; supremacy restored, 267, 268; alliance with Hannibal, 370, 383; First Macedo- nian War with Rome, 370, 383 ; Sec- ond Macedonian War, 384 ; a Roman dependency, 384 ; a Roman province after the Third Macedonian War, 389. Macedonian army, 235, Ma-cri'nus, Roman emperor, 461. Magism, 70. Magna Graecia, 106, 155, 217, 335, 351, 359, 489. Mag-ne'si-a, battle of, 250, 385. Mam'er-tines, 359. Man'li-us, T., consul, 350. Manlius, Marcus, 330, 319, 411. Man-ti-ne'a, battle of, 231. Mantinea, broken up into villages by Sparta, 227 ; restored, 231. Marathon, battle of, 161-163, 625. Mar-cel'lus, the "Sword of Rome." 371. March of the Ten Thousand, the, 223. Mar'ci-an, 573. Mar-do'ni-us, 174, 175. Ma'ri-us, 395,^ 419^26. Mark states, 276. Mars, 288. Mar'ti-an, 491. Martin, Saint, 538. Massilia, 106, 391, 437, note. Mas-sin-nis'sa, 379, 380. Mau-ri-ta'ni-a, 626, note. Max-im'i-an, 516. Mayfleld, Frankish Assembly, 612, 617, 645. Mayors of the Palace, Frankish, 617. Mecca, 621 , 622. Medes, 41, 42, 68, 69. Mediterranean Sea, function in his- tory, 81. Meg-a-lop'o-lis, 231, 265. Meg'a-ra, 125, 141, 157, 185, 187, 265. Meg'a-ris, 186. Me'li-ans, 214. Mem-o-ra-bil'i-a, of Xenophon, 207. Memphis, 17. Me-nan'der, 146, 255. Men-e-la'us, 89. Mercenary War, of Carthage, 363. Mercia, 591. Me-ro-vin'gl-ans, 590, 617. 556 INDEX. Mes-o-po-ta'mi-a, 39, 474. Mes-sa'na, 359. Mes-se'ne, 231. Mes-se'ni-a, 110, 185, 231. Me-tau'rus, battle of, 373; influence of, 625. Metlcs, i:36, 177. Middle Ages, 484, 549, 564, 595. Milan, Edict of, 529. Miletus, 83, 104, 109, 140, 210. Miltiades, 161, 164. Minerva, 288. Mis'si Do-min'i-ci, 645. Mith-ri-da'tes, 425, 427. Mnes'i-cles, 202. Modern history, defined, 4. Moe'si-a, 474. Mohamraed, character and career to the Hegira, 621 ; change in char- acter and policy, 622; honesty, 621, 622. Mohammedanism, 621-626. Mohammedans, charged with burn- ing the Alexandrian Library, 540. Monasticism, 602-605. Money, none in ancient Egypt, 22; in- troduction into Greece, 119, note; iron, in Sparta, 113; greater abun- dance after Alexander, 244 ; Roman, only copper to 264 B.C., 349; lack of money one cause of "fall" of the Empire, 552. Mongolians, 7. Mon-u-men'tum An-cy-ra'num, 4(52. Moors, 511; term defined as related to Saracens, 626, note. Mo-ra'vi-a, 640. Mun'da, battle of, 444. Municipia, Roman, instituted, 336; plan extended to all Italian cities, 424; extended over the Empire, 466; contribution to modern world, 613. Mu-se'um, Plato's, 258; Ptolemy's, at Alexandria, 258. Myc'a-le, battle of, 180. My-ce'nae, 86 ; excavations at, 86. Mycenaean culture, 87-89. Mysteries, the Greek, 143, Myt-i-le'ne-ans, 214. Nae'vi-us, 489. Nar-bon'i-dos, 55. Nar'ses, .582, 584. Nau-pac'tus, 184. Nau-sic'a-a. 89, note. Ne-arch'us, 224. Neb-u-chad-nez'zar, 42, 52, 63. Ne'co, 19. Ne'pos, Cornelius, 490. Nero, Roman emperor, 457-, 458 ; Caius Claudius, the Consul, 373. Ner'va, 459. Ne'tad, battle of, 571. Neu'stri-a, 616, 618. Nl-cae'a, 520 ; Council of, 535. Nlc'i-as, 214, 215; Peace of, 214. "Nineveh, 40, 41, 72; see Assyria. Nor'i-cum, 472. Northumbria, 591. Oc-ta'vi-us, see Augustus. Octavius, colleague of Gracchus, 410. O-do-va'ker (0-do-a'cer), 572, 574, 576. O-dys'seus, 89, 90, 97, 143. Od'ys-sey, 85, 144. Oe-no'phy-ta, 163. Oligarchies, Greek, 108; overthrown by tyrants, 108. Olympia, 83, 202. Olympian religion, the, 100. Olympias. 238. Olympic Games, 100. Olympus, 100, 168. Olynthus, 106, 228, 234. Olynthiac Confederacy, see Chal- cidic Confederacy. Ordeal, trial by, 608. Orestes, imperial general, 572, 574. Oriental history, defined, 3. Origen, 514. Ostracism, 139; of oligarchic lead- ers, 164 ; of Aristeides, 165 ; revoked, 171; of Cimon, 186; of Themisto- cles, 200. Os'tro-goths, see Goths ; Arians, 538, 558; before entering Italy, 575; con- quer Italy, 576; kingdom of Theo- dorit, 57(>-579; Arian heresy and results, 579. Otho, Roman emperor. 458. INDEX= 557 Ovid, 491. Oxus River, the, 241, 623. Pal'a-tine Mount, site of the city of Romulus, 278, 279; federation with other settlements, 279. Pal-my'ra, 461, 478. Pam-phyl'l-a, 182. Pan-no'ni-a, 472. Pan'the-on, 487. Papacy, claim of bishops of Rome, 627 ; six advantages, 628 ; relation to Greek Empire, 628; freed from rivalry of other patriarchates, 629; opposes emperor regarding use of images, 629 ; the Great Schism, 629 ; rise of a temporal state at Rome, 630; rebellion against the Empire, 631; recognized and protected by the Franks, 632, 633; territory en- larged by Pippin, 634, 635 ; confir- mation by Charlemagne, 638 ; rela- tion to the Western Empire, 635, 646. Pa'ros, 141. Parrhasius (Par-ra'shi-us) , 256. Par'the-non, 202. Parthians, 438, 511. Partnership emperors, the, 517, 518, 520. Pa'tri-a po-tes'tas (Roman), 285. Patriarcli, an ecclesiastical term, 533. Patrician, a title conferred by Roman emperors, 566, 576. Patricians, 282, 284; family organi- zation, 285; curiate organization, 286; oligarchic rule, 309-310; strug- gle with plebeians, 310-327. Pau-sa'ni-as, Roman writer, 492; Spartan king, 180. Pavia, 638. Pei-rae'us, 177, 220, 227. Peis-is-trat'i-dae, 132. Pei-sis'tra-tus. 131, 134, 141, 157. Pe-las'-gi-ans, 98. Pe-lop'i-das, 229. Pel-o-pon-ne'si-an League, 156. Peloponnesian War, the, 211-216. Pel-o-pon-ne'sus, 98, 99, 110, 114, 168. Pel'tasts of I-phic'ra-tes, 225, 235. Pe-na'tes, 91. Pen-tel'i-cus, 161. Per'g-a-mos, 254. Per'ga-mum, 253, 384, 390. Per-i-an'der, 109, 141. Pericles, 188, 192-197, 200, 202, 205, 209, 212, 213. Per-i-oe'ci, 112. Persecution, of Christianity, 507- 510 ; by the Christian Church, 530, 440-542 ; nature of, 530. Per-sep'o-lis, 210. Per'seus, king of Macedonia, 388, 389. Persia, 18, 20, 42, 64, 68 ; rise of Em- pire, 69; religion and character, 70, 71 ; champions civilization against Scythians, 72; system of government, 72-77; post-roads, 76; place in civilization, 78; conquers Lydia, 157; conquers Ionia, 158; wars with Greece, 152-176; sig- nificance of defeat, 176; expelled from Aegean, 180-183; Peace of Callias, 188; aids Sparta against Athens, 215; revolt of Cyrus the Younger, 221 ; the " Ten Thousand " Greeks, 221, 222; war with Sparta, 222 ; allied with Thebes and Athens, 223 ; Cnidus, 224 ; Peace of Antalci- das, 226; attacked by Alexander, 240-241; fall of the Empire, 241; new Persian Empire, of the Sas- sanidae, 511 ; invade Roman Em- pire, 511, 517; repulsed, 622; conquered by Saracens, 622, 623; culture under Saracenic rule, 626. Per'ti-nax, Roman emperor, 461. Petrine Supremacy, doctrine of, 627. Phar-na'ces, 424. Phar-sa'lus, 443. Pheid'i-as, 202. Phei'don, 109. Philip, II., of Macedon, 231-239; V., 370, 383, 384. Phi-lip'pi, battle of, 454. Philippics, of Demosthenes, 234. Philistines, 12. i Phil-o-poe'men, 268. 558 INDEX. Philosophy, Greek, 141, 142, 207, 257. Pho'cis, 156, 186, 261. Phoe-nic'i-ans, 12, 19, 24, 47, 56-59, 78, 84, 87, 172, 224. Phor'mi-o, 214. Phra'try, the Greek, 92. Phryg'i-ans, 76, 84. Physical geograghy as a factor in historical development, 12, 15, 57, 60, 66, 81, 82-84, 99, 272, 276, 557. Pindar, 141, 239. Pippin, of Heristal, 618; Pippin the Short, 633-635. Pla-tae'a, 161, 184; battle of, 175, 176 ; League of, 178, 180. Plato, 143, 149-151, 207, 258. Plau'tus, 489. Plebeians, 284, 287, 295-299, 308-327; see Rome. Pleb-is-ci'ta, defined, 318; binding upon plebs, 318; binding upon the whole state, 322, 323; senate's veto abolished, 345. Pliny, the Elder, 491; the Younger, 4(56, 492, 494, 507. Plo-ti'nus, 514. Plutarch, 492. Pnyx, 202. Pore-march, 117, 301, note. Pol'li-o, 498. Po-lyb'i-us (Polybios), 489. Pol-yg-no'tus, 203. Pom-pe'ii, 459, 466. Pompey, 395, 431^36, 438, 442-444. Pon'ti-fex Max'i-mus, 446, 463. Pontiffs, Roman, 290, 327. Pon-ti-us, Samnite general, 350. Pontus, 247, 427, 434; diocese of, 521. Popes, Gregory the Great, 628, note ; Gregory II. and III., 631; Hadrian, 632, note ; Leo I., 571 ; Leo III., 642 ; Stephen, 634. Pope, title, 628, note; see Papacy. Porphyry, 514. Po-sei'don, 100. Pre-fect'ure, a city ruled by a Roman prefect, 336, 340; one of four ad- ministrative divisions of the Roman Empire, 520, 521 ; table of, 5^1. Prae-nes'te, 276. Prae-to'ri-ans, 463, 465. Prae'tor, original name of consul, 301, note ; new officer, 327, 344, 346. Prax-it'e-les, 202; the Hermes of, 202. Prehistoric life, 1. Proconsuls, 355. Propraetors, 355. Prop-y-lae'a, of the Athenian Acropo- lis, 202. Provence, 437, note. Provincial system, see Roman. Psa-met'i-chus, 19. Ptah'ho-tep, 30. Ptol'e-my, I., 251 ; II. (Philadelphus), 251,258; IlL, 251. Ptolemy the Scientist, 492. Pub-lil'i-an Law, the, 318. Punic faith, 357. Punic Wars, First, 356-362; Second, 36()-375; Third, 379-382. Punjab, the, 69, 241, 250. Pu-pi-e'nus, Roman emperor, 461. Pydna, battle of, 389. Pyr'rhus, 335, 356, 357. Py-thag-'o-ras, 142. Pyth-a-go-re'ans, 207. Quad-riv'i-um, the, 483. Quaes'tor, 203, 327, 346; title of an imperial officer, 522. Qmn-til'i-an, 491. "Race," 6-10. Race character, 10, 66, 84, 99. Rad'o-g-ast, 563. Ra-me'ses II., 28, 34. Ramnes, a Roman tribe, 282. Ravenna, 576; exarchate, 584, 585, 632. Representative government, not a feature even of the Greek federa- tions, 264 ; germs of, in Roman provincial assemblies, 467 ; new opportunity for, among Teutons, 614. Rex sa-cro'rum, 300. Rhae'ti-a, 472. Rhodes, 247, 253, 254, 384. Rik'i-mer (Ricimer) , 572. Roland, 638, note ; song of, 638, note. INDEX. 659 Boman army, early, of centuries, 295; development of the legion, 352-354; camp, 353; professional, 355; Marius' reforms, 421; impe- rial, 468-470 ; barbarians admitted, 469 ; a means of amalgamating the Empire, 481, note; reform by Dio- cletian, 522 ; superior morals to the last, 543; difficulty of filling up, 543. See Army. Roman Assembly, curiate, a patrician body, 286 ; exclusion of plebs, 287, 293; supplanted, 296, 345; centuri- ate, from the army of, 295, 296; crystallizes, 297 ; aristocratic method of voting, 297 ; power shifted to tribal assembly, 345; wealth deprived of its old impor- tance, 345; senatorial veto abol- ished, 345 ; tribal {comitia tributa) rise, 317-319, 222-323 ; nature of the tribes, 337 ; reorganization and the- oretic sovereignty, 345 ; decay, 399 ; Italians admitted, 424; under the Empire, 462, Roman citizenship, extended to the allies, 424; to Cisalpine Gaul, 440, 448; to communities in Gaul and Spain by Caesar, 448, 480 ; expan- sion under the Empire, 480. Roman clients, 287 ; no vote in the curia, 293. Roman colonies, 336; project of Gracchus to found out of Italy, 415 ; change in plan — become socialistic, 415; project abandoned, 417, 418; plan revived by Caesar, 447. Roman Empire, monarchy inevita- ble in the first century B.C., 439, 441; Caesar's campaigns, 442-444; Caesar's constructive work, 445- 450; civil war renewed after Cae- sar's murder, 451-456 ; Augustus establishes finally, 456; table of emperors and reigns, to Diocletian, 458-461 ; character of government, 460, 461 ; constitution, 4(52-466 ; army, 468-470: frontiers, 471^75; society of the first two centuries — prosperous and happy, 476-482 ; education, 483, 484; architecture. 485-488; literature, 48^492; mor- als, 493-504; rise of Christianity (see Christianity), 505-510; perse- cutions, 508-510; social decline in the third century, 511-514 ; reigns from Diocletian to Theodosius, SUti- 519; increased centralization, 520- 525 ; material decay continued in fourth century, 543; social classes, 545-^549; taxation, 551; causes of decay, 544, 552, 553 ; Teutonic con- quest of the West (see Teutons), 562 ff. ; summary of contribution to the modern world, 613, 615. See Roman Empire of the East and Roman Empire of the West. Roman Empire of the East (Greek, or Byzantine, Empire), reigns, 573; Oriental character, 580 ; Slav inva- sions, 581 ; restoration under Jus- tinian, 582 ; repulses of the Persians, 682; decay after Justinian, 624; new attacks by Slavs and Persians, 624; repulse of Saracens, 624; re- vival of the Empire under Leo III., 624 ; relation to the Frankish state of Charlemagne, 639 ; usurpation of Irene, 641 ; relation to Charle- magne's new Empire in the West, 643, 644. Roman Empire of the West, estab- lished by Charlemagne, 641 ; theory of, 641, 643; contrasted with the Greek Empire, 644. Roman law, unwritten, patrician, 311; first codification, the Twelve Tables, 320-322; Caesar's attempt to codify, 447 ; gentler nature in the early Empire, 498-500; advance in the third century, 514 ; debt to the despotism of Diocletian, 525; The- odosian Code, 553, 573; Justinian Code, 583: influence upon later Europe. 583, 606. Roman names. .374, note. Roman Province, the, in Gaul, 437, note. Roman provincial system, inaugura- ted, 364; deterioration, 401; marks of, 402; the governor, 403; "es- tates of the Roman people," 404; 560 INDEX. Caesar and the provinces, 440, 448 ; under the Empire, 466, 467, 476, 477 ; reorganized, 521. Roman religion, 274, note, 288, 289, 2i)0, 2!)l, 501. Roman roads, 343, 470, 478. Roman senate, under the kings, 294; how affected by the expulsion, 306; veto of tribunes upon, 322; loses veto upon the assembly, 345; the rule of, 347 ; political center of the world, 386; decline and misgov- ernment, 399-404; senate and the Gracchi, 410^18; Sulla's restora- tion of, 429; makes Pompey its champion against Caesar, 438; Caesar's reconstruction of, 448; under the early Empire, 462 ; sinks into a city council, 524. Roman taxation, under the Empire, 546, 547, 551, 552. Roman "tribes,"317,337,343,345,425. Rome, place in history, 3, 269; con- trasted with Greece, 270 ; compared with Anglo-Saxons, 270; geography of Italy, 271-272; of Rome, 276; sources of early history, 277 ; ab- stract of legends, 278 ; conclusions as to regal Rome, 280-300 ; consul- ship, 301-304; dictatorship, 305; struggles between patricians and plebeians, 308 ff. ; equalization of the orders, 327; conquest of Italy, 3^8-335; Italy under Roman rule, 336-342; policy of Rome, 343; per- fected constitution of the Repub- lic, 344-347; society, 349, 350; affected by Magna Graecia, 351 ; army, 352-354; conquest of the western Mediterranean, 357-382; provincial system, 364; the sole great power, 376; winning the East, 383-.390; new civil strife — class divisions, 396-406 ; misgovern- ment of Italy and the provinces, 400-406; the Gracchi, 407-418; Ju- gurthine War, 420; Cimbri and Teutones, 421; Social War, 423; Italy incorporated in, 424; Marius and Sulla, 425-427; Sulla's rule, 42&-430; Pompey and Crassus, 432- 434; new expansion in the East, 434; expansion in the West (Cae- sar), 437 ; Caesar and Pompey, 438 ; Roman Empire, which see ; political death for the city, 477 ; new walls by Aurelian, 461, 511; sacked by Alaric, 563, 572; by Vandals, 667, .672; by Totila, 582; papal seat, 627-630 (see Papacy); "elects" Charlemagne emperor, 642. Romulus, 278, 299, Romulus Au-gus'tu-lus, 572, 574, 643. Roncesvalles (ron-thes-val'ygs), bat- tle of, 638, note. Rosetta Stone, 11. Ru'bi-con, Caesar crosses the, 442. Sa-bines', 274, 278, 328. Sa-gun'tum, 366. Sa'is, Saite dynasty, 19. Sal'a-mis, Athenian War for, 125; battle of, lg5, 171, 172; significance of, 625. Sal 'lust, 490. Sam'nites, 274, 328, 332, 334, 427. Sa'mos, 180. Sappho (saf'o), 141. Sar'a-cens, 73, 624, 626, 638; term defined, 626, note. See also Arabs, Moors, Mohammedans. Sardinia, 87 ; a Roman province, 363. Sar'dis, 76, 158, 226. Sar'gon the Elder, 40, 55 ; II., 41, 49. Sas-san'i-dae, kings of Persia, 511. Saxons, a Teutonic people, 555; con- quer Britain, 591; Saxons on the continent — wars with Charle- magne, 637. Schlie'mann, excavations by, 86. School of the Palace, Charle- magne's, 647. Science, Egyptian, 26; Chaldean, 45- 46: early Greek confounded with philosophy, 142; in the Age of Pericles, still bound up with phi- losophy, 207; Alexandrian Age, 257- 259; under Roman Empire, 492; decline in third century, 614 ; rapid decline in fourth century, 540-542; contempt of Christian Church for, INDEX. 661 540; persecution, 541; Mohamme- dan, 626. Scip'i-o, Publius Cornelius S. Afri- canus, 371, 374; Publius Corne- lius S. Aemilianus, Africanus the Younger, 382, 399, note, 407. Scy'ros, 226. Scyth'i-ans, 41, 71, 72. Se-ges'ta, 184. Se-leu'ci-dae, rulers of Syria, of the house of Seleucus, 250, 386. Se-leu'cus, general of Alexander and king of Syria, 250. Semites, 8, 43, 59, 66. Seneca, 458, 491. Sen-nach'er-ib, 41, 54. Sep'tu-a-gint, the, 258. Se-ra'pi-on, burning of, 540. Ser-to'ri-us, 426. Ser'vi-us Tul'li-us, sixth king (" ty- rant ") of Rome, 278, 299 ; walls of, 280 : census of classes, 295, 296 ; cen- turies, 295, 296. Se-ve'rus, Alexander (Antoninus), 461, 478. 511; Sep-tim'i-us, 461, 511. Sicilian Slave Wars, 406. Sicily, 155, 359, 361, 363. Sic'y-on, freed by Aratus, 265 ; joins Achaean League, 265. Si-mon'i-des, 141. Slavery, Greek, Spartan, 112; Athe- nian, 210; Greek civilization rested on, 210; Roman, 405, 406 ; amelior- ated under the Empire, 498 ; further softened by Christianity, 532; dis- appears largely in serfdom, 549, Slavs (Sclavs, Slavonians), 3, 4, 511, 569, 582, 624. Social War, the, in Italy, 423. Socrates, quoted, 143, 149, 151; phi- losophy, 207 ; death, 207. Sog-di-a'na, 241. Soissons (Swiison), battle of, 287; vase of, 610, note. Solomon, 62, 63, 73. Solon, 19, 26, 120, 125-129, 131. Sophists, 207. Sophocles, 204. Spain, Carthaginian power in, 366; Roman and Carthaginian, 369, 371, 373; Roman province, 374; war for independence, 377; Romanization, 378; Teutonic invasion, 565, 567; Visigothic kingdom, 564; Moham- medan conquest, 625; Saracenic culture in, 626; North conquered by Charlemagne, 638. Sparta, 83, 99, 106 ; history to Persian War, 110-113; constitution, 111- 113; contrast with Athens, 114, 116; recognized head of Greece, 156; refuses to aid Ionia, 157, 158; Persian heralds, 160; excuse for absence from Marathon, 161^ in the Persian "War, 167-176 ; protests against Athenian Walls, 177 ; head of proposed Plataean League, 178 ; disrupts the League by withdraw- ing from defense of Asiatic Greeks, 180 ; purpose to attack Athens, 185 ; asks aid from Athens, 185; war with Athens, 185-187 ; Thirty Years' Truce, 188; Peloponnesian War, 211; resources, 212; events, 214; buys Persian aid by betraying Asi- atic Greeks, 215 ; destroys Athenian Walls, 216; Spartan supremacy — rule of harmosts and decarchies, 219; decay at home, 221 ; aids Cyrus against Persian king, 222; Agesi- laus invades Persian Empire, 222; Corinthian War, 223 ; loss of mari- time Empire, 224; land supremacy threatened (Iphicrates' peltasts), 225; Peace of Antalcidas, 226; ar- rogant rule, 227 ; crushes Chalcidic confederacy, 228; revolt of Thebes, 229 ; Leuctra, 230 ; citizens decreased to 1500, 230; humbled, 231 ; refuses to join Achaean League, 265, note; war with the League, 266, 267 : so- cialistic reforms of Agis and Cleo- menes, 266; Macedonian conquest, 267 ; sacked by Goths, 511, 563. Spartacus, 406, 433. Spartan Assembly, 111. Spartan harmosts, 219. Sphac-te'ri-a, battle of, 214. Sphinx, 24. Spu'ri-us Mae'li-us, 319, 411. Sta-g-i'ra, birthplace of Aristotle, 207- Ste-sich'o-rus, 141. 562 INDEX. Sti-li'cho, 563, 572. Sto'i-cism, 257. Stra'bo, 491. Strass'burg, battle of, 587, 588. Sue-to'ni-u8, 492. Sue-vi, 555, 558, 565, 567. Sulla, 395, 420, 423, 425, 427-430, 433. Sul-plc'i-us, tribune, 425. Su'sa, 76, 240. Sussex, kingdom of the South Saxons in Britain, 591. Syracuse, 106, 217, 328, 370, 375. Syria, kingdom of, 247, 250, 385, 434. Tacitus, historian, quoted, 460, 507, 557, 559; place in literature, 492; distrust of, when satirizing society, 494; the Roman emperor, 461. Talmud, the, 49. Tan'a-gra, battle of, 186. Tar-ea'tum, 106, 335. Tarquin, the First, 278; the Proud, 278. 299, 300; Lucius T. Collatinus, 300. Tartars, 72, 241, 511, 569, 570, 626, note. Te-lem'a-ehus, 90. Tem'pe, Vale of, 168, 169. Terence, 489. Ter-en-til'i-us, tribune, 320. Ter-pan'der, 141. Ter-tul'li-an, 514. Tes'try, battle of, 614, 618. Teu'to-berg- Forest, battle of, 458, 472. Teu-to'nes. 421. Teutonic folkmoot, 559; shrinking up after conquests, 612 ; survival in Britain, 612, 614, and in Gaul, 612; relation to representative govern- ment, 614. Teutonic king-ship, 559. Teutonic Law. reduced to codes, 606; personality of, 606; methods of trial, 608; money atonement, 609; self-d eve! oping character, 614. Teutonic reverence for Rome, 564, 5m, 597, 599. Teutons, part in history, 8, 9; early attack, first century bc, 421, 561 ; in time of Caesar. 437, 561 ; renewed in third century a.d., 511, 561 ; in- filtration into the Empire before their conquest, 554, 561; home in the fourth century, 555; peoples, 555; culture, 556; character, 557, 558; religion, 557, hoS; conversion to Ariauism before the conquest, 532, 558 ; political and social organ- ization, 559, 560; bursting of the barriers 376-409 a.d., 562-568; at- tacks no more formidable than those repulsed earlier, 543, 596; contrasted with Slavs and Tura- nians, 569 ; attacked by Huns, 570, 571; Teutonic generals in Itafy behind puppet emperors, 572, 574 ; first union of the new Teutonic states, under Theodoric, 578; con- quest of Britain, 591 ; effect of invasions, 595; preservation of civilization, 597 ; relation between, and conquered populations, 598; adopt idea of Roman Empire, 599, 642 ; nature of Christianity among, 600; influence of conquests upon political institutions, 610; effect upon growth of Papacy, 628 ; sum- mary of contributions, 614, 615. See also Goths, Burgundians, Van- dals, Franks, Saxons. Tha'les, 19, 141, 142, 157. Thap'sus, battle of, 444. Tha'sos, rebellion of, 185. Theban phalanx, 230, 235. Thebes (Egyptian), 18. Thebes (Greek), 133, 167; welcomes Persians, 171, 223; head of Boeotia, 226 ; citadel seized by Sparta, 227 ; revolt of Pelopidas, 229; Leuctra, 230: supremacy, 231; defeat at Chaeronea. 236; revolt and de- struction, 239. The-mis'to-cles, 163-165, 171, 173, 177, 200, Theocracy, 621. The-oc'ri-tus, 255. The-od'o-ric the Goth, 575-578. The-o-do'si-an Code, the, 553, 573. Theodosius the Great, 518, 526, 530, 541,5(52: IL, 573. The-ogr'nis, 141, 145. INDEX. 563 The-ram'e-nes, 220. Thermopylae^ 168, 170, 186. Ther-si'tes, 97. Tlie'seus,l)3. Thes'pis, 131, 141, 204. Thirty Tyrants, at Athens, 220; in tlie Roman Empire, 461. Thirty Years' Truce, the, between Athens and Sparta, 188. Thor (Tor), 588. Thrace, 84, 233, 521. Thras-y-bu'lus, 220. Thucydides, quoted, 177, 200, 209; place as a historian, 206. Thu-rin'gi-a, 589, 618, 619. Thtit-mo'sis III., 18. Ti-be'ri-us, Roman emperor, 458, 462, note, 464. Ti-ci'nus, battle of, 367. Ti'g-lath-Pi-le'ser, I., 41, 62; II., 41. Tigris River, 38. Ti-mo'le-on, 217. Titles, Roman tribe, 282. Titus, Roman erjiperor, 459. To'tem-ism, 27. Tot'i-la, Gothic king, 582. Tours (toor) , battle of, 626. Trajan, Roman emperor, 459; cor- respondence with Pliny regarding government, 466; regarding Chris- tians, 507; attitude toward perse- cutions, 507, 509; extends Empire to greatest limits, 474. Trajan's Column, 487. Tras-i-me'ne, Lake, battle of, 367. Treason, origin of modern law, 462, note. Tre'bi-a, battle of, 367. Tri-bal'lans, 233. Tribunes, Roman, established by plebeian secession, and powers, 315-316; abolished by decemvirs, 321; restored by second secession, 321; powers enlarged, 321; under the perfected Republican constitu- tion, 346; Sulla's attack upon, 429; power in later Republic, 439; agency of the Empire, 463. Tri-um'vi-rate, First, 436-438; Sec- ond, 452-455. Triv'1-um, the, 483. Troy, 85, 87, 97, 100. Tul'lus Hos-til'i-us, king of Rome,. 278. Tu-ra'ni-ans, 569. Turks, 73, 569, 626, note. Twelve Tables, Roman, 321, 322. Twilight of the Gods, 557. "Tyrants," Greek, 109; Roman, 278. Tyre, 59, 240. Tyr-tae'us, 141. Ul-flVas, 538, 556. Ul'pi-an, Roman jurist, 461, 514; softens Roman Law, as to women, 495; as to slavery, 500. Universities, origin, 258; in Alex- andrian Age, 258; under Roman Empire, 483. Ur, 40, 51. U'ti-ca, 58, 357, 382. Va'lens, Roman emperor, 518, 562. Val-en-tin'i-an, I., Roman emperor, 518; XL, 518; III., 572. Va-le'ri-an, 511. Valerian Law of Appeal, 303, 305, 322. Valerio-Horatian Law, 322, 323. Va-le'ri-us, Man'i-us, 314. Valerius Pub-li-co'la, 303. Vandals, Teutonic people, 555 ; Ari- ans, 558; invasion, 565; kingdom in Spain, 567 ; in Africa, 567 ; char- acter, 576; sack Rome, 557, 572; conquered by Belisarius, 567, 583; numbers, 596. Vap'hi-o cups, 87. Var'ro, Roman consul, 369 ; historian, 490. Va'rus, Roman general, 472. Ve'ii, 329. Ve-ne'ti, 275, 571. Venice, 571. Venus of Melos, 256. Verden, Massacre of, 637. Vergil, 254, 269, 491. Verona, battle of, 676. Ver'res, 403. Ves-pa'si-an, Roman emperor, 458, 459. Vestal Virgins, 290. 564 INDEX. Vi'a Ap'pi-a, 343. Vir-i-a'thus, 377. Vis'l-goths (see also Goths), Arians, 538,558; admitted south of Danube, 562; victory at Adrianople, 562; under Alarie, 563 ; sack Rome, 563 ; kingdom in Gaul and Spain, 564, 567 ; aid Aetius against Attila, 570 ; dispossessed of South Gaul by Clo- vis, 589; numbers, 596. Vi-tel'li-us, Roman emperor, 458. Vol'e-ro, Pub-lil'i-us, 318. Vol'sci-ans, 274, 314, 328. Vul'gate, the, 538. Wars of the Succession, 246. Wer'geld, 609. Wes'sex, kingdom of "West Saxons, in Britain, 591, Whit'by, Council of, 594. Wid'u-kind, 637. Wo'den, 558. Woman, position in AncientEgypt, 23; in Chaldea, 47 ; in Sparta, 113; in Age of Pericles, 210 ; in Alexandrian Age, 254 ; in Republican Rome, 285 ; improvement under the Empire, 495, 500 ; among early Teutons, 557. Worship of Emperors, in Roman Empire, 464, 477. Xe-noph'a-nes, 142. Xen'o-phon, 41, 206, 222, 226. Xerx'es, 166, 167-174. Yeomanry, Roman, decline after Punic Wars, 396, 398. Zama, battle of, 374. j3eno, Emperor at Conrtantinople, 573, 574, 576; the Stoic, 257. Zenobia, queen of Palmyra, 461. Zeus, 100, 288. Zeu'xis, 256. ' Zo-ro-as'ter, 70. References for West's Ancient History PREPARED BY RAYMOND QETTEL HISTORY 1 URSINUS COLLEGE INTRODUCTION Morgan : Anc. Society, Chs. 1-3. Chaillu : Viking Age. Colby : Gen. Hist., Ch. I. Fisher: Gen. Hist., Ch. I. Myers : Anc. Hist., Int. Part I. Oriental Chapter I. Andrews : Gen. Hist., pp. 25-35. Colby, Ch. 2. Chapter III. The Tigris-Eu- phrates States Colby, Ch. 4. Fisher, Ch. 5. Laurie, pp. 53-63- Myers, Chs. 3-7. Rawlinson : Anc. Monarchies, Vols. I., II. Code of Hammurabi. Chapter IV. Phcenicia and THE Hebrews Sec. I.— Colby, Ch. 6. Fisher, Ch. 6. Myers, Ch. 9. Chapter II. Egypt \ Colby, Ch. 3. Fisher, Ch. 4. Myers, Chs. 1-2. Rawlinson : Anc. Egypt. Brugsch : Egypt under the Pharaohs. Laurie : Hist. Survey of Pre-Christian Education, pp. 10-48. Chataquan, Vol. X., p. 589. Sec. 2.— Colby, Ch. 5. Fisher, Ch. 7. Myers, Ch. 8. Laurie, pp. 65-100. Chaptkr V. Persia Sees. 4, 5. — Myers, pp. 35-40. Colby, Ch. 8. Fisher, Ch. 8. i Morgan : Anc. Society, pp. 215-255. Myers, Chs. 10-12. Oman : Hist. Fowler: City State, Chs. 1-3. De- of Greece, Ch. 13. Laurie, pp. [ Coulanges : Anc. City, Bks. I. -III. 178-195. Rawlinson : Anc. Mon- j archies. Vol. III. ! Part II. Greece Chapter I. Myers : Hist, of Greece, Ch. i. Oman : Hist, of Greece, Chs. 1, 2. Grote : Hist. of Greece, Vol. II., pp. 211-236. Chapter II. Sees. 1-3.— Grote, Vol. II., Chs. 20, 21. Myers, Ch. 2. Oman, Ch. 3. Botsford : Hist, of Greece, pp. I- 13. Chat. Vol. XXIV., pp. 635-665. Chat. Vol. XXIV. Iliad and Odyssey. Chapter III. Sees. 1-3. — Oman, Chs. 4, 5. Myers, pp. 40-58. Botsford, pp. 20-30. Grote, Vol. I. Chat. Vol. XVII., p. 144. Chat. Vol. XVI., p. 163. Sec. 4. — Oman, Chs. 6 and 9. Myers, Ch. 5. Botsford, pp. 30-40. Sec. 5.— Myers, Ch. 6. Oman, Ch. 10. Fowler, Ch. 4. Sec. 6.— Myers, Ch. 4. Oman, Chs. 7, 8. Botsford, pp. 56-63. Plu- tarch : Lycurgus. Chapter V. Sec. I. — Oman, Chs. 22, 23. My- ers, Ch. 15. Botsford, Ch. 8. Sec. 7.— Myers, Ch. 7. Oman, Chs. II, 12, 16. Botsford, pp. 41-56 and Ch. 4. Fowler, Chs. 5, 6. Bots- ford : Athen. Cons., Chs. 7-1 1. Plu- tarch : Solon, Sec. 8.— Botsford, Ch. 5. Jevons Hist, of Gk. Lit. Chapter IV. Myers, Chs. 8-14. Botsford, Chs. 6, 7. Oman, Chs. U^iS and 17-20. Plutarch : Aristides, Themistocles. Creasy : World's Battles, Ch. i. Sec. 2.— Oman, Chs. 24, 25. Bots- ford, Ch. 9 and pp. 217-227. My- ers, Ch. 16. Plutarch : Pericles. Laurie, pp. 196-300. Jevons : Hist, of Gk. Lit. Munroe : Source Bk. of Hist, of Ed. , Part I. Jebb : Greek Lit. Sec. 3.— Botsford, Ch. 10 and pp. 227-238. Oman, Chs. 26-34. My- ers, Chs. 17-22. Plutarch : Alcibi- ades, Nicias. Creasy, Ch. 2. Sec. 4— Myers, Ch. 24. Botsford, Ch. 12. Oman, Chs 21 and 37. Chapter VI. ' Chapter II. Sec. I.— Botsford, Ch. 13. My- { Sees, i, 2.— Myers, Ch. 27. Bots- ers, Ch. 22. Oman, Clis. 35, 36 : ford, pp. 318-330. Mahaffy : Greek a"^^ 38, 39. ' Life. Sec. 2. Botsford, Ch. 14. ers, Ch. 23. Oman, Ch. 40. My- Sec. 3.— Myers, Ch. 25. Oman, Chs. 41-43. Botsford, Ch. 15. Plu- tarch : Demosthenes. Part 111. Qraeco°Oriental . Chapter I. Myers, Ch. 26. Oman, Ch. 44. Botsford, pp. 310-318. Plutarch : Alexander. Abbott : Alexander. Creasy, Ch. 3. Sec. 3.— Jevons : Hist, of Greek Ivit. Chat. Vol. XVI., p. 401 and P- 531. Chapter III. Wilson : The State, pp. 50-53. Plutarch : Agis, Cleomenes, Aratus. Part IV. Rome Chapter I. Sees. 1-4. — Myers : Rome : its Rise and Fall, Ch. I. Botsford : Hist, of Rome, Ch. I. How and Leigh : Hist, of Rome, Chs. i. 2. Sec. 5.— Myers, Ch. 4. H. and ly. Ch. 3. Botsford, Ch. 2. Plutarch: Romulus. Munro : Source Book, pp. 2-5, 66-77. Chapter II. Sees. 2, 3. — Myers, Ch. 2. H. and L., Ch. 4. Botsford, pp. 22-27. DeCoulanges, pp. 299-314. Morey : Roman Law, Period I., Chs. i, 2. Sec. 4.— H. and h., pp. 288-292. Myers, Ch. 3. Munro : S. B., pp. 6-21. Sec. 5.— H. and L., Ch. 5. Ab- bott : Roman Pol. Ins., Chs. i, 2. Chapter III. Myers, Ch. 5. H. and L., Chs. 6, 8, 9, 12. Botsford, Ch. 4. Mun- ro : S. B., pp. 41-65. Fowler, Ch. 7. Abbott, Chs. 3-1 1. Hadley : Roman Law, Ch. 4. Morey: Rom- an Law, Ch. 3. Chapter IV. Botsford, Ch. 3. Myers, Ch. 6. H. and L., Chs. 7, 10, 11, 13-16. Plutarch : Pyrrhus. Chapter V. Fowler, Ch. 8. H. and L., Chs. 28- 30. Abbott, pp. 220-244. Munro : S. B., pp. 23-40. Morey, Period II. Myers, Chs. 23-25. Chapter VI. Myers, Chs. 7-9 and 11. Botsford, Ch. 5. H. and L.,Chs. 17-24. Mun- ro, pp. 78-91. Plutarch : Fabius, Marcellus. Creasy, Ch. 4. Abbott: Hannibal. Chaptkr VII. H. and L., Chs. 25-27. Myers, Ch. 10. Botsford, pp. 1 16-123. Chapter II. Sees. 1-3. — Botsford, pp. 204-276 and Ch. 15. Myers, Chs. 15-17. Munro, pp. 217-237. Morey, Peri- ods III.-IV. Creasy, Ch. 5. Chapter VIII. ! Botsford, pp. 129-187. Myers, | Sees. 4-5. — Munro, pp. 164-216. Chs. 12-14. H. and L., Chs. 31-50. i Abbott, Chs. 17-21. Fowler, Ch. Froude : Csesar. Plutarch : Tiberi- j 11. Cruttwell : History of Roman us Gracchus, Caius Gracchus, Cato, j Lit. Monroe : Source Bk. of Hist. Marius, Crassus, Pompey, Cicero, j of Ed., Part II. Laurie, pp. 301- Munro, pp. 93-142. DeCou-l4ii. langes, Bk. V. Part V. Graeco> Roman Chapter I. Chapter III. Botsford, pp. 276-291. Myers, pp. 381-427. Dill : Roman Society. I Bryce : Holy Roman Empire, Ch. , , , „ , ;Ch. II. Adams : Civ. during M. A., Botsford, Ch. 8. H. and L., Chs. ! (,,,. 3. Bmerton, Int., Ch. 9 Fish- er : Beg. of Christ., Chs. 2-6 and 16, 17. Robinson : Hist, of W. Europe, 51, 52. Mj'ers, Ch. 15. Plutarch : Brutus, Caesar, Antony. Munro, pp. 143-162. Fowler, Chs. 9, 10. Abbott, Ch. 12. Ch. 2. Part VI, Romano-Teutonic Chapter I. Emerton : Int. to M. A., Ch. 2. Adams : Civ., Ch. 5. Penn. VI., 3. Sec. 4. Emerton : Int., Ch. 7. Bryce, Chs. 4, 5. Adams : Civ., Ch. 7. Adams : Growth of Fr. Na- tion, Ch. 2. Sees. Chapter II. 2.— Botsford, pp. 296-310. 1 Sec. 5.— Church, Ch. 4. Gardin- Emerton : Int., Chs. 3-5. Adams : | er : Hist, of Eng., Chs. 1,2. Green, Civ., Ch. 4. Bryce : H. R. E., Ch. I Hist, of Eng. People, Vol. I., Ch. 3. Duruy : Hist, of M. A., Ch. 2. U. Montgomery: Hist, of Eng., Creasy, Ch. 6. Robinson, Ch. 3. ! chs. 3, 4. Ivce : Source Bk., Chs. 3-5- Sec. 3.— Bryce, Ch. 4. Duruy, Ch. 3. Emerton : Int., Ch. 6. Thatcher and Schwill : Europe in the M. A., Ch. 4. Adams: Civ., Ch. 4. Hadley : Roman Law, Chs. I and 3. Church : Beg. of M. A., Ch.6. Sees. Chapter III. 2.— Church, Ch. 3. [ Sec. 3. — Harnack : Monasticism. j Emerton : M. E., Ch. 16. Emer- ! ton : Int., Ch. 11. Adams: Civ., pp. 131-136. Thatcher and Schwill, Sec. 3.— Adams : Civ., Ch. 6. Ch. 14. Penn, II., 4. Henderson's Thatcher and Schwill, Ch. 12. Docs., p. 274. Robinson, Ch, 5. Henderson's Docs., p. 319. Emer- ton : Int., Ch. 9. Robinson, Ch. 4. Sees. 4-6.— Emerton : Int., Ch. 7. Henderson's Docs., p. 314. Penn, IV., 4. Morey, Period V. Sec. 4. — Emerton : Int., Ch. 12. i Duruy, Ch. 8. Robinson, Ch. 6. Chapter IV. Sees. I, 2. Emerton: Int., Ch. 10. 'Emerton : M. E., Ch. 11. Church, pp. 86-94. Duruy, Chs. 5-7. Ad- ams, Civ., Ch. II. Oilman : The Saracens. Carlyle : Mohammed. Irving: Mahomet. Koran. Creasy, Ch.. 7. Chapter V. Church, Ch. 7. Emerton : Int., Chs. 13, 14. Adams: Civ., Ch. 7. Duruy, Ch. 9. Hodgkin : Charles the Great. Robinson, Ch. 7. Bryce, Ch. 5. West: Alcuin. LOAN DEPT. RECD •■D m2 |'72 (Cl795sl0)476B 61 GeneraJ Librarv University of CalifXn/. Berkeley YC 36892