A 
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 9 
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 7 
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 312.17 
 F6
 
 WASHINGTON 
 
 AS AN 
 
 EMPLOYER AND IMPORTER 
 
 OF 
 
 LABOR. 
 
 BROOKLYN, N. Y.: 
 
 PRIVATELY PRINTED. 
 
 1889.
 
 Five hundred copies printed.
 
 LIBRARY 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 
 SANTA BARBARA 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGB 
 
 INTRODUCTORY NOTE v 
 
 CONTRACTS, AGREEMENTS, ETC 25 
 
 A Joiner 25 
 
 Overseer on the Home Plantation 27 
 
 Overseer for an Outlying Plantation 28 
 
 Agreement to Dispose of Crops 34 
 
 Stocking a Plantation 36 
 
 Comparison between the Cost of Weaving on the Plan- 
 tation and Importing Similar Cloths 40 
 
 A Carpenter 41 
 
 A Gardener 43 
 
 Hire of a Negro . . . . - 45 
 
 IMPORTING PALATINES, 1774 47 
 
 Washington to James Tilghman, Jr 47 
 
 Robert Adam to Washington 49 
 
 Washington to Henry Riddell 51 
 
 Henry Riddell to Washington 55 
 
 John Ross to Robert Adam 57 
 
 Washington to Henry Riddell 59 
 
 Henry Riddell to Washington 61 
 
 (iii)
 
 IV 
 
 Washington to Henry Riddell 62 
 
 Henry Riddell to Washington 64 
 
 Jno. David Woelper to Washington 65 
 
 James Tilghman, Jr. to Washington 71 
 
 ADVERTISEMENT OF RUNAWAY SERVANTS 74 
 
 FORM OF INDENTURE OR COVENANT FOR SERVANTS. . . 76 

 
 INTRODUCTORY NOTE. 
 
 THE economy of a newly established colony is long 
 greatly influenced by a scarcity of labor. The first 
 necessity is to meet the requirements of its own people ; 
 but this done, the conditions favorable to production 
 incident to a virgin territory, a temperate climate, and 
 a notable capacity for raising produce of commercial 
 importance, soon outstrip the labor available for pro- 
 duction. The riches so lavishly offered by nature 
 create a market for labor, and the artificial stimulus 
 of legislation may heighten the demands for this com- 
 modity. Virginia, in colonial days, was in this posi- 
 tion. The fiscal system in operation among the lead- 
 ing European nations had induced the prohibition of 
 the culture of tobacco throughout the greater part of 
 that continent, and the production of this plant had 
 become largely centralized in the two English planta- 
 tions of Maryland and Virginia, the annual export 
 being about 96,000 hogsheads. Of this only about 14,- 
 ooo were actually consumed by Great Britain, the re- 
 mainder passing through the hands of her merchants to 
 be distributed among the markets of Continental Eu- 
 rope, an arrangement, enforced by legislation, and en- 
 uring largely to the profit of the English and Scotch 
 
 ( v ) factors,
 
 factors, but at the expense of the planter. The latter 
 sold in a monopoly market, for he could sell only in 
 Great Britain ; and all his purchases were made in a like 
 market, for the essence of the commercial system of the 
 day was to make him dependent, commercially and in- 
 dustrially, on the mother country. 
 
 To produce this tobacco, a large supply of labor was 
 necessary, and the larger, because the most wasteful 
 form of labor was generally employed that of slaves. 
 It has been estimated that while a single laborer can 
 cultivate twenty acres of corn or wheat, he would be 
 unable to manage more than two acres of tobacco : * 
 and if we take the average production of a slave at 1000 
 pounds of tobacco a year (an estimate suggested by 
 Adam Smith), it will easily be seen that a very large 
 number of negroes was necessary. The proportion of 
 blacks to whites throughout the colony has been esti- 
 mated to have been about four to one, but this is an 
 excessive figure for the slaves. It is safe however to 
 say that in Virginia the slaves were about equal to one- 
 half of the white population, and in Maryland the pop- 
 ulation was about the same. The capital invested in 
 slaves was thus large, and they were regarded as 
 "real estate," as specially provided for in the wills 
 and transfers as the land and plantation build- 
 ings. The direct trade between Europe and the two 
 tobacco colonies was of a limited character, confined 
 principally to the transport of tobacco from the colo- 
 nies, and manufactures from Great Britain. A 
 ' ' Guinea ' ' ship, whose cargo was slaves, rarely came 
 
 * Russell, Agriculture and Climate of North America, 141. 
 
 to
 
 to those parts, as it was more convenient for it to 
 go to the sugar plantations of the British West Indies, 
 and exchange its living freight for the sugar that 
 was to be turned into rum in New England the cur- 
 rency that found a ready circulation in Africa. The 
 supply of negroes that Virginia required was obtained 
 from the West Indies, or, when a northern province 
 wished to get rid of what slaves it had, by shipments 
 from the north. 
 
 These slaves were completely at the will of their 
 owners, and, as a rule, appear to have been well treated 
 and cared for so far as housing, clothing and food were 
 concerned. Instances may be cited of cruelty, of un- 
 usual punishment for the natural indolence of the 
 black, or for outbursts of their animal natures. The 
 country was in perpetual fear of outbreaks and revolts, 
 and few possibilities were regarded with greater terror, 
 or could inspire more intense feelings as was shown 
 by the wave of indignation and abhorrence that fol- 
 lowed Dunmore's attempt to arm the slaves against 
 their masters. An intractable or disagreeable slave 
 was usually got rid of by being shipped to and sold in 
 the West Indies. In 1766 Washington sent to those 
 islands, to be exchanged for spirits, rum and sweet- 
 meats, an ' ' exceedingly hearty ' ' negro, good at the 
 hoe, but a "rogue and a runaway," and suggesting 
 that he would sell well if " kept clean and trim'd up a 
 little." In the Boston Evening Post for 1761, a skip- 
 per offered to take in exchange for " small likely " 
 negroes, "any negro men, strong and hearty, tho ? not 
 of the best moral character, which are proper subjects 
 for transportation." 
 
 Their
 
 8 
 
 Their value, however, was one of the reasons for 
 good treatment. A planter could not afford to mal- 
 treat them. In the twenty years previous to the Revolu- 
 tion, their market price was greatly increased, although 
 the management of estates was just about to so change 
 as to make their labor no longer profitable the culti- 
 vation of wheat supplanting that of tobacco. Of 
 course, mere quotations of money prices will not be 
 conclusive evidence of this rise in value, as so much 
 would depend upon the quality of the slave, the con- 
 dition of the slave market, and the valuation of the 
 paper money of the province. In 1754 Washington 
 bought a "fellow" for .40. 5; another (Jack) for 
 ^52. 5, and a negro woman (Clio), for ^50. In 1756, 
 he purchased of the Governor (Dinwiddie) a negro 
 woman and child for ^60, and two years later a fellow 
 (Gregory) for ^60. 9. In the following year (the year 
 of his marriage) he bought largely ; a negro (Will) for 
 ^50 ; another for 60 ; nine for ^406, an average of 
 ^35 ; and a woman (Hannah) and child, ^80. In 
 1762 he added to the number by purchasing seven of 
 Lee Massey for ,300 (an average of ,43), and two of 
 Col. Fielding Lewis, at ,115 or ^57. 10 apiece. 
 From the estate of Francis Hubbs he bought in 1764, 
 Ben, ^72, Lewis, .36. 10, and Sarah, ^20. Another 
 fellow, bought of Sarah Alexander, cost him 76 ; and 
 a negro (Judy) and child, sold by Garvin Corbin, ,63. 
 In 1768, Mary Lee sold him two mulattoes (Will and 
 Frank) for ,61.15 an d 5> respectively ; and two 
 boys (negroes), Adam and Frank, for 19 apiece. 
 
 The association that followed the stamp act troubles 
 
 may
 
 may have influenced prices, for after 1769 there occurs 
 a notable rise. In 1770, a negro fellow (Bath) was 
 sold for ;66. 10, and "at publick vendue in 1773, a 
 fellow (Ned) for ,72 and a girl Murria, ^49 . 10. " The 
 quotations for this commodity for 1772, bear out this 
 assertion : Anthony, jo ; lyondon, ^65 ; Strephon, 
 ^"50 ; and James and Isaac ^90 each. These are the 
 last purchases I find noted ; but it will be seen that 
 with 75 or 80 slaves on his different plantations, Wash- 
 ington had quite a handsome amount invested in that 
 form. It was a very uncertain form, also; for the 
 blacks were liable to run away ; they might be swept 
 away by small-pox, gaol fever or any other malignant 
 disorder, by no means uncommon in the country ; sick- 
 ness was so frequent that Dr. John Laurie was paid 
 ;i5 a year for attending to all his people in Fairfax 
 county. This was not exorbitant, but I fear the Doc- 
 tor's reliability was not worth a high price, for on 
 April gth, 1760, I find the entry in Washington's Diary 
 "Doctor L,awrie came here, I may add, drunk." 
 July 19, 1760, "Received a letter from my overseer 
 Hardwick informing me that the small-pox was sur- 
 rounding the plantations he overlooked." In the win- 
 ter of 1759-60 he lost four negroes by that disease. 
 The daily notes of Washington show much sickness 
 among his slaves, so the Doctor undoubtedly earned his 
 wages. 
 
 There was a number of more intelligent negroes, 
 capable of working at some trade, like carpentering, 
 wood joining, etc. who were hired of their owners by 
 planters needing their services for limited periods. A 
 
 carpenter
 
 IO 
 
 carpenter was rented out in 1756 for 20 a year; and 
 the form of such a lease in given in this volume. I do 
 not find, however, that this was a common occurrence. 
 Next to the slave conies the indentured or "cove- 
 nant servant. ' ' A contract entered into by such a ser- 
 vant for his transportation is given in full in the appen- 
 dix. On arriving at the plantation the skipper would 
 dispose of the covenant servant for the time covenanted 
 at a price which, like that of the slave, was controlled by 
 the skill or strength of the servant, and the demand 
 for such labor. This was usually terms very profit- 
 able to the skipper; for ^30 was a fair price for a 
 servant of average abilities, and the expenses of trans- 
 porting the man were about 6 to ^13 at the most. 
 In 1773 Washington paid ,35 for a gardener and 6, 
 10. 9 for his passage from Leeds ; the year before he 
 had bought an indented servant (Andrew Judge) for 
 
 3P- 
 
 "They [these servants] were treated as part of the 
 body of citizens, and were compelled to bear arms and 
 do militia duty. They were prevented from running 
 away and from vagrancy by severe penalties and rigid 
 laws. All servants, ' whether by indenture, or accord- 
 ing to the custom of the country, or hired for wages,' 
 were liable to be taken up as runaways if caught ten 
 miles from home without written permission from their 
 masters. If absent without leave, ten days were to be 
 added to their term of service for every day's absence. 
 The person who harbored a runaway was fined 500 
 pounds of tobacco for each twenty-four hours, and to be 
 whipped if unable to pay the fine. There was a stand- 
 ing reward of 200 pounds of tobacco for taking up run- 
 aways, and Indians who captured such vagrants were 
 
 given
 
 II 
 
 given a match coat for each runaway they took. Trad- 
 ing with servants without permission of masters was a 
 finable offence. But the law was just as well as severe. 
 It gave servants the right of petition in county courts. 
 It compelled redemptioners to be brought into court to 
 have their ages determined. If they were transported 
 servants without indentures, they were to be sold for a 
 term of five years, if over 22 years old ; if between the 
 ages of 18 and 22, six years; if between 15 and 18, 
 seven years; under 15, to serve until 22 years old. 
 Their term of service was deemed to begin from the 
 moment the vessel anchored, and in no case later than 
 fourteen days after her coming inside the Capes. If 
 master, mistress, or overseer starved, ill-lodged, ill- 
 clothed, or overworked servants, excessively beat or 
 abused them, or gave them more than ten lashes for 
 any offence, they were fined 1000 pounds of tobacco, 
 and if convicted three times, the servant was set free. 
 If a greater correction was needed by servants, they 
 must be taken before a magistrate. When they became 
 free at the end of their term of service, servants received 
 a ' freedom due. ' This was explicitly defined in the 
 statute. ' Every man servant, according to the custom 
 of the country, shall have given to him at the expira- 
 tion of his term of service :* one new hat, one new 
 suit (coat and breeches) of kersey or broad cloth, a 
 white linen shift, a pair of French fall shoes, stockings, 
 two houghs, one axe, one gun of twenty shillings value, 
 not above four feet in the barrel, nor under three and a 
 half feet, ' to be delivered to him in the presence of a 
 magistrate, and which he was forbidden to sell during 
 the first twelve months, together with a supply of am- 
 munition. Woman servants were to have a waistcoat 
 and petticoat of ' new half-thick or Permistone, a new 
 shift of white linen, shoes and stockings, a blue apron, 
 
 * " By your freedom dues according to the custom of the country, ^"3. 10." 
 Entry in Washington's Ledger. 
 
 two
 
 12 
 
 two white linen caps, and three barrels of Indian 
 corn.'"* 
 
 Such is a summary of the laws of Maryland apply- 
 ing to redemptioners, or covenant servants, and in 
 Virginia the legislation was nearly the same. In spite 
 of this protection, the condition of these laborers be- 
 came bad as the dependence on slave labor became 
 greater ; and while in the beginning their position was 
 better than that of an apprentice in England, being 
 better clothed, better fed, better housed, and worked less 
 continuously or severely, yet just before the Revolution 
 they were described as ' ' groaning under a worse than 
 Egyptian bondage." 
 
 A genuine redemptioner was, often, a laborer of good 
 intelligence and skill, possessed of a knowledge of some 
 ' ' art or mystery ' ' acquired by an apprenticeship in the 
 mother country. This class represented the skilled 
 labor of the colony, and could find a ready market at a 
 fair price. There were also men of education among 
 them. Washington is said to have received his first 
 schooling at the hands of an indentured servant ; Archi- 
 bald Alexander, the elder, was taught the rudiments 
 of L,atln by such a one. Alsop and Hammond, who 
 have written of Maryland, were redemptioners. And 
 in Maryland these servants were so common that Gov- 
 ernor Sharpe could write in 1755, that "the planters' 
 fortunes here consist in the number of their servants 
 (who are purchased at high rates), much as the estates 
 of an English farmer do in the multitude of cattle." 
 And in 1756, when British recruiting officers were 
 
 Scharf, II. 15. 
 
 scouring
 
 13 
 
 scouring the province for recruits, he wrote : ' ' Few but 
 indented servants have enlisted . . . and that method 
 of recruiting will distress the country infinitely more 
 than a decimation of its free inhabitants." 
 
 Not every imported servant was considered of value ; 
 the number might be so large that the colonies could 
 not absorb them, and thus demoralize the market, or 
 they might be of such quality as not to make them a 
 desirable acquisition for a plantation. Of the former 
 we may count the German emigration to Pennsylvania, 
 and of the latter, the kidnapped or transported convicts. 
 This movement of the Palatines has interest in con- 
 nection with the present issue, because of the wish of 
 Washington to import a number for settling his western 
 lands ; but as the movement was voluntary, in large 
 numbers, and for the purposes of settlement, I pass over 
 it for the moment, and take up the transportation of 
 convicts. 
 
 The practice of sending to America what it was trou- 
 blesome for England to maintain, was much older than 
 the reign of the House of Hanover in England. ' ' In 
 1619 James I, issued an order that certain vile and dis- 
 solute persons who swarmed the streets of London 
 should be arrested and sent to Virginia. The city 
 companies, at the request of the Lord Mayor, voted a 
 considerable sum towards paying the expenses of their 
 shipment, and at the same time determined to send a 
 hundred destitute children with them. In 1687 Judge 
 Jeffries sent a large number of those who had been 
 convicted of rebellion in the Monmouth insurrection to 
 Virginia, but these were afterwards pardoned and 
 
 returned
 
 returned from exile. The position of these. people in 
 Virginia was that of ' conditional servitude. ' " * In 
 1662 the justices of peace in any county could sen- 
 tence " such rogues, vagabonds, and sturdy beggars" 
 as might be adjudged to be "incorrigible" to be 
 transported to ' ' any of the English plantations beyond 
 the seas" (13 & 14 Car. II, c. 12.) 
 
 By a law passed in 1717 (4 Geo. i, c. n), persons 
 convicted of offenses within the benefit of clergy, ex- 
 cept receivers and buyers of stolen goods, and persons 
 convicted of exporting wool or wool fells, should be 
 sent to the Plantations for seven years, the court that 
 passed the conviction contracting for their transporta- 
 tion. For greater offenses, such as were excluded 
 from the benefit of clergy, they might be transported 
 for 14 years, or a term fixed by the court, and the per- 
 sons contracting for their transportation should have a 
 property and interest in the service of the offenders for 
 that term of years. The contractor was to give bond 
 for the effectual transport of the criminal. "And 
 whereas," the act continued, "there are many idle 
 persons who are under the age of one and twenty 
 years, lurking about in divers parts of London, and 
 elsewhere, who want employment, and may be tempted 
 to become thieves, if not provided for : and whereas 
 they may be inclined to be transported, and to enter 
 into service in some of his Majesty's colonies and Plan- 
 tations in America ; but as they have no power to con- 
 tract for themselves, and therefore that it is not safe for 
 merchants to transport them, or take them into such 
 
 *Stille, in Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, January, 1889. 
 
 services, ' '
 
 15 
 
 services," it was provided that merchants or others 
 might contract with persons of the age of 15 and under 
 21, to serve them in America for any period not ex- 
 ceeding 8 years. The provisions of this act were not 
 extended to Scotland until 1766, and in the meantime 
 (1734) assault with intent to commit robbery was in- 
 cluded among felonies punishable by a transportation 
 of seven years (7 Geo. 2, c. 21). These appear to 
 have been the laws under which convicts were trans- 
 ported to America until the outbreak of the Revolu- 
 tion, when a change was made to solitary confinement, 
 hard labor on the Thames galleys, or transportation to 
 other of the British possessions. 
 
 It is very natural to find the colonies objecting to this 
 practice of dumping the dangerous classes of England 
 on to their shores. But the trade was too profitable to 
 the contractor to be easily broken down. One of these 
 contractors testified in 1779 that he paid the govern- 
 ment ^5 a head for transportable convicts, and sold 
 them in Virginia and Maryland at prices ranging 
 from /"TO for males not artificers, to ^15 and ^25 for 
 skilled mechanics. For seven years he had transported 
 on the average 473 convicts annually to those colonies. 
 In 1 737 the Pennsylvania Gazette called attention to the 
 arrival of a vessel bringing 66 indentures, and 22 wigs, 
 the intention being to wig the convicts and pass them 
 off as decent servants. In 1750 a Philadelphia writer 
 said: "In what could Britain injure us more than 
 emptying her jails on us? What must we think of 
 those merchants who, for the sake of a little petty gain, 
 will be concerned in importing and disposing of these 
 
 abominable
 
 i6 
 
 abominable cargoes. " In a paper attributed by Sparks 
 to Franklin, contributed to the Pennsylvania Gazette, 
 the writer said : ' ' We may all remember the time when 
 our mother country, as a mark of her parental tender- 
 ness, emptied her gaols into our habitations, 'for the 
 better peopling, ' as she expressed it, of the colonies. It 
 is certain that no due returns have yet been made for 
 these valuable consignments. We are therefore much 
 in her debt on that account; and, as she is of late 
 clamorous for the payment of all we owe her, and some 
 of our debts are of a kind not so easily discharged, I 
 am for doing what is in our power. It will show our 
 good-will as to the rest. The felons she planted among 
 us have produced such an amazing increase, that we 
 are now enabled to make ample remittance in the same 
 commodity." And he proposed that every English 
 ship coming to Pennsylvania should give a bond en- 
 gaging to carry back to Britain at least one felon for 
 every fifty tons of her burthen.* In 1755, under the 
 idea that the neighboring colony oi Pennsylvania and 
 some of the West India islands had enacted a similar 
 law, Maryland imposed a duty of ^i on imported ser- 
 vants, but the duty was disallowed. "It is truly hard 
 upon the Province," wrote Cecil Calvert to Governor 
 Sharpe, ' ' that the scum and dregs of the people here 
 sent, should be the cause of ruin to honest men there." 
 Washington had among his servants a few such 
 convicts. In 1766 I find an entry, "By expenses to 
 the convict ship, 3 dollars. ' ' But it is difficult to dis- 
 tinguish what he might have purchased of that form 
 
 * Franklin's Writings (Sparks), 11.495. 
 
 Of
 
 17 
 
 of import, and not until 1774 have I noted a specific 
 example. Then, at the very time he was considering 
 the expediency of importing Palatines, as shown in 
 the following letters, he sent Valentine Crawford to 
 Baltimore to obtain ten servants to take with him to 
 the Ohio. " I have purchased for you," wrote Mr. Mc- 
 Gachen of that city, ' ' four men convicts, four indented 
 servants for three years, and a man and his wife for 
 four years. The price is, I think, rather high; but 
 as they are country, likely people, and you at present 
 wanted them, Mr. Crawford said he imagined you 
 would be well satisfied with our bargain. I have 
 agreed to pay ^no sterling for them. . . They are at 
 present scarce, and in demand." 
 
 The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biog- 
 raphy for 1878, contains the translation of an essay by 
 Dr. J. G. de Hopps Scheffer, of Amsterdam, on the 
 ' ' Mennonite Emigration to Pennsylvania. ' '* No little 
 light is thrown upon the migration from the German 
 States to the British colonies in America, and there 
 must be some understanding of this movement of pop- 
 ulation before the full meaning of the letters published 
 in this pamphlet can be grasped. Late in the seven- 
 teenth century, under the religious persecutions of the 
 time, the emigration of Swiss, Palatines and lyit- 
 thauers to Pennsylvania began, the travellers being 
 assisted in their long voyage by their co-religionists in 
 Holland and elsewhere. The first settlements were 
 made at Germantown and along the Delaware, but the 
 beginnings were so unfavorable as to discourage those 
 
 * See also Rupp's valuable List of Emigrants to Pennsylvania. 
 
 2 who
 
 i8 
 
 who had an interest in the colonies, and as early as 
 1709 the inducement of assistance was taken away. 
 Certain families from Worms, who wished to go to 
 Pennsylvania in 1679, were described as "altogether 
 very poor men," bringing with them "scarcely any- 
 thing that is necessary in the way of raiment and 
 shoes, much less the money that must be spent for fare 
 from here [Rotterdam] to England, and from there on 
 the great journey, before they can settle in that foreign 
 land." The English Quakers were also willing to 
 assist the persecuted Palatines to get beyond the reach 
 of their persecutors, and it was no uncommon sight to 
 see Mennonite families in England awaiting an oppor- 
 tunity for securing passage for America. The govern- 
 ment of Bern, burdened with its overcrowded prisons 
 a situation arising from the religious persecutions 
 sent in 1710 a number to Pennsylvania ; and the offers 
 in 1717 of an English agent of land west of the Alle- 
 ghenies, doubtless influenced many to migrate, so 
 many as to attract the attention of the Governor of 
 Pennsylvania. (Colonial Records, III, 29.) The mi- 
 gration continued in the subsequent years, varying in 
 volume with the political situation at home and the 
 reports from America. Moreover the church funds 
 were no longer applied to assist needy emigrants, and 
 it was doubtless for this reason, more than any other, 
 that the movement became an object of speculation. 
 In 1765 we find mention of 800 men. women and 
 children, brought by a speculator from the Palatinate, 
 Franconia and Suabia, to England, and being deserted 
 there, lay in Goodman's Fields, in the open air and 
 
 without
 
 19 
 
 without food.* The number of Germans in Pennsyl- 
 vania at the beginning of the Revolution is not known, 
 but they must have formed a numerous and powerful 
 body. In 1738 Governor Thomas attributed the pros- 
 perity of the province " in a great measure ' ' to the 
 industry of these people, f In 1751, on the other hand, 
 Franklin wrote against them, fearing that their great 
 numbers would ' ' Germanize ' ' the Province. Why, he 
 asked, ' ' should the Palatine boors be suffered to 
 swarm into our settlements, and by herding together, 
 establish their language and manners, to the exclusion 
 of our own ?" J Two years later he had no reason to 
 change his opinions. ' ' Those who come hither are 
 generally the most stupid of their own nation, and, as 
 ignorance is often attended with credulity when 
 knavery would mislead it, and with suspicion when 
 honesty would set it right, and as few of the English 
 understand the German language, and so cannot ad- 
 dress them either from the press or the pulpit, it is 
 almost impossible to remove any prejudices they may 
 entertain. Their clergy have very little influence on 
 the people, who seem to take a pleasure in abusing and 
 discharging the minister on every trivial occasion. 
 Not being used to liberty, they know not how to make 
 a modest use of it. And as Kolbur says of the young 
 Hottentots, that they are not esteemed men until they 
 have shown their manhood by beating their mothers, so 
 these seem not to think themselves free, till they can 
 
 * Francis, Annals of Assurance, 142. 
 
 + Speech to the Assembly. 
 
 \ Works (Bigelow's edition), II, 233. 
 
 feel
 
 2O 
 
 feel their liberty by abusing and insulting their 
 teachers. Thus they are under no restraint from 
 ecclesiastical government ; they behave, however, sub- 
 missively enough at present to the civil government, 
 which I wish they may continue to do for I remember 
 when they modestly declined intermeddling in our 
 elections, but now they come in droves and carry all 
 before them, except in one or two counties. 
 
 ' ' Few of their children in the country know Eng- 
 lish. They import many books from Germany; and 
 of the six printing-houses in the province, two are 
 entirely German, two half German half English, and 
 but two entirely English. They have one German 
 newspaper, and one half-German. Advertisements, in- 
 tended to be general, are now printed in Dutch and 
 English. The signs in our streets have inscriptions 
 in both languages, and in some places only German. 
 They begin of late to make all their bonds and other 
 legal instruments in their own language, which 
 (though I think it ought not to be) are allowed good 
 in our courts, where the German business so increases 
 that there is continued need of interpreters; and I 
 suppose in a few years they will also be necessary in 
 the Assembly, to tell one-half of our legislators what 
 the other half say. 
 
 "In short, unless the stream of their importation 
 could be turned from this to other colonies, as you 
 very judiciously propose, they will soon so outnumber 
 us that all the advantages we have will, in my 
 opinion, be not able to preserve our language, and 
 even our government will become precarious. The 
 
 French,
 
 21 
 
 French, who watch all advantages, are now them- 
 selves making a German settlement, back of us, in the 
 Illinois country, and by means of these Germans they 
 may in time come to an understanding with ours ; and, 
 indeed, in the past war, our Germans showed a 
 general disposition that seemed to bode us no good. 
 For, when the English, who were not Quakers, 
 alarmed by the danger arising from the defenceless 
 state of our country, entered unanimously into an 
 association, and within this government and the 
 Lower Counties raised, armed and disciplined near ten 
 thousand men, the Germans, except a very few in pro- 
 portion to their number, refused to engage in it, giving 
 out, one amongst another, and even in print, that if 
 they were quiet, the French, should they take the 
 country, would not molest them ; at the same time 
 abusing the Philadelphians for fitting out privateers 
 against the enemy, and representing the trouble, 
 hazard, and expense of defending the province, as a 
 greater inconvenience than any that might be expected 
 from a change of government. Yet I am not for re- 
 fusing to admit them entirely into our colonies; all 
 that seems to me necessary is, to distribute them more 
 equally, mix them with the English, establish English 
 schools where they are now too thick settled, and 
 take some care to prevent the practice, lately fallen 
 into by some of the ship-owners, of sweeping the 
 German gaols to make up the number of their passen- 
 gers. I say I am not against the admission of Ger- 
 mans in general, for they have their virtues. Their 
 industry and frugality are exemplary. They are 
 
 excellent
 
 22 
 
 excellent husbandmen, and contribute greatly to the 
 improvement of a country."* 
 
 It would naturally follow, that in a country so 
 sparsely settled as Virginia then was, and when the 
 servile formed such a notable proportion of the avail- 
 able labor, the slaves and servants would frequently 
 run away and go over the mountains or in the northern 
 colonies, where the)*- would be quite free from pursuit 
 and where they might take up land for themselves. The 
 slave was always a slave, and could be more easily 
 tracked and captured ; but the servant was readily 
 disguised, and met with the sympathy and assistance 
 of their fellow ' ' covenanters. ' ' The newspapers of the 
 day are filled with advertisements for runaways, and 
 derived the greater part of their income from that 
 source. I give in full one inserted by Washington, as 
 an example. But he also suffered from the carelessness 
 and indolence of his help, and, good steward as he 
 was, often met with loss through the incapacity or dis- 
 honesty of his servants and hired laborers. John 
 Winter, a painter, he noted in 1759, "before he had 
 near finished painting my house, stole a good deal of 
 my paint and oil, and apprehensive of justice, ran off." 
 A wagoner, John Beard, "after driving my waggon 
 about four months at the rate of ^17. 10 per annum, 
 behaved so remarkably ill, as to oblige me to turn him 
 off, not before I had first sustained some loss by his 
 running me in debt in many places of the road he used 
 to travel." (1756.) 
 
 * Works, II, 297-299. 
 
 The
 
 23 
 
 The documents printed in this volume are all copied 
 from originals, and follow them closely in spelling and 
 punctuation. 
 
 WORTHINGTON CHAUNCEY FORD. 
 
 Washington, September joth,
 
 CONTRACTS, AGREEMENTS, ETC. 
 
 A JOINER. 
 
 ARTICLES of Agreement made indented the First 
 day of September One Thousand seven hundred and 
 fifty-nine Between John Askew of the County of Fair- 
 fax Joiner of the one part and George Washington of 
 the said County Gentleman of the other part sheweth 
 that the said John Askew for the Considerations herein- 
 after mentioned doth oblige himself to work true and 
 faithfully at his trade as a Joiner for the said George 
 Washington during the space of one whole year to be- 
 gin from the date hereof that is to say he shall work 
 duely from sunrise to sunset allowing proper times only 
 for eating and if he shall loose any time at his said 
 work either by negligence sickness or private busi- 
 ness of his own the days and hours so lost is to be 
 made up by him the said John Askew at the year's 
 end. And the said John Askew doth further oblige 
 himself by this writing to work at all times and in all 
 places where the business of the said George Washing- 
 ton shall require, and that he will use his best en- 
 deavour's to instruct in the art of his trade any negro 
 or negroes which the said George Washington shall 
 cause to work with him during the twelve-month 
 
 (25) In
 
 26 
 
 In consideration of these services well and truely per- 
 formed, the said George Washington doth promise on 
 his part to let the said John Askew and his wife live at 
 a plantation adjoining commonly known by the name 
 of Norths without paying rent, that he will find the 
 said John good and wholesome provision's while he is 
 at work, and at the expiration of the twelve month 
 fully completed agreeable to the true intent hereof pay 
 him the current sum of twenty-five pounds lawful 
 money of Virginia. For the just performance of all 
 each of these articles the said parties have inter- 
 changeably put their hands and seals the day and year 
 first above written.* 
 
 JOHN ASKEW, [SEAI,.] 
 
 G? WASHINGTON. [SEAT,.] 
 
 Seal'd and Deliver'd 
 in the Presence of 
 JOHN AI/TON 
 J* FOSTER 
 
 *The above is in the handwriting of Washington. Much time appears to 
 have been lost, for the 25 did not become due until February 4, 1761. 
 From that date until 22 October 1761, his wages amounted to 12, is, id, 
 (afterwards reduced by i, ifs, yd, Sundays having been included by error,) 
 and Washington then appears to have purchased all of Askew" s tools, pay- 
 ing .^"3 8 . 17-s, nrf. Some work was subsequently performed by Askew, as 
 iu 1765 he was paid for five months and eight days' labor at the rate of 4 
 a month, and in December of the same year he received pay for 100^ days' 
 work at the same rate. In 1766 he was employed by Washington to oversee 
 his carpenters, and received for that task, ^"35. This arrangement was 
 probably renewed for the following year, but death or migration inter- 
 vened in April. I find the following exact entry in Washington's Ledger : 
 
 " By his wages since the 2ist of December, when his year ended (i8# 
 days lost time being first made up) deducting 14 days lost since the com- 
 mencement of the present year, at ^"35 per per annum, jgg, 153, tod.
 
 2 7 
 
 OVERSEER ON THE HOME PLANTATION. 
 
 ARTICLES of Agreement made and concluded upon 
 the first day of May 1762, between George Washington 
 of Fairfax County Gent, of the one part, and Burgess 
 Mitchell of the Province of Maryland of the other part ; 
 WITNESSETH, that the said Burgess Mitchell for the 
 consideration's hereafter to be mentioned, doth cove- 
 nant and agree to and with the said George Washing- 
 ton that he will well and truely serve the said Washing- 
 ton his heirs &c? in the capacity of an Overseer at his 
 house Plantation till the end of October next ensuing 
 That is to say, he doth oblige himself under the 
 penalty of being turned of[f] at any season be- 
 tween this and the said last of October, and of forfeit- 
 ing his wages, in cases of failure or neglect, to observe 
 and fulfil all, and each of these several articles follow- 
 ing to wit He is to attend strictly to all orders and 
 directions which he shall receive from the said George 
 Washington and execute them with the greatest care 
 Expedition and exactness He is to remain constantly 
 with the People over whom he is to look, and never 
 stir from them during their hours of work, but at 
 mealtimes He is not to go off the Plantation (except 
 on Sundays) without asking leave. He is to give reg- 
 ular attention to the Stock by seeing that they are 
 always in place and treating them as required. 
 IvASTLY the said Burgess Mitchell doth oblige himself 
 under the penalty above mentioned to behave himself 
 soberly, and diligently in all respects endeavouring by 
 
 a prudent
 
 28 
 
 a prudent and commendable conduct to gain the good 
 esteem & liking of his said employer. 
 
 All these things being duly performed and done ac- 
 cording to the true intent and meaning thereof, by 
 the said Burgesss Mitchell, the said George Washing- 
 ton on his part doth oblige himself, his heirs &c* to 
 pay the said Mitchell the sum of six pounds current 
 money of Virginia to pay likewise his Levy and Tax 
 and to find him in washing lodging and provisions 
 to the end of October aforesaid. WITNESS their hands 
 the day and year first above written 
 
 G9 WASHINGTON. 
 BURGIS MITCHELL, 
 Signed in presence of 
 WILLIAM CLIFTON 
 THOS. BISHOP. 
 
 OVERSEER FOR AN OUTLYING PLANTATION. 
 
 ARTICLES of Agreement made and concluded upon 
 this fifth day of August one Thousand seven hundred 
 and sixty-two between George Washington of Fairfax 
 County Gent? of the one part and Edward Voilett of 
 the same County Planter of the other part WiT- 
 NESSETH, that the said Edw? Voilett for the considera- 
 tions hereafter to be mentioned doth covenant and 
 agree to and with the said George Washington that he 
 will well and truly serve the said Washington his 
 heirs &c? in the capacity of an overseer at his Bull- 
 skin Quarters in Frederick County for the ensu- 
 ing
 
 2 9 
 
 ing year; That is to say he will use his utmost en- 
 deavours to make a large and good crop of Tobacco, 
 Corn and what else may be required That he will 
 take all necessary and proper care of the Negroes com- 
 mitted to his management using them with proper 
 humanity and discretion The said Edw? Voilett doth 
 also oblige himself to take all imaginable care of the 
 said Washington's stock, as well of Cattle, Sheep, and 
 Hogs, as of Horses ; and that he will exert his utmost 
 skill and industry to raise of each sort as many as he 
 can, and this he is to do by a diligent attendance in 
 seeing to their feeding and management, as well for 
 the preservation, and increase of the stock themselves 
 as for the sake of their dung to manure the ground 
 with He also obligeth himself to be careful of the 
 milk and to make what butter he possibly can from 
 the cows on the Plantations taking care tho' to let the 
 Negroes have the benefit of the said milk after a 
 proper use is made thereof and himself supplied He 
 doth further oblige himself to grow such kinds of 
 Tobacco as the said Washington shall direct; and 
 manage it as he shall require ; especially he shall stem 
 one full fourth part of his whole crop ; Including the 
 under Tobacco and such as is small, spotted or other- 
 wise unfit for choice leaf he is likewise to put no 
 more than five leaves in a bundle the tye leaf included, 
 and to be as nice as possible in packing his Tobacco 
 for prizing so that it may appear at Inspection as 
 clean, and as neat as Tobacco well can and whereas 
 the said Washington keeps a sufficient Waggon, good 
 horses, and has a fellow who can drive them, it is ex- 
 pected
 
 30 
 
 pected that this said Waggon is to bring down the 
 Tobacco which may be made to Hunting Ck. Ware- 
 houses, but if in case it should happen that other 
 Waggons are employed for this purpose that then the 
 said Edw? Voilett is to bear his proportionable part of 
 the charge of the Tobacco so hired but otherwise to 
 have his share clear of any expence. The said Edw"? 
 Voilett is to get some honest neighbour of good char- 
 acter to see his corn measured at I/ofting time, and 
 after setting apart such and so much as will serve the 
 several uses of the Plantation to pass his receipt for the 
 remainder and become answerable for the forthcoming 
 of it after making the proper allowance for shrinkage 
 He is also to keep the Key of the Corn houses, de- 
 livering out the same with the greatest frugality 
 Moreover the said Edward Voilett is to furnish himself 
 with a Bed &c? ; and is obligated by this instrument 
 of writing to keep no horse, or any other Beast of his 
 own at these Quarters and for every Plow and two 
 work Creatures doth agree to allow a share of Corn. 
 LASTLY the said Edw? Voilett doth oblige himself to 
 take the greatest care of all the working Tools and 
 Plantation utensils ; and to render an account of them 
 whenever they shall be called for to remain constantly 
 on the Plantations looking after his People and in all 
 matters, or disputes, if any hereafter should arise, to 
 conform to, and abide by, the Rules and Customs in 
 the like cases. And whereas there are a number of 
 whiskey stills very contiguous to the said Plantations, 
 and many idle, drunken and dissolute People continu- 
 ally resorting the same, priding themselves in de- 
 bauching
 
 bauching sober and well-inclined Persons the said 
 Ed? Voilett doth promise as well for his own sake as 
 his employers to avoid them as he ought; attending 
 closely to his business, and follow all such directions 
 as he may from time to time receive from the said 
 George Washington. 
 
 Now these things being all duly performed and done 
 on the part and behalf of the said Edw? Voilett the 
 said George Washington in consideration thereof doth 
 for himself his Heirs &c? agree to allow the said Ed? 
 Voilett two clear shares of all the Tobacco, Corn and 
 other Grain which he may raise on the aforesaid Plan- 
 tations But in cases where services are performed by 
 hands not under the said Edward such as for Reaping 
 Thrashing &c? and for which money or &c* must be 
 paid that then the said Ed? Voilett is to contribute his 
 proportion towards defraying the said Expences The 
 said Geo : Washington doth also agree to allow y? said 
 Voilett as an encouragement for the care of his stock 
 four hundred pounds of Porke, one young steer (not to 
 exceed two years old) and four shoats to be under the 
 age of twelve months He doth also agree to allow the 
 said Ed? Voilett to employ one of the negroe women 
 upon the Plantation to assist at proper times his the 
 said Edward's wife to milk churn and do the necessary 
 services of the Dairy and for his wife's trouble and 
 management of the same to allow her one-fourth part 
 of what Butter she can make the said Geo : being at 
 the expence of building a good Dairy and furnishing 
 it with milk Pans, Pails, &c? . And whereas it ap- 
 pears to be the well known intention of the said 
 
 George
 
 32 
 
 George Washington to have his tobacco made and 
 managed in the best and neatest manner, which may 
 in some measure lessen the quantity he doth as an 
 encouragement for the said Ed"? Voilett's complying 
 with that requisition engage to give him one shilling 
 and six pence pT hund d more for the Tobacco which 
 falls to his share than the general cash price which 
 that commodity bears upon Potomack or if any mer- 
 chant or other person chooses to bid for his Tob? , in 
 that case the said Washington will give as much as 
 another or leave him at liberty to sell elsewhere, but 
 the refusal must be given to him. 
 
 For the true and faithful performances of all and 
 each of the several Articles herein contained as well 
 on 1he part of the said Edw d Voilett as on that of the 
 said George Washington the Party's doth each to the 
 other bind themselves their Heirs &c a in the penal 
 sum of twenty-five p^ s Current Money of Virginia the 
 day and year first above written. 
 
 EDWARD VIOLET* [SEAI,] 
 G9 WASHINGTON [SEAT,] 
 
 Signed Sealed and Delivered 
 in presence of 
 THO? BISHOP. 
 
 * Edward Violett (for that appears to have been the proper spelling) was 
 in the service of Washington till 1765. In 1762 his allowances of tobacco 
 (1854 Ibs) and of corn (hard and soft) were valued at id. 12. ri. I find no 
 entries of like allowances in 1763 and 1764, but in 1765 he had shares in the 
 produce of tobacco, hemp seed, butter and cheese, valued in all at ^"33. 
 5. a.
 
 33 
 
 [FROM A SIMILAR CONTRACT.] 
 
 ' ' That he will take all necessary and proper care of 
 the negroes committed to his management, treating 
 them with humanity and tenderness when sick, and 
 preventing them when well, from running about and 
 visiting without his consent ; as also to forbid strange 
 negroes frequenting their quarters without lawful ex- 
 cuses for so doing." 
 
 ' ' So that the Tobacco when it comes to the ware- 
 house [where the said Washington will always attend] 
 may appear very good, very neat and very clean. The 
 said Nelson Kelly doth also oblige himself to use his 
 best endeavors to get his corn fodder, and hay [if any 
 there should be] in good time, and not suffer those, 
 because he shares no part of it, to take greater damage 
 than other things. ' ' 
 
 "He likewise is, in case the said George should 
 judge it expedient, to beat the apples which may be 
 found upon the Plantations into cyder, making as 
 much as he can thereof. ' ' 
 
 ' ' And whereas nothing is more common than for the 
 generallity of overseers to guess at the compliment of 
 Ground [both Corn and Tobacco] which they design 
 for a crop, by which means they sometimes have not 
 half a sufficiency, and at others more than they can 
 manage ; now to prevent these inconveniences the said 
 Nelson Kelly is required, and obliged to count his 
 ground for both Corn and Tobacco with the greatest 
 care and exactness and provide a proper quantity for 
 each and as far as in him lyes to have the whole 
 3 secured
 
 34 
 
 secured under proper Fencing, that his Tobacco, as 
 well as Cora, may not be exposed to such destruction 
 and loss as is frequently occasioned by horses and 
 cattle's breaking of it down and trampling thereon." 
 
 AGREEMENT TO DISPOSE OP CROPS. 
 
 THIS CONTRACT made and Indented the Eighteenth 
 day of January Anno Domoni One Thousand Seven 
 hundred and Sixty three between George Washington 
 of Fairfax County and Colony of Virginia Gent? of the 
 one part and John Carlyle and Robert Adam of the 
 County and Colony aforesaid Gent? of the other part 
 WITNESSETH that for and in consideration of the Sums 
 and Covenants hereinafter expressed on the part and 
 behalf of the said John Carlyle and Robert Adam the 
 said George Washington doth hereby agree for himself 
 his Heirs Executors and Administrators firmly by 
 these presents to sell unto the said John Carlyle and 
 Robert Adam their Heirs &c* all the Wheat which he 
 the said George Washington his Heirs &c* shall raise 
 for market in the space of seven years at his Planta- 
 tions (now settled) in Fairfax County, to commence 
 from the sale of the next wheat crop Inclusive AND 
 the said George Washington doth further agree that 
 his wheat shall be clean and as good as the year and 
 Seasons will generally admit of and to cause the same 
 to be delivered as soon as he conveniently can after 
 Harvest. IN CONSIDERATION whereof the said John 
 Carlyle and Robert Adam for themselves their and 
 
 each
 
 35 
 
 each of their Heirs Executors and Administrators doth 
 hereby agree to allow the said George Washington his 
 Heirs Executors Administrators The Sum of Three 
 Shillings and nine pence current money of Virginia for 
 every Bushel of Wheat so delivered and doth oblige 
 themselves &c* to receive the said wheat at a good 
 Landing in the Town of Alexandria or upon Four 
 Mile Run Creek where Flats of a midling size can 
 conveniently repair with their Loads and this they 
 are to do without giving the said George Washington 
 or his People any further trouble than to deliver the 
 same at the side of the Vessel. AND the said John 
 Carlyle and Robert Adam for themselves their and 
 each of their Heirs &c? doth agree that after the said 
 Flat or Flats, or other vessel or vessels is brought to 
 either of the Landings aforesaid (as they shall direct 
 and have notice given them or either of them or their 
 Miller or Manager) that then the wheat is to lye at 
 their Risque and remain their loss if any is sustained, 
 and if any delays happen more than is necessary to the 
 unloading the said vessel or vessels it is to be at their 
 costs that is for each hand so detained at the rate of 
 Two Shillings and six pence currency per day and so 
 proportionably for hire of the vessel or vessels. LASTLY 
 the said John Carlyle and Robert Adam doth oblige 
 themselves their and each of their Heirs jointly and 
 severally to pay unto the said George Washington his 
 Heirs or ExecT 3 or his or their order immediately upon 
 Delivery of the last Load of the years Crop of wheat 
 the money for the whole amount of the said Crop, ac- 
 cording to the several Deliverys and receipts and this 
 
 without
 
 36 
 
 without any let hindrance or denial of him the said 
 George Washington his Heirs &c a And in case any 
 part or the whole should be behindhand or unpaid 
 after the delivery of the last lyoad as aforesaid that 
 then the said sum to carry Intere'st till the same shall 
 be paid. IN WITNESS whereof the Party's to these 
 presents have Interchangeably set their hands and 
 seals the day and year first above written and for fur- 
 ther enforcing the same have Each to the other passed 
 their Bonds bearing equal date with the Contract in 
 the penal sum of One Thousand pounds currency.* 
 G? WASHINGTON [SEAL] 
 JOHN CARLYLE [SEAL] 
 
 ROBERT ADAM 
 Signed Sealed and Delivered 
 in presence of 
 ROBERT DAI/TON 
 JOHN DAI/TON. 
 
 "STOCKING" A PLANTATION. 
 
 ARTICLES of Agreement made and Indented this 
 Twenty Second day of January In the year of our 
 I/Drd One Thousand Seven Hundred and Sixty three 
 
 *In April 1764 the first sale under this contract appears to have been 
 made, 257}^ bushels. In 1765, the books show a delivery of 1112% bushels ; 
 in 1766, 2331^ bushels ; in 1767, 1293^ bushels, and in 1768, 49945^ bushels of 
 wheat, and 4304^ bushels of Indian corn. In 1769 the wheat sold amounted 
 to 6241% bushels, which seems to have been the maximum sale. It should 
 be remembered that wheat for sale or export was comparatively a new 
 feature in the economy of a Maryland or Virginian plantation, as the com- 
 mercial policy of the mother country was designed to foster the cultivation 
 of tobacco in those colonies, and nothing else. 
 
 between
 
 37 
 
 between George Washington of Fairfax County and 
 Colony of Virginia Esq? of the one part and Christo- 
 pher Hardwick of the County of Frederick and Colony 
 aforesaid Planter of the other part WiTNESSETH that 
 the said George Washington is hereby obliged to fur- 
 nish and provide four good Negroe Slaves to wit two 
 men and two women three of which to be purchased in 
 the course of the ensuing Summer from some Guinea 
 Ship and also if this scheme succeeds well two more 
 out of the profits and to settle them on a piece of Land 
 whereof the said George is possessed in Hampshire 
 County lying on Potomack River between the Mouths 
 of Great Cacapehon and little Cacapehon containing 
 by patent Two hundred and Forty acres and to erect 
 such convenient and necessary Buildings thereon as 
 shall be requisite to the designs and to stock the said 
 Plantation so soon as sufficient Provision is made for 
 their support in the following manner that is to say 
 with four Breeding Mares Twenty head of Neat Cattle 
 Ten Sheep four Breeding Sows and to commit the 
 said Negroes and stock of every kind to the immediate 
 care and management of the said Christopher Hard- 
 wick as also if this scheme succeeds well two more 
 hands to be purchased out of the profits but under the 
 express Limitations and provisos hereafter particularly 
 mentioned AND the said Christopher Hardwick in con- 
 sideration thereof doth by these presents oblige himself 
 his Heirs &c? to lodge in the hands of the said George 
 Washington his Heirs &c? on or before the first day of 
 January next a certain sum of money sufficient for the 
 purchase of one half the Negroes and Stock defraying 
 
 the
 
 38 
 
 the Expences of Building (except one Tobacco and a 
 dwelling House which is to be erected wholely at the 
 costs of the said George Washington) laying in Tools 
 cloathing for Negroes and in short for Incident charges 
 of every nature and kind whatsoever AND the said 
 Christopher Hardwick is to repair to and settle immedi- 
 ately on the said Land with the Negroe now delivered 
 to him (which Negroe is to be received and reckoned 
 one of the four above mentioned) and to use the utmost 
 diligence to prepare in the best manner imaginable for 
 the reception of the others he also obligeth himself 
 firmly by these presents to exert his true endeavours 
 to raise as much Tobacco, Hemp or whatever else shall 
 be agreed upon between him and the said George 
 Washington as the year seasons and circumstances will 
 allow of and to practice the most effectual and careful 
 methods to Increase the different species of stock that 
 a profit may follow from the sales thereof and the said 
 Christopher Hardwick is hereby expressly prohibited 
 from selling anything of what kind whatsoever with- 
 out the leave and consent of the said George Washing- 
 ton which belongeth to the said Plantation and he 
 doth further agree that whatever part or Moiety of the 
 Tobacco falling to his share shall be allowed for by the 
 said George Washington (who is to receive the whole) 
 at the curr* cash price which that commodity bears at 
 Alexandria at Market time and the said Christopher 
 doth hereby engage to exert his best skill and en- 
 deavours to make the Tobacco neat clean and mer- 
 chantable. He likewise engages to use the greatest 
 frugality and caution in all his proceedings to expend 
 
 no
 
 39 
 
 no money but on unavoidable occasions and to live and 
 act as much within himself as possible. AND the said 
 George Washington and Christopher Hardwick doth 
 Covenant and agree to and with the other that the 
 Partnership by these presents entered into between 
 them shall remain and be for and during the full time 
 and Term of Ten years to commence from the first of 
 January one thousand seven hundred and sixty four 
 provided it appears that the said Christopher during 
 that time conforms to the Articles of this agreement 
 and by an honest sober and Industrious care pursues 
 such measures as shall tend to the Common Interest of 
 both but if ever it shall be found that he grows sottish 
 and negligent or guilty of any mal-practices it shall 
 then be in the power of the said George to dissolve it 
 immediately and to recover damages according to the 
 nature of the Offence and the said George Washington 
 and Christopher Hardwick doth also covenant and 
 agree to and with the other that at the expiration of 
 the said Term or time of ten years or otherwise as the 
 case may be the said Negroes Stock and utensils of 
 every kind shall be divided between them both but the 
 Land and appurtenances belonging shall be left in good 
 and Tenantable repair by the said Christopher and re- 
 vert to the sole and only use of the said George his Heirs 
 &c* and Lastly the said George Washington and 
 Christopher Hardwick doth further covenant and agree 
 by these presents that the whole expence of purchasing 
 Negroes, cloa thing of them buying Stock Tools &c* 
 together with the charges of Building (except as before 
 excepted) and improving the said Land bringing 
 
 Tobacco
 
 4 o 
 
 Tobacco Hemp Grain Beef Porke Butter and other 
 tilings to market shall be borne in equal proportion 
 between them during the continuance of this partner- 
 ship and that in the case of the Demise of the said 
 Christopher before the end of the said term that then 
 the Partnership is to dissolve of course. IN WITNESS 
 whereof the Partys have interchangeably set their 
 hands and seals and entered into Bonds for perform- 
 ance of Covenants the day and year first above written. 
 G? WASHINGTON 
 CHRISTOPHER HARDWICK 
 Signed Sealed and Delivered 
 
 In the presence of 
 
 WALTER MAGOWAN 
 
 THOS BISHOP. 
 
 A Comparison drawn between Manufactoring and 
 Importing, the goods on the other side,* viz : 
 
 [IMPORTING] 
 
 To 500 yds of best cotton to supply y e place of 365 
 yds. wool and 144 yds L/insey @/ V^ 
 
 
 
 ->8 
 
 s. 
 
 d. 
 6 
 
 To 773 yds. of best Oznaburgs as on ye other side 
 @ 8d 
 
 25 
 
 TC 
 
 o 
 
 To 40 yards Huccabuc @ 2/ 
 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 IQ 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 JC 
 
 o 
 
 To 33 yards Cotton @ 2/ 
 
 
 16 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 74 
 
 18 
 
 7 
 
 6 
 
 \ 
 
 
 
 
 
 25 p* ct. diff. exch : 
 
 84 
 
 21 
 
 5 
 
 i 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 
 Currency 
 
 io; 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 * Based upon weaving done in 1768. 
 
 

 
 [MAKING ON THE ESTATE] 
 
 Wool to make 365 and 144 yards of woolen cloth 
 
 vizt 499 Ibs. @ l / 3 32 5 o 
 
 Hemp to make ye contra cloth 800 Ibs. @ 4d . . . 13 6 6 
 Weaving the above cloth, that is 509 yds. woolen, 
 
 773 yds. Oznaburgs cotton, &c a 30 15 10 
 
 76 7 4 
 Balance 28 19 u 
 
 105 7 3 
 
 NOTE. By this account it appears that the above Balance of &. 19. n. 
 is all that is to defray the expence of spinning, hire of one white woman 
 and five Negroe Girls, Cloathing, victualing, wheels, &c 
 
 A CARPENTER. 
 
 ARTICLES of Agreement entered into this 25th day 
 of February anno Domini One thousand Seven hundred 
 and seventy one, between Benjamin Buckler (late of the 
 Province of Maryland but now) of Fairfax County in 
 Virginia Carpenter of the one part, and George Wash- 
 ington of the said County and Colony Gent? of the other 
 part WITNESSETH that the said Benjamin Buckler for 
 the Considerations hereinafter mentioned doth by 
 these presents oblige himself to work true and faith- 
 fully at his trade as a Carpenter for the said George 
 Washington from the date hereof until the 25^ day of 
 December next ensuing ; that is to say, he shall be 
 constant and diligent at his business from day break 
 till dark ; and if the weather is such that he cannot 
 work out of Doors or is unfit for him to do so that he 
 shall in these Cases keep himself closely employed in 
 making of shoes for the said George Washington or at 
 
 any
 
 4 2 
 
 any other business he may be set about ; and moreover 
 is to Reap, or otherwise employ himself at harvest as 
 the exigency of business may require. The said Benj a 
 Buckler doth further agree not to absent himself from 
 the service of the said George Washington without 
 leave, and if it should so happen, that by sickness, or 
 any other cause whatsoever he should lose any time 
 the same shall be allowed for or made up at the years 
 end. And whereas the said George Washington hath 
 several Negro Carpenters which he proposes to put 
 under the said Benjamin in order that they may work 
 together and thereby be properly attended to the said 
 Benjamin Buckler doth oblige himself to use his 
 utmost endeavours to hurry and drive them on to the 
 performance of so much work as they ought to render 
 and for this purpose he the said Benjamin is hereby 
 invested with sufficient power and authority which he 
 is to make use of and to exercise with prudence and 
 discretion. AND LASTLY, as the said Benj* Buckler 
 is in a manner a stranger to the said Geo Washington 
 and is received into his Service without a proper Recom- 
 mendation, he the said Benj* doth hereby agree that 
 it shall and may be lawfull for the said George Wash- 
 ington if he should hear anything disadvantageous ot 
 his Character, or find him the said Benj* in any re- 
 spect dishonest or unfaithful or if upon trial he should 
 prove Idle, and Negligent, either in his own work or 
 in his looking after those who may be put under his 
 charge to turn him the said Benj? of [f] at any time 
 between this and the said 25^ of December next, upon 
 paying him for the time he has worked in proportion 
 
 to
 
 43 
 
 to the number of days and season lie has been in the 
 said Washington's service. IN consideration of these 
 things well and traely performed and done by the said 
 Benj Buckler the said George Washington doth promise 
 and engage on his part to let the said Benj' 1 Buckler 
 have a House for himself wife and children to stay in 
 during the aforementioned term, that he will find the 
 said Benjamin with Three hundred pounds of Porke 
 and three Barrels of Corn and will moreover at the ex- 
 piration of the above term fully compleated and ended 
 according to the true intent and meaning hereof pay 
 or cause to be paid unto the said Benj* Buckler the 
 Sum of Twenty-five pounds curr.y For the true and 
 faithful performance of all and singular these Articles 
 the Parties each to the other do bind themselves in the 
 full and just sum of Fifty pounds the day and year first 
 written. 
 
 BENJA X BUCKLER 
 
 mark 
 
 G? WASHINGTON 
 Signed & Sealed 
 in the presence of 
 LUND WASHINGTON 
 
 HIRE) OF A GARDENRR. 
 
 ARTICLES of Agreement made this Eleventh day of 
 January One thousand Seven hundred and Seventy 
 
 *In a subsequent agreement with Caleb Stone, as "overlooker" to Wash- 
 ington's negro carpenters, said Stone -will "to the best of. his knowledge 
 and skill, instruct all, and every of the said negroes which may be put un- 
 der [him] in the Art and Mistery of the trade of a Carpenter (or Cowper if 
 they should, at any time, be employed in this business.)" 
 
 three,
 
 44 
 
 three, Between David Cowan late of Fredericksburg 
 Gardener of the one part, and George Washington of 
 Mount Vernon in Fairfax County Gentleman of the 
 other part, WITNESSETH ; that the said David Cowan 
 for the hire, and other consideration's hereafter men- 
 tioned, doth Covenant and agree to serve the said 
 George Washington for the space of a year from the 
 date hereof, in the capacity of a Gardener; and that 
 he will work duely and truely, during that time, at the 
 business; as also when need be, or when thereunto 
 required, employ himself in Grafting, Budding, and 
 pruning of Fruit Trees and Vines likewise in saving, 
 at proper seasons, and due order, Seeds of all kinds 
 And the said David Cowan doth also covenant and 
 agree to behave himself Honestly, soberly and peace- 
 ably, in the Family whilst he abides therein ; and that 
 he will not only stick closely to the work himself, but 
 make others which may be with him, do so likewise ; 
 and moreover, that he will allow for all his own lost 
 time THESE THINGS being true and faithfully per- 
 formed on the part of the said David Cowan, the said 
 George Washington doth hereby oblige himself, his 
 Heirs, &c? to pay him the said David Cowan the sum 
 of Twenty five pounds currT for the year, and to fur- 
 nish him with washing, lodging and Diet IN TESTI- 
 MONY of this agreement, the Parties have hereunto set 
 their hands and seals, the day and year, first above 
 written. 
 
 DAVID COWAN [SEAT.] 
 
 G? WASHINGTON [sEAiJ 
 Witness 
 
 THO? BISHOP.
 
 45 
 
 HIRE OF A NEGRO. 
 
 Memorandum. 
 
 On the day and year underwritten, we the sub- 
 scribers, to wit, Philip Langfit, and George Washing- 
 ton have entered into, and by these presents doth 
 oblige ourselves, our heirs, Executors and Administra- 
 tors to abide by, the following Agreement. 
 
 THAT IS TO SAY, 
 
 The said Philip Langfit doth agree to hire unto the 
 above named George Washington for and during the 
 term and time of Three years to commence from the 
 date here of a certain Negroman slave named Nase 
 (a Cowper by Trade and now in the possession of the 
 said George Washington) for the consideration here- 
 after to be named and during that period to suffer the 
 said Geo: Washington to have hold, and detain the 
 slave and him as of his lawful right and property to 
 keep without any let, hindrance or molestation from 
 him the said Langfit his Heirs, Executors, Adminis- 
 trators or Assigns, or any other person or persons 
 whatsoever during the continuance of the aforesaid 
 term of three years from this date And the said Philip 
 Langfit doth farther agree to and with the said George 
 Washington that if the said Negro Nase should happen 
 to die before the expiration of the three years as afore- 
 said, or shall be disabled, or by any other means the 
 said George Washington shall be deprived of the use 
 and benefit of his labour that an allowance for the time 
 
 so
 
 4 6 
 
 so lost shall be made in proportion to the sum stipu- 
 lated for the whole term of three years. 
 
 The said George Washington on his part agreeing 
 to cloath & feed the said Negro Nase in the manner 
 Negro's generally are Cloathd & Fed ; & to pay his 
 I^evy & other Taxes ; and moreover to advance the 
 said Philip Langfit the Sum of Fifty pounds Virg a 
 Currency as a full compensation for the three years 
 Services as above, the same to be fully compleated & 
 ended agreeably to the true intent & meaning of the 
 Parties otherwise the said Philip Langfit his heirs &c a 
 is to refund in proportion to the time wanting of the 
 three years Services as aforesaid. 
 
 To the true and faithful performance of this agree- 
 ment the Parties have interchangeably set their hands 
 and seals and each to the other doth bind himself, his 
 Heirs, Kx r . s & Adm r . s in the penal sum of Fifty pounds 
 Curry this sixteenth day of Dec^ 1773. 
 
 PHIU, LANGFITT 
 Witness * 
 
 L,UND WASHINGTON 
 
 * Washington's signature has been cut off.
 
 IMPORTING PALATINES. 
 
 WASHINGTON TO JAMES TILGHMAN, JR. 
 
 \February 1774.] 
 
 DEAR SIR. I am going to give you a little trouble, 
 because I am persuaded you will excuse it No good 
 reason you'll say, but the best I can offer for such a 
 liberty. Interested, as well as political motives, render 
 it necessary for me to seat the lands which I have 
 patented on the Ohio in the cheapest, most expedi- 
 tious, and effectual manner. Many expedients have 
 been proposed to accomplish this, and none, in my 
 judgment, so likely as by importing of Palatines : but 
 how to do this upon the best terms, is a question I 
 wish to be resolved in. Few of these kind of people 
 ever come to Virginia ; whether because it is out of 
 the common course of its trade, or because they them- 
 selves object to it, I am unable to determine. I shall 
 take it very kind of you, therefore, to resolve the fol- 
 lowing questions, which I am persuaded you can do 
 with precision, by enquiring of such gentlemen as 
 have been engaged in this business. 
 
 Whether there is any difficulty in getting them in 
 Holland ? And from whence does it proceed ? Whether 
 they are to be had at all times, or at particular sea- 
 
 ( 47 ) sons >
 
 4 8 
 
 sons, and when ? Whether they are engaged previous 
 to the sending for them, and in what manner? Or do 
 ships take their chance, after getting there? Upon 
 what terms are they generally engaged there? And 
 how much per poll do they commonly stand the im- 
 porter, landed at Philadelphia? Is it customary to 
 send an intelligent German in the ship that is to bring 
 the Palatines? Does vessels ever go immediately to 
 Holland for them, and if they do what cargos [do they] 
 carry? Or, are they to go round, and what round? 
 In short what plan would be recommended to me by 
 the knowing ones, as best to import a full freight, say 
 two or three hundred, or more to Alexandria ? In case 
 of a full freight, how are the numbers generally pro- 
 portioned to the tonnage of a vessel? 
 
 Your favor in having these several queries, an- 
 swered, with any other information which you may 
 think necessary for me to be informed, I shall grate- 
 fully receive, as I am totally unacquainted with every- 
 thing of the kind. 
 
 The hard and continued frost since the [ ] has 
 confined everybody to their own homes, so that I have 
 nothing new to entertain you with. Wheat in Alex- 
 andria has been in brisk demand all the year, and kept 
 almost invariably at 5/ pT bushel. Flour has also met 
 with a pretty ready sale at i2/- Jack Custis could not 
 be content till he had got a yoke fellow in Nelly Cal- 
 vert, to whom he was married the 3d instf I hope, 
 tho' you have removed from this part of the world, 
 you do not mean to forsake us altogether, and that it 
 is unnecessary to add, that I shall at all times be 
 
 happy
 
 49 
 
 happy in seeing you at this place. My best respects 
 attend your good Father, sisters, and brothers ; and 
 with very sincere regard, I remain, &c. 
 
 G? WASHINGTON. 
 
 ROBERT ADAM TO WASHINGTON. 
 
 ALEXANDRIA, 14 February, 1774. 
 Coll? Washington. 
 
 Sir, In regard to your design of importing Palatines 
 into Virginia, I believe it would be attended with some 
 difficulty from several circumstances. They are in 
 general much prejudiced against coming into Virginia 
 or Maryland, as in either they are not allowed the 
 same liberty of conscience in enjoying their own 
 religion. This naturally inclines them more to Penn- 
 sylvania, as well as the number of their countrymen 
 already settled in that government. They are gen- 
 erally brought in there by return ships that have carried 
 sugar or rice to some port of Holland, and I am in- 
 formed they have not the same liberty of transporting 
 themselves they usually had, and that the same num- 
 ber does not come to Pennsylvania there formerly did. 
 They are brought off now, as it were, by stealth, and 
 not suffered to bring any effects with them. There are 
 no cargos that can be shipped from this country to 
 Holland till they are first landed in some port of Eng- 
 land. As many of the Glasgow ships go there with 
 tobacco, if you intended such a plan, it would be best 
 to engage one of them to bring them out on the best 
 terms you could. They are generally put on board at 
 
 so
 
 50 
 
 so much a freight, a full grown person makes a freight ; 
 under sixteen years of age, three persons make two 
 freights, and children in proportion. The vessels made 
 them pay I believe about eight pounds sterling a 
 freight, after they come into this country ; but if the 
 money was advanced them in Holland, I suppose 
 better terms might be made, perhaps between 4 or 5 
 a freight. There would be a necessity for you to send 
 a trusty Dutchman or German home to engage the 
 people, and make them fully acquainted with the en- 
 couragement you intend them, in order to help to wipe 
 off the general disgust they have at coming to this 
 country. But I should imagine the Scotch or Irish 
 farmers would suit you as well and would be much 
 easier got in. Many of them might be got here at this 
 time, as they are much distressed in their own country. 
 I shall endeavor to inform myself better of the Palatine 
 trade and inform you hereafter. 
 
 There is no currants to be had in town, nor D. re- 
 fined sugar. I have sent two loaves of single refined 
 and a ps. common [ ]. Wheat I suppose will 
 
 answer the purpose you intend it. The Molasses I be- 
 spoke for you some time ago is gone. Mr. Henley 
 says Mr. Washington was to advise him in a day or 
 two if he took it, and not hearing from him disposed of 
 it. Capt. Conway has none. I can get you a hhd. 
 from Mr. Hartshorn, he says very good ; but I have 
 not yet seen it. There is reasins to be got if they will 
 do in place of the currants. I am respectfully, Sir, 
 your most humble servant. 
 
 ROBERT ADAM.
 
 WASHINGTON TO HENRY RIDDELL. 
 
 MOUNT VERNON, 22 February, 1774. 
 
 Sir, Mr. Young, hearing me express a desire of 
 importing Palatines to settle on my lands on the Ohio, 
 tells me, that, in discoursing of this matter in your 
 company, you suggested an expedient, which might 
 probably be attended with success ; and that if I in- 
 clined to adopt it, you wished to be informed before 
 the sailing of your ship. 
 
 The desire of seating and improving my lands on 
 the Ohio, is founded on interested as well as political 
 views. But the intention of importing Palatines for 
 the purpose was more the effect of sudden thought, 
 than mature consideration, because I am totally unac- 
 quainted with the manner, as well as the expense of 
 doing it ; and was led into the notion principally from 
 a report of either this or some other ship of yours be- 
 ing blamed, for not taking an offered freight of these 
 Germans at forty shillings sterling. I was thus in- 
 duced to think if this charge was not much accumu- 
 lated by other expenses, that I could fall on no better 
 expedient to settle my lands with industrious people, 
 than by such an importation. 
 
 The terms upon which I have thought of importing 
 Palatines, or people from Ireland, or Scotland, are 
 these ; to import them at my expense where they are 
 unable to transport themselves, into the Potomac 
 River, and from hence to the Ohio ; to have them, in 
 the first case engaged to me under indenture ; in the 
 
 second,
 
 52 
 
 second, by some other contract equally valid, to be- 
 come tenants upon the terms hereafter mentioned ; as 
 without these securities, I would not encounter the 
 expense, trouble and hazard of such an importation. 
 
 But to make matters as easy and agreeable as pos- 
 sible to these emigrants, I will engage, on my part, 
 that the indentures shall be considered in no other 
 light, than as a security for reimbursing to me every 
 expense I am under, with interest, in importing them, 
 removing them to the land, and supporting them there, 
 till they can raise a crop for their own subsistence, giv- 
 ing up the said indentures, and considering them alto- 
 gether as freemen and tenants, so soon as this shall 
 happen ; not to each person or family respectively, but 
 when the whole accumulated expense shall be dis- 
 charged ; as I must for my own safety, consider them 
 as justly bound for this payment, till the expiration of 
 the indented terms, otherwise I must be an inevitable 
 loser by every death or other accident; whilst they 
 cannot, in the worst light, be considered as more than 
 servants at large during the indented term. I can 
 also engage to set them down upon as good land as 
 any in that country ; and, where there is neither house 
 built, nor land cleared, I will allow them an exemp- 
 tion of rent four years; and where there is a house 
 erected, and five acres of land cleared and fit for culti- 
 vation, two years. 
 
 They shall have the land upon lease for twenty -one 
 years, under the usual covenant ; and also at an annual 
 rent, after the first becomes due, of four pounds ster- 
 ling for each hundred acres, allowing each family to 
 
 take
 
 53 
 
 take more or less, as inclination and convenience may 
 prompt, and I will, moreover, engage to renew the 
 leases at the expiration of the above twenty -one years ; 
 and in like manner, at the end of every seven years 
 afterwards, upon an increased rent, to be agreed on 
 between the landlord and tenant; or in order to fix 
 the matter absolutely, if this should be more agreeable, 
 the rent may be increased at these periods in propor- 
 tion to the increased value of that, or the adjoining 
 lands possessed of equal advantages of soil and situa- 
 tion. 
 
 These are the terms on which I thought to import 
 and plant people on my Ohio lands, which are, for the 
 quantity, equal if not superior to any in that country ; 
 situate altogether upon the Ohio, or Great Kenhawa, 
 two fine inland navigable rivers, abounding in fish and 
 wild fowl of all sorts, as the lands do in wild meats of 
 the best kind. 
 
 From Alexandria to the navigable** waters of the 
 Ohio, along a much frequented road used by wagons, 
 is, according to the computed distance, two hundred 
 miles. This land-carriage, if the inland navigation of 
 the Potomac should be effected, than which I think 
 nothing easier, will be reduced to sixty miles as matters 
 now stand ; some say to forty, and others to twenty. 
 But call it the greatest distance, any commodity made 
 upon any part of these lands of mine may be trans- 
 ported along a very easy water-communication to the 
 settlement of Red-stone, where the land carriage at 
 this time begins. To say nothing, therefore, of the 
 advantages of raising stock of all kinds, and horses, 
 
 which
 
 54 
 
 which will carry themselves to market, and are now 
 and will, from the nature of things, continue to be in 
 great demand in the interior parts of this great conti- 
 nent, hemp, flax, pot-ashes, indigo, and the like, will 
 well afford the expenses of this land-carriage, admit- 
 ting it never may be reduced, and can be cultivated to 
 advantage on the river bottoms in that country. 
 
 Having thus exhibited a general view of my design, 
 I shall now be obliged to you, Sir, to inform me with 
 as much precision as you can, what certainty there is 
 that your ship will go to Holland; what probability 
 there is of her getting Palatines, if she does go; when 
 they may be expected in this country ; what would be 
 the freight; and, as near as you can judge, the whole 
 incidental expense attending each person delivered at 
 Alexandria; and, moreover, whether it would be ex- 
 pected, that the whole of these charges, including 
 freight, should be paid down immediately on the ar- 
 rival of the shrp 1 here, as it must appear rather hard to 
 make a certain provision for an uncertain event. 
 
 It may not be amiss further to observe, that I see no 
 prospect of these people being restrained in the smallest 
 degree, either in their civil or religious principles; 
 which take notice of, because these are privileges which 
 mankind are solicitous to enjoy, and upon which emi- 
 grants must be anxious to be informed. 
 
 I wrote to Philadelphia by the last post for full infor- 
 mation of the manner and charge of importing these 
 people from Holland ; and if your account in answer to 
 this letter should prove agreeable to my wishes, I will 
 send a more particular description of the lands which I 
 
 wish
 
 55 
 
 wish to settle, as well as copies of the plots, and do 
 any other matter which may be judged necessary to 
 further the design. I am, etc. 
 
 HENRY RIDDEUv TO WASHINGTON. 
 
 PlSCATAWAY, 24 February, 1774. 
 
 Sir, I was unluckily from home when Mr. Young 
 brought your letter of the 22d, to this place, otherwise 
 an answer would have been sent you by him. 
 
 When Mr. Young mentioned in conversation your 
 desire of importing Palatines to settle your lands on 
 the Ohio, the remembrance of Capt. Hyndman's 
 having refused to accept a freight of 500 of these 
 people, produced in me a thought, that perhaps 
 through the channel of our company's agent at Rotter- 
 dam, the number you want might be procured ; and as 
 our ships frequently come from thence to this country, 
 the importing of them might be of advantage to both 
 of us. This reflexion induced me to acquaint you by 
 Mr. Young, that a trial of this kind could be made 
 which if agreeable to you, I could do my utmost to 
 make successful. But here it is necessary to inform 
 you that my only view of profit in this scheme, is from 
 the freight. I have no other. I would propose, that 
 you should be charged with the money advanced for 
 procuring the Palatines, if imported at your expense, 
 and to be liable for interest on that money till paid ; 
 also to be accountable for the freight when the people 
 are landed here, which is customary. 
 
 With
 
 56 
 
 With regard to the success of this scheme I can give 
 you no certainty. The Captain who refused the 
 freight above mentioned, told me, that the German 
 princes whose territories lie upon the Rhine had pro- 
 hibited their subjects from emigrating to America, 
 but that the people get away privately, come down the 
 Rhine in families, and land at Rotterdam, where they 
 wait for shipping. The 500 Palatines or Germans 
 offered him were such people as above described. 
 They had money sufficient to bring them here, and 
 offered two guineas p r . poll freight, they to lay in their 
 own provisions. A ship bound to Philadelphia ac- 
 cepted the offer. 
 
 The only way I can point out for making a trial of 
 this kind is for you to write a letter of instructions, in 
 which can be inserted the terms on which you could 
 chuse to contract with Germans, the provision you 
 have in view for them, and any other thing which may 
 tend to bend the minds of these people to a settlement 
 in Virginia ; and also to point out the distinction in 
 making contracts with those who may have money 
 sufficient to bear their charges, and those who may 
 not. This letter of instruction I would forward im- 
 mediately, that means may be used to engage the 
 people before the ship's arrival at Rotterdam, and if 
 the plan succeeds, I will agree to transport them to 
 this country for two pounds sterling p r . poll, you to be 
 at the expense of laying in their provisions and stores, 
 we to find them ship room, and to land them either at 
 your landing or at Alexandria. 
 
 I can certainly say that some of our company's ships 
 
 will
 
 57 
 
 will go to Rotterdam this ensuing summer, and it is 
 probable this will be the destination of the ship to load 
 at the mouth of Piscataway Creek ; if so, her arrival in 
 this country from thence may be in August or Septem- 
 ber. But I cannot with precision say what the Ger- 
 mans may cost you landed here. For my own part, I 
 am unacquainted with the business any further than 
 the information which Capt. Hyndman gave me last 
 summer. From what he said, I conjecture that the 
 Germans imported into this country lately paid their 
 own charges, but how they are provided for, or dispose 
 of themselves after being imported, is what I am en- 
 tirely ignorant of. However, this I could know by 
 writing to Philadelphia. 
 
 It would give me pleasure to be of service to you in 
 this importation,! and am, Sir, your ever humble ser- 
 vant, 
 
 HENRY RIDDEU,. 
 
 JOHN ROSS TO ROBERT ADAM. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA, i March, 1774. 
 
 Sir, I have before me your favor of i8th, ult? , come 
 only to my hand by this post, and in answer, have to 
 inform you that the expenses attending the importation 
 of German passengers have been so great of late years, 
 that it is not by any means an object of attention to 
 have any concern in that trade. I have had no con- 
 nection in that way these three or four years, and those 
 who have embarked pretty much therein, have got so 
 
 heart
 
 58 
 
 heart sick of their concern in that way, that they have 
 now totally declined it. Rotterdam is the place where 
 the Germans are shipped from, but the charges attend- 
 ing each before you can secure them and get them on 
 board prove at times so considerable, that those who 
 have not been concerned can scarcely credit. The 
 Germans cannot easily be prevailed on to embark to 
 any part of America, but that of Pennsylvania. Most 
 of those that leave the Country have many connections 
 in this province, and no condition can possibly recon- 
 cile the generality of them to embark for any of the 
 other provinces. Flour is entirely prohibited in Hol- 
 land, nor can I think of any thing that might answer 
 from this country to be sent thither. 
 
 When log-wood paid a freight, the shipping em- 
 ployed in that trade, took frequently a cargo of wood 
 in at the Bay, with which they proceeded in the 
 winter or early in the spring for Rotterdam. But that 
 business being quite overdone, most of the vessels go 
 from England or some ports in Europe in ballast, and 
 credit on I/mdon to take their reimbursement for the 
 charges of the vessel, outfits, etc. Such a vessel as 
 may have about two hundred freights, will probably 
 require from a thousand to ,1500 sterling outfits, 
 possibly more, as it depends on the debts the people 
 may contract in getting down from Germany to Hol- 
 land. 
 
 I could not undertake the delivering of any number 
 of Germans with you, knowing the difficulty of getting 
 them to agree to their going to any other place except 
 that of Pennsylvania, where they have hopes of meet- 
 ing
 
 59 
 
 ing their relations, or old acquaintances. Some family 
 might possibly be engaged after [seal'] to this place, 
 but as they have their own terms to make respecting 
 the time they serve to redeem them, it is no easy 
 matter to treat with them. A native of Germany that 
 resided in your country and could describe such ad- 
 vantages as they might have by going thither, might 
 help to influence them. 
 
 Excuse hurry. In the meantime believe me to be 
 with respect, Sir, your very humble servant, 
 
 JN? ROSS. 
 
 WASHINGTON TO HENRY 
 
 MOUNT VERNON, i March, 1774. 
 
 Sir, On Sunday afternoon your favor of the 24^ 
 ult? came to my hands. As you profess to know but 
 little of the expence attending the importation of Pala- 
 tines, and it is a business I am totally ignorant of my- 
 self, I am afraid to plunge into it without further con- 
 sideration and advice, and therefore must lay aside my 
 scheme, altogether or in part, for the present; but as I 
 have already given you a general view of my plan to 
 which I beg leave to refer, I would first ask whether 
 it is of importance enough to any of your ships coming 
 from Rotterdam hence, to take in a freight of about 80 
 or an hundred of these Germans, provided that number 
 of men, or men and their wives, with not more than 
 one child to a family, could be had under the usual in- 
 denture ? If this could be done, I would at all events 
 
 make
 
 6o 
 
 make tryal of that number and kind; but do not incline 
 to encounter the inconvenience and expence of families 
 incumbered with many children, as these would only 
 add to my expences without contributing to my design. 
 I will either consider these people as my property dur- 
 ing their indented term, affording them a reasonable 
 and necessary support and maintenance, and receive 
 the fruits of their labor during the stipulated servitude; 
 or, if they will be jointly bound for each other, and let 
 their indentures remain as security (which is all the 
 security the nature of the case will admit of), that all 
 the expence I am put to in importing, planting and 
 supporting them on the land till they can raise a crop 
 for themselves, shall be repaid me with interest, they 
 may be considered as free people, and appropriate the 
 fruits of their labor (having regard to my disburse- 
 ments) in any manner they please. In the latter case 
 they must be considered from the first as tenants, upon 
 the terms mentioned in my last. In the first case they 
 will go to the land under the favorable circumstances 
 and assurances of becoming tenants at the expiration of 
 their indented term, upon the very farms they have 
 have been making, so that in fact they will ultimately 
 reap the benefit of their own labor, bestowed at my ex- 
 pence during their servitude. This much for the in- 
 dented people. As to those who are able and desirous 
 of paying the expence of their own passages, I can be 
 under no engagement to them, unless it be a reciprocal 
 one : that is, I will encounter no expence or engage in 
 no promise to them if they are left at large with me; 
 although I could undertake, upon their engaging to be- 
 come
 
 6i 
 
 come tenants upon the terms mentioned in my last, to 
 provide them in good land in the neighborhood of the 
 others; so as they might form an entire settlement of 
 their own, there being land enough (belonging to me) 
 to afford comfortable farms for 300 families. 
 
 If you think you can supply me with this number 
 of Palatines, of these kinds, and upon these terms, 
 I should be glad to know it between this and Satur- 
 day, as I shall then undertake a journey from which I 
 shall not be returned till the 2o th of March; and in 
 whatever manner you think a more formal proposition 
 or declaration of my intention (than is contained in 
 this and my former letter) should be made, please to 
 point it out, and to whom it is to be addressed, and I 
 will endeavor to do it. In the meanwhile, I have to 
 thank you, Sir, for your obliging offers to serve me in 
 this matter, and to assure that I am, your most obedi- 
 ent, humble servant, 
 
 G9 WASHINGTON. 
 
 HENRY RIDDEU, TO WASHINGTON. 
 
 PISCATAWAY, 2 MARCH, 1774. 
 
 Sir, I cannot certainly engage to import the num- 
 ber of Germans mentioned in your letter of the i! 1 , for 
 owing to my ignorance of the trade, I have no consist- 
 ent principles, or anything like a certainty, to induce 
 me to enter on a positive agreement for the delivery of 
 these people here. But should you choose it I can for- 
 ward to Rotterdam the terms you offer such Germans 
 as are able to export themselves, and also the terms 
 
 you
 
 62 
 
 you offer those who are not, and therefore must come 
 under indenture before exportation. Should the peo- 
 ple accept of these terms, the ship will bring them out; 
 if not, you will be subjected to no other inconvenience 
 than a delay in the settlement of your lands for a few 
 months. With regard to those people who are able to 
 export themselves, no money will be required from you 
 or us to set them down here; but in exporting the in- 
 dented servants, some charges which do not now occur 
 to us, may be required. Would it not, therefore, be 
 proper that you inform me of the price pT poll you 
 would be satisfyed to give, for the delivery of such 
 servants here, that in calculating the expence, my 
 friends might keep within your limits. Altho the 
 number you mention is small, yet if you choose to be 
 troubled with no more for the present I will endeavor 
 to get you these, but can make no positive agreement 
 to deliver them here. It will be necessary that you 
 mention the number of years the indented servants 
 must agree for, and should you relish this plan, I will 
 give orders that no others than such as you describe, 
 shall be engaged. I am, Sir, your most obedient ser- 
 vant, 
 
 HENRY RIDDBLL. 
 
 WASHINGTON TO HENRY 
 
 MOUNT VKRNON, 5 March, 1774. 
 
 Sir, The reasons which you assign for not under- 
 taking positively to furnish me with the number and 
 kind of Palatines mentioned in my last letter, I must 
 
 confess
 
 63 
 
 confess are cogent. At the same time it obliges me, 
 under that uncertainty, to lay aside the scheme until I 
 can be advised from Philadelphia (to which place I 
 had written for information previous to your first con- 
 versation with Mr. Young) of the expence and cer- 
 tainty attending a measure of this kind. For the dis- 
 advantage on my side, of standing bound to provide 
 for these people if they do come, and having no cer- 
 tainty of receiving them, is, that if any other scheme 
 should cast up in the meanwhile, I dare not embrace 
 it, nor engage tenants singly, as they occasionally may 
 offer, as I have no doubt of many doing, when there 
 are houses and lands prepared to their hands; other- 
 wise I might be involved in difficulties from which I 
 could not easily extricate myself. But if it is neces- 
 sary to you to know (on account of giving the earliest 
 information to your correspondent) whether these peo- 
 ple will be wanting, or not, before I can return from 
 Berkeley, Frederick, &c., I shall have no objection 
 towards importing the number and kinds mentioned in 
 my last, provided they will come indented to me, or 
 my assigns, in the usual manner for four years; and be 
 sold, if I find it my interest to do so (as they are in 
 Philadelphia) as common servants, during that term. 
 I cannot suffer much from the uncertainty, if they are 
 to be had upon these terms, and I see no reason why 
 they may not as well come here as to Philadelphia, 
 except that the latter is the general rendezvous of 
 them. It may, therefore, rest with you, Sir, to write 
 immediately or not, for eighty or a hundred of such 
 kinds as I mentioned in my last, as you shall find it 
 
 your
 
 6 4 
 
 your interest; and I will, upon their arrival at Piscata- 
 way, pay you the freight down, as also the contingent 
 charges with interest, as soon after as I possibly can, 
 in case I should not find it convenient to deposit the 
 whole sum at once. 
 
 If you should not think the project of consequence 
 enough to the interest of ^your ship, to attempt it, I 
 must decline the importation altogether for the pres- 
 ent. If on the other hand you incline me to make the 
 experiment, I shall rely on your friendship to recom- 
 mend to the captain or person who is to provide the 
 stores, to lay them in upon the best terms, and be gov- 
 erned by the customary allowance, both in respect to 
 quantity and quality, taking care to have no stint of 
 the first, as the surplusage can be accounted for upon 
 the delivery here. I shall add no more at present, 
 than that I am, &c, 
 
 G9. WASHINGTON. 
 
 RIDDELL TO WASHINGTON. 
 
 PISCATAWAY, 18 March, 1774. 
 
 Sir, I return you Mr. Ross's letter, and will think 
 no further of importing Germans, the difficulty attend- 
 ing it being so great. I am, etc. 
 
 HENRY
 
 WOELPER TO WASHINGTON. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA, 23 March, 1774. 
 
 HONNOUR? SIR. When I Return Last from Will- 
 iams-Burg I was Favourt with your Letter Dated feby. 
 7* h I most Humble pegg your pardon in not observ- 
 ing my Duty upon your favour Rec? Dated the i of 
 NovT 1773: I was In expectaision to have the Hon- 
 nour to waited upon you In a littel Time after I Rec"? 
 it, but I was prevented by the wather. 
 
 My Tract of Land which I have by govenors Dun- 
 woodie proclamaision, I sold it Last when I come up 
 from W s Burg. I am greatly oblige to you, for your 
 addveice. 
 
 Of your Honnour Choose to buy my claim of the 
 2000 acers, for which I got my warrant, in the king's 
 proclamaision, 1763, you are will come to it. If you 
 can get the warrant altnerd to a nother county, where 
 you pleass. 
 
 Sir, as you have some Intainsion to Impord some of 
 my Countery man, To Sattlen on your Land, and to 
 Resolve your Quistion, which you has macke, to your 
 Servant, to which I will give you, my Humble answer, 
 to the best of my knowledge, and Informmaision, by 
 the aldish (?) pallatains, Importer, Samuel Hamel, as 
 for The 
 
 i. It is Some Times, a great dificultay to get them, 
 In Holland, or Garmany, on acco* of the Interpreters 
 (: or what the coalled Newlanders:) when these go up 
 to Garmany, some Tack up some monye by the mar- 
 chant
 
 66 
 
 chant Inholland, and some not, when they come back 
 to holland, the march* there, effect them Some monye, 
 who give most to him, will get all the peopell which 
 come with him. The never get less than a Garman 
 Ducat, which is this currency 14 Shilling, Some Times 
 20 Shilling. 
 
 2. They are not to be had at all Times, but in the 
 month of Mag, June, July, and Augst. So when this 
 Newlanders Ingage Some Fameles, in garmany, they 
 aquint the march 1 , in Holland, who many Fraight they 
 have upon this, they get the Ship Reathy, it must be 
 one Kngelish vessell, no Hollandish Dears come haire, 
 or bring annye pallatains in they sent for this vessells 
 to Engeland. 
 
 3. How they are procouret in holland, I maintion it, 
 In the first articual, and upon their arrival in holland, 
 they muss be shipped and provision Found, Till they 
 are all together, that the ship can be I^oadet In 2 or 3 
 dags, etc. If the ship is provoidet to Rec"? them on 
 Boart and with provision, then they do Seat of 
 
 4. Upon what Terms, they are generaly expected, 
 and how mosh a head will stand, is the first, viz. 
 
 1 Ducat to Ihe Newlander 
 
 2 the Rhine Fraight 
 
 3 the provision 
 
 4 the passage over Seas 
 
 5 a lyittel, which they called head mony, in holland, 
 which may stand, between 12. or 23 Virginia Currency 
 a Fraight, a Fraight Is a man, or a woman, and one 
 that is 24 yarrs old, and under 24 yarrs to 4 yarrs, one is 
 a half a Fraight, and under 4 yarr, they are free, but 
 
 this
 
 67 
 
 this get no Bet statt(?) now provisions is the whole ex- 
 pencies, except a Littel for Medicain. 
 
 5. It is not custommary to sent Some Body to gar- 
 many to bring them Down to holland (: which I main- 
 tion in my first articular:) as These Newlanders make 
 a Sort of Trad of it, MT Howel says it will better to 
 Sent Some Body with good Commission and an agray- 
 ment up to Garmany, That they may sign an agray- 
 ment, Then they cannot be persuadet away from him 
 by another Newlander, or March* 'in Holland, and they 
 will be chipper, then to get them in Holl? ; whereas 
 the Newlanders can* bring them on to spent or ad- 
 vance them monye, with which they charge them with- 
 out their knowledge, which mackes the Fraight so 
 high to 25, 30, 36^, which will be prevented. 
 
 6. A Vessell may go Immediately to Holland, with 
 its I<oad, paying the Duty in Engeland. Let them 
 have Tobacco, Tare, pitch, this articuals are the best 
 marcket in Ambster Dam, or Rother Dam, and will 
 never faill. 
 
 7. I maintion'd in the 6 th articual what marcket will 
 suit best, as for the whole Cargo Garmans may cost 
 Mr. Howel, which Imported this 30 yarrs saiys it will 
 amount to 25 or z'Soo Starling, 300 Fraight in a ves- 
 sell which cary 2000 or 2500 barel of Flower. N. B. 
 Nobody can give annye aco* by the Famelis, because 
 some are strang in Number, with 2,3.4 Sons, and it 
 may be so mainy Dachters, some in Number 4 or 5 in 
 all, and some no more but 2 or 3 in a Famely. 
 
 8. They are logged in Bed Stats, macke of boards, 
 6 feet long and 2 feet waith. This Bed Stats are so 
 
 Regulatted,
 
 68 
 
 Regulatted, acorting to the vessel. Some Bed Stat are 
 made for 2.3.4.5.6 Fraight to hold, and to Lay in it, 
 and to keep Theries Nessisary by them. The other 
 paggach must be but Down in the hold. 
 
 I went to some Friend, bud non could give me bet- 
 ter advice then what I know, and Mr. Howel Toll me. 
 I most Humble aqaint you with all particulars, who 
 this Famelis can be had, and Imported. Mr. Howel 
 atweisses and Fincke, it will be best if a man gos up 
 to garmany, he will bring them chiper, and so mainy 
 as him pleases, as they generally are imported, as I 
 maintioned in the 5th articual, with good powers of 
 adorny and on agrayment, how you will hold them 
 upon the Land. 
 
 Hon"? Sir, you was pleased to ask me, If I would 
 Inclaine to go to Holland. It is true, I macke a sort 
 of promiss to not go to Sea again. If your Hon^ shall 
 Intrusst me with, I will act that you shall have no 
 Reason to complain against me, If God spare my Leife 
 and health. 
 
 As for Terms, I will Liffe it to your Hon^ Self. 
 You know very wel when a man Travels, he cant save 
 as when he is at home a man must be all most a yar 
 to go from Till his Return. I shall keep good hause, 
 as it Lais in my power. You know very well that I 
 am no Drincker or Spent Extrarody. 
 
 That this Peopell will come over upon better Terms, 
 and none the better, as half so moch, as they commonly 
 stand, a Fraight will not stand so hight, to bring them 
 Down upon the Land, on Ohio, as they Stand, when 
 they come to Philad* 
 
 That
 
 6 9 
 
 That they may loocke upon themself as your prop- 
 erty is no more but Just till they Reimburse your 
 monye again, affter this to get a Leais, for one or 
 more zoo acres, to pay Rent, and after the times is ex- 
 paiert to renew it again. That you expect that they 
 would be jointly bound together for their proformens, 
 It will be Just. 
 
 When I shall have the HonT to waited upon you, I 
 would proposs to you, which will be, I believe, far 
 better to your Indress, That is to saiy, some fraight 
 will be that come over from Holl^ or Garmany, will 
 be singel men or women. Those can be dissposed of 
 and Rathy cash rec? for them, this cash can be aploy? 
 for expences to Transport their Famelis down to your 
 Land. 
 
 Sir, as I have answerd to you Dissener, I will pro- 
 posse some thing to you, If you tacke it in your Con- 
 si teraision, I believe, it would be best, and not half so 
 moch expences as to Import some Garmans. 
 
 That is to saiy to Draw an agrayment how you want 
 to settlen your Land, and to get it printed and a man 
 go from Court to Court house, in Court Times, That 
 you promiss to Tack them up in a Sertain place, on 
 the Rooth, to bring them to pitts Burg, and to provoid 
 for them, There to Tack them down by wather, as far 
 as the Connoss can go up and down, and find them 
 (:Till they macke a Crop:) with provision, as you 
 Thincke proper, as to Reimbursement the Sarnie, as 
 by the Garmans. 
 
 Sir, I belive you will get as mainy as you pleas. 
 This Famely will know allratty how to worck in this 
 
 parts.
 
 70 
 
 parts. In particular, If you provoid some stock for 
 those which are going for 3 yars, and then to Devoid 
 the stock, by this mains you will get your monye 
 sooner, as by the former, when you get your Chair of 
 Cattels, and when they have some Steers, you Tack 
 them on you for your payment, or on your Debt. If it 
 Cost you so mainy pounds as to bring in Garmans, 
 with Kxpences, and to buy Cattels, and expences to 
 pitts Burg, and if one accident shall happenet by them, 
 that a men Died, There will be constand a nother that 
 will Tack the widow. By the other if a father Died, 
 and a parsall of smal Childern be Lefft, what will you 
 do with them. 
 
 Hon? Sir, If you shall choose the first, It will be 
 best to Imploy a vessell here, and Load it, with To- 
 baco. In failing of Tobaco, sent it to Carolina, to get 
 Reice, Tare and pitch, which will save agreatyle ex- 
 pences, and there must be made out some agent in 
 Holland, in good Times to procur good and sound pro- 
 vision, and all nessisarys, and in need some monye. 
 I suppose your HonT has a Corresponds in Engeland. 
 If not Mr. Howel here will (: I believe:) macke out 
 one for you in Holland. This vessell must be Rathy, 
 finish when they peopel come Down the River Rhine to 
 Tacke them In, which will save a greatilly expences. 
 
 Honnourd Sir, I am your Most Humble and Most 
 obet: serv* 
 
 J. D. WOELPPER.* 
 
 *" Congress having resolved to raise a Regiment of Germans to coun- 
 teract the designs of our Enemies, I must beg leave to recommend to their 
 notice John David Wilpert now a first lieutenant in Col. Shee's Battalion, 
 
 to
 
 JAMES TILGHMAN, JR., TO WASHINGTON. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA, 7 APRIL, 1774. 
 
 DEAR SIR. The Reason of my not giving a speedier 
 Answer to yours of the 17 th February, was owing to 
 my being out of Town when it arrived. I have had 
 some conversation upon the subject of it with some of 
 the gentlemen in the Palatine Trade, and shall think 
 myself fortunate, if any information that I can give 
 may be of the least service to you in this affair. I 
 have talked about it particularly with Mr. Robert 
 Morris, whose judgment in a matter of this nature I 
 would rely upon more than that of any man I know. 
 His opinion is against your sending out a ship for Pal- 
 atines for the following reasons, which appear to me 
 good. 
 
 The expence of chartering a ship, and the money 
 that must be advanced in the purchase of the servants 
 
 to the office of captain in said Regiment ; I am personally acquainted with 
 him and know that he Joined the Virginia forces under my command in the 
 year 1754 and continued in service the whole War, during which he con- 
 ducted himself as an active vigilant and brave officer he is a German, and 
 his merit as a soldier entitles him much to the office he wishes for." Wash- 
 ington to the President of Congress, 8 July, 1776. 
 
 July iTth, " David Wilper" was appointed a captain of a company to be 
 added to the German battalion. -Journals. 
 
 " Congress having been pleased to appoint Mr. Wilper to the command of 
 a company in the German battalion now raising, I have directed him to re- 
 pair to Philadelphia for their orders. From my acquaintance with him, I 
 am persuaded his conduct as an officer will meet their approbation, and 
 thanking them for their kind [attention to my recommendation of him, i 
 have the honor, &c." Washington to the President of Congress, 22 July, 
 1776. 
 
 (for
 
 72 
 
 (for we are not allowed to send any thing from hence 
 to Holland,) would be exceeding high, and the loss to 
 which the importer is subject by their dying is often 
 very great and always considerable; their being crowded 
 together a great number of them in a ship makes con- 
 tagious Disorders frequent amongst them, which often 
 carry off great numbers of them, especially if they 
 happen to have a tedious passage. But granting no 
 accident of this kind should happen, Mr. Morris is of 
 opinion that you may purchase them in Philadelphia 
 upon much better Terms than you can import them. 
 The Reason of it is this: the People here generally 
 prefer the Children to the Men and Women, so that the 
 latter are commonly left upon the Importer's Hands, 
 after the former are all sold, and as the expence of 
 maintaining them is very heavy, they are willing to 
 get rid of them upon any Terms. Mr. Morris told me 
 that the last Fall he would have sold thirty or forty 
 Families, such as you want, for one half what they 
 cost him. Another advantage in purchasing here is 
 that you may get 12 or 18 months' credit for the Pay- 
 ment of them. Mr. Morris thinks the Trade so troub- 
 lesome and precarious that he has declined it, but was 
 kind enough to tell me that he would gladly give his 
 advice and assistance in procuring them upon the 
 easiest Terms, which I know will be very much in his 
 power, should you conclude to purchase here; or should 
 you determine rather to import them yourself, he will 
 in that case, supply you with necessary and full Direc- 
 tions on that Head. 
 
 I have passed but a gloomy winter in Philadelphia; 
 
 my
 
 73 
 
 my disorder was more deeply rooted than I at first im- 
 agined. I am now tolerably well recovered; the sweet 
 spring seems to have brought me a fresh supply of 
 health and spirits, and I hope shortly to be once more 
 myself. My happiness is still increased by the agreeable 
 Prospect that I have of shortly seeing all my Friends 
 in Virginia. I shall leave Philadelphia in a week, and 
 in one week more hope to pay a visit to Mount Vernon. 
 Be good enough to present my best compliments to 
 Mrs. Washington, Mr. and Mrs. Custis, and Mr. Iy. 
 Washington, and believe me, most respectfully and 
 sincerely yours, 
 
 JAMES TILGHMAN, Jim?* 
 
 * This scheme came to naught. Washington purchasing some servants 
 and negroes, and hiring some laborers, sent two parties to the Ohio, but 
 they broke up soon after reaching his lands. See Writings of Washington, 
 (Ford's Edition), ii, 451; iii, 128.
 
 ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 FAIRFAX COUNTY, 23 April, 1775. 
 
 FORTY DOLLARS REWARD. Ran away from the 
 subscriber on the igth instant, at night, two servant men, 
 viz. THOMAS SPEARS, a joiner, born in Bristol, about 
 20 years of age, 5 feet 6 inches and a half high, slender 
 made. He has light grey or blueish colored eyes, a 
 little pock-marked, and freckled, with sandy colored 
 hair, cut short; his voice is coarse, and somewhat 
 drawling. He took with him a coat, waistcoat, and 
 breeches, of light brown duffil [Duffield], with black 
 horn buttons, a light colored cloth waistcoat, old 
 leather breeches, check and oznabrig shirts, a pair of 
 new milled yarn stockings, a pair of old ribbed ditto, 
 new oznabrig trowsers, and a felt hat, not much the 
 worse for wear. WILLIAM WEBSTER, a brick maker, 
 born in Scotland, and talks pretty broad. He is about 
 5 feet 6 inches high and well made, rather turned of 
 30, with light brown hair, and roundish face. He has 
 an olive colored coat, pretty much worn, with black 
 horn buttons, duffil waistcoat and breeches (same as 
 Spears' s), oznabrig trowsers, and check and oznabrig 
 shirts. They went off in a small yawl, with turpen- 
 tine sides and bottom, the inside painted with a mix- 
 
 ( 74 ) ture
 
 75 
 
 ture of tar and red lead. Masters of Vessels are cau- 
 tioned against receiving of them, and the above re- 
 ward is offered to any person who will deliver them at 
 my dwelling-house in this county, or TWENTY DOLLARS 
 for each of them. 
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
 The Virginia Gazette, 4 May, 1775.
 
 INDENTURE OR COVENANT. 
 
 Ttbettfttre, Made the Fourteenth Day of No- 
 vember in the ffifteenth Year of the Reign of our Sov- 
 ereign I/3rd George the third King of Great Britain, 
 &c. And in the Year of our L,ord One Thousand 
 Seven Hundred and seventy four Between Charles Bush 
 of Southwark in the County of Surry Labourer of the 
 one Part, and Frederick Baker of London Mariner of 
 the other part Witnesseth That the said Charles Bush 
 for the Consideration hereinafter mentioned, hath, and 
 by these Presents doth Covenant, Grant and Agree to, 
 and with the said Frederick Baker, his Executors, Ad- 
 ministrators and Assigns, That he the said Charles 
 Bush shall and will, as a Faithful Covenant Servant, 
 well and truly serve Fred: Baker his Executors, Ad- 
 ministrators or Assigns, in the Plantation of I irginia 
 & Maryland beyond the Seas, for the space of Five 
 Years next ensuing his Arrival in the said Plantation, 
 in the Employment of a Servant. And the said Charles 
 Bush doth hereby Covenant and declare him self, now 
 to be of the Age of eighteen Years and no Covenant or 
 Contracted Servant to any Person or Persons. And 
 the said Frederick Baker for himself his Executors, and 
 Assigns, in Consideration thereof do hereby Covenant, 
 
 ( 76 ) Promise
 
 77 
 
 Promise and Agree to and with the said Charles Bush 
 his Executors and Administrators, that he the said 
 Fred. Baker his Executors, Administrators or Assigns, 
 shall and will at his or their own proper Cost and 
 Charges, with what Convenient Speed they may, carry 
 and convey or cause to be carried and conveyed over 
 unto the said Plantation, the said Charles Bush and 
 from henceforth and during the said voyage, and also 
 during the said Term, shall and will at the like Cost 
 and Charges, provide and allow the said Charles Bush 
 all necessary Cloaths, Meat, Drink, Washing, and 
 Lodging, Fitting and Convenient for him as Covenant 
 Servants in such Cases are usually provided for and 
 allowed. And for the true Performance of the Prem- 
 ises, the said Parties to these Presents bind themselves, 
 their Executors and Administrators, the either to the 
 other, in the Penal Sum of Thirty Pounds Sterling, 
 firmly by these Presents, gn 'gSifneSS whereof they 
 have hereunto interchangeably set their Hands and 
 Seals, the Day and Year above written. 
 
 the mark of 
 CHARLES X BUSH. [SEAI,.] 
 
 Sealed and delivered 
 in the Presence of 
 J. PATTINSON 
 C. CAPON. 
 
 ^i|C$C arc fo CCrfrflJ, that the above-named Charles 
 Bush came before me Thomas Pattinson Deputy to the 
 Patentee at Grave 'send the Day and Year above written, 
 
 and
 
 78 
 
 and declared himself "to be no Covenant nor Contracted 
 Servant to any Person or Persons, to be of the Age of 
 eighteen Years, not kidnapped nor enticed, but desirous 
 to serve the above-named or his assigns, five Years, ac- 
 cording to the Tenor of his Indenture above written. 
 All of which is Registered in the office for that Purpose, 
 appointed by the Letters Patents. ,3 it mifueSS whereof 
 I have affixed the common Seal of the said office. 
 
 THO! PATTINSON, 
 
 D. P. 
 ENDORSEMENT: 
 
 "January 22^ d 1775. The Ship Elizabeth arrived at 
 her moorings." 
 
 FREDERICK BAKER.
 
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