i ». / ij THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LOS ANGELES THE DOMESDAY BOOK FOR THE County of Berb^. REPRINTED FROM "^be jfcubal Ibiator^ of the Countv of Derb^/' [Chiefly during the iith, ,i2th, ami lyh Centuries,) BY JOHN PYM YEATMAN, ESQ., (Of Lincoln's Inn, Barrister-at- Law, formerly of Emmanuel College, Cambridge, anil F.R.H.S,, &>€.) Author of "The Earlv Genealogical Histoky of the House of Arundel;" "The HisTOKV OF THE Common Law ok Great Britain and Gaul;" "An Introduction to the Study of Early English History;" "The Mayor's Court Act, 1857;" "An Introduction TO the History of the House of Glanville;" "A Tkeatise on the Law of Trades Marks;" "The Origin of the Nations of Western Europe;" ' The Records of Ches- terfield;" ' A Treatise on the Law ok Ancient Demesne ; " "An Exposure of the Mismanagement of the Public Record Office," &c., &c. XouDou : liliMROSE & SONS, 23, OLD HAILEV • AND DKRIlY. LONDON AND UXIORD: PAKKLK lV Co. CllLblLKMKLl): WILrUIiD KDMUNDS, " DKRUVsHIRL: TIMES." THE DOMESDAY BOOK FOR THE dount^ of 2)erb^. REPRINTED FROM *'^bc 3fcu^al Ibietor^ of tbc County of 2>crb\>/' {Chiefly during the ll/h, \zth, and lT,lh Centuries,) BY JOHN PYM YEATMAN, ESQ., (Of Lincoln's Inn, Barrister-at- Law, formerly of Emmanuel College, Cambridge, and F.R.H.S,, &^c.) Author of "The Early Gevealogical Histokv of the House of Arundel;" "The HiSTOKY OF THE CoMMON LaW OK GrEAT BRITAIN AND GaUL ;" " An INTRODUCTION TO THE Study OF Early English History;" "The Mayor's Court Act, 1857;" "An Introduction TO the History of the House of Glanville;" "A Treatise on the Law of Trades Marks;" "The Origin of the Nations of Western Europe;" "The Records of Ches- terfield;" "A Treatise on the Law ok Anxient Demesne;" "An Exposure of the Mismanagement ok the Puulic Record Office," &c., &c. Xo^^ou : BEMROSE & SONS, 23, OLD BAILP:Y ; AND DERBY. LONDON AND OXFORD: I'AKKKR & Co. CHESTERFIELD: WILFRED EDMUNDS, " DERHVSHIRE TIMES." \ DA SECTION I. COLLECTIONS FOR THE HISTORY OF DERBYSHIRE. THE BOOK OF DOMESDAY. CHAPTER I. The great work of Domesday is the foundation of feudal history ; and a few observations upon its nature and value may assist tlie learned reader in fairly considering it. The great importance of this work does not arise because feudal institutions were founded in England at this period, as so many writers pretend, but because prior to this period writing was rarely used, cither in the transfer or in the dealing with lands and manors, and it is the first fiscal record that we possess. The laws which then governed the country, especially with regard to measurements affecting taxation of land, varied from petty kingdoin to kingdom, and frequently in the same territory, and it was only in those laws which affected the Sovereign state that uniformity prevailed. It was chiefly in order to assimilate these laws that the survey was made. Wc find proof of the first proposition in the ever-varying customs of manors which prevail at the present day, whilst Domesday gives us distinct proof of the latter. In Domesday we possess, probably, the sum of the law, or as it was called the common law, to distinguish it from local custom, which existed in England for centuries prior to 2 (329810 2 HOOK OK DOMESDAY. its date, even so far back as the occupation of the Romans. Each monarch, as he ascended the throne, undertook to govern by the laws of his predecessors, and it is probable, though it is by no means clear, that this undertaking was reduced into writing, yet it is tolerably clear from the absence of contempo- rary authority, that William the Conqueror, who gave the same undertaking as did Canute and others, did not reduce his charter of liberties into writing, for there is no evidence of its existence at any time ; possibly he felt that it would be more convenient to trust (as the English custom was) to the memories of his chiefs ; and it was probable, upon finding them somewhat treacherous, that he resolved to reduce the question of their relative rights and duties into the form of Domesday. However this may be, the Book of Domesday is the first account we possess of the tenures of English estates, and so far as regards Derbyshire, the onl}' comprehensive record for a considerable period. It is true that we shall find here and there in the charters granted by the Crown to various religious houses, and in the Pipe Rolls, and in some of the earliest public records, and in occasional private charters, facts of importance to county history ; but the first class. Abbey Cartularies, are not cotem- porary records, these documents having generally been com- piled as late as the thirteenth century ; and the writers of them had too much concern for the special interests of their orders to be invariably reliable, and as the earliest charters recorded in their books must have perished before they were compiled, it is obvious that they can only have been handed down by tradition ; indeed, the fact that before the Conquest writing was not employed in the transfer of land, .seriously detracts from the little respect that can generally be accorded to them. That it was a fact, clear beyond dispute, that writing was not employed in land transfer, we may Icain from the double system of conveyancing, that by charter, and that by fine, with livery of seizin (without charter), which prevailed down to the time of Charles the Second. And it is only after the Records of the County Court and of the Aula Regis were reduced into writing (a system which was inaugurated by the composition of Domesday), that we BOOK OF DOMESDAY. 3 can positively state, apart from the evidence of Domesday, what was the law affecting land in private hands, and who were the holders, and the terms of their tenure ; yet, looking at the tenacity with which the landowners clung to their rights during the 450 years of which we have official record, and indeed as regards under-tenants in private manors quite down to the present day, we may safcl\' conclude that little change was made for centuries before this period, yet this is at best conjecture, and in endeavouring to write a history of these institutions, it is necessary to rely strictly upon facts, and to give the best positive proofs that can be supplied in support of it. Another reason why Domesday must be taken as the groundwork of our history, is that the greatest mystery and suspicion hangs over the question ; it is a fact that, until within a very short period, the existence of the so-called Saxon charters was unknown, even to so great an antiquary as Seldon. He declared that he never saw one, and well knowing that the English before the Conquest did not use writing in the con- veyance of land, he, not unnaturally, doubted their existence. Since the days of Seldon, however, a complete Sa.Kon litera- ture has been unearthed ; when, where, and how, it is not the province of this work to discover, but it may be remarked that the vast majority of these documents betray their own untrust- worthiness, by the fact that they contain no dates or details of the smallest value, which were previously unknown, and which can be tested by ascertained facts, whilst the authentic Norman contemporary charters and chartularies upon which this work is based are of the greatest value and interest, since they abound with life and instruction, and give us an insight into the public as well as the private history of estates ami individuals. If the learned reader is desirous of following up the author's views on this subject, he must refer to his books on " Early p:nglish History," and that on " The Origin of the Nations of Western Europe." Here they would be out of place, and are only referred to for the pur[)osc of weighing the value of the testimony of Domesday. It must here be remarked that, although very i)rccious, Domesday is not so comprehensive and so valuable as it is generally supposed to be, and as both Sir Henry James and 4 nOC^R OV DOMKSDAY. Mr. LlcwelK'tin Jewitt insist. Both these learned writers seem to sum up their estimate of it, by (luoting a passage from that nixthical and wlioUy unreUable work, the Saxon Chronicle, the gist of which is, that in the year 1085 King William, hearing when in Normandy of a projected Danish Invasion, came over to England " with so large an army of horsemen and foot from France and from Brittany, as never before had sought this land, so that men wondered how this land could feed all that arm\', but the king caused the army to be distributed through all this land among his vassals, and they fed this army, each according to the measure of his land." "After this the king had a great counsel and very deep speech with his witan about this land, how it was peopled and by what men, then sent his men over all England into every shire, and caused to be ascertained how many hundred hides were in the shire, what land the king himself had, and cattle within the land, and what dues he ought to have in twelve months from the shire. Also, he caused to be written how much land his archbishops had, and his suffragan bishops, and his abbots, and his earls, and though I may narrate somewhat prolixly what or how much each man had who was a holder of land in England, in land or in cattle, and how much money it might be worth, so very narrowly he caused it to be traced out, there was not one single hide, nor one yard of land (this should be translated " Yardland " or Virgate), nor even (it is shame to tell, though it seemed to him no shame to do) an ox, nor a cow, nor a swine was left, that was not set down in his writs, and all the writings were brought to him afterwards." Now before referring to the errors and inaccuracies of this account, it may be worth while to enquire who was the author of it. Mr. Llewellynn Jewitt calls it "a remarkable and important passage from the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle," but the date shows that it could not have formed a portion of that Chronicle, which was, in fact, that of Marianus Scotus, as the author has proved in his " Early English History," and it was first called the Saxon Chronicle by Archbishop Parker, who himself invented the absurd compound term Anglo-Saxon, a word which puzzles foreign archaeologists, since it compounds the native with the foreign name of I'^nglishmen. BOOK OF DOMESDAY. 5 Marianus Scotus probably concluded his portion of the history about the year 1056, when he left this country ; but the writer of this paragraph evidently resided here. He was probably Florence of Worcester, who adopted and continued Marianus, but whose work was so little thought of by William of Malnies- bury, that in giving an account of the histories extant in 1 120, he does not even refer to Marianus, the Saxon Chronicle, or to Florence of Worcester ; indeed, none of these works were brought to light until long afterwards, when a market was created for the concoction of Saxon literature. Now, first, as to the motive of the compilation — to find pro- vision for the army. This is a palpable error. The army might be billetted by necessity, but not by law, upon the people, for the people were the army. A standing army was then unknown. The king had no rights, and Domesday shows that he had no rights, over the lands of his tenants, except as regards his hidage, or, as Mr. Boult (Transactions of the Historic Society of Liverpool, 1871), states, the "aids" due from the land to the Crown, and the rights (courtesy, more properly), when the king made his journeys (progresses) through the country, he had nothing to do with the oxen, cows, or pigs on the estates, except when in progress he consumed a part of them. Nor could he intermeddle with the sub-rents of the tenants in any way. Each barony, nay, each manor, was a separate kingdom ; an iniperiiun in imperio, governed by its own laws. Florence (or the writer of this paragraph) has blushed needlessly for the king on this account. His mistake, no doubt, arose from the mention of bovats or oxgangs, on which hides were payable ; just as at an earlier period, instead of in money prices were measured by so many oxen. The rents which the king could exact were only rack, or dry rents, and by no means represented the true value of the estate to the holder, but only the hidage or aid due to the king. It was originally a fi.\cd measiu'C of one pound — the old British tunc pound — which every knight paid for his fee of .so many ploughlands. The record strictly only takes in the number of these ploughlands or bovates hidable in each village or town, and sometimes we luckily get at the name of the tenant — though very rarely more than his Christian name— but nothing more, for the king had no interest in him or control over him, except, 6 BOOK OK DOMESDAY. perhaps, as a measure of the number of fees in the village upon which his tenant-in-chicf ouqht to pay In'dc. Tiio rents of the sub-ti nant and the terms of his tc^nurc was a matter solely between the under-lord and iiiniself, and of no importance to the kinij. A far more reliable account of the motives of the threat Survey is to he found in the Register of Bermondsey under the }'cars 1083--^, from which it would seem that it was a mere register of rents due to the Crown. It is quite clear, also, that, although the Ci'inmissioners, probably in consequence of special instruc- tions, made a return of all the fees in each village, they were not all gcldable — that is, they did not all of them pay aid to the king, for we frequently read that in certain places only so many carucates were geldable, though others are mentioned, and even in King Edward's time, the payment for a carucate was variable. A carucate is only another name for ploughland ; hide refers to the aid payable in respect of it. Carucate is the cart team necessary to work it, supposed to be so called after the Roman manner of four horses having been yoked abreast. To show the variable nature of the tax, in Foston, four knights had, in King Edward's time, two and a half carucates hidable ; then, twelve villains and eight borders had three ploughs and ten acres of meadow, of which the value was forty shillings. In Alkmanton there were four ploughs, two in demesne, and eight villains ; and then there were seven borders who had two ploughs and twelve acres of meadow. The value was the same. In Holloington, si.K thanes had one and a half carucates geldable. and land for twelve oxen ; eleven villains and seven borders had seven ploughs and eight acres of meadow, and a little underwood, in the time of King Edward, and then it was i^ worth forty shillings. In Bradley, two knights had one carucate hidable, land for two ploughs, and it was worth forty shillings. In Snelston, six ploughs were valued at the same rate ; indeed, so variable is the number of carucates, ploughs, bovates, and acres for each forty or twenty shillings, that no rule can be laid down on that measure ; and the only safe conclusion seems to be, that for every separate holding in a village, one pound — the ancient British tunc pound — was originally charged : that is, a place was reckoned by .so many knights' fees, each of which BOOK OF DOMESDAY. 7 was assessed at that sum. And in the course of centuries the actual value and working capacity of the estate had greatly increased, whilst the hide had not been raised. The king's thanes held their lands at a much cheaper rate. It was evidently originally taxed as the other land by pounds ; but these were now generally measured by shillings, probably according to the goodwill of the former sovereign at the time of the grant. In early days, land given to favourites was described as being held bv a fraction of a knight's fee, sometimes a 200th part, or a nominal sum. These thanes are a particularly interesting class, as they represented the ancient nobility of the kingdom, and who were allowed still to hold their ancient fiefs. Many more were under-tenants of the Norman lords, but these men were never displaced. Another class of men rated were those living in towns where a hide or aid was paid for so many mansions or for so many ploughlands adjacent to the town, and belonging to it. Mr. Kemble ("Saxons in England," Vol. I., p. 488), who, with a certain class of writers (unfortunately a very large one), persists in ignoring the Celtic element in our laws, language, and literature (though it is the chief element), has made a ridiculous mistake in confounding the hide with the ploughland — that is, the tax with the subject of taxation. He writes, " it is necessary to bear in mind, that the hide is exclusively arable land," a state- ment which is at once disposed of by the taxes upon towns. For instance, Chester was assessed at 50 hides, whilst Exeter was assessed at 5. Derby, in King Edward's time, had 243 burgesses ; then it had 100 burgesses, and 40 lesser ones, "whilst 103 mansions, which used to be assessed, were waste." In King Edward's time the town had 12 carucates adjoining it, and rendered £2^ ; then, with the ten mills and Litchurch, it was worth ;^30. At the same period (King Edward's time) Notting- ham had 173 burgesses, and only 6 carucates of land, for which, with the burgesses works, they paid only 75 shillings and 7 pence. In King William's time there were only 136 men dwelling there, 13 of whom had been put in by Hugh fitz Baldric, the Sheriff. In the time of King Edward, Nottingham yielded in rent ;^i8; at Domesday, ;^30. It is very difficult to say at what hidagc each of these towns was assessed, or whether they were assessed only according to 8 BOOK OF DOMESDAY. the biiruess aid. The threat increa.sc from iJ'iS and ;^24 to j;^30 in Nottiiii;hani and Derby, in spite of decrease in the number of bur<:jesses in both, atlds to the difficultx-. 'I'lic mint at Nottin<^ham paid ;^io extra. Mines, saltworks, fisheries, and other properties, all contributed to make up the hides, so that many houses must have gone to form a single hide Where a city was measured by hides, the probability is that each parish in a city represented one or more hides, just as did a vill in the country. It may be, however, that the value at which these towns were assessed was only in respect of the Luvls held by them adjacent to the town, for the Pipe Rolls show that independently of the Dane- geld there was a distinct burgess aid. The particulars given are hardly conclusive on the point. Another class of land owners, or rather of manors, which were enquired into were the Terra Regis, the lands of ancient demesne, that land which had always supplied the royal revenue. For the most part this was let to the king's tenants, some of whom supplied food for the royal tables ; whilst others were let to farm at substantial rents, called fee-farm rents, just as the tenants-in-chief underlet their own estates ; or perhaps at a nominal rent, if the estate were given as a reward to a favourite. In only some instances, and probably for these reason.s, is there any value placed on these lands. Those lands so let at fee-farm could not be disposed of by the sovereign, except for his life. Upon his death they re- verted unfettered to his successor. We see, therefore, that not only did not the king, "to his shame," take an account of his subjects' cattle, but that he did not tax all their lands, but only those which, doubtless, from time out of mind, had been regularly taxed for the royal revenue, and those which he himself had granted, but it would rather seem that he increased the taxes on towns in proportion to their works, and the number of their burgesses. The following tables have been extracted from the MSS. of the late Rev. Robert Eyton, now deposited at the British Museum, and numbered 31924 amongst the Additional MSS., and they give at a glance an important fact, wiiich supplies the true reason of the Survey. Instead of the king growing richer, the revenues of the Crown were, in country places at least, being sensibly diminished. Omitting fractions, the gross value of the five wai)en takes of Derbyshire had fallen from .^^587 BOOK OF DOMESDAY. 9 to ^455 ; and again, the measurement of a carucate varied in each hundred, no doubt to the king's loss. This calculation of the royal revenue, however, does not include the fee-farm rents of the Crown. We learn one important fact from the consideration of this subject which is generally overlooked. Not only were many ploughlands in vills which might have been taxed left out of the calculation, but only those vills in which lands are taxed are mentioned in Domesday, so that it is not a perfect record even of the estates of the nobles. The author has found nearly as many places in Derbyshire (many, if not most, of which must have been manors at this period), and which are unmentioned in Domesday as those which are given, and the numbc;r is con- tinually increasing, a fact which teaches us that Mr. Eyton's valuable tables must only be read as applying to Domesday, that is. to only part of the county, and not as illustrative of the whole ; unfortunately, we have no means of obtaining statistics as to the rest. The Rev. Mr. Eyton, in his Derbyshire Notes, has pointed out various small distinctions observable in the different surveys of Derbyshire and Stafford, with a view to determine under which circuit they were severally surveyed, a matter of not very great importance ; his criticisms, however, are of greater value in determining the objects of the survey. In Derbyshire, mill sites, churches, and portions of manors apportioned to others, were mentioned, but not in StafTordshire, and tiie latter only invariably gave the measurements of small woods. These differences would appear to show that much was left to the discretion of the Commissioners, that the Crown desired to learn as much as possible, but that no special instructions were given on some subjects and therefore it would seem to follow that many items of property were referred to which were not taxable at that period. It would be interesting to learn whether the Conqueror took any legislative action in consequence of the report, or whether the laws relating to taxation remained unaltered, but were only more strictly applied. Judging from the evidence of the Pipe Rolls, it would seem that nothing was done, and no legislation of any consequence appears to be recorded by contemporary chroniclers. lO BOOK OF DOMESDAY. It certainly appears from Eyton's studies that Derby was surveyed by the same Commissioners who surveyed Yorksliire, Iluntini^don, Nottingham, and Lincohishire, and that part of Rutland which was included in Nottingham ; and it is probable that the surveys of Lincolnshire and Yorkshire induced the Commissioners to call the hundreds of Derbyshire wapentakes. Why, it is not very clear, because there is nothing in common in the derivation of the two words, indeed 'the latter is generally used as a portion of the former, and there is one instance of such a measure of a hundred in Derbyshire in the Manor of Sawley. A portion of the wapentake or hundred of Morleston is called itself a hundred, and it contained 12 carucates, the standard measurement of the smaller kind of hundred. There can be but little doubt that before the Conquest, and when Derby formed a portion of the Kingdom of Mercia, it was then divided into hundreds, like its sister counties on the south and v/est. The name wapentake was only occasionally used in Derbyshire down to the time of Edward I., or perhaps a little later, when that of hundred became again permanently in use, but even when it was used, both words were used indiscrimi- nately. Eyton has expended a good deal of labour on this point, which is scarcely intelligible. Had he examined the records he would have seen that, whatever their meaning, the terms were used interchangeably, as if identical ; just as hide and carucate were afterwards confused. That in Derbyshire a wapentake is equivalent to a hundred is quite clear, from the fact that the modern hundreds are con- terminous with the Domesday wapentakes, although some of them have been sub-divided into two parts, or, perhaps more properly, half hundreds ; and this at once disposes of Eyton's idea that the county was divided into hundreds of 12 carucates each. Mr. Llewellynn Jewitt has not hazarded much upon the question of measurements, nor has he formed a definite system for Derbyshire ; perhaps in doing so he has exercised a wise discretion. He gives a carucate as equivalent to a ploughland, a rather indefinite expression ; a hide, which he also, with Mr. Kemble, regards as a measure of land and not of taxation, according to him varying from 30 to 120 acres. A bovat or oxgang, a ploughland, equal to an eighth part of a carucate. BOOK OF DOMESDAY. II and equal to a quantity varying from 8 to 24 acres. A virgate as a fourth, or perhaps an eighth of a hide, which, tabulated, omitting variations, leaves a virgate, and a bovat equal to an eighth of a hide, and therefore equal to each other, and each equal to eight acres, or it may be that one virgate equalled two bovats of that amount. The term hide does not appear to be used in the Derbyshire Domesday, nor does" virgate appear till a later period. Eyton has, according to the writer's ideas, fallen into great confusion by insisting upon the terms hide and carucate being identical, simpl}' because he supposed that he found that each contained 48 geld acres (fol. 6) ; he, however, rejects the measure hide as applied to this county. He describes the county of Derby as divided into wapentakes, carucates, bovats, and geld acres, whilst his own tables show that some of these measures bear no sort of proportion to each other, and indeed that they vary in each hundred. Omitting fractions, in Apletre there were 512 acres to the carucate, in Morleston 261, in Hameston 736, and so on. Of course this discrepancy may be accounted for by supplying the acres which were not geldable, but taking it as true, this would give 64 acres to the bovat in Apletre, 32 in Morleston, and 92 in Hameston ; yet in another part of his treatise, he has broadly stated that a Derbyshire carucate or ploughland measured 120 acres (fol. 12), and the mode he arrives at this calculation is so remarkable that the whole passage is transcribed. He writes : — " While on the subject of the ploughland, I would fain add from the Derbyshire Survey a corroboration of my theory adopted long since on other grounds, that the ordinary Terra ad unam caracam measured 120 statute acres. The passage describing Henry dc Fcrrars' two manors of Hertshorne runs as follows : — Doms 80, 274, 3, 2. Mancrium in Heorteshorne habebat Aluricus iiii carucatas terra,- ad geldam. Terra iiij carucis, wasta est, silva pastilis dimidia Icuva longa ct dimidia (Icuva) lata. Terra arabilis tantundcm T. R. K. valcbat iiij libras modo (valet) x solidos. "Manerium in alia Heorteshorne habetat Aluricus ij caru tcrr.x ad geldam. Tcrr.i ij carucis, wasta est, silva pastilis dimidia Icuva longa ct dimidia Icuva lata. Terra arabilis 12 BOOK Ol'" DOMESDAY. tantundcm T. R. E. valcbat xl solidos modo valet x solidos." In each case the plough capacity (Terr. 4 car., Terr. 2 car.) is calculated perhaps on that ordinary feature of the carucate or hide, that each carucate or hide involved one ploughland, or it may have been that the Domesday Commissioners found actual record that 4 teams and 2 teams had been employed at some previous period on the two estates respectively. There could be no other adaptability or normal capacity ot the ploughland, for \vc sec that in one manor the four plough- lands co-ordinated with just the same quantity of arable land as did the two ploughlands of the other. The expressions terr iiij car, terra ij carucis, are used then either technically, erro- neously, or else with reference to some known antecedent, to correct the glaring inconsistency or inaccuracy, and to certify the Commissioners' opinion about adaptability or present capacity. They added, perhaps, those unusual words, measur- ing the arable land by an exact measure. The whole case will best be stated algebraically. In one manor, of 4 ploughlands = | league x J a league = 360 statute acres, or I ploughland = 90 statute acres. In the other manor, 2 ploughlands = |- league x ^ a league = 360 statute acres, or I ploughland = 1 80 statute acres. It is not likely that the Domesday Commissioners were ignorant of the doctrine that two things equal to the same were equal to one another, but it is not improbable that, to point inaccurate or suspected premises, they might use a process akin to what logicians term a reductio ad absurdam ; they used other furmulse suggestive of a similar suspicion, e.g., terra est ij carucis sed tamen ibi iiij carucis. In all such questions, if we cannot surely interpret the text and intention of isolated passages of Domesday, we can estab- lish pretty safe conclusions by adding further premises and calculating general results. In the present case, the question of the average measurement of a Domesday ploughland, we need to add no further premises, we need only to combine the two seemingly discordant premises. The added equations will be : — BOOK OF DOMESDAY. I 3 4 pis. + 2 ploughs. = 360 a. + 360 a. 6 ploughs. = 720 a. I plough. = 120 a. and such is the exact conclusion to which I arrived when studying the Dorset Survey, and arguing from other lights. — (See Key to Domesday, 23, 24.) It is only fair to point out that this MS. was not prepared for the press, and had it been, probably the learned author would himself have corrected it. Now, putting aside the extraordinary reasoning which could satisfy a man of such undoubted talent as Mr. Eyton, let us look at these entries, and two facts are at once apparent. First, that there is no other instance in the Derbyshire Domesday where arable land is measured by leagues ; it is invariably measured by carucates or land measures. That woods and underwoods, on the other hand, are never measured by carucates or plough measures, but always by lineal measures. And we shall see at once that, curiously enough, the scribe has used the words "arable land " twice, in mistake for underwood. In no instance in this Domesday is land, whether arable or not, given after wood ; besides, the land, although waste, was already measured, by land and not by lineal measure. Why, then, measure it twice over.' This is not done in any other instance, as Mr. Eyton himself has discovered. But assuming that arable land was intended and only described by lineal measure, because, like wood, it was of little value (as a fact, waste lands are never so measured), how possibly could a simple addition and division sum, magnified here into an equation, solve the difficulty .-' There is literally nothing in the entries ! In the first manor the tenant paid £4 for four carucates, and in the second £2 for a couple, that is the old tunc pound for each carucatc. Both manors being waste, they were each reduced to the nominal payment of half a hide. The truth is, that many ancient terms, as hundred, hide, acre, etc., etc., have several distinct meanings, and at various periods cither lose their true meaning or arc misapplied. The important question for Derbyshire history is, what was the meaning of these terms in this county ? I'olidorc Vergil states a hide to be 20 acres ; whilst Agard fixes it at lOO ; and other instances as high as 240. Sir George Sitwell has furnisiied a 14 HOOK i)l" l)OMi:.SDAV. Dcrb\'shire record, wherein a bovate is stated i)ro[)crly to contain 80 acres (Charter concerning land at Barlhorough), but a question ny<\y arise whether this quantity was general throughout the count}', or only applicable to a particular manor ; or, in fact, whether it was not a generous bovat. Mr. Frederick Seebohm, in his interesting work, "The Village Community," has paiil great attention to the origin and meaning of the word hide, antl although he has missed its correct etymology (probably he had not the advantage of reading Mr. Boult's admirable paper upon the subject), he is not very far wrong in its application. He writes, p. 398, " The word hide, which still baffles all attempts to explain its meaning, may possibly have had reference to a similar tribute. Even in England it does not follow that it was, in its origin, connected with the plough team." He was referring to the Frisians, with wh.om existed the custom of the tribute of a hide for every so many oxen, which, he adds, " was as ready a mode of assessing the tribute as counting the plough teams would be in an agricultural district." Mr. Seebohm has given a very interesting table of measures for Huntingdonshire, taken from the Hundred Rolls, from which it appears that in nineteen cases the number of virgates in a hide varied from 4 to 8 ; in seven cases the number was 4 ; in five it was 5 ; in six it was 6 ; and in one, 8 ; whilst the number of acres in a virgate varied from 15 to 48. The number of acres in a hide was less variable : in eight cases there were 120 acres to a hide ; in four, 125 ; the other seven all differing from them. Mr. Seebohm calculates that the normal virgate or yard land was one-fourth of a hide, and contained 30 acres. But in the face of such varia- tions it seems almost idle to endeavour to arrive at a definite solution of the question, and all that can positively be predicted is that the hide, or carucate, really represents an uncertain amount of land, varying according to soil and climate, which a single plough-team could work. This learned writer seems to think that carucate is a later word than hide, and supplanted it subsequently to the period of the Hundred Rolls, but this is obviously a mistake. Both are to be found in Domesday, and both probably were of Gaelic origin, the one describing the tax or aid (eid), and the other the thing by which the aid was measured. It is, therefore, not BOOK OF DOMESDAY. 1 5 strictly accurate to describe the hide as varying ; what varied was the subject of the hide. Perhaps the true cause of the variable quantity of the carucate is to be found in its unit. It is clear from the statute of 33rd Edward I., wdiich fixed the acre at 40 perches in length and 4 in breadth, that its variable nature was a source of contention and strife, which it was desirable to avoid. The shape of the acre shows that it w^as so many furrows ; and we learn an important fact from Mr. Seebohm's book that down to a late period the idea of every acre being a specific part of a carucate or plough-team was no fiction, but a reality ; and that the joint owners of the carucate were also the joint owners of the plough team, and took their part in the ploughing in a regular rotation. This is proved conclusively by the descrip- tion of the virgate of one John Moldeson, in the manor of Winslow, which consisted of over 68 half-acre strips of land, scattered in different common fields of the manor. In 66 cases his land on one side abutted upon the land of John Watkins ; on 43 of the other to Henry Ward's land ; and in 23 to John Mayn's land. These four men, therefore, each held one or a part of one virgate of the carucate, and jointly owned the plough team. And we get at this further fact, that the fields would be each of 2 acres (40 rods in length, by 8 broad), which would constitute a double day's ploughing for a full team of oxen, or perhaps only one day in a light soil. It is in the history of this system of co-operative ploughing that the confusion between the hide and the carucate and bovat arose. Our only true measure of what was the English law before the Conquest is to be found in the Welsh, the ancient British laws ; and from these we learn that the common profits of the common undertaking were divided nominally between the oxen, in a regular system of rotation the place in the team depending as much, perhaps, upon the share of its owner, as upon the strength and capal^ilitics of the ox. The autiior has derived very great benefit from the labours of Major-Gencral Wrottcsly for the William .Salt .Society for Staffi^rdshirc. They cannot be t(.'0 highly commended, since they su[)ply, in an admirable form, the most important imforma- tion relative to that county. It is to be hoped that the learned author will continue his lai)ours in this direction. General 1 6 BOOK Ol' DOMESDAY. Wrottcsly lias noted that the assessment for that county only varied one penny chirinf;!; the reis^ns of Henrj^ I. and II. ; and he informs us that in 8 Henry II., it was reduced to ^42 os. 7d. His table of land measures seems too fanciful to be of real value to Derbyshire students. He would give a knight's fee as equal to 3000 acres, or three hides, or four carucates ; three virgates, or 750 acres, being equal to one carucate. The Evesham Cartular)' suggests the following table : — " Twelve acres to a virgate, four virgates to a hide, eight hides to a scutage ; a carucate being only equal to three virgates." Derbyshire Domesday only mentions carucates, bovats, and acres ; and from that book itself the relation of bovats to carucates can be certainly adduced, and from several instances. In the king's manor of Langdendale, it is shown that eight bovats go to the carucate ; so it would appear from Snelston, though there is an error of one bovat in the calculation. But it is quite clear again from Henry de Ferrers' manor of Burnaston, so that Mr. Llewellynn Jewitt's estimate of from eight to twenty- four bovats would seem not to apply to Derbyshire, since it is there a fixed and not a variable measure. In Geoffry Ascelins' manor of Braideston we appear to get the measure of a carucate. Gilbert de Gant held there two carucates of land, one mile in length and three furlongs in breadth, which would give 120 acres to the carucate and fifteen to the bovat, counting 640 acres to the square mile. Curiously, this exactly agrees with Mr. Eyton's calculation respecting the number of acres in a carucate. Hubert fitz Ralf's manor of Middleton is measured by one mile in length and four furlongs in breadth. One carucate was geldable in it, and there was land for one plough, but it was waste, and little evidence can be gathered from this estimate. Whatever may have been the case in Derbyshire, it would seem that the normal measure generally throughout the country was twelve acres to the bovat and eight bovats to the carucate, and eight carucates to the knight's fee, or scutage, and the virgate, which we do not find in Derbyshire until long after Domesday, was in some places equivalent to a bovat, and in others to a double bovat. As already observed, Domesday is not what it is generally supposed to be, an account of every yard of land and, of all the creeping things upon it (that is a record of the national BOOK OF DOMESDAY. 1 7 property), but simply an account (with occasional additional facts, suggestive of an attempted increase in taxation) of the number of carucates within each county which were hidable, that is, a merely fiscal document, and it becomes a very interest- ing problem to ascertain how far this can be proved by, and compared with, subsequent records. The earliest records which we possess bearing directly upon the question are the Pipe Rolls ; and at irregular periods, as necessity compelled a levy, we find the scutages, as they were then called, paj^able by those knights who held estates which were liable to pay danegelt. It would be a mistake, perhaps, to confound danegelt with the geld payable at the time of Domesday. These taxes were probably payable on other occasions besides those when danegelt are exacted : that is, whenever the State required a subsidy ; and Domesday records the very manors and the fractions of the scutage which each manor or soke was liable to contribute upon these occasions. Unfortunately, we can only gather from the Pipe Rolls the gross amount of scutage payable in each county. But these figures se^m to prove that, if the Conqueror took any action in consequence of this Domesday Survey, it soon died out, and the ancient order of things was restored, for the amount of scutage remained the same, whilst that of levy still continued to decrease. We have a scutage in a Pipe Roll which I\Ir. Hunter has attempted to date as that of the year 31 Henry I., and unthinking persons accept that date as conclusive, although Dugdale and the older writers, whose opinions should not lightly be discarded, considered that it was of the date of 5 Stephen; others thought the 15th of that king ; others the 1st ; whilst some writers, even of the present day, have supposed that it supplied the missing Roll of i Henry H. (if, indeed, that roll is missing), the .series of tlie.sc records being perfect fn)u\ the second year of that king. And there is more weight in this suggestion tlian is generally accorded to it. It is usually .set aside without considerati«Mi, because the .sheriffs in this Roll and tliat of 2 Henry II., are different, but that is surely to be expected, fur necessarily Henry II. would find Stephenitc sheriffs when he came to the throne, and would speedily replace them by his own friends. VVc hardly know upon what facts <»r evidence Dugdale ami tlie 3 l8 BOOK OF 1)OiML;SDAV. elder writers relied, but the truth seems to be that each of the contending parties have stron a u CT. c .:^ V II U S S es O ■c u s c o o II c w o 01 < II "5. < >> . >^ • On Tj- 00 ■<»• 00 On = X 11^ •a (1 tJO • -«1 -♦N -*1 COM W'r 3 3-a CO N NO 1.^ . t^ ON VO On 00 h^ S ° *■ ro ^ ■* ro 1- Valu Domi Mi 00 N <». Ji u -*i '^ MHi 1 ^^1 < t M vi . IS 2 (A :s '> •- •- :2 'x £"2 .5 E 9 *" -♦M •*> WW r*! 5 o Q " ON CO CO 8 NO 00 NO jn . .^ . :s ro 1.^ Q s > X X > x *x 1 3 " -d-^ Tf NO NO „;^ ►- N t^ 00 nrr -«r _« -♦M CW o o* S?H^ NO N N „ N II vO O xrt ro lO o 2 rt On t^ 1^ r^ ro VO 1/-1 00 •* ON O ^ •^ ■^ « n -dO Tl- ~^t" ■^ «-^ N^ ^ NO t^ NO E CO O 3 a. -I -<0' t-tt! On 00 IT) s 1 ■ W3 M M C/0 1.^ On 00 VO vD 00 NN n ir^ .^ *-* (.H VO t^ l2 ^vo X- '75 oo u « ■* NO On VO NO H > " , c ci r^ M R' — wi St \j~i On o o f^ ON iri 00^ ro ■* >* u-1 ■3-J3 . . N M 00 r^ r^ VO Gr. mod acre 00 ■o" pT NO CJN r^ .H S = =S fO VO "-I On HM VO t^ O ^ ON ^ i: 3 e-.2 00 '^ •:^ VO ■0 s?ir c< 1^ ■* 00 oo O < o g O IT" > 0^ " i^ -d N ~~^1^ H ^ I. C4 cjc-' «; ^ NO M On NO omputed wood creages. r~ tn o \0 vO > 00 NO s?- q w-l N c^ ) « f^ no" c u ro NO N NO tn — ^ 00 ^^ 00 U U u fi M m >o VO VO o « N -0 f-. u a "-) M t^ q^ ro >«« Hn "2 vi t^ t^ O m o o '. IJ U 3 4J N 1-4 r^ ■* NO — "^ M yD o O CO rj o NO rD ro 5-2 rt o_ M O ro -^ NO ^r°-6s >rN cs r^ ro N i^i 0\ &• '' T? LT 1 o" ^M N ^M ON •a yj •- >" > 3 2 J^ro O o •?f o e 1^ V ^* »■ ■•'-, t^ N NO ro (/] O . O f o M fO 0.2 > X X X '> X > _> a 'J xr> \y-> C/D O"' "^ ON 0^ NO J, E ; > •^ . .p^ '•^ > i: C.5 ^ > > : 'x X X c 1 < u 2 5 r- rt > r 'J J; o 4J 1-1 "a. a. c J?5 (A ID E ci > <3i U (A u 1 On T3 00 t-l c o BOOK OF DOMESDAY. 23 It will be seen that Mr. Eyton has contrasted the gross value of the manors with that of the scutage, but they appear to have no relation to each other ; and this is apparent from the variation of the proportions to a carucate in each hundred. The gross value of the wapentakes is ^587 6s. od., and the number of carucates over 100 more. This would give a hidage of nearly seven times the proper amount. But the hidage was never variable : it always was fixed at the same sum for the whole of England, usually 20s. So, too, the calculations of the number of acres to a carucate are useless. They are inserted from respect for Mr. Eyton, and because some persons will prefer his reading of the document ; but it is confidently submitted that, although the gross value of the wapentakes bore a certain proportion to the cultivated acreage of the county, it had no relation whatever to the hidable carucates. The latter quantity, in fact, depended upon the generosity or caprice of previous kings, who had assessed some knights or thanes strictly, or the reverse. We see that the gross value of the wapentakes had fallen from £s8j 6s. T.R.E., to ^455 i8s. at Domesday, or nearly 23 per cent. It is improbable that the decrease occurred during William's reign. Much as he loved sport, he valued money more. Nor is it probable that it occurred during the reign of Edward the Confessor, for no forests or chases were laid down in most of the wasted manors ; we know that, from the record of the population remaining. We therefore necessarily conclude that the assessment of T.R.E. was the old assessment of King Canute and his Danish successors, and hence possibly in hatred of the tax, we find it still called Dane gelt in the reign of the Plantaganets : this, and not the popular notion of it, is probably the truth. The learned reader inust also be cautioned from a too great reliance upon other portions of Mr. Ey ton's tables, especially those of wood acreages. The Domcsda}' Commissioners calculated them very roughly, rarely condescending to a less measure than half a mile. A wood of two miles long by one and a half broad, and so fortii, evidently mere guesses, for in a hilly county like Derbyshire it would be difficult, even in these days, to find a wood at all similar in shai)c to a parallelogram. The author has not been able to discover the data on which Mr. Kyton founds his reputed arable acreages. It is probable ^A I'.OOK oi i>nMi':sn.\v that ho obtained it l)y .ukliiii; the miinber of cariicates and bovatcs, which are invariably set down in Domesday after the enumeration o\ the liidal assessment. If, instead of calculating this sum in acres, it liad been left in carucates, it would have been of far orreater value, as it would have shown how many carucates escaped as.sessment. Takintj^ the liberty of calculating it upon this basis, and with Mr. Eyton's table of 48 acres to the carucate, we find that only 693 carucates were gcldable, out of a gro.ss number of 18S7, or little more than one-third of the land under plough cultivation ; and, taking the gross acreage only, that number, out of 8825, or calculating it in acres, only 33,264 acres were hidable, out of a gross sum of 423,594, or only about one-thirteenth of the whole county. The accuracy of this calculation, however, depends upon the correctness of Mr. Eyton's assumption that a carucate contained only 48 acres. In all probability the true measure of a carucate is nearly three times as much. It would appear that much of the confusion which exists between the terms hide and carucate, is attributable to the changes made in the assessment of landed property by Arch- bishop Hubert, in 1 198, a most important event in feudal histors', which will be noticed hereafter. His Commissioners, in order to prevent loss to the Exchequer, determined in a kind of sub-parliament (equivalent to a sitting of the House of Commons), that in future the carucate throughout the whole country should consist of lOO acres, and thus confusing the ploughland with the hide. General Wrottesly observes that " Staffordshire was assessable to the geld tax to the extent of only 440i hides, and which left a large area ungeldable, not," he observes, " by reason of the accidental privilege in favour of the king's writ, but of immemorial prescription." He adds that " the rate of assess- ment for the year was 2.s. per hide." This is probably arrived at by calculating the scutage at ten hides, and dividing by the well-known amount of £j per knight's fee. 25 TRANSLATION OF DOMESDAY. H)crb^6hire. Abhreviations.— M = .Manor. S - Soke. B = Berewite. T. R. E. vol. = In the time of King Edward it was worth. Land = Arable Land. Page 2y2a Domesday, column I. Each leaf onl\^ of the Original MS. being numbered, the paging 272^, or 272^, indi- cates the front or back of each leaf respectively. These numbers are commonly used in references to the MS. Here are noted those who I. King William. II. The Bishop of Chester. III. The Abbey of Bertone. II 1 1. Hugh p:arl of Chester. V. Roger of Foictou. VI. Henry de Ferrars. VII. William Pevercl. VIII. Walter Dcincourt. IX. Geoffrey Alselin. HOLD LAND IN DERBYSHIRE. X. Ralph Fitzhubert. XI. Ralpli de Byron. XII. Hasculf Musard. XIII. Gilbert de Gant. XI HI. Nigel de Stafford. XV. Robert Fitzwilliam. XVI. Roger de l^iisli. XVH. The King's Thanes. I. THE LAND OF 11 11-: KING.— (TJiRRA RliLGIS.)- SC A RVKV) I<: Lh: W A !>i<:nt A K !■:. Fol. 272(1. Col. II ] M. In Nevvcbold with vi. bcrcwitcs, Witintuiic, Briminlunc, Tapetunc, Cestrcfcld, Buitorp, I'xhinlunc, there arc vi. • It wa-s held Ijy the Judges in eatly times that no land is of the ancient demesne of the Cr'iwn, unless it is recorded amonKst ihi- Terra Rej^is of DonieMJay. 26 HOOK OF DOMESDAY. Fol. J7J«, Col. II.) canicatcs and i. bovatc of land hidable. Land for vi. ploughs. The King has xvi. villanes and ii. bordars and i. servus there having iv. ploughs. To this Manor belong viii. acres of meadow. Wood, pasturable, iii. miles in length, and iii. miles in breadth. T. R. E. val. vi. pounds ; now, X. poiinds. S. In Wingreurde ii. carucates of land. Soke of this Manor hidable. Land for ii. ploughs, xiv. soke-men have iv. ploughs there. S. In Greherst and Padinc iv bovates of land hidable. It is waste. S. In Normantune the J part of i. carucate of land liidable. Land for i. plough, i. soke-man has ii. oxen in a plough there. S. In Honestune the ^ part of i. carucate of land hidable. Land for ii. oxen. S. In Dranefeld i. carucate of land hidable. Land for i. plough, iii. viilanes and i. bordar have ii. ploughs there. S. In Rauenesham and Vpetun i. carucate of land hidable. Land for i. plough, iv. soke-men having i. plough there. S. In Toptune and Nortune ii. bovates of land hidable. To these lands of the soke-men vii. acres of meadow are adjoining. Wood, pasturable, v. miles in length, and iii. miles in breadth. Of level land, Ix. acres. M. In Onestvne and Normantune Lewin and Edwin had vii. and bovates and iv. acres of land hidable. Land for xii. oxen. Brrc- '"'"■ i. plough now in demesne there ; and vi. villanes, and iv. bordars, having iv. ploughs. A church there, and a priest, and ii. mills worth iv. shillings, and ii. acres and ^ of meadow. Wood, pasturable, h a mile in length, and ^ in breadth. T. R. E. val. xiii. shillings ; now, xx. shillings. M. In Waletvne Hundulf had ii. carucates of land hidable. Land f(^r iii. plough.s. It is waste. Wood, pasturable, i. mile in length, and i. in breadth. T. R. E. val. xx. shilling.s. BOOK OF DOMESDAY, 2^ HAMMENSTAN (HIGH PEAK AND WIRKSWORTH) WAPENTAKE. Fol. 272a, Col. II.] M. In Dereleie King Edward had ii. carucates of land hidable. Bere- In Farlcic and Cotes and Berleie i. carucate and ii. bovates wites. of land hidable. Land for iii. ploughs. The King has i. plough there, and vii. villanes having iii. ploughs. A priest there, and a church ; and xii. acres of meadow. Wood, pasturable, ii. miles in length, and ii. in breadth. T. R. E. val. xl. shillings, and ii. sextaries of honey ; now, iv. pounds. M. In Mestesforde King Edward had ii. carucates of land not hidable. It is waste, viii. acres of meadow there, and i. lead-work. Wood, pasturable here and there, iii. miles in length, and ii. in breadth. To this Manor adjoin these berewites : Meslach, Snitiretone, Wodnesleie, Bunteshale, Ibeholon, Teneslege. In these vii. carucates of land hidable. Land for vii. ploughs. xi. villanes and xii. bordars have vi. ploughs there, and xxii. acres of meadow. Wood, pasturable, ii. miles in length, and i. mile in breadth. As much under-wood. Fol. 272(5, Col. I.] M. In Werchesvorde there are iii. carucates of land hidable. Land for iv. ploughs. A priest and a churcli there, and xvi. villanes and ix. bordars having iv. ploughs. There are iii. lead-works, and xxvi. acres of meadow. Wood, pasturable, ii. miles in length, and ii. miles in breadth. Berewites of this Manor. In Crunforde ii. carucates, and Middeltunc ii. carucates, and Opctune iv. carucates, and Wcllcdcne ii. carucates, and Chersintune ii. carucates, and Caldelauuc ii. carucates, and Hiretune iv. carucates ; xviii. carucates of land hid able. Land for as many ploughs. In these there are xxxvi. villanes, and xiii. bordars, having xiv. ploughs and a \. There xiv. acres of meadow. Wood, pasturable, and under-wood, iii miles in length, and ii. in breadth. jS ]U)0K OV DOMESDAY. Kol. !J7j6. Col. I.l M. Ill Essobiirno arc iii. canicatcs of land hitlablc. Land for iii. plout^hs. It is waste, yet it renders xx. .shilliiif^s A priest and a church there, with i. carucate of land hidable; and he has there ii. villancs, and ii. V)ordars, having | a plougli. lie himself i. plough, and i. man who renders xvi. pence ; and xx. acres of meadow. Wood, pasturable, i. mile in length, and A a mile in breadth. Berewites of this Manor. In Mapletune ii. carucatcs, and Bredelauue ii. carucatcs, and Torp ii. carucatcs, and Benedlege ii. carucates, and Ophidecotes ii. carucates, and Ochenauestun iv. carucates ; xiv. carucates of land hidable. Land for as many ploughs. They are waste, except xi. villanes and xvii. bordars having vi. ploughs and a ^. There are xxv. acres of meadow. iM. In Pevrcwic are ii. carucates of land hidable. Land for ii. ploughs. It is waste. Colne holds it of the King, and he has there vi. villanes and ii. bordars with iii. ploughs. There are xii. acres of meadow. To this Manor adjoin iii. Berewites. Elleshope, Hanzedone, Eitunc. There are ii. carucates of land hidable. Land for ii. ploughs. It is waste. These V. Manors, Derelei, Mestesforde, Werchesuorde, Esseburne, and Peureuuic, with their Berewites, rendered, T. R. E., xxxii. pounds, and vi. sextaries and a ^ of honey ; now, xl. pounds of blanch silver. and Ben M. In Waletvne and Redlauestun Earl Algar had vi. carucates fere- of land hidable. Land for \'u. i)loughs. The King has two ploughs in demesne ; and iii. soke-men, and xxxiii. villanes, and X. bordars, having xii. ploughs. In Westone ii. parts of ii. carucates of land, and in Smalei and Chiieslci iv. bovates of land. A church and a priest there, and i. mill worth vi. shillings and viii. pence, and xl. acres of meadow. Wood, pasturable here and there, vii. furlongs in length, and v. furlongs in breadth. T. R. E. val. vi. pounds ; now, x. pounds. BOOK OF DOMESDAY. 29 Fol. 2726, Col. I.] M. In Newetvn and Bretebi Algar had vii. carucates of land Bere- hidablc. Land for v. ploughs. The King has i. plough wite. and a ^ there, and xix. villanes, and i. bordar, having v. ploughs. There are xii. acres of meadow. Wood, pas- turable, ii. miles in length, and iii. furlongs in breadth. T. R. E. and now val. c. shillings. M. In Milebvrne King Edward had vi. carucates of land hidable. Land for vi. ploughs. The King has i. plough there, and xx. villanes, and vi. bordars, having v. ploughs. A priest and a church there, and i. mill worth iii. shillings, and xxiv. acres of meadow. Wood, pasturable, i. mile in length, and ^ mile in breadth. T. R. E. val. x. pounds ; now, vi. pounds ; yet it renders x. Berewites of this Manor. Fol. 272(5, Col. II. J This Soc belongs to Mileburne, in Scaruesdele Wapen- take. Bareuue xii. bovates and a |. In Suerchestune i. carucate. In Celerdestune i. carucate and a h. In Osmun- destune ii. carucates and ii. bovates, and Codetune iv. bovates ; together ii. carucates and vi. bovates. In Nor- manestunc i. carucate. Land for xii. ploughs, viii. caru- cates and ii. bovates hidable. (A mistake here for vii. carucates, and vi. bovates and a ^.) M. and B. In Rapendvne and Middeltune Earl Algar had vi. carucates of land hidable. Land for viii. pKuighs. The King has ii. plouglis in demesne there, and .xxxvii. villanes and iii. bordars having xii. ploughs. A church is there, and ii. priests with i. plough. There arc ii. mills, and xlii. acres of meadow. Pasturable wood i. mile in length, and h mile in breadth. T. R. E. val. xv. pounds ; now, viii. pounds. S. In Wiulcsleie ii. carucates of land hidable. Land for ii. ploughs. A soke. ii. soke-mcn and vii. villanes and i. bordar there have ii. ploughs and a i. Tiicre are xvi. acres of meadow. Pasturable wood i. furlong in length, and i. furlong in breadth. S. In Tichenhalle ii. carucates of land and ii. bovates and ii. parts of i. hidable. Land for ii. jiloughs. ii. .scA-e-meii have i. plough there, and xxii. acres of meadow. 30 BOOK OF DOMESDAY. Fol. »73^Col. II.] S. Ill Trangcsbi i a carucatc of land hidablc. Land for iv. oxen. H. In Messchani ii. carucatos of land hidablc. Land for iii. ploughs. It is waste. There are xx. acres of meadow. Under-wood, i. furlong in length, and i. furlong in breadth. B. In Caldccote iii. carucates of land hidablc. Land for iii. ploughs, iii. villanes have ii. ploughs there, and xii. acres of meadow, T. R. E. val. xl. shillings ; now, x. shillings. This belongs to Cliftune in Stadford. S. In Englebi iii. bovates of land hidable. Land for iv. oxen. Soke in Rapendun. ii. soke-men have i. plough there, and iv. acres of meadow, and i. acre of brush-wood. Pasturable woolI in Tichenhalle i. mile in length, and ^ a mile in breadth. M. In Badeqvella with viii. Berewites King Edward had xviii. carucates of land hidable. Land for xviii. ploughs. The King has now in demesne there vii. ploughs, and xxxiii. villanes, and ix. bordars. ii. priests are there, and a church, and under them ii. villanes and v. bordars. All these have xi. ploughs, i. knight has xvi. acres of land there, and ii. bordars. There is i. mill worth x. shillings and viii. pence ; and i. lead-work, and Ixxx. acres of meadow. Under-wood i. mile in length, and i. in breadth. Of that land iii. carucates belong to the church. Henry de Ferrar claims i. carucate in Hadune. These are the Berewites of this Manor. Hadun, Holun, Reuslege, Bur- tune, Cranchesberie, Aneise, Maneis, Had una. M. In Aisseford with the Berewites Ralunt, Langesdune, Hetesope, Caluoure, Basselau, Bubenenli, Berceles, Scelha- dun, Tadintune, Flagun, Prestecliue, Blacheuuelle, King Edward had xxii. carucates of land hidable, and i. carucate of land not hidable. The King has now in demesne there iv. ploughs, and xviii. villanes have v. ploughs. Land for xxii. plough.s. There is i. mill worth xii. pence and the site of i. mill, and i. lead-work, and xl. acres of meadow. Wood not pasturable, ii. miles in length, and ii. in breadth. BOOK OF DOMESDAY. 3 1 Fol. 273*, Col. I.] M. In Hope with the Berewites Aidele, Estune, Scetune, Half of Offretune, Tidesuuelle, Stoche, Muchedesuuelle, King Edward had x. carucates of land hidable. Land for x. ploughs. Now XXX. villanes and iv. bordars have vi. ploughs there. A priest there, and a church, to which belongs i. carucate of land. There is i. mill worth v. shillings and iv. pence, and xxx. acres of meadow. Wood, pasturable in places, iv. miles and ii. furlongs in length, and ii. miles in breadth. These iii. Manors T. R. E. rendered xxx. pounds, and v. and a | sextaries of honey and V. loads of lead, of 1. tables ; now they render x. pounds andvi. shillings. William Peverel keeps it. M. In Langedenedele and in Tornesete Ligulf had iv. novates of land hidable. In Lodeuorde Brun had iv. bovates of land. In Cheuenesuurde and Chiseuurde Luin i. carucate of land. In Ceolhal Eilmer iv. bovates of land. In Hetfelt iv. bovates. In Padefeld Leuine i. carucate of land. In Dentine Luenot ii. bovates of land. In Glosop Leuine iv. bovates of land. In Witfeld iv. bovates of land. In Hed- felt Eilmer iv. bovates of land. In Chendre Godric ii. bovates of land. Among them all, vi. carucates of land hidable, and xii. Manors. The whole of Langedenedele is waste. The wood there is not pasturable, fit for hunting. The whole viii. miles in length, and iv. miles in breadth. T. R. E. val. xl. shillings. M. In Begelie Godric had vi. bovates of land hidable. Land for vi. oxen. iii. villanes and v. bordars have there i. plough and i. acre of meadow. M. In Langclcie and Chetesuorde Leuenot and Chetel had X. bovates of land hidable. Land for x. oxen. This belongs to Ednesourc. William Pcvrel keeps it for the King. V. villanes, and ii. bordars, have ii. ploughs, and i. acre of meadow there. Wood, pasturable, i. mile in length, and i. in breadth, and a little uiidcr-wood. T. R. E. val. XX. shillings ; now, xvi. shillings. M. In Aivne Caschin had ii. carucates of land hidable. Laiul for ii. ploughs. xii. villanes and vii. bordars have v. ^2 HOOK OK DOMESDAY. Vol J73I*, Col. I.) ploui:[hs there. W'oml, pa.sUirablo, i. iiiiK' in length and i. in breadth. T. R. E. ami now, val. xx. shillings. M. in Middeltvne Godcd had iv. hovates of land hidable. Land for iv. oxen. viii. villane.s and i. bcMxlar have ii. plough.s, and iv. acre.s of meadow, and a little under-wood there. T. R. K. and now, val. vi. shillings. M. In Mapeiiie Stapcluine had iv. bovates of land hidable. Land .... William Pevrel keeps it for the King. It is waste. There is I an acre of meadow. Wood, pasturable, iv. furlongs in length, and iv. in breadth T. R. E. val. xvi. shilling.s. In the same place is ^ a carucate of land of a Soke belonging to Spondune. A Manor of Henry's. M. In Tibecei Ligulf had iii. carucates of land hidable. Land for iii. plough.s. William Pevrel keeps it for the King. Now in demesne there i a plough ; and ix. villanes having ii. ploughs. There is i. acre of meadow. Wood, pastur- able, i. mile in length, and i. in breadth. T. R. E. val. xl. shillings ; now, x. shillings. Robert holds it. I\I. In Westvne, with the Berewites, Earl Algar had x. caru- cates and ii. bovates and a ^ of land hidable. Land for as many ploughs. Now in demesne there iii. i)loughs ; and xxiv. villanes and vi. bordars having xii. ploughs, and iv. censers rendering xvi. sliillings. ii. churches are there, and a priest, and i. mill worth xix. shillings and iv. pence, and a fish-pond, and a ferry worth xiii. shillings and iv. pence, and Ii, acres of meadow. Meadow, ^ a mile in length, and iii. furlongs in breadth. T. R. E. val. viii. pounds ; now, xvi. pounds. Berewites of this Manor. 1>. Ill yEstun and Serdelau vi. bovates and a ^ hidable. There is i. plough in demesne ; and iv. villanes, and ii. bordars, with i. plough and iv. acres of meadow. Vcte- brand holds it of the King. It is worth v. shillings. BOOK OF DOMESDAY. ^^ II. THE LAND OF THE BISHOP OF CHESTER. MORELESTAN WAPENTAKE. SALLE HUNDRED. Fol. 273a, Col. II.] M. and B. In Salle and Draicot and Opeuuelle the Bishop of Cestre had xii. carucates of land hidable. Land for as many ploughs. The Bishop had there iii. ploughs, and xxix. villanes, and xiii. bordars, having xiii. ploughs. A priest is there, and ii. churches, and i. mill worth xx. shillings, and i. fishery, and xxx. acres of meadow. Wood, pasturable, iii. furlongs in length, and i. furlong in breadth, and a little brush-wood. Ralph fitz Hubert holds Opeuuelle. S. In Aitone, xii. carucates of land hidable. Land for xii. ploughs. There are xxii. soke- men, and x. bordars under them. They have ix. carucates of this land and xiii. ploughs. The other iii. carucates of arable belong to the villanes. ii. sites of mills are there, and xl. acres of meadow. A little under-wood, T. R. E. val., viii. pounds ; now, the like. M. In Bvbedene and in its appendages v. carucates and ii. bovates of land hidable. Land for v. ploughs. The Bishop of Cestre has i. plough there, and xii. villanes, and iii. bordars, having vii. ploughs. A priest is there, and a church, and i. mill worth x. shillings, and xl. acres of meadow. T. R. E. val. vii. pounds; now, iv. pounds. HI. THE LAND OF THE ABBEY OF BERTONE. M. In Vfrc King Edward had x. carucates of land hidable. Land for xv. ploughs. To the same belong iii. bcrewites, Parva Vfre, Findre, Potlac. The Abbot of Bcrtonc has now in demesne there v. ploughs and a ^ ; and xx. villanes, and x. bordars, having viii. plougii.s. ii. sites of mills arc there; and Ixxiii. acres of meadow. Wood, pasturable, I a mile in length, and h in breadth ; and as much under- wood. T. R. E. val. XXV. pounds ; now, x. pounds. The sokes of the Manor : Snellestunc xii. bovates. Beruerdes- cotc iv. bovates. Dcllingebcrie iii. bovates. Hougen ii. 4 34 BOOK OF DOMESDAY. Fol. 3751. Col. ll.l bovatcs. Redcslcic xii. bovates. Sudbcric iv. bovates. Hiltune iv. bovates. Sudtun i. carucate. In the whole vi. carucatcs and ii. bovates cjf land hidablc. M. In Aploby the Abbot of Berton had v. carucates of land hidablc. Land for v. ploughs. Of this land Abbot Leuric made over to the Countess Goda i. carucate of land which the Kin. In X'ffentvne iv. bovates of land arc hidablc. Land for ^ a plough. Berewite in Pcntric. It is waste. There ii. acres of meadow. Wood, pasturable, | a mile in length, and iv. furlongs in breadth. Nigel holds it. M. In Middeltone Leuenot and his brother had i. carucate of land which was hidablc. Land for i. plough. It is waste. This Manor has i. mile in length, and iv. furlongs in breadth. Ms. II. In Hercseige Leuenot and Leuric had ii. carucates of land hidablc. Land for ii. ploughs. To this Manor belong iv. berewites, Banford, Heret, | Offretune, ii. parts of Middletunc. In these ii. carucates of land are hidablc. Land for ii. ploughs. Now viii. villanes and ii. bordars have V. ploughs there. Wood, pasturable here and there, ii. miles in length, and ii. miles in breadth. T. R. E. val. Ix. shillings; now, xxx. shillings. M. In Hortil Leuenot had ii. carucates of land hidablc. Land for ii. ploughs. Now v. villanes and iii. bordars have iii. ploughs there. There viii. acres of meadow, and a little under-wood. T. R. E. val. xx. shillings ; now, xii. shillings. CoUe holds it. M. In Boletvne Leuenot had i. carucate of land hidable. Land for ii. ploughs. There now in demesne i. plough ; and ii. soke-men and iv. villanes have i. plough. There x. acres of meadow. Pasture iv. furlongs in length, and iii. furlongs in breadth. T. R. T. val. xl. shillings ; now, xx. shilling.s. M. In Willetvne Leuric had iii. carucates of land hidable. Land for iv. ploughs. Now iv. villanes and ii. bordars have iv. ploughs there, and xxx. acres of meadow. T, R, E. val. xl. shillings ; now, xx. shillings. M. In Langelei Leuenot had iv. carucates of land hidable. Land for vi. ploughs. There now in demesne i. plough ; and ii. villanes and iv. bordars have ii. [ploughs. Wood, pasturable, i. mile in length, and iii. furlongs in breadth, and a little under-wood. T. R. E. val. c. shillings ; now, xl. shillings. BOOK OF DOMESDAY. 59 Fol. 277a, Col. II.] Ms. II. In Belidene Leuric and Leuenot had iv. carucates of land hidable. Land tor iv. ploughs. There now in demesne i. plough, and vi. villanes have i. plough. There xvi. acres of meadow. Under-wood i a mile in length, and i. furlong in breadth. T. R. E. val. Ix. shillings ; now, xii. shillings and vi. pence. M. In Englebi had i. carucate of land and the -i part of i. carucate hidable. Land for i. plough and a L There now in demesne i. plough ; and iii. villanes and ii. bordars have i. plough. There vii. acres of meadow, and the site of i. mill. Val. X. shillings. Fol. 2771^, Col. I.] Ms. II. In Cliptvne Leuric and Leuenot had iii. carucates of land hidable. Land for iii. ploughs. Now viii. villanes and V. bordars have iv. ploughs there, and iv. acres of meadow. T. R. E. val. xl. shillings ; now, x. shillings. Ms. II. In Ri{)elie and Pentric Leuenot had ii. carucates of land hidable. Land for ii. ploughs. There now in demesne iii. ploughs ; and xiii. villanes and iii. bordars have iii. ploughs. There iii. acres of meadow. Wood, pasturable, ii. miles in length, and i. in breadth. T. R. E. val. iv. pounds ; now, 1. shillings. S. In Bareuue xii. bovates of land are hidable. Soke to Mileburne. There a priest and a church, and i. soke-man with h a plough and xviii. acres of meadow. In Werredune Leuenot ii. bovates of land hidable. Land for iv. oxen. Now vi. villanes have i. plough there, and i. acre of meadow, and under-wood. T. R. E., and now, val. v. shillings. XI. THE LAND OE RADULl'll UK HVRVN. M. In Wcstvne Vlsi had i. carucate of land iiidablc. Land for i. plough. There now in demesne i. plough ; anil vi. villanes and vi. bordars have ii. plough.s. There viii. acres of meadow. Wood, pasturable, i. mile in length, and A in breadth. T. R. E. val. xl. .shillings ; now, x.\. shillings. Gulbcrt holds it of Radulph de liurun. 6o HOOK OF DOMESDAY. Fol. 377-*, Col. I.) M. In Horselei Turijjar li;ul iii. carucatcs of land hidable. Land for iv. ploii<^lis. There now in demesne ii. ploughs ; and xix. villanes and iv. bordars having vi. ploughs. There Ix. acres of meadow. Wood, pasturable, i. mile in length, and i. in breadth. T. R. E. val. c. shillings; now, Ix. shillings. A Knight of Radulph's holds it. M. In Dcnebi Osmond had ii. carucates of land hidable. Land for iv. ploughs. Now vii. villanes and i. bordar have iii. ploughs there. There xii. acres of meadow, and the site of i. mill. Wood, pasturable, i. mile in length, and i. in breadth. T. R. E. val. c. shillings ; now, xx. shillings. A knight of Radulph's holds it. M. In Halvn Dunstan had i. carucate of land hidable. Land for ii. ploughs. There now in demesne i. plough ; and v. villanes and iv. bordars have ii. ploughs. There xvi. acres of meadow. Wood, pasturable, vii. furlongs in length, and vi. furlongs in breadth. T. R. E., and now, val. xx. shillings. M. In Herdebi Turgar had v. parts of i. carucate of land hidable. Land for i. plough. It is waste. There vi. acres of meadow. Wood, pasturable, i. mile in length, and ^ in breadth. T. R. E. val. xxx. shillings ; now, viii. shillings. XII. THE LAND OF ASCUIT MUSARD. Fol. 277*, Col. II.] M. In Barleie Hacon had ii. parts of i. carucate of land hidable. Land for ^ a plough. Now vi. villanes and i. bordar have i. plough there. There ii. acres of meadow. Wood, pasturable, i. mile and a ^ in length, and viii. furlongs in breadth. T. R. E., and now, val. x. shillings. Ascuit Musard holds it. M. In Stavelie Hacon had iv. carucates of land hidable. Land for iv. plough.s. Now Ascuit has in demesne there iii. ploughs ; and xxi. villanes and vii. bordars having iv. ploughs. There a priest, and a church, and i. mill worth v. shillings and iv. pence. There Ix. acres of meadow. Wood, pasturable, i. mile and a ^ in length, and the same in breadth. T. R. E., and now, val. vi. pounds. BOOK OF DOMESDAY. 6l Fol. 2776, Col. II.] M. In Holvn, and Wadescel, and Brantune, Dunninc had x. carucates and a i of land hidable. Land for xii. oxen. Now viii. villanes and v. bordars have iii. ploughs there. There iii. acres of meadow. Wood, pasturable, i. mile and a h, and i. furlong in length, and ii. furlongs and a i in breadth. T. R. E. val. xx. shillings ; now, x. shillings. Ascuit holds it. M. In Brantvne and Wadescel Branuuine had vii. bovates of land and iv. acres hidable. Land for i. plough. One ^''"T plough now in demesne there; and iii. villanes and i. not of i^ ° ' whom, bordar have i. plough. There v. acres of meadow. Wood, pasturable, i. mile and a | in length, and iii. furlongs in breadth. T R. E., and now, val. x. shillings. Ascuit holds it. M. In Chinewolde Maresc Aluuold had ^ a bovate of land hidable. It is waste. There h an acre of meadow. Wood, pasturable, i. mile in length, and xxx. perches in breadth. T. R. E. val. xvi. pence ; now, xii. XIIL THE LAND OF GISLEBERT DE GAND. M. In Tilchestvne, and Halen, and Stantone Vlf Fenisc had vi. carucates of land and vi. bovates hidable ; and in Braides- tone soke ii. carucates of land hidable. Land for viii. ploughs and vi. oxen. iii. ploughs now in demesne there ; and X. soke-men with ii. carucates of this land, and xviii. villanes and vii. bordars having xii. ploughs. The site of i. mill there ; and Ixx. acres of meadow. Wood, pasturable, i. mile in length, and iii. furlongs in breadth ; and under- wood, v. furlongs in length, and ii. in breadth. T. R. E. val. viii. pounds ; now, c. shillings. Malger holds it. Ms. II. In Scipelie Brun and Odincar had ii. carucates of land hidable. Land for ii. ploughs. Now vii. villanes, and i. soke-man, and i. bordar have v. ploughs there. There iii. acres of meadow. Wocjd, pasturable, vii. furlongs in leiiL;tIi, and iii. in breadth. T. R. E. val. xl. shillings ; now, xxx. shillings. Malger holds it. 62 BOOK OF DOMESDAY. Tlie Jury (the men who were sworn) found that this land dill not belong to Vlf Fcnisc in the time of King Edward, but that ii. thanes so held it that they were able to give or to sell it to whom they pleased. XIV. THE LAND OF NIGEL DE STATFORD. Fol. 378.1, Col. I.] I\I. In Drachelavve and Hedcote Elric had iv. canicates of land hidable. Land for iv. ploughs. Now Nigel de Stadford has in demesne there iv. ploughs, and vi. villanes having iii. ploughs. There is the site of i. mill ; and xii. acres of meadow. Wood, pasturable, ii. miles and a ^ in length, and ii. miles in breadth. T. R. E. val. Ix. shillings ; now, xl. M. In Stapenhille Godric had vi. bovates of land hidable. Land for i. plough, i. plough now in demesne there ; and iv. villanes and iii. bordars have i. plough. There iii. acres of meadow. Under- wood i. furlong in length, and i. in breadth. T. R. E., and now, val. x. shillings. M. In Sivardingescotes Godric had i. carucate of land hidable. Land for i. plough, i. plough now in demesne there ; and iv. villanes and ii. bordars have i. plough, and i. farmer has i. plough. There i. acre uf meadow. Wood, pasturable, iv. furlongs in length, and iv. in breadth. T. R. E. val. xx. shillings ; now, xxx. M. In Fornevverche Vlchel had ii. carucates of land hidable. Land for ii. ploughs, i. plough now in demesne there ; and V. villanes and iii. bordars have i. plough. There i. mill worth ii. shillings ; and xxiv. acres of meadow. Wood, pasturable, i a mile in length, and as much in breadth. T. R. E. val. xl. shillings ; now, xv. .shillings. S. In Englebi iii. bovates of land hidable. Land for iv. oxen. Soke of the same manor, i. villane and ii. bordars there with h a plough ; and iv. acres of meadow. S. In Tichenhalle i. carucate of land hidable. Land for i. plough. The soke belongs to Rapendun the King's Manor. Nigel has i. plough in demesne there, and i. villane and i. BOOK OF DOMESDAY. 63 Fol. 278a, Col. I.] bordar with i. plough. There x. acres of meadow. Val. iii. shillings. The \ part of the pasturable wood of the same vill, of which the length is i. mile, and the breadth ^ a mile, belongs to Nigel. M. In Smidesbi Eduin had ii. carucates of land hidable. Land for ii. ploughs, i. plough is now in demesne there, and v. villanes with i. plough. Wood, pasturable, | a mile in length, and vi. furlongs in breadth. T. R. E. val. xl. shillings ; now, xx. shilling.^. M. In Ravenestvn Godric had i. carucate of land hidable. Land for i. plough. It is waste. There viii. acres of meadow. T. R. E. val. xv. shillings ; now, xii. pence. M. In Dvrandestorp Carle had i. carucate of land hidable. Land for | a plough. It is waste. T. R. E. val. v. shillings ; now, xii. pence. M. In Achetorp Ernuin had vi. carucates of land hidable- Land for h a plough. It is waste. T. R. E. val. v. shillings ; now, iv. pence. M. In Trangesby Elnod had i a carucate of land hidable. It is waste. T. R. E. val. v. shillings ; now, ii. pence. XV. THE LAND OF ROBERT FITZWILLIAM. M. In Stanlei Vlfar had ii. carucates of land hidable. Land for ii. ploughs. Robert the son of William has ii. villanes and ii. bordars with i. plough there. There vi. acres of meadow. Wood, pasturable, i. mile in length, and ^ in breadth. T. R. E. val. xx. shillings ; now, x. shillings. XVI. THE LAND OF ROGER DE BUSLI. Fol. 278a, Col. II.l M. In Braidestvne Ligulf and Leuuin Ciit liad iii. carucates of land hidable. Land. Fulk the man of Roger de l^usli has V. villanes with ii. ploughs there, and x. acres of meadow. T. R. E. val. xl. shillings ; now, xxi. shilling.s. Tliis Ligulf had I a carucate of the soke which l-'ullc dc Lusoris lia.s taken from Gilbert de Gand. 64 HOOK OF DOMESDAY. Fol. 37Smii had vi. bovates of land hidable. Land for i. [iloui^h. h a plough now in ilcmcsnc there, and viii. villancs with i. ploui^li. T. R. E. val. xx. shilling.s ; now, viii. shilling.s. Ennii liolds of the King. M, Tn LvUitvnc Auti had v. carucates of land hidable. Land for V. ploughs. Now Edmund hold.s there of the King. xxi. villanes, and iii. bordars with iv. [ploughs. There is a priest ; and i. nn'll wortli vi. shillings and viii. pence ; and xii. acres of meadow. V. R. E., and now, val. iv. pound.s. ^I. In l^dnvnghale yElgar had ii. carucates of land hidable. Land for iii. ploughs. Now xii. villanes have viii. ploughs there, antl iv. acres of meadow. Underwood, iii. furlongs in length, and i. in breadth. T. R. E., and now, val. xl. shillings. M. In Tilchestvne Osmund Benz had three bfwates of land hidable. He himself holds it of the King. M. In the same place Toli had iii. bovates of land hidable. Land for as many oxen. Now ii. villanes have v. oxen in a plough there. There are v. acres of meadow. This land belongs to Sandiacre. Ms. III. In Sandiacre Toli, Cnut,and Gladuin had iv. carucates of land hidable. Land for v. ploughs. Now Toli holds of the King. In demesne there are ii. ploughs ; and x. villanes and vi. bordars having v. ploughs. There is a priest and a church ; and i. mill worth v. shillings and iv. pence ; and xxx. acres of meadow, and a little under-wood. T. R. E., and now, val. xl. shillings. M. In the same place Osmund had i. carucate of land hidable. Land for i. plough. Now it is waste. There are vi. acres of meadow, and a little under-wood. M. In the same place Tochi had ii. bovates of land hidable. M. In Cellcsdene Osmund had four bovates of land, and the J part of i. bovate hidable. Land for vi. oxen. He holds it of the King ; and has there iii. villanes with h a plough, and ii. acres and a ^ of meadow. Wood, pasturable, iii. furlongs in length, and ii. in breadth. T. R. K. val. x. shillings; now, v. shilling.s. BOOK OF DOMESDAY. 6/ Fol. 278*, Col. II.] M. In Vlvritvne Alun had i. carucate of land hidable. Land for ii. ploughs. Now Alden holds of the King. There are xii. acres of meadow. Wood, pasturable, i. mile in length, and ^ in breadth. T. R. E. val. x. shillings ; now, ii. shillings. M. In Riselei Lewin had v. bovates of land, and the J part of i. bovate hidable. His son now holds of the King. There are x. acres of meadow. Wood, pasturable, ix. furlongs in length, and i. furlong and a | in breadth. T. R. E. val. x. shillings and viii. pence ; now, v. shillings and iv. pence. M. In Mers Leuenot had iv. bovates of land hidable. Land for iv. oxen. It is waste. M. In Stantvn Edward had i. carucate and a | of land hidable. Land for ii. ploughs. Yet iv. ploughs and a ^ are there ; and iv. soke-men, and iv. villanes, and xl. acres of meadow, and a mill worth ii. shillings. Ernui holds. It was worth, and is worth, xx. shillings. In Englebi ii. parts of i. bovate of land. It lies in Stantun. 68 1UX1K OV DOMESDAY IRottinobamebirc. {Thfse Entries an- taken from the Nottinghamshire Survey.') In the Borough of Derby, T. R. K., there were residing cc. and xliii. burgesses, and to that borough adjoins xii. carucates of land hidable, which viii. ploughs can plough. This land was divided between xli. burgesses, who had xii. ploughs, ii. parts of the tax and toll forfeitures, and of every custom, are the King's, and a \ part the Earl's. In the .same borough there was in the King's demesne i. church with vii. clerks who held freely ii. carucates of land in Chester. There was likewise another church of the King's, in which vi. clerks likewise held ix. bovates of land freely in Cornun and Detton. In the town itself there were xiv. mills. Now, there are c. burgesses there, and xl. other le.sser ones. c. and iii. houses are waste, which rendered tax. There are now x. mills there, and xvi. acres of meadow. Underwood, iii. furlongs in length and ii. in breadth. T. R. E., it rendered in the whole x.xiv. pounds ; now, with the mills and the town of Ludecerce it renders xxx. pounds. M. In Ludecerce the King has ii. carucates of land hidable. Land for iii. ploughs. There is i. soke-man, and ix. villanes having ii. ploughs and xii. acres of meadow. In Derby, the Abbot of Burton has i. mill, and i. masure of land with sac and soc, and ii. masures of which the King has soc, and xiii. acres of meadow. Geoffrey Alselin has i. church, which belonged to Tochi. Ralph Fitzhubert i. church, winch belonged to Leuric, with i. carucate of land. Norman de Lincolia i. church, which belonged to Brun. Edric has there i. church which belonged to Coin his father. Earl Hugh lias ii. masures and i. fishery with sac and soc. Henry de Ferrers in like manner, iii. masures with sac and soc. Osmer, the priest, has i. bovate of land with sac and soc. Godwin, the priest, in like manner, i. bovate of land. At the feast of Saint Martin the burgesses render to the King xii. thraves of corn, of which the Abbot of Burton has xl. sheaves. BOOK OF DOMESDAY. 69 Moreover, in the same borough, there are viii. masures with sac and soc. These belonged to Algar, now they are the King's. The two parts of the King's moneys and the Earl's 3, which and censur issue from Apletree in Derberic Wapentake, are in the hand of the Sheriff, by the testimony of the two shires. Of Stori, the ancestor of Walter de Aincurt, the Jury find, that without the license of any one, he might for himself make there a church on his own land and soke, and assign as much of his tithe as he pleased. In Nottinghamshire and Derbyshire, if tlie King's peace, given by his hand or seal, should be broken, it is made good by xviii. hundreds. Each hundred viii. pounds. Of this amend the King has ii. parts, the Earl the ^. That is to say, xii. hundreds compensate the King, and vi. the Earl. If any one should be outlawed according to law for any offence, no one but the King can restore to him peace. A thane having more than vi. manors does not give relief for his land, except only viii. pounds to the King. If he has only vi. or less, he gives iii. marks of silver to the Sheriff as a relief, wherever he resides, in the borough or without. If a thane having sac and soc should forfeit his land, the King and the Earl have the moiety of his land and chattels between them, and the lawful wife with his lawful heirs, if there are such, have the other moiety. Here are noted those who have soc and sac and thol and thaem, and the King's custom of ii. pence. The Archbishop of Vork, upon his manors, and Godeva the Countess, upon Newerk Wapentake. And Ulf Fcnisc upon his land. The Abbot of Burgh upon Colingeham. The Abbot of Bcrtune. Earl Hugh upon Marcheton. The Bishop of Cliester. Tochi. Suen, the son of Suanc. Siuuard birn. Azor, the son of Saleue. Ulric cilt. Elsi illinge. Lcuuin, the son of Aluuin. The Countess yElveva. The Countess Goda. Elsi, the son of Cashin upon Werchessope. Henry de Ferrers upon P2dnodcs- tunc and Dubridge and Breilesfordhani. Walter do Aincurt upon Granebi and Mortune and Pinncslcig. Of all these no one could have the ^ penny of the h^arl unless by his consent, and that only as long as he lived, except the Archbishop and Ulf Fenisc and the Countess Godeva. Upon the Soke which is at Cliftune, tiic Earl ought to have tile :, part of all customs and work.s. 70 a Xic^t of tbc ni>anore, S.c, of Hucicnt Demesne of the Crown ((Terra IRetjis). Aestun - - 32 Chescuurde - - 31 Aidclc - - - 31 Chetesuuorde - 31 Aisscford - - 30 Chevenesvvorde - 31 Aivne - - - 3J Cliersington - - 31 Aneise - - - 30 ChitesHe - 28 Badaquella - - 30 Cliftune - 3C Barrcuue - - 29 Codetune - 29 Basselau - - 30 Cotes - - - - 27 Bcgalic - - 31 Cranchesberie - 30 Benedleg - - 28 Crunforde - 27 Bcrceles - - 30 Dentine - 31 Bereleie - - 27 Derelie - - 26 Blackeuuellc - - - 30 Dranefeld - 26 Bredelawe - - 28 Echintune - 26 Brctcbi - - - 29 Ednesoure - 3' Briniinton - - 26 Eitune - - - - 28 Bubenele - - 30 EUeshope - 28 Buitorp - - - 26 Engelbi - 30 Bunteshale - - 27 Esseburne - 28 Burtune - - 30 Estuiie - - 31 Caldecote - - 30 Farleie - - 27 Caldelawe - - 31 Flagun - - 30 Caloure - - SO Glosop - - - - 3i Celardestune - - - 26 Grcherst - 26 Ceollial - - - 31 Hadun - - 30 Ccstrcfcld - - 26 Iladuna - 30 Chcndre - - 31 Hadune - 30 BOOK OF DOMESDAY. 71 Hanzedone - - 28 Prestclive - 30 Hedfelt - - - 31 Ralunt - - 30 Hetfeld - - 31 Rapendune - 29, 30 Hetesope - - 30 Ravensham - - 27 Hiretune - - 27 Redlavestune - 28 Holun - - - 30 Reuslegc - 30 Honeston - - 26 Scelliaduna - - 30 Hope - - 31 Scetune - 31 Ibeliolon - - 27 Serdelaue - 22 Lan^edenedele - 31 Snialei - - 28 Langesdune - - 30 Snitertone - 27 Lodeuorde - - 31 Spondune - 32 Maneis - - - 30 Stoche - - 31 Mapelton - - 28 Suercliestune- - 29 Maperlie - - 32 Tadington - 30 Measham - - 30 Taptune - 26 Meslac - - - 27 Teneslege - 27 Metes ford - - 27 Tibecel - 32 Middletune - - 27, 29, 32 Tichenhale - 29, 30 ^ililburne - - 29 Tidesuuelle - - 31 Muchedesuuelle - 31 Toptune - 26 Neuubold - - 26 Toniesete - 31 Neuuetone - - 29 Torpe - - 28 Noriuantune - 26 bis., 29 Transfjebi - 30 Nortunc - - 26 Vpetune - 26 Oclieaueston - 28 Waletune - 27, 28 Offretune - - 31 Welledetie - 27 Onestune - - 26 Werchesworde - 27 Opetunc - - 27 Wcstune 28, 32 Ophidccotes - - 28 VVineslic - 29 Osmundcsthorpe - 29 Wingreudc - 26 Padcfeld - ■ 31 Witfcld - - 31 Padiiic - - - 26 Witcnton - 26 Pcvervvic - - 28 Wodnc-sleie - - 27 The king's under-tenants at Domesday were very few in number; perhaps they were purposely oiriitted. WiUiam Pcverel kept for the king ICdensor, Mope, and Mapelton. Coin held Peverewie. Robert, Tibcel. 72 BOOK OF DOMESDAY. Hildcbrand, Aeston and Serdelau. In the time of Kiiiij Edward several of the Royal Princes held part of these demesnes. Earl Algar held Bretibi, Middelton, Nentonc, Rapendon, Red- lavcston, Waletune, and Westune. Lewin and Edwin (two of the Princes) held Oneston and Normantune ; with Levenct, Leuric held Dentine ; and with Chetel, Langelic and Chatworde ; he also alone held Chesuuorde and Chetesuarde and Padfeld. Hundolf held Waletune. Ligulf, Langedenedele, Tornscte, and Tibcel. Brun, Lodeuuorde. Caschin, Aiune. Eliner, Ceolchal and Hedfelt. Godric, Chendrc and Begele. Stapuline, Maperlie. No. II. THE LAND OF THE BISHOP OF CHESTER. The Bishop himself held Salle, Draicot, Aitone, and Biibdene. We do not know the value of the great manor of Salle. Sawley was a hundred in itself; nor is the value of Draicot and Opeuuelle given. Eaton was worth ;^8 ; Bubdene, £]. His only tenant was Ralf fitz Hubert. For Opeuuelle there is no record of any tenant T. R. E. No doubt these manors were then part of the Bishop's possessions. No. III. THE TENANTS OF THE ABBOT OF BURTON. The Abbot of Burton held the whole of his estate in demesne. He held Ufre, with its berewites ; Parva Ufre, Findre, Potlac and its sokes ; Snellestune, Berucrdescote, Dellingeberie, Hougen, Redesleie, Sudberie, Hiltune and Sudtun, Apelby, Wineshalle, Cotune, Stapenhille, Caldewelle, and Tichenhalle. It was worth altogether ;^22 ; in the time of Edward, £2>Z ^O^. Then Earl Algar held two carucates in Cotune ; and Abbot Leuric made over a carucate in Apelby to the Countess Goda ; BOOK OF DOMESDAY. 73 whilst Alfric held Caldewelle, which manor, however, did not belong to the Abbey T. R. E., King William having given it to the Monks for his beneficium. No. IV. THE EARL OF CHESTER Had only a small holding in this County. He had in demesne Merchestone (which had been Earl Siward's, worth only £^) and its berewites of Chenuestun and Macheuorde and Adelardestreu, v/hich Gozelin held of him, and Colle of Gozelin, for los. 8d. yearly. No. V. THE LAND OF ROGER POICTOU. Of the barony of this great personage we know but little. He was evidently out of favour with the king, for he had his estates in his hands, but not, as it would seem, as an escheat ; for here, as in other places, Roger de Poictou is still styled the tenant-in-capite. The manors were Sutton, Bectune, Lunt, Steinesbi, Tunstal, Blanghesbi, Hertstolf, and VVinfeld, and Steinulf held the whole of them T. R. E. but the last, which Elnod then held ; and at the date of Domesday Robert (probably de Heriz) held this manor of Earl Alan, who held it under William Peverel. This manor of South Winefeld was the only one held by Earl Alan (Richmond) in this county. No. VI. THE TENANTS OF HENRY DE FERRARS. The Earl of Ferrars held in demesne fifty-seven manors : — Winbroc, Eltune, Branzintune, Bradburne, Tizincton, Hortedun, Salham, Pilsburie, Lodouuelle, Etelaue, Ednunghalle, Bolun, Linctune, Wivelslei, Stantunc, 2 Heorteshornes, Farulveston, Scrotun, Brocton, 2 Holmtune, 2 Sirelic, Braidclci, Mcschctune, Faitunc, Stretune, Northberie, Roschinton, Duvcllc, Bradelci, Holbroc, Mulcford, Maclienie, Mcrdibi, Spondunc, Pirchiie, Longcsdune, Stantunc, Barcoucre, llortcl, Giolgravc, Middcltunc, Gratune, Wrucnelc, Muchcdcsuucllc, Barvve, Sorchestun, Erles- tune, Tuifordc, Stcintune, Osmundcston, Codetunc, Estun, Radburne, Edncsuvrc. 74 HOOK OF DOMESDAY. The cMcler of these manors is that of Domesday. The foUowinG^ are the names of his tenants which are to be found in Domcsdaj', and tlu\\-, probabl}', arc the very knij^hts, or the ancestors of tlie 26 kniL;hts asserted by WilHam, Earl Ferrars, early in the reign of iienry II., to have been enfeoffeed by Robert de Ferrars, his grand I'atlier, not out of his demesne, but out of that of his father, that is, of Henry de Ferrars of Domesday. (Red Book of the Exchequer.) It must be noted that the attempt to identify them with the families who subsequently held the estates is only tentative.. It is made with the full knowledge that great danger of falling into error exists in taking this course, and that very possibly after enquiries will cause an alteration. It is also made with this reserve, that although generally all the manors are grouped under one name, it by no means follows that there were not several persons of the same name, and that is especially probable in the first name which follows ; and it may be the case also, that where the names are separated, the entries properly relate to one person : — 1. Alcher held Estune, Sudberie, and Somersale. These 3 manors were held by the Montgomeries subsequently. 4. Segishale. Mr. Llewellynn Jewitt identifies this place with Sedsall, neither of which places are found in Lysons. 5. Eiton. This manor was held by Tuberville. Wm. fil Alcher and Geoffery his son were knights of the Earl of Derby, tcmpe Henry II. 2. Alric held Somersale. Probably the same person as Alcher. 3. Alsi held Gheveli. Probably the same person as Elsin No. 8. 4. Amalric held Chelardestun and Normanton. The ancestor i:irobably of the family of the name of Cheladestun, who became extinct about the time of King John. Robert fil Rich de Normanton was a knight of Earl Ferrars, tempe Henry II. 5. Ascelin Goisfred held Turalveston. This was probably the fee which Robert de Chauccs held, tempe Henry I. 6. Clielel held Moggington. 7. Cola held Winstune and Geldeslie. Robert, his son, sold them to the Monjoies. BOOK OF DOMESDAY. 75 8. Elsin held Brailsford, the 2 Bubdens, Osmondestune, Torver- destune, and Geveley. 9. Godric held Sothell and Walestune. The first place is clearly Shottle in Duffield ; and Mr. Llewellynn Jewitt identifies Walestune also with a vill in that great manor. 10. Gulbert held Chedelestune. Mr. Llewellynn Jewitt identifies this place with Kedleston, if that be so, this knight was probably the ancestor of the Curzon family. 11. Henry held Burnaleveston and Bereuuerdicote. This knight was probably Henry de Cambrics, who is mentioned in the certificates of said \Vm. Ferrars, and who attested his charter to Wm. Pantoul. 12. Henry held Morlei. 13. Herbert held Bradestune. Mr. Llewellynn Jewitt identifies this place with Breaston, Earl Roger de Busli's manor, but this appears to be doubtful. 14. Hugh held Toxenai. Mr. Llewellynn Jewitt identifies this place with Trusley, and Lysons would identify his descen- dants with Hugh le Arbalaster of the time of Henry H., but at that time Robert de Trusley was a Knight of this Barony, and in Henry L reign William de Trusley, his father, held his fee. 15. Nigel held Chetune. This was undoubtedly Nigel Albini, who married the daughter of Henry de Ferrars. 16. Orm held Widerdestune, Dulvestune, and Iretune. 17. Radulf Barchetune and Alchementune. This, no doubt, was de Bakepuz. 18. Radulf held Snelleston and Cobelai. This is equally clearly the ancestor of tlic Montgomery family. 19. Radulf held Benelei. 20. Robert held Eissi, Hiltune, and Turvadestune. This was probably Robert Avenel de Bosciiville. 21. Robert held Bradeshelle and Mcrchencstunc. This was probably Robert de Dun. 22. Roger held Crocheshale and Stretton. This was probably the ancestor of de Camville, who brought it to Curzon. 23. Roger held Sapcrtunc, Bfjilston, Merchenestunc. 76 BOOK OP^ DOMESDAY. 24. Suan held CoUei. Adam fil Swain licld it in the time of Henry II. 25. Saswalo held Hoge, Hatune, and Etewell. His sons Henry and Fulc held 9 manors tcmpe Henry I., and in the reign of his grandson thc\' were held l>y the co-heirs of Henry, yet the Heralds claim these Knights as the ancestors of the noble house of Shirley. 26. Wazelin (Wachiline) held Sutton. 27. William held Sedenefield. Mr. Llewellynn Jewitt identifies this place with Sinfin. If this be so, the probability is that this William is the ancestor of the family of Toke, of whom both William and Humfrey flourished in the reign of Henry II. No. VII. THE TENANTS OF WILLIAM PEVEREL. William Peverel himself held the land of the Forest of Pechefers, which Gernebern and Hundinc held T. R. E. Brade- welle, which Leuing, Sprot, and Owini held ; Heselbec and Leitun, which Lewine held ; and Hochelai, Habenai, and Waterfeld, which Ernui, Hundulf, Uluric, Suuan, and Lewine had held, at that period they were waste. Robert (de Heriz .'*) held Bolsover, which Lcuric had held. T. R. E. Silo (de Pleslie ?) held Glapwelle, also held by Leuric ; Drogo held Esnotrewic formerly Aldene's ; Edwin held Norman- ton, formerly Elfag's ; and Warner (dc Insula?) held Sireland, Uftune, Cotenoure, Hainoure, Langeleleie, and Smithcote, part of which Leuric had held ; and the rest, which 8 Thanes formerly held. No. VIII. THE LAND OF WALTER AINCOURT. Walter de Aincourt kept the whole of his Derbyshire manors in demesne. T. R. E. Swain Cilt the younger had held all but 3 and h bovates and 4 acres, which Wade held. The names of his 1 1 manors were Mortune, Oughedestune, Winstanestunc, Brandune, VVadescel, Pinneslei, Caldecotes, Wilelmstorpe, with Soke in Winefelt and Toptune, Holmesfelt, BOOK OF DOMESDAY. JJ Helmetune, and Holtune. They contained together 6 car. 4 bov., I, J, and 12 acres, and were worth hy the year ^19 5s. 4d. No. IX. THE LAND OF GOISFRED ASCELIN. Goisfred Ascelin had in his demesne the manors of Aelwoldes- tune, Emboldestune, Torulfdestune and Aleuuoldestune, Ednod- estune and Hoilant, Ochebroke and Breaston, all which Tochi held T. R. E. Azelinus (Anselin or Lanceline, his chief tenant in Nottingham) held Eghintune, which Tochi also held, and Etewelle, formerly held by Dunstan. It measured 22 carucates and I bovate altogether, besides the waste, of which there was probably much, for its value had been £2<^ T. R. E., now it was only worth £\6 19s. 6d. No. X. THE LAND OF HUBERT FITZ RALE. He held in demesne 12 manors with their berewites — Echinton, Moresburg, Bettune, Ougcdeston, Middelton, Heresage with its berewites, BanforJ, Heret, half Offerton, two parts of Middletune, Hortil, Boletune, VVilletune, Langelei, Beledene, and Engelbi, land at Wirksworth, Lede, and Tincslege, part of Crich, Cliptane, Ripley, and Pentricc, Bareuue, and Werradune. 1. Robert (de Meincl .^), his chief tenant held for 5 Knights' fees 7 manors in Barlburg, Witeuuelle, Clune, 2 Stratunes, Tcges- ton, and Henelege, which Levenet and Lewric, the princes before mentioned, held T. R. E. 2. Goisfred (de Ridel .') held Dachcmanestun, which Leuenct held, and which afterwards Geoffry Ridel, the son of Richard Basset, held by inheritance of the old feoffment. 3. Raynouard held Paltreton, Scardecliff, and Tunestal. 4. Ralf (fil Eudo ?) held Ncwtonc and Crich and Scochctorpe. He eventually married the co-heiress of liis lord. Lcuric and Lcuenot held the.se manors T. R. E. 5. Serlo (de Plcslic?) held Es.sovre, which the same tenant held T. R. E. 6. Leuinc iield Wistancstune, soc to Crich. 7. Nigel held Uffretunc with its Berewic in Pentricc. 8. Colic held P.ohunc. yS HOOK or DOMESDAY. No. XI. THE LAND OF RALF DE RURUN. Ralf de Biiriin had but a .small holding in Derbyshire, only between 7 and 8 carucate.s worth £y los., which Ul.si, Turgar, O.-^niond. and Duii-stun had held T. R. E. He held in demesne Horslee, Halun, and Herdibi. Westune was held of him by Gulbert, and a knight unnamed held Denebi. No. XH. THE LAND OF ASCUIT MUSARD. He also had only a small Barony in this county, of which Staveley was the head, the whole of which he held in demesne. It consisted besides of Barleie, Holun, Wadecel, and Brantune, and part of Ciiinewolde Marsh. His holding was nearly similar in size and value to that of Ralf de Burun. Hacon, Dunninc Bramuine, and Aluuold were the tenants T. R. E. No. XIII. THE LAND OF GILBERT DE GAND. Ilkeston, Halun, Stanton and Shipley comprised this small Baronj^ and the whole of it was held under the Earl by Malger (no doubt his steward of Rolleston), and the ance.stor of that family. Ulf Fenisc, Brun, and Odincar held it T. R. E. No. XIV. THE LAND OF NIGEL DE STAFFORD. This Baron had no under-tenants. He kept the whole of the manors in demesne. It contained altogether 14 carucates and 3 bovates, and was then worth £6 14s. 6d. Some of the manors were valued at a nominal rate — one at 4d., another 2d., — so that they were probably greatly wasted. The names of his manors were Drackelowe, the head of the Barony, Hethcote, Stapenhiil, Suardingecotes, Fornewerche, Engelbi, Tichenhalle, Smidesbi, Ravenestun, Durandstorp, Achetorp, Trangesby, and the tenants T. R. E. were Godric, Elric, Ulchel, Eduin, Ernuin, and Elnod. No. XV. THE LAND OF ROBERT FITZ WILLIAM Consisted only of the manor of Stanley, which Ursar held T. R. E., of the value of only los. BOOK OF DOMESDAY, 79 No. XVI. THE LAND OF ROGER DE BUSLI. This great Nottingham and Yorkshire Baron had only one manor, Rvgetorn, in demesne in this county. His chief tenant, Ingram, held Norton and Elstretvne, which formerly Morcar's (the Earl) Godeva (the Countess) and Bada held. Leuuine held Bretune and Dore, which Swain (of Colley ?) and Eduuin formerly held ; and Fulco held Braidestune and Riseleia, formerly held by Leuuine, Ligulf, and Godric. The King's Thanes were few in number, only 19, and some of them did not hold the estates they formerly possessed. The manors they held were neither important nor numerous, but several of them will be found holding manors under Norman Loris, with many others of their nation. 1. Alden held Ulwritune, which Alun formerly held. 2. Algar held Ednunghall. 3. Dolfin held Topton and Taptune, which Bada formerly held. 3, Edmund held WUitune, formerly Auti's. 4, Ernuin held Clune T. R. E. and now, and Stanton, which Edward formerly held, 5, 6, 7. Godrich, Edric, and Turgisle held Chinewaldcmersh. 8. Leuuine held Estune, formerly Tolf s and Stanley formerly God rice's. 9. Leuuine, the son of, held Risley, which his father held T. R. E. 10. Levenot held Mers, which was then waste. 11, 12. Leuric and Uctred held Barlcie. 13. Osmund Benz T. R. E., and then held Tichelston and part of Sandiacre and Cellesden. 14. Toli held part of the two former places, which Canute and Gladwin formerly held. 15. Tochi had part of Sandiacre. 16. Raven held part of Henlcie. 17. 18. Stinnulf and Dunning held Calehale, which formerly Sberne and Hacon held, and whicii Dolphin then claimed. 19. Tolf held Totingleie. 8o B %k4 of tbc fIDaiiore ntcntionc^ in tbc Dcrb^* ehirc iDonlcc>^av^ witb eomc ^l^o^c^n 1l-)amc0. (77/^ luitiiih sh-al Manors.) AnnREViATlONS. — Abb. B. = Abbot of Burton, 33 ; A. M. = Asculf Musard, 61 ; B. = Radulf de Biiron, 59 ; D. = Walt Deincourt, 53 ; E. H. = Earl Hugh, 35 ; Epis C. — Epis Chestre, 33 ; F. = Ferrars, 36 ; G. Ans. = Geoffry Anselin, 54; G. G. = Gilbert de Gant, 61 ; K. = the King, 25-64; N. S. = Nigel de Stafford, 62 ; P. = Wm. Peverel, 51 ; R. P. = Roger Poictou, 35 ; R. B. = Roger de Busli, 63 ; R. fitz H. = Ralf fitz Hubert, 55 ; R. fiiz W. = Robert fitz William, 63. N. S. Achetorp, 63. R. fitz H. E. H. Adelardestrew (Alles- K.&A.M. tree), 35. R. fitz H. K. Aestun (Aston - on - Trent), 32. K. & F. G. Ans. Aeluuoldestun (Alvas F. ton), 54. K. K. Aidele (Edale), 31. K. Aisseford(.Ashford),3o. K Epis C. Aitone, 33. R. fitz H. F. Aitune, 43. P. K. Aivne, 31. Abb. of 15. F. Alchementune (.Alk- K. manton), 41. F. P. Aldene. K. K. Aneis, 30. R.P.,R.fitz Abb. B. Appleby, 34 H.,&R.B. K. K. Badequella (Bakewell), R. P. 30 K. R. fitz H. Banford (Bamford) 58. F. F. Barconere, 47. R. fitz H. Barleburg, 56. Barleie, 60, 64, 65. Bareuue, 59. Barreuue (Barrow), 29, 47- Barctune (Barton), 41. Basselau, 30. Bectune, see Bettune. Begelie (Beeley), 31. Belidene (Ballidon),59. Belesovre, 51. Beruerdescote, 33. I!enedlege(Bentley),28. Beneleie (Bendey), 41. Berceles, 30. f Bettune, 35, 56, 64. Blackeuuelle, 30. Blangesbi, 36. Bobeneule(Bubnel), 30 Boilstune, 44. Boletune (Boulton), 58 BOOK OF DOMESDAY. 8i F. Bolun, 39. F. Bradeburn, 37. F. Braedeshaile, 47. F. Braedelai (Bradley), 42, 46. Brailesford, 42, 69. Bradewelle (Brad well), 52- Brandune, 53. Branlege (Bramley Lane), 64. Brantune (Brampton), 60. Brazington (Brassing- ton), 37. Bretebi, 29. Bredelauue (Broadlaw), 28. Briminton, 26. Broctune, 41. Bubdene (Bubden in Longford), 44, 45- Bubdene, 33. Bubinelli, 30. Buitorp (Boythorpe), 26, 28. Bunteshale (Bonsall), 27. Bvrnvlfestone, 50. Burtune, 30. F. P. D. R. B. A.M. F. K. K. K. F. F. Epis C. K. K. K. F. K. K. D. Abb. B. K. ^K. K. F. K. Calderote, 30. Caldecotes, 53. Caldcwell, 34. Caldelauue, 27. Calehale, 66. CaUioure (Calvcr), 30. Cedesdene (Cliaddcs- dcn), 47. Cellcsdcne, 66. F. & K. Celardestune (Chellas- ton), 29, 49. K. Cestrefield, 26. K. Ceolhal (Chunal), 31. K. Chendre (Kinder), 31. E. H. Cheneiuton(Kniveton), 35- F. Chetune (Catton), 38. K. Cheuenesuurde, 31. K. Chersintune (Carsing- ton), 27. K. Chetesuorde (Chats- wood), 31. F. Chetelestune (Kedel- ston), 47. K. & R. P. ) Chinewoldesmaresc A. AL j (Killamarsh), 61, 65. K. Chiseuurde (Chis- worth), 31. K. Chiteslei, 28. K. Cliftune, 30, 69. RalffitzH. Cliptune, 59. ^ j^ rCkine, 56, 66. F. Cobelei (Cubley) 44. K. & F. Coditune, 29, 49. Colingeham,69. F. Collei, 36. P. Cotenoure(Codnor),52. Coruun. K. Cotes, 27, Abb. B. Cotune, 29, 34. K. Cranchesberie, 30. R. fitz H. Crice (Crich), 57. F. Crocheshalle (Crox- hall), 38. K. Crunford (Cromford), 27. DcUingcberic (Dai- liiiry), 33- Dclebi, 50. Abb. W. F. 82 BOOK OF DOMESDAY. B. Denebi, 60. K. & F. Estune (Aston), 31 bis, K. Dentine (Dinting), 31. 40, 50,65. K. Derbi, 68. F. Etelavve (Ailowe), 38. K. Dereleie (Darley), 27, F. & G. 1 Etewelle (Atwell), 51, 28. Ans. 54- D. Detton. R. B. Dore, 64. F. Faiivne, 44. R.fitz H. Dochemanestune, 56. K. Farleie, 27. N. S. Drachelavve, 62. F. Farvlveston, 40. Epis C. Draicote, 33. Abb B. Findre, 33. K. Dranefelil, 26. K. Flagun (Flagg), 30. F. Dulveslune, 45. N. S. Forneuverche, 62. N. S. Dvrandestorp, 63. K. &: F. Dobridge (Doveridge), F. Gelderlei (Yeldesley), 39. 69- 43- F. Dovelle (Duffield), 46. Ghersintune. F. Ghevele (Yeaveley), 45 K. Echintune, 26. F. Gilgraie (Yolgrave), R. fitz H. Echintune, 55. 48, 67. K. & F. Ednesoure, 31, 51. P. Glappevelle, 51. E. H. & F . Ednodestune (Ednas- K Glosop,3i. ton, 35, 55, 69. D. Granibi, 69. F. & K. Ednunghalle (Eding- F. Gratune, 47. hal), 38, 66. K. Greherst, 26. G. Ans. Eghintune (Eggington), 55- P. Habenai, 53. F. Eisse (Ash), 41. R. Hadun. 30. K. Eitune (Cold Eaton), K. Haduna (Over H ad- 28. don), 30. K. Elleshope (Alsop), 28. K. Hadune, 30- R. B. Elstretune, 64. P. Mainour (Heanor), 52. F. Ellune (Elton), 37. B. Haliin (Halam), 60. G. Ans. Emboldestune (Ambas- G. G. Halen, 61. ton), 54. K. Hanzedone (Hanson), F., K., R 28 fitz. H. & N. S Engelbi, 30, 59, 62. F. Hatun (Hatton), 43. F. Erleston (Arleston),49. N. S. Hedcote(Hethcote),62. P. Esnoteric, 52. K. Hedfelt (Hadfiel(l), 31. K. Esseburne (Ashbourn), D. Helmetune (Elmton), 28 bis. 53- R. fitzH. Essovre (Ashover), 56. R. fit/. H Henlege (Hanley), 56. BOOK OF DOMESDAY. 83 K. Henleie (in Wingfield), K. Langeleie, 3r. 65- P. Langeleie, 52. F. Hennesoure, 51. K. & F. Langesdune ( Longs- R. P. Hertestaft (Hertstaft), don), 30, 46. 36. R fitz H. Lede, 57. R. fitz H. Heret, 58. P. LeitLin (Litton), 53. F. (2) Heoteshorne (Harts- F. Linctune (Linton), 39. horn), 39. K. Lodeuuorde (Lud- B. Herdibi, 60. worth), 31. R. fitz H. Hereseige (Hather- sage), 53. F. Lodouuelle (Lud- worth), 37. P. Heselbec, 53. K. Ludecerce (Litchurch), K. Helesope (Hassop), 30. 68. K. Hetfelt, 31. K. LuUetune (Lullington), Abb.B.&F. Hiltune, 34, 42. 66. K. Hiretune 1 Ireton), 27. R. P. Lvnt (Heath), 35. P. Hochelai (Hucklow), 53- F. Machenie (Makeney), F. Hoge, 43. 46. G. Ans. Hoilant (Hulland), 55. E. H. Macheworde, 35. F. Holebroc, 46. K. Maneis, 30. F. & c;. ] Holintune (HoUing- K. Maperlie, 32. Ans. ) ton). 42, 55. K. Mapeltune, 28. D. Hohnsfelt, 53. K. & K. H . Marchetone( Marching- A. M. Holon, 60. ton), 35.65- I). Holtun, 41. F. Merchetune (Mark- K. Holun, 54. eaton), 43. K. Hope, 31, 30. F. Mercheuestune (Mer- K. Honestune (Unston). caston), 50. B. Horslei, 60. F. Merstun. 39. F. Hortedcn, 37. K. Mers, 67. R. fitz H. Hortel, 58. K. Meslac, 27. Horeeton. K. Mestesforde, 27, 28. Abb. B. H 34, 45- Redlaveston, 28. K. 26. Opetune (Hopton), 27. K. Reuslege (Rowsley), 3°- Epis. C. Opeuuelle (Hopwell), R. fil H. Ripelie, 59. K. 23- Ophidecotes (Offcote), 28. K. & R. B F. . Riseleia, 64, 67. Roschintune (Roston), F. Oswardestune (Osles- F. 45- Rouecestre, 44. K. ton), 46. Osmundestune (Os- maston), 29. R. B. Rogetorn (Rowthorne), 64. F. Osmvndestune, 45, 49 bis. F. Salham (Saulm), 37. D. Ougedestun (Ogston), Epis. C. Salle (Sawley), 33. 53- K. Sandiacre, 67. R. fitz H Oughedestane, 58. F Sapertune, 40. F. Ouere (Over). R. fitz \V. Scardecliff, 56. BOOK OF DOMESDAY. B5 & K. K. G. G. R. fitz H. F. F. F. K. K. F. P. N. S. K. N. S. P. Abb. B F. F. K. & F. R. fitz W. K. F. G. G. Abb. B. & N S. A. M. R. P. F. F. K. F. & R. fil H. R. fitz H. Abb. B., & F. R. ?. Abb. B. & F. F.(2) Scaruesdale. Scetune (Shatton), 31. Scelhadun (Sheldon), 30- Scipelie (Shipley), 61. Scochtorp, 57. Scrotun, 40 bis. Sedenefeld, 49. Segersale, 43. Serdelau (Shardlow), 32. Sinetretone (Snitter- ton), 27. Sereleie (Shirley), 42. Sirelunt (Shirland), 52. Sivardingscote, 62. Smalei, 28. Smidesbi, 63. Smitecote, 52. [ Snellestune, 33, 44. Sothelle (Shottle), 38. Spondune, 32, 46. Stanlei, 63, Stantune, 39, 47, 68. Stantone (by Dale), 61. [ Stapenhille, 34, 62. Stavelie, 6o- Steinesbi, 36. Stenitune, 49. Stertune (Sturston), 44. Stoche (Stoke), 31. ) Streitune (Slietton), ) 3«, 56. Stratune, 56. [Sudberie, 36, 40. Sudtune (in the Dale), 34, 35- I Sudtune (on the Hill), ) 42. Summersales, 41. K & F. K. K. K., R. fitz H. R. fitz H. K. K., Abb. of B., &N.S. K. G. G. F. K. K. K= K. F. K.,&N.S. R. P., & R. F. fitzH. R. fil H. Abb. B. P. K. K. Suerchestune (Swarkes- ton), 29, 47, Tadintune, 30. Tapetune, 26, 66. Teneslege (Tansley), 27, 57- Tegeston, 56. Tibecel, 32. Tichenhalle, 29, 30, 34, 62. Tidesuuelle, 31. Tilchestune, 61, 66. Tizinctun, 37. Toptune, 26, 65. Tornesete (Thornsett), 31- Torp, 27. Totingelei, 65. Toxenai, 41. Tranbesbi, 30, 63. Tunestalle, 36, 56. Tviforde, 49. Vffentune (Ufton), 58. Vfre, 33. Vftone, 52, Vpetun (Upton), 26. Vlvritune, 67. D.&A. M. Wadescil, 53, 61. F. Walecross, 38. K. Waletune, 27, 28. F. Walestune(in Duffield), 38. P. Watrefeld, 53. K. Welledene, 27. K. Wodnesley (Wendes- ley), 26. li. Wersedune. VVerchesoppa, 69. S6 BOOK OF DOMESDAY. K., i^ R. ) Werchesuuoide, 27, fiiz H. 1 2S, 57. ^■" f; ^'- [Westuno, 28, 32. B. Westone (on Trent),59. F. Widerdestune, 45. D. Wilelmestorp, 53. R. fitz H. WiUetune (Willington), 58. F. Winbroc, 36. K. Wineslei, 29, 39. R. P. Winfeld, 36. K. Wingreude, 26. Abb. B. Wineshalle, 34. F. Winsterne (Winster), 36. D. & R. I Wistanestune (Wessing- fitz H. ) ton), 53, 57. K. Witfeld, 31. K. Wilintune, 26. R. fitz H. Wituuelle (Whitwell), 56. R. F. Wivleslei (Willesley), 29. 39- K. VVodneslei, 27. F. Wriieuele, 48. Note. — The modern names of many of these manors are offered, but with great hesitation. For some of them proofs will be given hereafter in the Parochial History ; for others, the author relies upon the writings of Mr. Llewellynn Jewitt, Lysons, Eyton, and WoUey, and other Derbyshire historians ; especially the first-mentioned, whose valuable work upon Domesday has been frequently referred to with advantage. The fear, however, is entertained that far too many of the derivations here given are mere guesses, and, as such, liable to error. County Historians, as a rule, are too anxious to identify places, and too ready to adopt any similarit}- in sound as proof of identity in name. But it should be remembered that many Domesday manors were waste even at that time, and that many more must have become so since ; and the very site of some of such places is lost, and that, on the other hand, manors were frequently created down to the date of the statute which prohibi- ted subinfeudation, and, also, that often old names (those of their lords) were given to them. And, above all, it must be borne in mind that nearly half the names of the present places in Derbyshire are not mentioned in Domesday — some of them now, and perhaps then, large towns, such as Belper, Matlock, Borrowash, Butterley, Chapel-en-le -Frith, Clay Cross, Pleasley^ and scores of others, many of which, no doubt, existed, at any rate as vills, before Domesday, but were not visited by the Commissioners, becau.se it was known that they paid no hide. It is considered certain that the Commissioners had written BOOK OF DOMESDAY. S7 instructions to guide them. It is difficult to believe that Chesterfield is identical with the small place mentioned in Domesday, a mere Berewic of Newbold ; or that Alfreton is to be found under the name of Elstreton. Both were probably important stations even at that date, but for some cause — perhaps they were the head-quarters of different members of the royal family, or of some court favourite — they were especially exempted. With regard to Alfreton, it is tolerably clear that Roger de Busli succeeded here, as well as elsewhere, to the possessions of Earl Morcar and the Countess Godiva, who held Alfreton and Norton ; and these two small places comprised the Barony of Ingelram, whose son Ranulf was Sheriff of Notting- ham and Derby. Yet Elstreton, of Domesday, was assessed at 30s. (it had previously been 20s.), and Norton at is. 6d. Is it possible that so small a holding could have formed the barony of so important a person as Ranulf fil Ingleram ? Again, Peak Castle is not assessed at all, although the land, about it, is assessed at 40s. ; and a castle at Bolsover is not even mentioned. But it is clear from the geographical position of both places (as from the actual mention of Peak), that both were great strongholds at this period, and long previously. These facts should prevent a too rash acceptance of an identity. Besides, it must be recollected that frequently the same names were given to more than one place, especially to newly-created manors, and that we have now perhaps only knowledge of one of them. A curious instance of the danger of rashly accepting a possible identity exists in the case of Abney. Every Derbyshire historian without exception identifies it with Henry Ferrars' wasted manor of Habenai, which, with other places, was wasted (probably purposely) for the chase. But actual proof exists in numerous charters, of the Abney family, that their name, and the name of the manor, was Albini, a family who had but little connection with the County at this early period, and whose name has no affinity with Habenai. With reference to Chesterfield, it is quite clear that there were two places of this name in Derbyshire. Of this we have actual proof in that most valuable record, " The Testa de Ncvil." Hut the lesser Chesterfield is lost. The Testa records "That there was one carucate in Chesterfield in Wingcrworth, 88 BOOK or DOMESDAY. anciently of the soke of Chesterfield," and it was given to^the ancestor of Wachiline de Ferrars by King William the Bastard. Now, it niij^ht have been contended that Chesterfield was a berewite o( Wingerworth before it became a bercwite of Newbokl. But that is impossible in face of the finding of the jury that formerly the Chesterfield in Wingerworth was of the soke of Chesterfield : that is, that the smaller Chesterfield was a member of the latter. It is a curious fact that Wingerworth itself, at Domesday, was not recorded as a member of Chesterfield, as it is now esteemed ; that record states that it had a soke of its own. In later times it is treated as a chapelry of Chesterfield, and ecclesiastical reasons may account for this fact. Again, Chesterfield had a church, for William Rufus gave it to Lincoln, Very possibly the bishop had the town as well. It is im- probable that a mere berewite to Newbold would have one. Wm. Rufus gave the church of Chesterfield, with those of Mansfield, and two other manors ; and he actually includes the lands and chapels which belonged to each of those four manors (calling them manors in the document). It is clear that the second Chesterfield, which was then soke to the greater, was not the berewite of Newbold, or it would have been described as of the soke of that place ; and it is clear, also, that Chesterfield at the time of Domesday was an important place, holding eccle- siastical sway over many surrounding places, including Newbold itself, just as it does at the present day. So, too, with regard to Eckington, it is hardly likely that this important manor, the head of Ralf fitz Hubert's barony, which Domes- day records contained four carucates, and had been worth £y, was identical with the berewite of that name in Newbold. Newbold, with seven berewites, including Chesterfield, had only seven carucates, and had been worth only £6, although then the relative values had altered. Besides, the fact that Eckington was recorded separately as a manor, is sufficient to show it is a different place altogether from the Newbold berewite. If that were situated in Eckington Manor, it would have been described, not as a berewite, but as a soke of Newbold in Eckington. This .second Eckington may be found somewhere else. The learned reader must therefore accept these possible derivations as intended generally to identify the name and not the place. WORKS BY THE SAME AUTHOR. THE HISTORY OF THE HOUSE OF ARUNDEL. One Volume, folio, large paper copies bound in Morocco, Price Six Guineas; small paper copies bound in cloth, Four Guineas. Mitchell and Hughes, 140, Wardour Street, W.C. The Author has the gratification to receive permission to publish the following very generous criticism of the First Part of this Work from the pen of Mr. Thomas Helsby, the learned Editor of the last edition of Ormerod's Historv of Cheshire, who writes : — " I have had the pleasure and profit just lately of perusing an admirable book of the kind (Mr. Pym Yeatman's recent \vorl< on the Earls of Arundel), which contains a great amount of entirely orii,'inal matter, with all doubtful points acutely raised, and well — almost intensely — argued, showing the zeal and pains which have backed up the learned Author's judicinl powers and natural acumen. Of course, like all other history, this one of a family which represents in tiie aggregate avast extent of Norman and English territory, is of a tentative character, but the valuable historical and genealogical matter is purified from the ordinary dross of such productions by having had the advantage of passing through a mind evidently thoroughly capable of reducing it into that slate best suited for the critical reader ; although repetitions may be found numerous enough in works of this kind, they have their use in constantly keeping before the mind of the reader facts and arguments that less tenacious and ordinary minds would let slip." And the following from Sir Bernard Burke, Ulster King at Arms, with reference to the whole book : — " What a wi.ndrous store of information you have laid up for genealogists in your grand ' History of the House of Arundel.' I am at every leisure moment poring over its contents." Extracts from the "Manchester Courier" of 30th March, and 6th April, 1883 :- FHiST NOTICE. " In an age when the press teems with stately folios, lumbering weak-backed quartos, and even with octavos, of History, Genealogy, and Archieology, every one of taste and learning may be congiatulaied on the birlh of a new folio of great originality and meiit, and from the true historical standpoint. ' The History of the House of Arundel,' taking us back for a jicriod of looo years, is one of those Works which may well have emiJJoyed the valuable hours of a member of the learned pro- fession to which the Author, Mr. Yealmaii, belongs. The judicial f;icullics which he has brou'^ht to bear upon his subject have, on the whole, thrown so searching a light upon some lf)ng-binied points in national history, as well as genealogical problems, that the volume will be hailed by every scholar of unbiassetl mind with the cordiality it ficserves. 'The I'^nrly History of the House of Arundel' is that of many of the most Hisl(jiic Eamilies in this country and in France ; and the bridge, which hitherto has been almost of the flimsiest character, is now fairly established u])on the sound Ija'-is of numerous, if often fr.igmcntary, facts — worked together, it may be, by some defective arguments, by much necessary repetition, dry and wearying details, but, on the whole, with a sagacity and acumen that redeems the work from all reproach." " Notliiii£^ can well he of fjreator interest to the student than the genealogical connection of this kingiloni with that of our continental neij4lil)t)urs and the old nuchies of Normandy and Hrittany. Absolutely little of coMse(|uence was known (and this far from accurately) until the inihlication by the late distinguished Herald, Mr. Planche, of his 'William the Conqueror and his Companions.' Sir Francis Palgrave in his Work was barred from going into all those details of history so neces- sary to a just appreciation of the connection of the ruling houses of England and Normandy, but his elo(]uenl sketches of the Duchy will never fade from the memory of the cultivated ^o long as history holds its domain in the human nund. Other gentlemen of repute have since written upon this subject more or less fully ; but it Sfcms to have remained for the present learned Author to unearth from the various archives of the French Republic, and from the great stores of materials in the Pipe Rolls and the Red Hook of the ICxchequer, and those in the possession of the Duke of Rutland and Lord Aruntlel of Wardour (extending in date from the reigns of the Dukes of Normandy and regularly down to the time of Henry III. of England), a large amount of original information, which, although of so fragmentary a character in many cases as to necessitate the utmost industry, skill and circumspection in using, lias enabled Mr. Veatman to give to the reader something approaching a sound and reliable Work on this interesting period of Anglo-Norman history." SECOND NOTICE. " To handle all the multitude of facts in this book (far exceeding in number, and often in abstruse significance any disclosed in the greatest cause cclebr'e), and to deal with them in a comprehensive manner, giving full effect to the numerous subtleties of meaning they often disclose, requires a grasp of intellect which can never be too fully appreciated. It is not surprising then if some should slip out of hand, and it would ill become the critic to score his page with black marks where there is abundance of merit so conspicuous to compensate for almost any degree of shortcoming, especially in a costly first edition which cannot easily very soon be supplanted by a second. "In conclusion, the least that can be said of 'The History of the House of Arundel ' is, that it is an admirable collection of facts ; and, if for this reason only, is very valuable, but its facts are skilfully arranged, and the learned Author has placed them in the most candid manner in every conceival)le light before the reader, however laboured his efforts may occasionally appear ; and after the judg- ment and research displayed in this work, if he has failed to command, he has certainly deserved success. As a volume for the earnest student of both direct and circumstantial evidence, it is to be warmly commended ; and the many tabular pedigrees will repay the perusal of every one interested in the stream of history which connects so many of the past and present races with those of our own. We cordially congratulate Mr. Yeatman on the production of this admirable book." From the " Bristol and Gloucester Archeelogical Journal," Vol. VII., Part I., a criticism by Sir John MacLean of Bicknor Court : "The chapter on the settlement of the house of St. Sauveur, in the West of Englaml, will be found of special interest to our readers, inasmuch as it gives the origin of many ancient families in the western counties, but the space at our disposal will not admit of our entering into details. " To compile an authentic pedigree of one ancient family is no light task, but to grapple with those of many of the Norman nobility and trace their descendants respectively from original authorities is a work of Herculean labour, and Mr. Yeatman's Book, when completed, will form a monument of industry and patient research. He seems to be well acquainted with the several personages who come within his range, and, throughout all their shifting scenes, maintains, upon the whole, a firm grasp of their individuality. That there are many, and possibly important, mistakes in such a work would be unavoidable, and some of the state- ments made seems to us not to be vouched for by sufficient evidence ; nevertheless allowing for all these errors and shortcomings, the Work will prove a most useful contribution to English history and genealogy." THE ORIGIN OF THE NATIONS OF WESTERN EUROPE. Price 6s. Burns and Oates, London. " Every one must own the clearness ot style, the cogency of argument, the wealth of illustration in the way of learning, the depth of thought, and the perfect indepen- dence with which the history of England is sifted. To many, jierhaps most people, the criticism on the Aryan Theory, &c., will seem like an unpleasant revelation, but we strongly suspect it will be found far from easy to answer this book." — The Metro- politan, 2,01 k August, 1879. " Mr. Veatman is one who has had the courage to combat popular opinion on Philology. Should the statements contained in the boolc lying before us be true, and to bear testimony without prejudice, we think it will be no light task to prove the basis of his theory to be untrue, the Oxford School of Philology is undubitably worthless, especially Max Miiller's Aryanic Theory, which, in plain language, rejects the Mosaic Account of the Early History of Mankind, and holds up the Sanscrit to be the parent of all languages." — The Auckland Times [ist Notice), 26//^ Sept., 1879. A TREATISE ON THE LAW OF ANCIENT DEMESNE. Written in Illustration of the Records of Chesterfield. Price 3s. 6d. Wilfred Edmunds, Chesterfield. From Dr. Charles Cox's criticism of the "Records of Chester- field (Journal of the Derbyshire Archselogical Society, 1885.") "The work of transcribing, translating and editing these archives was entrusted to the capable pen of Mr. Pym Yeatman, and most ably has he done his task. The introduction is helpful and original, its only fault being its brevity." "The work has been most ably done by Mr. Yeatman, than whom no one could have been found more competent for the task, and he has preceded the body of the work by a masterly, pble and valuable historical preface, which adds immensely to iis value." — The Reliquary, April, 1S85.— 15y the Editor. " This little book deals with a subject that is very interesting just now, and the records quoted by the Author, from documents relating to the Borough Courts of Chesterfield, are exceedingly curious. Mr. Yeatman gives some curious facts from Manor records and elsewhere, and his essay appears to us to contain some important facts wliich are well worth close attention from those whose special study it is to reconsider the history of land-holding in England." — 'The Antiquary, December, 1884. Some Extracts from the Press relating to AN INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF EARLY ENGLISH HISTORY, cSr. The Metropolitan, 14t,h August, 1874. " 01(i-faslnonc(l people who believe in ' Mangnall's (^)ucsti()ns,' ' Pinnock's Catechism of English History,' or in Hume and Suxjliett, will read this work with fear and trembling. We are not prepared to endorse all the views set forth in these pages, but the i)Ook is so immeasurably above the ordinary run of histories, whicii are mere repetitions of facts previously invented and judiciously arranged, that we must cordially advise every reader to study it intently.' Evening Standard, 12th November, 1874. "This is a in.ist original Work, ovcrllowing vvilh learning, .-ind marked through- out willi a coniplole mastery over the most minute details of this extensive sul)ject. By (av the most inicrestini; portion of the Woik is the jiatient research shewn by the Author into the oriL;in of the English language, and his dissertation on our Saxon literature, laws, and customs. Some of the most dangerous errors of Drs. Marsh and Latham are freely exposed, and with success ; with like freedom and success the his- torical errors of Mr. Freeman, Lord Macaulay, and Sir Kdwaril Creasey, are brought home to their several authors." The Press, Philadelphia, 20th November, 1874. "The present volume is a reniaikablc example of oriuiinal thought, historical research, philosophical deduction, and hold disregard of the merely traditional views of previous writers, who, taking too much for granted, have been content to travel in beaten tracks merely because they are old. To a large extent the Author ignores the claims of the Saxons as founders of either the language or the laws of England, and doubts whether, indeed, they had a distinct nationality. The Work is earnest and able." The Law Review (EngHsh), Vol. III., N. S., p. 1139 (1S74). " Mr. Yeatman writes vvilh all the spirit of a true antiquary. He has an ardent appreciation of his subject, and pursues it with a keenness and a zest known only to those who have for some time indulged in antiquarian research. His work turns up much fertile soil, and though we do not concur in his main views, yet we willingly recognise the general value of his treatise. Its main object seems to be to unearth those jural elements that lie deep at the base of our laws, and to assign them, if possible, to a British rather than a Saxon origin. In this view he is undoubtedly nearer the truth than those writers — and they are legion, including the great Blackstone himself — who ascribe a Saxon origin to our Common Law. " His description of the influence of Roman jurisprudence on modern law indicates much literary grace and skill. It is clear that Mr. Yeatinan is a rheto- rician, and a poet of no mean order. If ever he divests his thoughts from the Common Law, a boundless and more fertile field will lie before him in the domain of general liteiature. He certainly has all the qualities that constitute a vigorous writer. There is not anything improbable in most of Mr. Yeatman's views. His work indicates great facility of composition, and an intimate familiarity with all the leading arcana of Celtic lore." The American Law Review, Vol. IX. (1^74-75), p. 123. " Mr. John Pym Yeatman possesses at least two qualities in common with the distinguished Englishmen whose name he bears — inde})endence and courage ; v\'ithout the former he could not have written, without Hie latter he would hardly have published, the extraordinary book which forms the sul)ject of this notice. Mr. Yeatman has produced a remarkable book." The Freeman's Journal (Dublin). " Under this unpretending title Mr. Yeatman has given to the world a very valuable book. His introduction is not, as such works usually are, a mere transcript, more or less abridged, of the standard and approved authors on the subject. It is as remarkable for the boldness and originality of its views as it is for patient research and easy vigour of style. The author sets out with the theory that falsehood and exaggera- tion have mingled so largely with the writings of English historians, more especially since the Reformation, that it has become almost impossible to recognise the truth in its twisted, distorted form. He contends that it is not in the history of the .Saxons, but in the ignored history of the Celtic race, that England has to look for the origin of all that she possesses that is valuable or noble — her language, her literature, her Common Law, and her Constitution. In the course of his very able work he boldly exposes the innumeraljle misrepresentations with which English hi>tory is underlaid, and advances many strong and ingenious arguments in support of the theory he has adopted. The book is characterised thrf)Ughout by a patient, industri"us, laborious, and patient research, and an honest flesire to discover and declare the truth at all hazards and under all circumstances." This book is DUE on the last date stamped below. JUL 2c 1958 AP9 f p: »;..- . - ^ .' V VN ,CK^^^ ^VJ^ IVJO i'orm L9-50HJ11, '50 (2554)444 THE LIBRARY , ONTVERSITV OF CALIF0RNT>'3 ^^S ANGELES AA 000 426 638 3 V, % >•