V THE VATICAN AND ST. JAMES'S. THE VATICAN AND ST. JAMES'S; <$nglanDr, jhitopentrent of WITH INTRODUCTORY REMARKS ON SPIRITUAL AND TEMPORAL POWER, BY JAMES LORD, OF THE INNER TEMPLE, ESQ., BABRISTEB-AT-LAW; AUTHOR OF " THE LAW AFFECTING THE GRANT TO MAYNOOTH COLLEGE," " TH THEORY AND PRACTICE OF CONVEYANCING," " THE MORTMAIN LAWS," " EXCOMMUNICATION," ETC., ETC. " Fuit, fuit ista quondam in har republic^ virtus, ut viri fortes acrioribus sup- pliciis, civem perniciosum, quam acerbissimum hostem coercerent." Cicero in Catalinam. "I for one feel profoundly and increasingly anxious about this most serious business. Deadly mischief is intended against us; and is being effected, too, with an increasing audacity equally scandalous and alarming. 1 ' Extract from a private note from Samuel Warren, Esq., F.R.S. LONDON : SEELEYS, FLEET STREET, AND 2, HANOVER STREET, HANOVER SQUARE; AND AT THE OFFICE OF THE PROTESTANT ASSOCIATION, 6, SERJEANTS'-INN, FLEET-STREET. MDCCCLI. ALEXANDER MACINTOSH, PRINTER, GREAT NEW-STBEET, LONDON. '77/7 TO THE BRITISH NATION, foiiohring SHOWING FROM LEGAL AND HISTORICAL EVIDENCE, THAT THE BRITISH CROWN, CHURCH, CONSTITUTION, AND PEOPLE, HAVE FROM ANCIENT TIME, BEEN INDEPENDENT OF ROME, AND THAT THE RECENT PAPAL AGGRESSION IS ALIKE VIOLATION OF THE PRINCIPLES OF THE CONSTITUTION J OF THE COMMON LAW ; AND OF THE STATUTE LAW OF THE REALM ! IS DEDICATED BY THE AUTHOR. PREFACE. THE following work deserves the attentive perusal of British subjects. I am not recommending a book written by myself, or in which I have any interest, or I should refrain from using such expression. The chief portion of it consists of two deeply interesting, and important cases, in which a constitutional, legal, and historical review is taken of the aggressions of Rome, whether in spiritual or temporal matters, and of the mode in which such aggressions were met and resisted by our ancestors, whether Roman Catholic or Protestant. If any should be inclined to repudiate the wisdom of the past ; to reject the light which historic docu- ments shed upon the dark and stealthy footprints of Popery ; to contend that the enlightenment of the present day is too great for Rome to endure; let them bear in mind that though the essential nature of Romanism is not changed, she has acquired far better means of advancing her interests than she possessed centuries ago. And amongst the peculiar Vlll PREFACE. features of the times which seem to favour her aggres- sions, this is not the least, that multitudes believe her harmless, or powerless, or her nature changed. But whatever opinions may be formed or held respecting the relative bearing of the present and former times, it will be admitted that our ancestors had acquired, what we indeed seem disposed to learn from bitter experience, a practical knowledge of the evils of Popery ; and the best mode of repelling its aggressions. They were men, the bulk of whom were not overburdened perhaps with the refinements of learn- ing or the jargon of the schools ; but who took what in the present day would be called " a common sense view of the question." They knew and felt what Lord Chatham long afterwards expressed, that every man's house, by the laws of England, was his castle, that none dared to violate its sanctity; and they knew that independence of any foreign power was essential for the peace, the well-ordering of their country. They knew and felt that to admit foreign rule, to adopt it, instead of domestic legislation, in the affairs of a nation or kingdom ; to acknowledge Rome either as a source of governing-power, or as a court of appeal, was to prepare the way for the destruction of peace and unanimity, and therewith of national in- dependence, glory, and prosperity ; for the disturbing of titles and property, for the disquieting of the realm, and casting all things, whether affecting those of the PREFACE. IX Crown, the Church, or the people, upon the ocean of doubt and uncertainty, amidst which, Rome indeed might flourish, though this country might be in ruins ; for the breaking up of the good old English institutions, and for the introduction of tyranny ; and often, there- fore, did the Earls and Barons, as in one remarkable instance it is chronicled of them, with one voice ex- claim, We will not change the laws of England, which hitherto have been used and approved. Statute of Merton, 20 Hen. 3, A.D. 1235.* Such was the language used more than six hundred years ago. Is the Crown to be supposed more subservient to Rome now than then ? Are the Earls, Barons, or the people less interested in or less determined to uphold domestic peace and prosperity with home-legislation, and Government, as opposed to foreign aggression, than were their ancestors six hundred years ago ? * And see post Caudrey's Case, p. 20. TABLE OF CONTENTS.* Page Introductory Chapter . xiii Caudrey's Case 1 Lalor's Case 69 Appendix A. Papal Bull, or Letters Apostolical . .119 B. Dr. Wiseman's Pastoral . . . .128 C. Lord John Russell's Letter to the Bishop of Durham 133 " D. Address of the Westminster Clergy to the Bishop of London . . . .135 " E. The Bishop's Reply . . . .137 " F. Resolutions and Petition of Protestant Association . . . . . .141 G. Romish Encroachments : Act of 1 829, &c. 144 " H. The Statute of Prasmunire . . .155 " I. The Coronation Oath Act and the Declara- tion against Transubstantiation . 158, 160 " J. Letters of Lord Beaumont and the Duke of Norfolk 161 K. Papal Usurpation, Letter to the u Morn- ing Herald," by James Lord, Esq. . 163 L. The Queen's Declarations in reply to Ad- dresses ...... 169 M. The Bishops' Oaths to the Pope and the King 171 * For easier reference to the subjects treated of, an Index is given at the end of the work. INTRODUCTION. THE title of the present work is suggestive of its sub- The contest ject. One more deeply interesting and important could hardly occupy the minds of the United Church of England and Ireland and the people of the Bri- tish Empire at this time. Two systems which have been from time, " whereof the memory of man runneth not to the contrary," opposed to each other, are brought prominently before our notice. England is again made the arena for those conflicts which for centuries wore and wasted the spirits, crippled the energies, and sacrificed the lives of our ancestors. Is it to be supposed that either party will recede from the contest till a fresh victory has been achieved on the one hand, and a fresh defeat has been suffered on the other ? No ! The contest is meant by Home to be final, absolute, and complete. It may be so ; but may prove Rome's overthrow, not ours. England certainly has not invited the contest ; she need not shrink from it. She dares not do so. Why, it. indeed, should she ? Her divines and her statesmen may, for their learning and attainments, be placed XIV INTRODUCTION. certainly in a position not inferior to the divines or statesmen of any Church or nation of the day, whe- ther Protestant or Roman Catholic. In art and science and manufactures, what has she to suffer by a comparison with other nations ? In mili- tary and in naval matters her reputation and glory remain undiminished. Statesmen Where shall we look to find anything which may n naturally be considered as a set-off against all this ? over Popery. ^ e mus ^ } 00 k to Rome : aspiring, with professions of humility ; powerful, amidst apparent weakness ! The points in which England has suffered disaster and defeat are those wherein some of her ministers, lay and clerical, have sought to obliterate her really dis- tinctive excellence, to make an alliance in national or in ecclesiastical matters with Rome, and in spite of religious and constitutional prohibitions, of the experi- ence of the past, and the testimony of history, to invoke the aid of Rome in quelling the disturbances which her own principles have stirred up ; in regulat- ing disorders which Rome herself has created ; in allaying agitation and animosities which she would gladly see increased ; and in seeking Rome's co-opera- tion in promoting the peace and prosperity of a Church which she would see distracted and destroyed a Church which she denounces as heretical, and a nation which she regards as the one great barrier to her intrigues and ambition. Is it presumptuous to suppose that many of our statesmen and divines have been in error INTRODUCTION. XV when making concessions or approximations to Rome, augmenting her power, or assimilating Pro- testantism to its errors, superstitions, or peculiari- ties ? Is it presumptuous to suppose that many who, under an erroneous impression, have inflicted a wound and injury upon their Church and nation, will with frank manliness avow such error, repudiate such policy or proceedings, seek to heal the wound they have made, and repair the injury which they may have inflicted? I think not. I am prepared, how- ever, to find repeated what has already frequently met my notice, that " we have heard enough of these mat- ters, and are sick and tired of them." There may be much truth in some portion of this ; but silence and quiescence, though they may be more agreeable, are not always so satisfactory, so safe, as energy and activity, nor so fitted for a crisis such as the present. But the question recurs, However disposed we are Terms of for peace, is Rome disposed for peace ? If so, upon what terms? Are they honourable terms? are they consistent with the glory of our Church and nation ? are they consistent with our liberties, with our safety, and with our independence nay, are the terms such as Rome would propose consistent with our existence ? with, I do not mean our existence as individuals, but with our existence as a Church and nation, pro- testing against her errors in religion, her unwarrant- able and dangerous assumptions in political, secular, and national affairs ? We believe they are not. Abject submission is what Rome requires. Till we render it, XVI INTRODUCTION. there is no basis of equality on which to lay the foundation of peace. A right consideration of the real nature, objects, and designs of Popery compels us to answer in the nega- tive. Looking even to the long and carefully prepared arrangements which have preceded this recent instance of Papal encroachment, we perceive the groundwork laid for the conversion of the entire nation, for the gradual subjugation of England to the Romish See, and a spirit manifested which shows the determinate resolution of men willing to stake their all upon the die, to conquer or to fall in their attempt at conquest. " Equidem nihil loci est segnitiae neque socordise." The "Tablet," of January 4, 1851, informs us Prayers for That " in 1839 Cardinal Wiseman, then President rion c of V En g - of the English College at Rome, drew up a form land. O f p ra y ers f or the conversion of England to be used in the College." That form of prayer, bearing on the obverse of the title page the impress of the " Catholic Institute of Great Britain," together with another copy published at Preston, I have long had in my possession, and at p. 41 of the former edition is the following : " St. Thomas of Canterbury, who, as a faithful shepherd, didst lay down thy life in defence of thy flock, pray for England." In a publication of his own, Dr. Wiseman more fully sets forth his veneration for the character, and his desire to follow the example, of St. Thomas a Becket, even " to the shedding of blood." " Eear INTRODUCTION. XV11 not," he says, in that publication,* " that the interests of religion will be jeopardized in my hands, least of all, where the cause of the Holy See is particularly concerned. ' Would to God you could bear with some of my folly ! but do bear with me ; for I am jealous of you, with the jealousy of God.'f But need I remind you, or others, of where or how I have been nourished in the faith ; how from early youth, I have grown up under the very shadow of the apostolic chair ; how week after week, I have knelt at the shrine of Peter, and there sworn him fealty ; how I have served as good masters, successive Pontiffs in their very households, and have been admitted to confidence, and if I dare say it, friendship by them ? And is it likely that I should be behind any other, be he neophyte, or Catholic of ancient stock, in defending the rights of my holy lord and master under Christ ? or that I can require the summoning to watch with jealous eye any attempts to infringe them." The Doctor then thus proceeds in the same line, and it is to these following remarks that I desire to invite special attention, because therein appears the animus which actuates the chief mover, or one of the chief movers, in the transaction ; and we see something of the spirit in which, whether aggressively or defen- * " Words of Peace and Justice, addressed to the Catholic Clergy and Laity of the London District, on the subject of Diplomatic relations with the Holy See." By the Right Rev. Nicholas Wiseman, D.D., Bishop of Melipotamus, Pro. V.A. L.D. London : Dolman. 1848. f 2 Cor. x. 1. b XV111 INTRODUCTION. sively, he is determined to push the claims and au- thority of the Roman Church : " The second altar at which I knelt in the Holy City, was that which marks the spot whereon St. Peter cemented the foundations of his unfailing throne, with his blood. The first was that of our Thomas a own glorious St. Thomas. There I returned thanks Wiseman's' f r tne g reat blessing of being admitted among his patron saint, children. For two-and-twenty years, I daily knelt before the lively representation of his martyrdom ; at that altar I partook ever of the bread of life ; there, for the first time, I celebrated the Divine mysteries ; at it I received the episcopal consecration. He was my patron, he my father, he my model. Daily have I prayed, and do pray to him, to give me his spirit of fortitude to fight the battles of the Church, if neces- sary unto the shedding of blood. And when with- drawn from the symbols of his patronage, by the supreme will of the late Pontiff, I sought the treasury of his relics at Sens, and with fervent importunity asked and obtained the mitre, which had crowned his martyred head, and I took myself from the shrine of the great confessor, defender of religious rights, St. Edmund, a part of that right arm, which so often was stretched forth to bless your forefathers." Oh lamentable effects of superstition over a mind, from which brighter and better things might have been expected ! But who and what was this Thomas a Becket, " saint and martyr ? " He had been in early life the boon companion of King Henry the Second. - INTRODUCTION. ^^^^^ And when the See of Canterbury became vacant, King Henry, thinking that a complaisant, subservient Chancellor would make a submissive, or at least a quiet Archbishop, elevated the Chancellor to the vacant See. The tone and manner of the Archbishop soon changed. He became as ascetic, as he had before been self-indulgent; as authoritative and imperious as he had before been subservient. He had played the sycophant, he now sought to play the tyrant. He did so for a time. He fell in the pursuit ; and was held by Rome as a martyr and a saint. To advance the interests of his Church, and the dignity of his office, he set at nought his temporal sovereign, the good of his country, the wishes of his countrymen, and endangered the peace of society. True, he evinced much self-denial if that can be called self-denial which is the lopping off, or partial pruning, of one branch that another may grow more luxuriantly. But here is another illustration of the danger of Theorists men committing themselves to theories theories not always sound and from the consequences of which, even when they are perceived to be tending towards evil, few comparatively have the power, or the manli- ness, to make an escape. Thus many have found themselves landed at a conclusion, and acting ulti- mately for the attainment of objects which at one time they would never have dreamt of even for a moment. b 2 XX INTRODUCTION. They who can thus laudate, as worthy of imitation, " even to the shedding of blood," that which, on the behalf of Becket, may be rightly termed rebellion and treason (post, page 93), are dangerous subjects, and subjects of a dangerous system ; yet many such beyond doubt there are : reminding us of the graphic and striking expression used in one of the Church Services, by our ancestors, who knew what many yet have to learn of the real nature of Popery, that there were "such workers of iniquity, as turned religion into rebellion, and faith into faction." Many would slur over the question, as one, after all, more a matter of opinion, than of any practical conse- quence or importance. For years past, the British mind has been too intently occupied about affairs of a different character from those now forced by the Pope upon its notice, to have given any deep attention to the question. Act of 1829. In the year 1829, by what was termed the Catholic Emancipation Act, the question was supposed by many to be settled, and set at rest for ever. From that time to the present, various other important measures have, as it were, absorbed public attention, and the Church of Rome has been suffered, almost sub silentio, sometimes by stealth, sometimes with a little opposition, sometimes with a great deal of opposition, but still suffered, generally with success, to make her way. Thus, sometimes Bills have been brought in, and passed through Parliament, almost INTRODUCTION. Xxi before the public have been aware of their existence ; or have been forced through the Legislature to serve party purposes against the better feelings of many, and the protests o'f an outraged people. Those who from memory can compare the proceed- ings of the last ten or twenty, with those of the preceding fifty or sixty years, or those, who from the perusal of history and an attentive observation, are qualified to judge, will bear testimony to the great change which has taken place in the nature, importance, and mode of transacting public business. The present day is characterized by rapid and Rapidity of extraordinary movements. During a peace of more ^& lslatlon ' than thirty years, science has made gigantic marches, and intellectual progress has gone on with a rapidity heretofore unknown. The events of a century accu- mulate in an hour. Legislation, be it for good or for evil, partakes of the nature of the movement, and in turn imparts its own weight and impetus to it. Things are estimated, not according to what is right, but according to what is expedient. A majority, though wrong, seem fondly to imagine that they have altered the nature of truth and error. Measures and institutions, upon which the glory and the safety of the empire depend which our ancestors thought they had sealed with their blood for perpetual duration, have been, even while we admired them, fading from our sight ; attacked by the foe betrayed by the pretended friend and undefended by ourselves. There is far greater evil embodied in these re- XX11 INTRODUCTION. cent Papal aggressions, than many might at first chfef 118 miS " ima me> ^ ea( lly mischief is intended, and is being inflicted. It looks like the resuscitation of a power, which our ancestors could scarcely withstand; long and anxious was their struggle to throw off the yoke of Popery ; long and loudly did they protest ; and though they succeeded at length, it was not without many a painful sacrifice of property, personal liberty, and life. The monarchs of this country, almost from the earliest days to the present time, have seen the necessity for enacting provisions to check the usurping spirit of the Court and Church of Rome. A State to be perfect must be independent. Foreign interference will sooner or later introduce divisions between the sovereign and the people. To say nothing of the history of other countries, that of our own is full of instances in support of this assertion, de- monstrating most clearly that an undivided allegiance should be given to the sovereign of the country. Henry I. In the reign of Henry L, there was a dispute as to what by some might be esteemed a trifle, but which grew to great importance, between that monarch and Archbishop Anselm, as to the investiture of the bishops. The King called a Parliament, or great council; the lords and bishops joined the King; Anselm consented to refer the affair to the Parliament at the following Easter, thereby confessing the power of the Sovereign in Council, for such was the Senate of that day. INTRODUCTION. XX111 Here the matter in dispute appeared settled by the domestic Government ; but during Anselm's stay at Rome, it was decreed that all ecclesiastics who should in future receive the investiture of their bene- fices from a layman, should be excommunicated ! ! Nor was this a mere brutum fulmen. Anselm felt he owed prior obedience to his spiritual, than to his temporal head, to his Pope than to his Prince ; conse- quently, in obedience to the Pope's decree, he refused to do homage to the King, or to consecrate the bishops whom the King had appointed. On appeal- ing to the Pope, the conduct of Anselm was justified. The King, however, was resolved to preserve a privi- lege received by him from his predecessors. He therefore commanded the Archbishop, as a subject of the realm, to obey his Sovereign. Anselm refused to violate his conscience, pleading that he could not dis- obey the Pope and the Synod in which he had himself voted. This reply drew forth from the British monarch the following indignant and spirited rejoinder : * " What is this to me ? " said the King ; "is the Synod of Rome to deprive me of the privileges of my predecessors? I will never suffer any person who refuses me the securities of a subject, to enjoy estates in my dominions." Rome, which could lose nothing, at length gained Rome not T . P , . n T mi much to lose, the cruel object of dispute by a compromise. The an d has a King was to renounce the right of investiture, and * Townsend's Accusations of History, p. 83. Lond. 1845. XXIV INTRODUCTION. the bishops were permitted by the Pope to do homage for their temporaries. King John. What took place subsequently, in the reign of King John, is well known, and the foregoing instance is one of many, showing the continued collision and struggles between the Papal Court and the sovereigns of this country, which, whether they be referrible to the temporal or spiritual power of the Pope, have pro- duced very disastrous consequences, and may do again. TheReforma- ^ u ^ a ^ the Reformation the power of Popery was broken. King Henry VIII. , who seems to have had little or no real attachment either to the Reformed or the Romish Church, but to have used each as best suited his own purposes, was a sturdy monarch and instrumental in liberating this country from the debasing yoke of servitude which Rome imposes where she can. He saw the magnitude of the mischiefs caused by foreign interference, and on discovering the oath taken by the Bishops to the Pope, exclaimed to his Council : " Well-beloved subjects, we thought that the clergie of our realm had been our subjects wholly, but now we have well perceived that they be but half our subjects ; yea, and scarce our subjects, for all the prelates at their consecration make an oath to the Pope clean contrarie to the oath that they make to us, so that they seem to be his subjects, and not ours." * At the critical period of the Reformation some laws * Hall's Chron. 205. 4to. Ed. 1550. In that of 1809 the page is 788, and see Appendix M., where the oath is given, and more of the King's speech, and the effect of the Commons' in- terference. INTRODUCTION. XXV of a protective kind were more essential, in order to prevent intestine broils, to secure the safety of the throne and the tranquillity of the people. Indeed, on looking to the dates of the several Acts of Parliament passed in the reign of Elizabeth, and inquiring into the contemporary history of the time, it will be found that most, or all, were passed, either in consequence of the danger of the State from some hostile proceeding on the part of foreign powers, or from some discovery of treason on the part of her own subjects. It is vain to say the power of Rome is only spiritual. It interferes in temporal matters ; and the Act of Supremacy, in the first part of her reign, was essential to the inde- pendence of the kingdom. It was then thought, as we deem it to be also now, a point of paramount im- portance, that the Queen should " have, under God, the sovereignty and rule over all manner of persons born within these her realms and dominions, so as no other power shall, or ought to have, any superiority over them." The supremacy did not confer on the Queen the Supremacy of power of administering the sacraments or performing any sacerdotal office, it was confined to that right of administering justice which was ever considered due to the head of a nation. What could be more reason- able than this natural claim, which belongs to every sovereign to whom, in the providence of God, have been committed the peace and happiness of a people ? All persons in public employments were obliged to swear in this political sense only, that they acknow- ledged the Queen to be the supreme governor in all XXVI INTRODUCTION. causes, as well ecclesiastical as temporal ; that they renounced all foreign jurisdiction, and would bear the true allegiance to the Queen. Those who refused to take it were justly suspected of preferring allegiance to the Pope to the dominion of their temporal sovereign. The good of her people, her own love of power, the lessons of experience, all united to convince her that the sovereignty of her State depended on the exclusion of all foreign authority. Supremacy This sovereignty, therefore, she wisely determined foreign power to secure : she transferred the supremacy of a foreign dangerous. p ont yf to the legitimate magistrate. In considering this question, one point of distinc- tion should not be lost sight of. It is contended that those who oppose the supremacy of the Pope, ought to oppose the spiritual supremacy, claimed alike by the Established and the Free Church in Scotland. But the supremacy claimed by ecclesiastical persons in Scotland is very distinct in its nature, tendency, and effect from that claimed by the Church of Rome. The same evils can never be occasioned by it. It can never rise to the same plenitude of power in extent and intensity as that of the Roman Pontiff. It is to be considered, too, that the ecclesiastical power or supremacy, whether claimed by the Free Church or other bodies in that country, not being Roman Catholic, would still be exercised by men who are bound by the dearest ties to their country, and are pledged to advance its interests. And even, in our own country should there be a supreme spiritual power, as distinct from a supreme temporal power, we INTRODUCTION. XXVll should still have a domestic temporal head, a domestic spiritual head, and a domestic Legislature. Still might we say, notwithstanding some division and differences amongst ourselves, we are united against foreign aggression and foreign interference of every kind ; still might we say, that no foreign prince, prelate, state, or potentate, hath, or ought to have, any jurisdiction within this realm of England. And with an Article of our Church, " The Bishop Article of of Rome hath no jurisdiction in this realm of Eng- England! land/'* nor would any foreigner be suffered to inter- fere. It is perfectly true, that those exercising spiritual power by virtue of their spiritual supremacy might not always exercise it with the greatest wisdom and dis- cretion ; for in human affairs there is no infallibility, and consequently, no perfection. Whatever individual or body may arrogate to himself, or receive as tribute from others, that attribute of DEITY, we know that such assumption is not warranted by Scripture, but rather repugnant to the Word of God. Unpleasant collisions might, therefore, frequently arise from the very impossibility of defining the pre- cise boundary line between temporal and spiritual matters. The most expert casuist cannot do this. As it is Where does the division difficult, if not impossible, to mark the point where between spi- light and darkness commence or to define the exact temporal line and shade where black and white, or differing begm? * See Article XXXVII. XXV111 INTRODUCTION. colours, merge into one another, though so different in their extremes, so is it impossible to mark with dis- tinct accuracy what is spiritual and what is temporal, and so to apportion all the actions of a man's life or the affairs of a nation between the temporal and spi- ritual power exercised by separate tribunals, as that the one shall never interfere with the other. Still the party exercising it would be influenced by no motives of promoting the interests of a foreign power. With Popery, however, it is far otherwise. The su- premacy ecclesiastical, is not domestic. It is foreign. It is not always friendly. It is frequently hostile. Hostile from a desire to promote its own interests or the inte- rests of some other state of Europe ; which either by intrigue or superior force may sway the counsels and decisions of the Vatican. Thus in the time of Buo- naparte, the Pope was a prisoner. In the course of events, the Pope may be a prisoner again, or so far under the control of some great temporal ruler as to be compelled to exert his spiritual influence to advance the objects of such ruler, and to inflict deep injuries upon Great Britain. Be that, however, as it may, the power is professedly lodged in the hands of the Pope, in his Court, or the conclave of cardinals, who fre- quently have been known to exercise their power to upturn the very foundations of society. Popery Popery creates an imperium in imperio, and herein in * s one & reat ev ^ ^ ^" ^ ^ ves to a potentate out of the state, and uncontrolled by it, a power over the state and the subjects of it, a power the stronger as INTRODUCTION. it is riveted on its victims with all the sanctions of a false religion. Much stress is sometimes laid upon the temporal power of the Pope a power which he exercises in some of the Italian States ; which he has assumed also over the territories of princes, which many Romish writers ascribe to him, and which has never been re- nounced by sufficient authority. I confess, however, that I am not so anxious as to his direct temporal power, as I am as to his spiritual power exercised over temporal matters. If any foreign temporal prince should wage war with us ; should lay claim to the throne of these dominions, or inter- fere with our domestic policy and arrangements, we could, relying on the God of battles, bid him bold de- fiance. Our armies would again go forth victorious by land, and our fleets triumphant on the deep. It is the spiritual tyrant, whom most we dread, The spiritual against whose aggressions it is most difficult to guard. Popery. A tyrant whom no walls can keep out, against whom no armaments can protect. Whose silent, secret influence prostrates the will of its submissive victims before it, sows division within the camp, and gains victory almost before its approach is known. It eludes the grasp of power. Armies and navies in vain oppose it. It overleaps the loftiest battlements. It penetrates the most secret recesses, it presents itself at the Council table, and in the Cabinets of princes. Attacking everything, yet itself eluding the grasp of all, it seems to resemble the lot of the XXX INTRODUCTION. wandering Arab, whose hand is against every man, and every man's hand against him. One armour there is which can withstand it ; it is the helmet of salvation and the shield of faith. One weapon there is which alone can hew it down ; it is the sword of the Spirit, which is the Word of God. Popery: not But people oftentimes scoff at all apprehensions the Sio fr m tne returning power of Popery ; with seeming be dreaded, satisfaction to themselves they point to the advanced age, and personal debility of the Roman pontiff, and ask if that infirm old man is he whose power we dread? Those, however, who thus argue, seem to be forgetful of the real source and nature of power. Power rests upon opinion. It is as great an error to measure the power of Popery by the power of the individual Pope, as it would be to measure the power of a nation by the personal strength of the individual sovereign who reigns over it. What makes the power of any European sovereign to be dreaded? The power of the nation, or people, of which the sovereign is the ruler. But there is no sovereign who has a more extended empire, a more numerous people, a more powerful and better-disciplined army than the Pope. Therefore his power is great, and great care should be taken not to crouch before it, but to guard against it. He views the world as his empire, kings and queens as his subjects, all people as his soldiers. Priests, deans, bishops, archbishops, cardinals, monks, friars, nuns, and holy sisters, with the Jesuits, are the officers of his army ; the general of each order being INTRODUCTION. XXXI at Rome, where the seventy cardinals meet in conclave, and the confessional the conducting wires, by which, as with the rapidity of an electric shock, information is simultaneously conveyed and reconveyed to and from every part of the world. What is power? What is supremacy? Where Power and does it nominally, where does it really reside ? Upon 01 what does it rest ? And how far is it in its nature permanent, or changing with the varying opinions of the day ? These are questions easily asked, but not so easily solved. People explain one term by another, and think they have made it intelligible. Power in its ordinary sense is well understood ; the power of brute force, physical, mechanical power, the power of armies and navies. There is also the power of opinion, the power of religion, the power of conscience, dark or enlightened, rigidly or wrongly directed. If statesmen and theologians will proceed to legislate irrespective of these, or give them an inferior place, when making their estimate of power, if they will in- clude nothing but visible brute force, they will leave out of their calculation many of the more powerful and efficient engines, whether of good or evil. There is a power which is not always seen, but which is not therefore the less influential. " All power whether of kings or priests, of states or churches, is founded upon opinion only. Neither knowledge, nor justice, nor law, nor experience, nor reason, nor the sword itself, can permanently sustain XXX11 INTRODUCTION. an empire. The opinions of the people, whether right or wrong, give efficacy to the thunders of the Vatican, or the decisions of common sense. If the advocates of the Church of Rome now continue to defend the errors of the dark ages, and to convert their thousands and millions at their pleasure, the thrones of PRINCES will be again at the disposal of the PONTIFFS, when- ever a race of active ruling priests shall once more court the powerful or terrify the weak." * Religious This it is opinion, religious opinion, which has led power^'nd 8 contending armies to the battle-field, has bowed the necks of the proudest monarchs, and made nations and people submissive to the Church of Rome. Her power, call it by what name we will, cannot be confined to spiritual matters. It guides, and overrules the conscience. Supremacy over the conscience, is su- premacy over the man. The power of the priesthood, as pointed out by the Earl of Roden, whose expe- rience of the practical workings of Popery, and whose long residence in Ireland and devoted attachment to the Protestant cause demand for his opinions the highest respect, " cannot be confined to spiritual, it will be extended to temporal things. The effect must be obvious. The laws of the land will be superseded by the laws of the Court of Rome ; the authority of the Government and of the Queen, by that of the Pope and his ' Apostolical Vicars ; ' and by degrees the Roman Catholics will be led to feel that their allegi- ance is more due to a foreign power than to that * " Accusations of History," page 88. London. 1845. INTRODUCTION. XXxiii whose natural subjects they are. The alchemy of Rome can at all times transmute temporal things into spiritual, and vice versa, and it will be impossible to place limits between the civil and ecclesiastical, between spiritual and temporal jurisdiction. In attempting to do so we shall find, when perhaps too late, that we have renewed, with a folly reckless of past experience, the contest which for centuries wasted the lives of our ancestors, and flung away with criminal prodigality the hard-earned yet cheaply-purchased victories, which they achieved over the pretensions of the Court of Rome." * The Church of Rome has a means of acquiring The confes- information, and a mode of enforcing obedience to her communica- X mandates, which no other system possesses. I refer tlon * to the confessional, and to excommunication. The former as the means of acquiring information, the latter an ecclesiastical sentence and punishment, which many regard as worse than civil or temporal death, and is a most powerful engine in her hands for enforcing obedience to her unjust decrees. Philo- sophers may deride it, but so long as people under the influence of a false religion have been taught to quail before it, some control ought to be exercised over the use of this formidable weapon. From the Report of the Select Committee on regula- tion of Roman Catholic subjects in foreign states, we find that in Austria, no subjects of the empire could * " Observations on Lord Alvanley's Pamphlet on the State of Ireland," &c. By the Earl of Roden. 1842. Pp. 27 and 28. c XXXIV INTRODUCTION. be excommunicated, without the Emperor's consent. Why should not the same regulation exist in Ireland, and throughout the whole of the dominions of Great . Britain ? Though excommunication is an act of spiritual power, temporal consequences flow from it. The priest or bishop who can excommunicate a voter, who will not support a candidate in favour of the Church of Rome, has a control over that man's vote, and thus influences the return of Members of Parliament. Hence, we may have in St. Stephen's, those who have been elected, not by the free votes of independent electors, but on the nomination of Roman Catholic priests. The influence of the priests at elections can scarcely be overrated. The organization of the Irish popula- tion is so simple and so complete, merely consisting in the blind and uninquiring obedience of the populace to their priests, that Dr. M'Hale was, perhaps, not far wrong, when he affirmed that "he would return a cow-boy for the important county of Gal way." There is at this time a strong feeling amongst Roman Catholics themselves, as to the evils effected by Papal interference. If ever, therefore, there was a time, it is now, that England expects every man to do his duty.f Two passages from amongst many others in *" Church of England Quarterly Review," July, 1839, p. 53. f A portion of these remarks appeared in 1846 ; the feeling is stronger now 1851. INTRODUCTION. XXXV Caudrey's Case deserve here to be specially noticed. Caudrey' Sir Edward Coke tells us that,- " From the first until the eleventh year of the late Queen Elizabeth's reign, no person of what persuasion of Christian religion soever, at any time refused to come to the public Divine service celebrated in the Church of England, being evidently grounded upon the sacred and infallible word of Almighty God, and established by public authority within this realm ; but after the Bull of Pius Quintus was published against her Majesty in the eleventh year of her reign, contain- ing amongst other things too long to be repeated for this purpose, in these words : ' Pius, Bishop, and servant of God's servants, &c. She (Queen Eliz.) hath clean put away the sacrifice of the mass, prayers, fastings, &c., &c., &c.' "After this Bull all they that depended on the Pope obeyed this Bull, disobeyed their gracious and natural Sovereign, and upon this occasion refused to come to the Church." Page 57. Another passage is one setting forth the real grounds on which proceedings were had against Jesuits (p. 64) :- " By this, and by all the records of the indictments it appeareth, that these Jesuits and priests are not condemned and executed for their priesthood and profession, but for their treasonable and damnable persuasions and practices against the crowns and dignities of monarchs and absolute princes, who hold their kingdoms and dominions by lawful succession, c 2 XXXVI INTRODUCTION. and by inherent birthright and descent of inheritance (according to the fundamental laws of this realm) immediately of Almighty God, and are not tenants of their kingdoms (as they would have it) at the will and pleasure of any foreign potentate whatsoever." * What is to be But what can now be done? What can be done? done ? Is Great Britain yet so crippled by legislative concessions or by ministerial acts, that she is left powerless in the matter? Have the intrigues of official men intrusted for a time with the institutions of their country upon their honour, if not upon their oath, not to betray them brought matters to such a pass as this? Is England yet so crippled that she cannot do what for centuries past she has done, or might and could have done ? Can she not, as a Protestant nation, for her protec- tion against Papal aggression, do what Roman Catho- lic nations have done to secure the independence of their own Church and country against the intrigues of the Vatican in almost every nation of Europe ? Can she not do what in the Papal kingdom of Sar- dinia has recently been done with one or two Papal Archbishops, who sought to overawe the Government, to defy or to evade the laws, and to assume a power superior to that of the temporal ruler ? Ireland. Ireland, it is said, and England, form no parallel * See Watson's " Important Considerations, or a Vindication of Queen Elizabeth from the Charge of Unjust Severity towards her Roman Catholic Subjects, by Roman Catholics themselves." Printed in 1601. Edited by the Rev. Joseph Mendham. Lon- don, 1831. INTRODUCTION. XXXV11 cases in their position and circumstances, and, there- fore, are to form no parallel cases for legislation. This, however, if true, instead of removing, would but increase the difficulty " Point out the fault, but not the way to mend." Lalor's Case, given hereafter, shows that the an- Lalor's Case. cient statute law of the realm was held to apply to those who had received from the Bishop of Rome office, promotion, and jurisdiction of a spiritual cha- racter in Ireland, which the Pope, on the one hand, had no right to confer, nor the priest, on the other, any right to receive or exercise. I do not quote the case of Lalor, as one precisely similar to that of the new Papal Archbishoprick, &c., though there are very many points of similitude between them. The first few pages of Lalor's Case show this : Like Lalor, Dr. Wiseman has been for many years past of no mean credit and authority. Like Lalor, Dr. Wiseman has " also made his name known in the Court of Rome." Like Lalor, he has held intelligence with persons high in authority there ; and like Lalor, for his devotedness to the " Holy See," he has obtained " title &\\& jurisdiction" though carved by the Pope out of the prerogatives of the Crown and the temporal dominions of Great Britain. Lalor obtained " the title and jurisdiction of Vicar- General of the See Apostolic, within the Arch- bishoprick of Dublin, and the Bishopricks of Kildare XXXV111 INTRODUCTION. and Ferns." This pretended jurisdiction lie exercised for many years. Like Lalor, Dr. Wiseman is promoted, and made, not a Vicar- General, but a Cardinal and an Arch- bishop, with a pretended jurisdiction extending over the newly-constituted Roman Catholic province of England, now happily restored to " its orbit in the ecclesiastical firmament." Here, we expect, the likeness ceases. Lalor, in his defence, said, that he had been no suitor for the office of Vicar- General. Can Dr. Wiseman, or his advocates, with truth, say as much ? This appears doubtful, if any weight is to be attached to certain rumours, if not to letters which have ap- peared in the public prints. In the next item, the parallel in the particular in- stance fails entirely. We cannot say of " Wiseman " as it was and is said of Lalor. Lalor was first indicted and convicted under an Irish stat., 2 Eliz. Subsequently, an indictment was framed against him in the King's Bench, upon the stat. of 16 Rich. 2, cap. 5, containing these several points : The indict- 1. That he had received a Bull or Brief, purchased "nderthes^ or procured in the Court of Rome, which Bull or Brief 3Rlch - 2> did touch or concern the King's crown and dignity royal, containing a commission of authority from the Pope of Rome unto Richard Brady, and David Magragh to constitute a Vicar- General for the See of Rome, by the name of the See Apostolic, in the several dioceses of Dublin, Kildare, and Ferns, within this kingdom of Ireland. INTRODUCTION. XXxlx 2. That by pretext or colour of that Bull or Brief, he was constituted Vicar- General of the See of Rome, and took upon him the style and title of Vicar- General in the said several dioceses. 3. That he did exercise ecclesiastical jurisdiction as Vicar- General of the See of Rome, by instituting divers persons to benefices with cure of souls, by granting dispensations in causes matrimonial, by pronouncing sentences of divorce between divers married persons, and by doing all other acts and things pertaining to episcopal jurisdiction, within the said several dioceses, against our sovereign Lord the King, his crown and dignity royal, and in contempt of his Majesty, and disherison of his crown, and contrary to the form and effect of the statute, &c. To this indictment Lalor pleaded, not guilty ; and when the issue was to be tried, the name and reputa- tion of the man, and the nature of the cause, drew all the principal gentlemen both of the pale and pro- vinces, that were in town, to the hearing of the matter. At which time, a substantial jury of the city of Dublin being sworn for the trial, and the points of the indictment being opened and set forth by the King's Serjeant; the Attorney- General thought it not impertinent, but very necessary, before he descended to the particular evidence against the prisoner, to inform and satisfy the hearers in two points. " 1. What reason moved us to ground this indict- ment upon the old statute of 16 Rich. 2, rather than xl INTRODUCTION. upon some other later law made since the time of King Henry 8. "2. What were the true causes of the making of this law of 16 Rich., and other formal laws against provisors, and such as did appeal to the Court of Rome in those times, when both the prince and people of England did for the most part acknowledge the Pope to be the thirteenth apostle, and only oracle in matters of religion, and did follow his doctrine in most of those points wherein we now dissent from him. " 1. For the first point we did purposely forbear to proceed against him upon any latter law, to the end that such as were ignorant might be informed, that long before King Henry 8 was born, divers laws were made against the usurpation of the Bishop of Rome upon the rights of the Crown of England, well nigh as sharp and severe as any statutes which have been made in later times ; and that therefore we made choice to proceed upon a law made more than 200 years past, when the King, the Lords and Commons, which made the laws, and the Judges which did interpret the laws, did for the most part follow the same opinions in religion, which were taught and held in the Court of Rome. The true "2. Eor the second point, the causes that moved, ing 8 the f stet k ~ an ^ a l most enforced the English nation to make this, 16 , Ri< *- a - and other statutes of the same nature, were of the and other sta- tutes against greatest importance that could possibly arise in any state. Tor these laws were made to uphold and maintain the sovereignty of the King, the liberty of INTRODUCTION. xli the people, the common law, and the commonweal, which otherwise had been undermined and utterly ruined by the usurpation of the Bishop of Rome." The Attorney- General thus proceeds : " Now, Master Lalor, what think you of these things ? Did you believe that such laws as these had been made against the Pope 200, 250, 300 years since ? Was King Henry 8 the first prince that opposed the Pope's usurped authority? Were our Protestants the first subjects that ever complained of the Court of Rome ? Of what religion, think you, were the propounders and enacters of these laws ? Were they These laws good Catholics or good subjects ? or what were they ? a s did profess You will not say they were Protestants, for you will not admit the reformed religion to be so ancient as those times ; neither can you say they were undutiful, for they strove to uphold their liege Lord's sove- reignty. Doubtless the people in those days did generally embrace the vulgar errors and superstitions of the Romish Church, and in that respect were Papists as well as you : but they had not learned the new doctrine of the Pope's supremacy, and transcen- dant authority over Kings ; they did not believe he had power to depose princes, and discharge subjects of their allegiance, to abrogate the fundamental laws of kingdoms, and to impose his canons as binding laws upon all nations, without their consents; they thought it a good point of religion to be good subjects, to honour their King, to love their country, and to maintain the laws and liberties thereof, how- Xlii INTRODUCTION. soever in other points they did err and were misled with the Church of Rome. " So as now, Master Lalor, you have no excuse, no evasion, but your conscience must condemn you as well as the law ; since the law-makers in all ages, and all religious Papists and Protestants, do condemn you ; unless you think yourself wiser than all the Bishops that were then in England, or all the Judges, who in those days were learned in the civil and canon laws as well as in the common laws of England." Statute Law. We come to the statute law ; and here I have no doubt that amidst all the bitter disappointments which he has experienced since wearing his cardinalitial hat, Dr. Wiseman has often laughed heartily at our ex- pense, and chuckled at the way in which " honest John Bull " has been " gulled," and suffered himself to be led by the nose, and every statute either to be repealed or deprived of those portions which could make it very effective against acts of Papal usurp- ation. Well, we would not have had it so. But we may pluck safety from disappointment. The common law remains ; some statutory provi- sions still remain ; and there still remains the spirit of the British nation, which will not suffer itself to be cajoled out of its liberties, independence, and religion by those who have said one thing, but meant another, and uttered promises never to be performed. I had gone far in preparing for publication a work on the Statute Law of England, from Magna Charta INTRODUCTION. xliii to the present time, on the subject of Papal interfer- ence with British rights and liberties, whether in mat- ters civil or ecclesiastical. In that work it would have been my object to show that even in Romish times our ancestors protested against the tyranny of Papal usurpation ; and why ; -and what portions of such laws are applicable to the present day. Some portions of it have already appeared in the columns of the " Morning Herald." To search out those acts which bear upon the ques- tion is a work of time and labour; while, to decide what are in force, and what portions, if any, have been repealed, is a work of yet greater magnitude ; too great, indeed, to come within the compass of an introductory chapter. One of these letters is given post, Appendix K., p. 163. It need not be a matter of wonder that Lord John Russell required on behalf of his Government time to have the law looked into, and that in his celebrated letter he should thus express himself : " Upon this subject, then, I will only say that the present state of the law shall be carefully examined, and the propriety of adopting any proceedings with reference to the recent assumption of power deliber- ately considered." There has been such a tampering with constitu- tional enactments and provisions ; such a nibbling at these various statutes, session after session, by piecemeal legislation, that the cords which were meant to restrain Popery are well nigh gnawed INTRODUCTION. asunder, and the Bulls of the Pope let loose to work all the mischief which the great enemy of our Church and country could require. Perhaps I may be permitted to observe, that few are fully aware of the uncertainty in which some of our ancient Acts are involved, still less of the fact, that some of those framed in the earlier part of our history against heretics, were not real but supposed statutes passed, or supposed to be, by the intrigues and power of the Roman Catholic hierarchy of the day, sanctioned indeed by the Sovereign, whom they could in some cases control ; and by the Peers, but without the consent of the Commons, and that they were subsequently disaffirmed by the Commons.* Sir Edward Coke, speaking in his time, says : "In perusing over the rolls of Parliament, we find divers Acts of Parliament in print, that are not of record in the rolls of Parliament. Secondly, many Acts of Parliament that be in the rolls of Parliament, and never yet printed. Thirdly, divers clauses omitted in the print, which are in the Parliament roll. Fourthly, more in the print than in the record. Fifthly, many variances between the print and the roll. Sixthly, statutes repealed or disaffirmed, and yet printed, &c. Seventhly, whole Parliaments omitted out of the print. Eighthly, whole Parliaments repealed, or a great part." Instances of each are given, and as to the sixth, * To some of these Bishop Burgess refers at the end of his " Protestant's Catechism," p. 66. the Com- mons. INTRODUCTION. xlv Sir Edward Coke proceeds thus: " The sixth, statutes pretended to be enacted, and after disaffirmed, and yet printed, 5 R. II. cap. 5, stat. 2, touching inquiries of heresies, anno 6 R. II. nu. 52, disaffirmed by the Commons, for that they protested it was never their meaning to be justified, and to binde themselves and their successors to the prelates no more than their ancestors had done before them. Robert Braibroke, Bishop of London, was then Lord Chancellor." Other instances are given. And in another* place Supposed sta- he thus writes : " There was a statute supposed to be affirmed by made in 5 R. II., that Commissions should be by the Lord Chancellor made, and directed to sherifs and others, to arrest such as should be certified into the Chancery by the bishops and prelates, masters of divinity, to be preachers of heresies and notorious errors, their fautors, maintainers and abettors, and to hold them in strong prison, until they will justifie themselves to the law of holy Church. By color of this supposed act, certaine persons that held that images were not to be worshipped, &c., were holden in strong prison, until they (to redeem their vexation) miserably yeelded before these masters of divinity to take an oath, and did swear to worship images, which was against the morall and eternall law of Almighty God. We have said (by color of the said supposed statute, &c.), not only in respect of the said opinion, but in respect also, that the said supposed act, was in * Coke, Fourth Institute, page 51. xlvi INTRODUCTION. truth never any Act of Parliament, though it was entred in the rolls of the Parliament, for that the Commons never gave their consent thereunto. And therefore in the next Parliament, the Commons pre- ferred a Bill reciting the said supposed Act, and constantly affirmed, that they never assented there- unto, and therefore desired that the said supposed statute might be aniented, and declared to be void : for they protested, that it was never their in- tent to be justified, and to bind themselves and their successors to the prelates, more than their ancestor had done in times past : and hereunto the King gave his royall assent in these words, * Y pleist au roy? And mark well the manner of the penning the Act : for seeing the Commons did not assent thereunto, the words of the Act be, It is ordained and assented in this present Parliament, that, &c. And so it was, being but by the King and the Lords. " It is to be known, that of ancient time, when any Acts of Parliament were made, to the end the same might be published, and understood, especially before the use of printing came into England, the Acts of Parliament were ingrossed into parchment, and bundled up together with a writ in the King's name, under the great seal to the sheriff of every county, sometime in Latin, and sometime in French, to com- mand the sheriff to proclaim the said statutes within his bayliwick, as well within liberties, as without. And this was the course of Parliamentary proceedings, INTRODUCTION. xlvii before printing came in use in England, and yet it continued after we had the print, till the reign of Henry VII." 3 Institute, c. 5, 40. " Now at the Parliament holden in 5 R. II. , John p apa l tricks Braibrook, Bishop of London, being Lord Chancellor of England, caused the said ordinance of the King, and Lords to be inserted into the Parliamentary writ of proclamation to be proclaimed amongst the Acts of Parliament, which writ I have seen, &c. But in the Parliamentary proclamation of the Acts passed in anno 6 R. II., the said Act of 6 R. II., whereby the said supposed Act of 5 R. II. was declared to be void, is omitted, and afterwards the said supposed Act of 5 R. II. was continually printed, and the said Act of 6 R. II. hath by the prelates been ever from time to time kept from the first. " Certain men called Lollards were indicted for heresy upon the said statute of 2 H. IV., for these opinions, viz., Quod non est meritorium ad Sanctum Thomam nee ad Sanctam Mariam de Walsingham peregrinari. 2. Nee imagines, crucifixi, et aliorum sanctorum adorare. 3. Nulli sacerdoti confiteri nisi soli Deo, &c. Which opinions were so far from heresy as the makers of the statute of 1 Eliz. had great cause to limit what heresy was. "--Coke, Third Institute, p. 41. And, speaking of the inaccuracy in the transcription of our earlier statutes for the purpose of printing them, he says, with reference to the statute of provisors, a statute Xlviii INTRODUCTION. passed by Roman Catholics to protect the Church and nation from the encroaching power of Rome, " [Note] In the roll of Parliament of the statute of Provisions there are more sharp and biting words against the Pope, than in the print, a 'mysterie often in use, but not to be knowne of all men/" 2 Inst. 585, b. But supposing that the statutory enactments, instead of being modified, as they have been, were all gone, that not only were the penalties removed, but the Acts themselves absolutely repealed and clean swept away; that w T e had not the Act of 16 Rich. II. , c. 5, nor the portions which yet remain of 1 Eliz. c. 1, nor 2 Eliz. c. 13, nor the provisions of 10 Geo. IV. c. 7.* Still these are the principles of the Common Law, and there are the dictates of common sense, and of common safety, telling us to repel from our country, as we would repel from our own houses, a power which sought to usurp our place. To such an invasion, we ought not to give place, by way of subjection or submission no not for an hour. Let us for a moment see what Sir William Black- stone has written upon this subject : f " Having thus, in some degree, endeavoured to trace out the original and subsequent progress of the Papal usurpations in England, let us now return to the statutes of prcemunire, which were framed to * See post , Appendix Gr., p. 144. f And see " National Protests before the Reformation." Seeleys, Hanover-street, and Fleet-street. INTRODUCTION. xlix encounter this overgrown yet increasing evil. King Edward L, a wise and magnanimous prince, set him- self in earnest to shake off the servile yoke. He would not suffer his bishops to attend a General Council, till they had sworn not to receive the Papal benediction. He made light of all Papal Bulls and processes : attacking Scotland in defiance of one ; and seizing the temporalities of his clergy, who, under pretence of another, refused to pay a tax imposed by Parliament. He strengthened the statutes of mortmain ; thereby closing the great gulph, in which all the lands of the kingdom were in danger of being swallowed. And, one of his subjects having obtained a Bull of excommunication against another, he ordered him to be executed as a traitor, according to the ancient law. And, in the thirty-fifth year of his reign, was made the first statute against Papal pro- visions, which, according to Sir Edward Coke, is the foundation of all the subsequent statutes of pra- munire ; which we rank as an offence immediately against the King, because every encouragement of the Papal power is a diminution of the power of the Crown." Bl. Com., book iv. c. 8. Then, in Caudrey's Case, p. 20, Sir Edward Coke gives us the following instance, from many others, which might be adduced to show, that even the absence of legislative enactments cannot deprive an independ- ent Sovereign and nation of the right of resisting the aggression or intrusion of a foreign power, whe- ther by himself or by his agents. d 1 INTRODUCTION. " In the reign of King Edward the First, a sub- ject brought in a Bull of excommunication against another subject of this realm, and published it to the Lord Treasurer of England ; and this was by the ancient Common Law of England adjudged treason against the King, his crown and dignity, for the which the offender should have been drawn and hanged : but at the great instance of the Chancellor and Treasurer, he was only abjured the realm for ever." Protective The horror some persons have of enforcing or of provisions. . . making any laws upon such subjects, reminds us ol the morbid sensibility of those who would have England disarmed, while the continent of Europe teems with armed men and with military and naval preparations. But do these men in their own private concerns act upon a similar principle ? Do they suppose honesty so universal that there is no need for a police to parade the streets? for a magistracy to administer the law? or for locks, or doors, or fastenings to their houses? Laws must be made to protect the good, to punish the bad. If complaint is to be made of the necessity of these, let the blame rest where it belongs, upon the bad principles, practices, and actions which have rendered necessary such enactments for the preserva- tion of order, prosperity, and peace. We are not living in those days when " All crimes shall cease, and ancient frauds shall fail ; Returning justice lift aloft her scale ; Peace o'er the world her olive wand extend, And white-robed innocence from heaven descend." INTRODUCTION. 11 We may indeed theorize as we please, but we must Theory not act upon theory to be safe. We must deal with p rac tice. realities as wejind them ; not as we could wish them, and whilst retaining all possible good feelings to those who may be the victims of error and delusion, it is beyond doubt a great mistake to suppose we can change the nature of evil by exposing ourselves to it, or that Popery is changed in its nature, and is other- wise than an inveterate opponent to the principles which we believe to be true; to the institutions which we venerate ; to the liberties which we have so long enjoyed, and which we are resolved to maintain. " Bent, but not broken " was the power of Rome ; but mistaking disarmed malignity for abated enmity, her promises have been believed by us, her pledges accepted, and her advocates and subjects admitted to the enjoyment of power : as Romanism has risen into power there has been a development of her nature, principles, and objects. In 1846, one of the leading organs of Romanism thus expressed the contemptuous feelings of Rome for British legislation in matters affecting her interests. After speaking of the indignation with which many of their Liberal friends had viewed the interference of Rome, in the matter of certain colleges in Ireland, the writer proceeds as follows : " Calm your perturbation, ye excellent individuals, and submit with decent dignity to the inevitable. It is even so. It must be so. It will be so yet more and more. You are only at the beginning of d 2 Hi INTRODUCTION. The Queen, your perplexity. The Pope will speak more loudly Commons set than ever, and what is more, he will be listened to. ioug t. jj e w yj ^. urn Qver y Om . mus f.y Acts O f Parliament with finger and thumb, scrutinizing them with a most irreverent audacity; examining those which concern him; and when he has found these, rejecting some and ' tolerating ' others, with as much freedom as you use when you handle oranges in a shop, selecting the soft and sweet, contemptuously rejecting the sour and the rotten. And then oh ! dreadful thought he will insist upon being obeyed. The very slates of Exeter Hall must erect themselves in horror at the bare thought of such a thing. What ! the Bill was read three times in each House of Parliament ; it was twice passed ; engrossed on parchment ; garnished with a waxen appendage by way of seal ; and has had over it pronounced by Royal lips the mysterious and creative fiat, La Eeine veut. The Queen wills it ; the Lords will it ; the Commons will it. What does it want to complete the perfect fashion of a law ? Nothing of solemnity, nothing of force, which the Imperial sceptre of this kingdom could give, is wanting to it. But truly, it may want the sanction of religion ; the Pope snuffs disdainfully at it ; an Italian priest will have none of it : it trenches upon his rights, or rather upon his duties ; it violates the integrity of those interests which he is set to guard ; and therefore Commons, Lords, Queen, wax, parch- ment, and all, avail it very little. You may call it law if you please. You may enter it on your roll. INTRODUCTION. liii You may print it in the yearly volume of your statutes. But before long you will have to repeal or alter it, in order to procure the sanction of a foreign potentate, without which it has not, in the end, the value of a tenpenny nail." Tablet, Sept. 19, 1846. But the question recurs, What is to be done ? Here we are met again with the difficulty of Ireland. This question, we hear, has divided the Cabinet. Various plans are spoken of, and Ireland need be no difficulty, or not the difficulty it has been, if a right policy were adopted with reference to that por- tion of the United Kingdom. We can have no com- promise. England must not be saved at the expense of Ireland, and the Pope will indeed have gained high vantage-ground in the face of Europe if any Bill shall be brought forward and passed, which shall legalize in Ireland what it shall declare to be unlawful in Eng- land. If the present law be efficient would it not be far The present better to enforce the existing law, than to bring in an imperfect measure, which, by applying to Eng- land only, would seem to exclude Ireland and the Colonies, and by so seeming to exclude them altogether, or to postpone their interests, would appear to favour the inference some would be inclined to draw, that because they are not included they are specially ex- cluded; that because it is declared to be illegal in England only, legislative silence implies it is declared to be lawful in Ireland ? liv INTRODUCTION. I profess not to know the secrets of either party, though I have watched very closely the movements of each. In vain, however, have I looked for any indica- tion from either side of that true, honest, sound, straightforward Protestant course which we had hoped for, and without which the nation can never rest satisfied or safe, There has existed, and still ex- ists, much to create apprehension on the part of those who desire to see the encroachments of Popery resisted. Whether there be any truth in the old adage that straws show which way the wind blows, we will not undertake to decide. Possibly it may depend upon how they are thrown up, and upon the presence or absence of influences more or less counteractive of the natural current. But certainly, there is some truth in this, that, generally speaking, the current of promotion indicates the views of those who have the disposal of it. There may be exceptional cases. But when we have long seen almost the entire preferment of the Established Church of a country distributed amongst those who favour a system deemed by the majority of the clergy of the Church of that country to favour Popery when we find an appoint- ment so important to the national interests as the government of Malta conferred on a Roman Catholic another Roman Catholic sent out to fill a diplomatic post in Greece and a third, whose acquaintance with diplomacy is certainly not equal to his attainments in INTRODUCTION. lv other matters, sent out to one of the most interesting and, in some sense, important spheres of diplomatic duties, chiefly because he is a Roman Catholic, there p ope ry press- can be no doubt as to the views of some of those ofvernment in power, or that some agency is so closely, heavily, and tightly pressing upon the springs of Government, that what should be the governing-power, is becoming a merely passive instrument in the hands of some unseen agency who move mysteriously, and at whose bidding, the preferment of the country is distributed. However impaired and enfeebled; the statute law, as well as the common law, still remains in force upon the subject. The 7th and 8th Viet., c. 102, s. 1, repealed such 1 Eliz. c. i. portions of 1 Eliz., c. 1, relating to the supremacy of the Crown, as inflicted certain penalties for certain offences therein mentioned ; but left still in force very important portions of that Act. The 9 and 10 Viet., c. 59, s. 1, went a little further, and repealed another portion of 1 Eliz., c. 1 left in force by the 7th and 8th Viet., c. 102 but contained a proviso that it should not make lawful the offences for the commission of which it then removed certain penalties. This was not, however, going quite far enough. A third attempt was made to repeal something more of the same Act (1 Eliz., c. 1), and in November, 1847, Mr. Anstey brought in a Bill for that purpose, which was thrown out in 1848 (July 16). (See Appendix K, p. 167.) Ivi INTRODUCTION. 1 3 Eliz. c. 2, s. 3, declares offence high treason. Its punish- ment. and 8 Viet. 102. The 13 Eliz., c. 2, s. 3, provided as Mows -.That if any " shall obtain or get from the said Bishop of Rome or any his successors, or See of Rome, any manner of Bull, writing, or instrument, written or printed, containing any thing, matter, or cause what- soever, or shall publish, or by any ways or means put in use, any such Bull, writing, or instrument, that then all and every such act and acts, offence and offences, shall be deemed and adjudged by the autho- rity of this Act to be high treason, and the offender and offenders therein, their procurers, abettors, and counsellors to the fact and committing of the said offence or offences, shall be deemed and adjudged high traitors to the Queen and the realm, and being thereof lawfully indicted and attainted, according to the course of the laws of this realm, shall suffer pains of death, and also lose and forfeit all their lands, tene- ments, hereditaments, goods, and chattels, as in cases of high treason by the laws of this realm ought to be lost and forfeited." The 7th and 8th Viet., c. 102, did not touch 13 Eliz., c. 2, and the 9th and 10th Viet., c. 59, went so far only as to repeal portions of it as follows : viz., so much of an Act passed in the thirteenth year of the reign of Queen Elizabeth, intituled, " An Act against the bringing in and putting in execution of Bulls, writings, or instruments, and other superstitious things from the See of Rome, so far only as the same imposes the penalties or punishments therein men- tioned ; but it is hereby declared, that nothing in this INTRODUCTION. enactment contained shall authorize or render it lawful for any person or persons to import, bring in, or put in execution within this realm, any such Bulls, writ- ings, or instruments, and that in all respects, save as to the said penalties or punishments, the law shall continue the same as if this enactment had not been made." Mr. Anstey's Bill, thrown out in 1848, provided for the repeal of the whole of the Act of 13 Eliz., c. 2, " so far as concerned Roman Catholics." But that intended repeal not taking place, the statute, subject to the modifications made by 9 and 10 Viet., c. 59, remains in force. Now, this section, above quoted, s. 3 of 13 Eliz., c. 2, consists of two distinct parts, 1. That declaratory of what should constitute an offence. 2. That declaring what shall be the penalty or punishment for such an offence. The latter portion is repealed, while the former appears to be left standing. So then the 16th Rich. 2, c. 5, with certain provi- sions of 1 Eliz., c. 1, 13 Eliz., c. 2, as well as those of 10 Geo. 4, c. 7, may be regarded as portions of the statute law which stih 1 remain in existence with reference to the recent insolent and insidious aggres- sion of the Papal Court. If, however, the Government doubt as to the efficiency of the law as it now stands, or the pro- priety of seeking to enforce it, could the Prime Iviii INTRODUCTION. New declara- Minister of this country adopt a course at once more ment. na popular and constitutional, than by meeting it with some new declaratory enactment ? than by coming down to the House of Commons, and stating, " that certainly the experiments made in favour of the Roman Catholics had not produced results by any means satisfactory and conclusive. That whatever there may have been in the Church, or out of it, theologically or politically, apparently favourable to the Church of Rome, yet that the Sovereign of the Roman States, by whomsoever advised, had been misinformed, and misadvised, or had misunderstood the genius and position of this country, and overrated his own, as regards this ' insolent and insidious ' aggression. " That while successive Governments, the most Liberal and the most Conservative, had accomplished the emancipation of Roman Catholics from the chains of slavery, as some would term it, they never intended to give Rome the power of rivetting the chains of slavery and spiritual despotism on the people of this country. That the Roman Catholics were more enslaved by the principles of their own system, than by British legislation, and that the Papal Court had of late manifested an intention of grasping after power, where only toleration was intended: and of establishing supremacy, where only or not more than equality could be conceded. That by the principles, and indeed by decided cases at Common Law, those taking part in the Papal aggression were in various ways amenable INTRODUCTION. lix to the bar of justice in this country, whilst the statute law had been in repeated instances notoriously evaded or violated. That it did not appear to him desirable to give any parties the opportunity of stating that those so taking part in the recent Papal aggressions, were proceeded against under any of what some might term the unknown, obsolete, or forgotten principles of the Common Law, or what they might term, the vindictive provisions of any statutory law, but that Her Majesty's Government had deemed it better to provide a new measure for this offence, declaratory of the Common Law and the Statute Law, applicable to Ireland and the colonies, as well as to England; a statute which by being now passed, as he trusted it would, with the nearly unanimous consent of each House of Parliament and receiving the assent of the Crown, would meet the approbation also of those out of doors ; would convince those who had entertained doubts upon the subject, that this Church and nation were not about to relinquish the blessings of civil and religious liberty the twin glories of the land; the religious blessings purchased at the Reformation in the six- teenth century ; and the civil and political blessings secured to them by the Revolution in the seventeenth century ; events to which this Church and country owe too much ever to be guilty of a forgetfulness or betrayal of them." In the present state of the public mind it is well CAUDREY'S CASE. OF THE KING'S ECCLESIASTICAL LAW HILARY, 37 ELIZ.'RTfHE QUEEN'S BENCH. COKE'S BEPORTS. PAET V. EDITION OP 1826. IN this case is contained a brief epitome, compiled with the proverbial learning and the exact care of Sir Edward Coke, with reference to Papal interference in the affairs of this Church and nation, showing from legal, historical, and con- stitutional evidence, that the British Crown, Church, and people, have from ancient time resisted and been independent of Rome. * Father John Parsons, the Jesuit, published anonymously " An Answere to the fifth part of Reports lately set forth by Syr Edward Coke, Knight, the King's Attorney- Generall, concerning the Ancient and Moderne Municipal Lawes of England, which do apperteyne to spiritual power and juris- diction. By occasion whereof, &c. Imprinted with license, anno domini, 1606, 4to." Sir Edward Coke in his Preface to the Sixth Report, pages 13 to 17, while declining to enter upon the angry con- troversy into which Parsons had sought to drive him, says, page 15, " The cause that I cannot reply is, for that I have only reported the text, and as it were, the very voice of the ancient laws of this realm, proved and approved in all succes- sions of ages, as well by universal consent in Parliament, as by the judgments and resolutions of the reverend Judges and sages, of their common laws, in their judicial proceedings, which they gave upon their oath and conscience." That portion of this case, which bears more immediately on the points raised by the recent Papal aggression, 1850-1, com- mences at page 1 6. From that page to the end of the case, is contained a more clear and succinct epitome of Papal * There is a copy of this book in the library of the British Museuir, and in that of the Inner Temple. CAUDKEY S CASE. aggressions, and Protestant resistance, affecting this realm, than is to be found in the writings of any other lawyer, or any statesman, historian, or divine, of which this nation can boast. J. L. Skin.468.486. I N the term of St. Hilary, in the 33d year of the reign 490. 493. &c. J J i Sal. 134. of Queen Elizabeth, Rotulo 340, Robert Caudrey, E. L. Burn, clerk, brought an action of trespass against George *132235 ' Atton, for breaking of his close at North Luffenham, the county of Rutland, the 7th day of August, in pp. 13^1 Yol.IL 142. Vc pp. 258, 378. the 31st year of the reign of the said late Queen : the defendant pleaded not guilty, and the jury returned and sworn for trial of this issue gave a special verdict, Hargr.Tr.465 that is, they found the truth of the case at large, referring the same for the law to the judgment of the Court, to this effect : they found that the plaintiff before the trespass supposed to be done, was parson of the rectory of South Luffenham, in the county afore- said, whereof the place wherein the trespass is alleged 1 i Eliz. c. 1. was parcel, and found the statute made in the f first year c. 11. Cawley of the said late Queen's reign, by which in effect it is inst. 32?,525. enac ted, that such jurisdiction ecclesiastical, as by any pp'/vfi 37< spiritual or ecclesiastical * power hath heretofore been, J. D J Moor, 755. or may lawfully be exercised for the visitation of the Parsons' An- , swer, 57. ecclesiastical estate and persons, and for reformation, order, and correction of the same, and of all manner of errors, heresies, schisms, abuses, offences, con- tempts, and enormities, within this realm, should for ever be united and annexed to the imperial Crown of this realm. And that her Highness, her heirs, and v CAUDREY'S CASE. successors, " should have full power and authority, Repealed by by virtue of that Act, by letters patent under the ^^ll^. great seal of England, to assign, nominate, and autho- rize such persons, being natural born subjects, as her Highness, her heirs, or successors, should think meet, to exercise and execute under her Highness, her heirs, and successors, all and all manner of jurisdiction, privileges, and pre-eminences in any wise touching or concerning any spiritual or ecclesiastical jurisdiction within this realm of England and Ireland ; and to visit, reform, redress, order, correct, and amend, all such errors, heresies, schisms, abuses, offences, contempts, and enormities whatsoever, which by any (manner) spiritual or ecclesiastical power, authority, or jurisdic- tion can or may lawfully be reformed, ordered, redressed, corrected, restrained, or amended to * the [* 2 a.] pleasure of Almighty God, the increase of virtue, and the conservation of the peace and unity of this realm. And also that such persons so to be named, assigned and authorized, should have full power and authority, by virtue of that Act, and of such letters patent under her Highness, her heirs, and successors, to exercise, use, or execute all the premises, according to the tenor and effect of the said letters patent, any matter or cause to the contrary notwithstanding." And afterwards the said Queen by her letters patent under the great seal of England, bearing date the ninth day of December in the six and twentieth year of her reign, according to the tenor of the said Act, did authorize the Archbishop of Canterbury, the B 2 CAUDREY'S CASE. Bishop of London, and divers others, or any three or more of them, to inquire amongst others, of the statute of the first year of her reign concerning the Book of Common Prayer, with this clause also contained in the said letters patent, videlicet: Also we give and grant full power and authority to reform, redress, order, correct and amend in all places of this realm, all errors, heresies, schisms, abuses, contempts, and enormities, spiritual or ecclesiastical whatsoever, which [* 2 b.] by any * spiritual or ecclesiastical power and autho- rity or jurisdiction, can or may lawfully be reformed, ordered, redressed, corrected, restrained or amended by the censures ecclesiastical, deprivation, or otherwise, &c. And upon proof thereof had, and the offences aforesaid, or any of them sufficiently proved against any person or persons, by confession, lawful witness, or by any due manner, &c., that then you or three of you shall have full power and authority to order and award such punishment to every such offender by fine, imprisonment, censure of the Church, or otherwise, or by all or any the said ways, and to take such order for the redress of the same, as by your wisdoms and discretions shall be thought meet and convenient, as by the said letters patent more at large appeareth. Stat.iEi.c.2. And further they found the " statute of the first year 2ct. 4, 5, . ^ ^ e re ig n O f the said late Queen, by which it is enacted, that the offender against that Act concerning the uniformity of Common Prayer, and being thereof lawfully convicted, according to the laws of the realm, by verdict of twelve men, or by his confession, or by CAUDREY S CASE. 5 the notorious evidence of the fact, should forfeit for the first offence the value of his spiritual living for one whole year, and should suffer six months' * imprison- [* 3 a.] ment. For the second offence to be committed after such conviction, he should be deprived, ipso facto, of all his spiritual livings. And for the third offence to be committed after two convictions, as is aforesaid, he should be deprived of all his ecclesiastical livings, and be imprisoned during his life." And that the said Robert Caudrey, before the time of the trespass supposed, was deprived of his said benefice before the said High Commissioners, as well for that he had preached against the said book of Common Prayer, as also for that he refused to celebrate Divine service according to the said book, and showed particularly wherein : which said sentence of deprivation was given by the Bishop of (a) London, cum assensu, ( a ) p P h - 59 - A.B., C.D., &c., cottegarum suorum. And the jury concluded their verdict ; that if the said deprivation were not warranted by law, but void, then they found the defendant guilty of the trespass : and if the depri- vation were not void in law, then they found the defendant not guilty. And this case was solemnly and oftentimes debated at bar by the Counsel of either party, and at the bench by the Judges, and after great and long deliberation and consultation had with the rest of the Judges, was in the Term of St. Hilary, in the thirty-seventh year of * the said Queen adjudged. ^ he {,j ec . And it was argued by the Counsel of the plaintiff, that the said deprivation was void for four causes, plaintiff. 6 CAUDREY'S CASE. [*] First, the said book of Common Prayer being author- ized and commanded to be observed by the said Act of the first year of the Queen upon the forfeitures and punishments therein comprised, the offence of the plaintiff is against that Act, for that Act only doth command the observation of the said book and inflicteth punishments in several degrees for depraving or not observing of the same, and consequently, if the offence be against that Act, the plaintiff ought to have been proceeded withal, and punished according to the same : and it was said that the said Act was an Act of great moderation and equity, for the offender for the first offence should not be ipso facto deprived, but should only lose the profits of his ecclesiastical livings for one year, and suffer imprisonment for six months, to the end that such as were froward might have a time to repent, and the well minded a time to consent ; and such care had the Act, of the offenders in this behalf, as if they committed one offence, and then another, and after the second many more ; yet should not the offender be deprived for any of the latter offences, unless he had been first judicially convicted [* 4 a> ] of record * by verdict of twelve men, or by confession, or notorious evidence of the fact : so as the second offence, for which he must be deprived by the said Act, must be done and committed after such a judicial and solemn conviction and punishment according to the said Act ; and, then if such an open punishment and infliction should not give him understanding, and open his heart to repent : then upon a like conviction CAUDHEY'S CASE. for a second offence, to be committed after such a conviction, deprivation should follow. But in the case now in question, Caudrey, the plaintiff, was deprived from his said parsonage of South Luffenham, for his said first offence, being never convented or convicted for any such offence before. And therefore it was concluded for this first point, that the said High Commissioners had not pursued the form and order prescribed by the said Act ; et non observata forma infertur adnullatio actus, and consequently the deprivation of the plaintiff is void, and therefore judg- ment ought to be given for him. And it was said by the plaintiff's Counsel, by way of anticipation, that albeit there was a proviso in the same Act for Arch- bishops, Bishops, and their Chancellors, Commissaries, Archdeacons, and other Ordinaries, having peculiar jurisdiction, * yet that did not give any strength to [* 4 b.] the said deprivation for two causes. First, that the Commissioners, by force of the said Act of 1 Eliz., and of the said letters patent, are not within the said proviso, but only Archbishops and Bishops, their Chancellors, Commissaries, &c., in respect of their ordinary jurisdiction. 2. Admitting it should extend to the said High Commissioners, yet ought they to proceed according to the form and order of the said Act, for an offence done against that Act. Secondly, [2] it was objected by the Counsel for the plaintiff, that Caudrey the plaintiff was not deprived either by the verdict of twelve men, or by confession, or by the notorious evidence of the fact, but by default in respect 8 CAUDREY'S CASE. he appeared not, being duly precognizated or warned, (a) 5 Co. 2. b. which case as it was objected, was () casus omissus, and 37 b y 31 oblivioni datus, and not within the said Act. Thirdly, it was objected on behalf of the plaintiff, that the said sen- tence given by the said High Commissioners, was utterly void, for that they or any three or more of them having authority by force of the said Act, and of the said letters patent under the great seal, ought to join in the (6) Poph. 59. sentence, and that one alone with the (b) consent of Post 6 ? 3 a' ^ W0 or more f the other Commissioners cannot give r* 5 a ] a sentence, for that every Commissioner * hath equal authority, and by the said letters patent three or more must give the sentence with consent of others, and such a judgment given by any Commissioners of Oyer and Terminer, or other Commissioners or Judges of the Common Law, were utterly void and of none [4] effect. Fourthly, and lastly, it was objected, that the said Commissioners were not nominated and appointed according to the said Act; for the jurisdiction and (a) 1 El. c. l. power given by the said (a) Act to the Crown, is to St 18 ' name such Commissioners as be natural-born subjects; and it doth not appear by the said special verdict that the said Commissioners were natural-born subjects; and albeit the Judges as private men in (6) Poph. 59, their particular knowledge did know them to be (6) natural-born subjects, yet they being Judges of record, ought only to see with judicial eyes, and to take knowledge of no more than doth appear to them within the record ; for upon that, and not upon private knowledge out of the record, they only must CAUDREY'S CASE. 9 give their judgment, and upon that record enter their judgment also of record. And seeing that the late Queen had, as it was said by the plaintiff's Counsel, ecclesiastical jurisdiction, by the said Act of Parliament, and by the same power was given unto her to name * [* 5 b.] ecclesiastical Commissioners, she of necessity must make her nomination according to the said Act, having no other power, as was objected, but by the said Act : and seeing it was not specially found that they were natural-born subjects : et (c) de non appa- (c)4C .47.a. rentibus et non existentibus eadem est ratio : for Co. U 52. Hob. this cause also the said sentence of deprivation was ^uist Too!' void, as given by Commissioners not warranted by 2 Inst - 20 - the said Act. As to the first and second objection, both being The resolu- grounded upon the said (d) Act of Parliament, it was curt to the resolved by the whole Court, that notwithstanding j and se ~ these two objections, the sentence was not to be ( rf ) 2 impeached for either of them, and that for three W.Jones 393. causes. First, for that the said Act concerning the uniformity of Common Prayer, being in the (a) (a)2Koll.222. affirmative, doth not abrogate or take away the juris- iic . 64. a . diction ecclesiastical, unless words in the negative had been added, as, " and not otherwise, or in no other manner or form," or to the like effect : and this could be ex- . tended to the appeareth by the general rule of all our books, as it Book of Com. appeareth in 46 Ed. 3, 4; 47 Ed. 3, 10; 20 H. ft 11 ; 36 H. 6, 3 ; 3 Ed. 4, 27 ; 3 H. 7, 1 ; 14 H. 7, 10 ; 15 H, 7, 16 ; 33 H. 8 ; Dyer 50. 4. Mar. Dy. to former 135. Stradling's case, PL Com. 207, &c. 10 c AUDREY'S CASE. in Middleton ^ 2. The ecclesiastical law and the * temporal law Crofts have several proceedings, and to several ends : the one 2 Atk. 673, . - . r , . ' . [* 6 a.] being temporal to inflict punishment upon the body, l an( is, or goods ; the other being spiritual, pro salute an i mae the one to punish the outward man, the other realdmerence, for all punish- to reform the inward: and this appear eth in 12 H. tended for the 7, 22, and 10 Ed. 4, 10, &c. Then both these distinct and several jurisdictions consist and stand we ^ together, and do join in this : to have the whole and this is the m an inwardly and outwardly reformed. end both of the ecclesiastical censure, and the temporal penalty when they are both inflicted im- mediately and directly for the same thing; otherwise where the ecclesiastical censure is for the criminal Act, and the temporal penalty for a fraud. To the third. ^[ 3. The proviso in the said Act doth make this question without question, for by it, it is provided, ordained, and enacted by the authority aforesaid, that all and singular Archbishops and Bishops, and every of their Chancellors, Commissaries, Archdeacons, and other Ordinaries, having any peculiar ecclesiastical jurisdiction, should have full power and authority by virtue of that Act, as well to inquire in their visitation, synods, and elsewhere within their jurisdiction, as at any other time and place, to take accusations and informations of all and every the things above men- tioned, done, committed, or perpetrated within the limits of their jurisdiction and authority, and punish the same by admonition, excommunication, sequestra- tion, or deprivation, and other * censures and process in like form as heretofore had been used in like cases by the Queen's ecclesiastical laws, as by the said Act appeareth. So as seeing, if that Act had never CAUDREY'S CASE. 11 inflicted any punishment for depraving or not ob- serving the Book of Common Prayer, yet the same being allowed and commanded to be observed for uniformity of Common Prayer, and the unity and peace of the Church : the ecclesiastical Judge may Q. deprive such Parson, Vicar, &c., as shall deprave or not observe the said Book, as well for the first offence, as he might have done by the censures of the Church, See Skin. 491, and the ecclesiastical laws, as if no form of punish- ment had been inflicted by that Act ; and this doth evidently appear by the said proviso : for thereby notwithstanding anything in that Act contained, they may punish such offenders by admonition, excommu- nication, sequestration, or deprivation, and other censures and process, in like form as heretofore hath been used in like cases by the Queen's ecclesiastical laws, and are not bound to pursue the form prescribed See the quaere by the said Act, which is to punish the offender before p ' 9 * according to the temporal law. And it was resolved, that if the jurisdiction of the Archbishops and * Bishops and their Chancellors, Commissaries, Arch- [* 7 a -l deacons, and other Ordinaries, having any peculiar ecclesiastical jurisdiction were provided for by the said Act ; a fortiori the high Commissioners au- thorized by another Act in the same Parliament were tacite provided for; quia(#) cui licet quod majus est, O) 4 Co. 23. a. non debet quod minus est non licere. As to the Father Par- third objection it was also resolved by the whole To t j ie t ^ ird Court, that the sentence given by the Bishop, by the consent of his (&) colleagues, was such as the Judges Ante3 P a.4.b! 12 CAUDREY'S CASE. of the common law ought to allow to be given according to the ecclesiastical laws : for seeing their authority is to proceed and give sentence in eccle- siastical causes, according to the ecclesiastical law, and they have given a sentence in a cause eccle- siastical upon their proceedings, by force of that law ; (c) 2 Roll. 7. the Judges of the common law ought to give (c) faith Co 29 a ' 8 Co. and credit to their sentence, and to allow it to be s^aweysu' d ne according to the ecclesiastical law ; for (d) cuilibet (Y/)4Co.29.a. i n su ^ ar t ;e perito est credendum. And this is the Calvin's case, common received opinion of all our books, as ap- 2Leon. I76 a> peareth 11 H. 7, 9; 34 H. 6, 14, &c. ; and in (e) 29 a Buntin and Leppingwel's case, in the Fourth part of my Reports : and this is the usual form of all the sentences in their Ecclesiastical Courts : and this [* 7 b.] vel T point, Tr. 23. * Reginse Eliz. in this Court be- ( f} 2 Leon, tween (/) Cheyney and TYankwell, all the matter being Roll *224 2 f un i as this case is by special verdict, was adjudged. TO the fourth. As to the fourth objection, videlicet ; " that the said late Queen had only power by force of the said Act, to nominate Commissioners for eccle- siastical causes, and therefore the aforesaid nomina- tion not pursuing the authority given unto her by that Act should be void." Hereunto a threefold answer was given and resolved by the whole Court. 1. That they which were Commissioners, and had places of judicature over the King's subjects, should (a) W. Jones be (a) intended to be subjects born and not aliens : but if in verity they were aliens, yet in respect of the general intendment to the contrary, it ought to be CAUDREY'S CASE. 13 alleged and proved by the other party ; for (6) sta- bitur praesumptioni donee probetur in contrarium. 6 Co. 73. b. 2. The jurors have found that the Queen by her b. 2 Bvilstr. said letters patent did authorize them secundum formam statuti prredicti: and therefore it doth by necessary consequence amount to as much as if they had found they had been subjects born : for if they were not subjects born, they could not be authorized secundum formam statuti prsedicti. Vide 11 H. 4, 4. 13 Eliz. Dyer fol. And the rather, for that this is found by special verdict. 3. It* was resolved, that [* 8 a.] the said Act of the first year of the said late Queen concerning ecclesiastical jurisdiction, was not a statute introductory of a new law, but (c) declaratory of the (c)4inst.325. old, which appeareth as well by the title of the said Cr. W Jai! 37. Act, videlicet, " An Act restoring to the Crown the Moor ' 755 ' ancient jurisdiction over the state ecclesiastical and spiritual," &c., as also by the body of the Act in divers parts thereof. For that Act doth not (d) (d) CawleyS. annex any jurisdiction to the Crown, but that which in truth was, or of right ought to be by the ancient laws of the realm parcel of the King's jurisdiction, and united to his imperial Crown, and which lawfully had been, or might be exercised within the realm : the end of which jurisdiction, and of all the proceed- ing thereupon was, that all things might be done in causes ecclesiastical to the pleasure of Almighty God, the increase of virtue, and the conservation of the peace and unity of this realm, as by divers parts of the said Act appeareth : and therefore as by that Act 14 CAUDREY'S CASE. no pretended jurisdiction exercised within this realm, being either ungodly or repugnant to the prerogative or the ancient law of the Crown of this realm, was or could be restored to the same Crown, according to the ancient right and law of the same : so if that [* 8 b.] * Act of the first year of the late Queen had never been made, it was resolved by all the Judges, that the King or Queen of England for the time being may ()4.lnst.326 (a) make such an ecclesiastical commission as is before Cr. Jac. 37. Hetl. 19. mentioned, by the ancient prerogative and law of England. And therefore by the ancient laws of this (Z>) Post 28. b. realm, this kingdom of England is an absolute (8) empire and monarchy consisting of one head, which is the King, and of a body politic, compact and com- pounded of many, and almost infinite several, and yet well agreeing members : all which the law divideth into two several parts, that is to say, " the clergy and the laity," both of them, next and immediately under God, subject and obedient to the head : also the kingly head of this politic body is instituted and furnished (c) Hob. 17. with (c) plenary and entire power, prerogative and jurisdiction, to render justice and right to every part and member of this body, of what estate, degree, or calling soever, in all causes ecclesiastical or temporal, otherwise he should not be a head of the whole body. And as in temporal causes, the King, by the mouth of the judges in his Courts of justice, doth judge (fl)Co.Lit.96. and determine the same by the temporal laws of What causes England : (a) so in causes ecclesiastical and spiritual, bel [ 1 1 a] the as name ty> blasphemy, * apostasy from Christianity, CAUDREY'S CASE. 15 heresies, schisms, ordering, admissions, institution of ecclesiastical Courts, see clerks, celebration of Divine service, rights of matri- Circumspecte mony, divorces, general bastardy, subtraction and il & K i. right of tithes, oblations, obventions, dilapidations, ve r S u' s c * 5 ' reparation of churches, probates of testaments, admi- nistrations and accounts upon the same, simony, ,. . . . incests, fornications, adulteries, solicitation of chastity, pensions, procurations, appeals in ecclesiastical causes, 23^.8. commutation of penance, and others, (the conusance ' * c ' ' c 20 whereof belongs not to the common laws of England,) 32 _H. 8. c. 7. the same are to be determined and decided by eccle- 2. E. 6. c. 13. siastical judges, according to the King's ecclesiastical i EH! c.?. 5 laws of this realm: for as the Romans fetching divers laws from (b) Athens, yet being approved and allowed by the estate there, called them notwithstanding Jus f.so.F.N.B.f. civile Romanorum: and as the (c) Normans borrowing 45,' 46,' 47'. all or most of their laws from England, yet baptized 44 eg ' them by the name of the laws or customs o* SJJjJf Jis.' Normandy : so albeit the Kings of England derived ^ e P- circa their ecclesiastical laws from others, yet so many as were proved, approved, and allowed here, by and with a general consent, are aptly and rightly called, the (d) King's Ecclesiastical Laws of England, which n. b^Dr. 1 ' * whosoever shall deny, he denieth that the King cousins's hath full and plenary power to deliver justice in all A P ol gy> 10 : - causes to all his subjects, or to punish all crimes and offences within his kingdom : for that as before it appeareth, the deciding of matters so many, and of so great importance, are not within the conusance of the Common laws, and consequently that the King is no 16 CAUDREY'S CASE. complete monarch, nor head, of the whole and entire body of the realm. () Parsons' But (a) to confirm those that hold the truth, and to answer to the *''*''* Fifth Rep. 93. satisfy such as being not instructed, know not the ancient and modern laws and customs of England, (every man being persuaded as he is taught,) these few demonstrative proofs out of the laws of England, instead of many, in order et serie temporum, are here added. reigned A.D? Kin g (*) Kenulph, &c., by his letters patent hath, 755 Stam- w fth the advice and consent of his bishops and ford lib. 3. c. 38. f. in. senators, of his people (i.e., in a Parliament) granted 101,102. to the monastery of Abingdon, in the county of swer93, & 94, Berks, and to one Ruchny, then Abbot of the said Br Coron 3 & ' monastery a certain portion of his (demesne) lands, 129. Moore v ^^ fifteen tenements (or farms) in a place which by Coron. in b. the country people was then called Culnam, with all form. Pars i. the profits thereto belonging, as well in great things ' as m small, for an eternal inheritance ; and that the pleaded, sa ^ R ucnnv & c ., shall be for ever free from all 1 M. /. -4O. ^O. N. A Catholic episcopal * jurisdiction ; so that the inhabitants in a book in- thereof may not (hereafter) be oppressed with the Reckoning Gr joke of bishops or their officials; but in all events ^ things and discussion of causes be subject 509, shews (only) to the Abbot of the monastery aforesaid. So charter was that, &c. As by the said charter pleaded in 1 Hen. 7. of the Pope, and vouched by Stanford, at large appeareth : which King j 1 and he cnarter granted above 850 years since, was after shews some sentences in the charter here omitted. And Bro. Tit. Corone pi. 129 shews, that it was pleaded the confirmation of the Pope, Note to former edit. Rex Edwin. regnavit Anno Dom. 955. CAUDREY'S CASE. 17 confirmed per Edwinum Britannise Anglorum regem et monarcham : by (c) which it appeareth that the ( c ) Full. Ch. King by his charter made in Parliament (for it parsons^An- appeareth to be made by the counsel and consent of swer> 94< his bishops and senators of his kingdom which were assembled in Parliament) did discharge and exempt the said Abbot, &c., from the jurisdiction of the bishop, &c. And by the same charter did grant to the said Abbot ecclesiastical jurisdiction within his said abbey, which ecclesiastical jurisdiction being derived from the Crown, continued until the dissolu- tion of the said abbey, in the reign of King Henry the Eighth. In the Reign of King Edward the Confessor. The King, who is the Vicar of the Highest King, is s. K. Edw. ordained to this end, that he should govern and rule the kingdom and people of the (a) land, and () Spelm. above all things the holy Church, and that he defend J^^es.' the same * from wrong doers, and destroy and root p JQ b.] out workers of mischief. And this shall suffice for many before the conquest. In the Iteign of King William I. It is agreed that no man can make any appropriation 7 E. 3 Tit. of any church having cure of souls, being (b) a thing pedttfioT ecclesiastical, and to be made to some person eccle- ^ Dav - 73> a * siastical, but he that hath ecclesiastical jurisdiction : but William (c] the Eirst of himself without any (c) Seid. Not. ad. Eadmer. C 165. 18 CAUDREY'S CASE. Burnet's other, (as King of (d) England,) made appropriation of churches with cure to ecclesiastical persons ; wherefore it followeth that he had ecclesiastical James's case, jurisdiction. In the Reign of King Henry I. The charter Henry, by the grace of God King of England, Duke founder of the of Normans : to all archbishops, bishops, abbots, Readmjfin ear ^ s > barons, and to all Christians as well present as the 26th year j. Q come & c> We d ordain as well in regard of of his reign, and in the ecclesiastical as royal power, that whensoever the Lord 1125. Abbot of Reading shall die, that all the possessions of the monastery wheresoever they are, do remain entire and free with all the rights and customs thereof, in the [* 11 a.] hands and disposition * of the Prior and the Monks of the Chapter of Reading: we do therefore ordain and establish this ordinance to be observed for ever, because the Abbot of Reading hath no revenues proper and peculiar to himself but common with his brethren : whosoever by God's will shall be appointed abbot in his place by canonical election, may not dispend the alms of the abbey by ill usage with his secular kinsmen, or any other, but in entertaining the poor pilgrims and strangers, and that he have a care not to give out the rent-lands in fee, neither that he make any servitors or soldiers, but in the sacred garment of Christ, wherein let him be advisedly provident he entertain not young ones, but that he entertain men of ripe age, or discreet, as well clerks, as laymen. CAUDREY'S CASE. 19 In the Reign of King Henry III. In all the time of H. 3, and his progenitors Kings 2 H. 3. Tit. of England, and ever since, if any man did sue before any Judge ecclesiastical within the realm for anything whereof that Court by allowance and custom had not Register fol. F. JST. B. Tit. lawful conusance, the King did ever by his writ under pi-ohib. 40, the great seal prohibit them to proceed : and if the ' suggestion made to the King, whereupon *the pro- [* n b.] hibition was grounded, were after found untrue, then the King by his writ of consultation under his great seal, did allow and permit them to proceed. Also, in all the reign of Henry 3, and his progenitors Kings of England, and ever since, if any issue were joined upon the loyalty of marriage, general bastardy, or such like, the King did ever write to the Bishop of that vide post diocese, as immediate officer and minister to his court to certify the loyalty of marriage, bastardy, or such like; all which do f apparently prove, that those ecclesiastical courts were under the King's jurisdiction and commandment, and that one of the courts were so necessarily incident to the other, as the one without the other could not deliver justice to the parties, as well in these particular cases as in a number of cases before specified, whereof the King's Ecclesiastical Court hath jurisdiction. Now to command, and to be obeyed, belong to sovereign and supreme Government. By the ancient canons and decrees of the Church of Rome the issue born before solemnization of mar- f Plane. See note at end of Caudrey's Case, p. 67. C 2 20 CAUDREY'S CASE. riage is as lawful inheritable (marriage following), as the issue born after marriage ; but this was never al- lowed or appointed in England, and therefore was never r* 12 ai ^ anv ^ orce nere: anc ^ this appeareth by the statute of The statute of * Merton, made in the 20th year of King Henry III. Mertonan. , J J 20. H. 3. c. 9. To the King s writ of bastardy, whether one being born before matrimony may inherit in like manner, as he that is born after matrimony ; all the Bishops answered that they would not, nor could not answer to it, because it was directly against the common order of the Church ; and ah 1 the Bishops instanced the Lords, that they would consent, that all such as were born before matrimony should be legitimate, as well as they that be born within matrimony, as to the succession of inheritance, forasmuch as the Church accepteth such to be legitimate : and all the Earls and (a)Moorei2o. Barons with one voice answered, We (a) will not vii^Co. Lit?' change the laws of England which hitherto have been In the Heign of King Edward the First. Vide 30 E. 3. In the reign of King Edward the Eirst, a subject 19.' Brooke brought in a bull of excommunication against another Se P 7To U ~ subject of this realm, and published it to the Lord Note. This Treasurer of England; and this was by the ancient was by the * Common Law Common Law of England adjudged treason against befonfany the King, his crown and dignity, for the * which the *Nofoinike on en d er should have been drawn and hanged : but at the great instance of the Chancellor and Treasurer, [* 12 b.] he was only abjured the realm for ever. CAUDREY'S CASE. 21 The said King Edward I. presented his clerk to a 19 E. 3. tit, benefice within the province of York, who was refused SStT 1 by the Archbishop, for that the Pope by way of pro- ^j de 39 E - 3 * vision had conferred it on another; the King there- upon brought a Quare non admisit, the Archbishop pleaded that the Bishop of Rome had long time before provided to the said Church as one having supreme authority in that case, and that he durst not, nor had power to put him out, which was by the Pope's Bull in possession : for which his high contempt against the King, his crown and dignity, in refusing to execute his sovereign's commandment, fearing to do it against the Pope's provision, by judgment of the Common Law, the lands of his whole bishoprick were seised into the King's hands and lost during his life ; which judgment was also before any statute or Act of Parliament was made in that case. And there it is said, that for the like offence, the Archbishop of Canterbury had been in worse case by the judg- ment of the sages of the law, than to be * punished [* 13 a.] for a contempt, if the King had not extended grace and favour to him. Concerning men twice married (called bigami) The statute of whom the Bishop of Rome by a constitution made at the Council of Lyons hath excluded from all privi- lege of clergy, whereupon certain prelates (when such persons have been attainted for felons) have prayed is by autho- for to have them delivered as clerks which were made liament) bigami before the same constitution. It is agreed and declared before the King and his Council, that cil should be 22 CAUDREY'S CASE. understood, the same constitution shall be understood in this wise, that whether they were bigami before the same constitution or after, they shall not from henceforth here. Note be delivered to the Prelates, but justice shall be in the origi- nal edition, executed upon them as upon other lay people. Statutum de In an Act made at a Parliament holden at Car- i. Carlisle.' lisle in the 25th year of the said King Edward the tit d E s 2 soin 24! First, it is declared, that the holy Church of Eng- sVSd T n l an( * was founded in the state of prelacy within the See Parsons' re alm of England, by the King and his progenitors, Coke's 5 Rep. &c., for them to inform the people in the law of God, 36. and to keep hospitality, give alms, and do other works of charity, &c. And the said Kings in times past were wont to have their advice and counsel for the safeguard of the realm when they had need of [*i3b.] such * prelates and clerks so advanced; the Bishop firsfattempt f R me usurping the seigniories of such benefices, was to usurp faft ye an( j g ran t the same benefices to aliens which upon such ecclesiastical did never dweh 1 in England, and to Cardinals which things as per- tained to the might not dwell here, &c., in adnullation of the state of the holy Church of England, disherison of the s?oodin great King, Earls, Barons, and other nobles of the realm, awe of the an( j i n offence and destruction of the laws and rights Church of Rome. Note of this realm, and against the good disposition and nai edition, will of the first founders ; it was enacted by the King, by assent of all the lords and commonalty in full Parliament ; that the said oppressions, grievances, Post 18. a. and damage in this realm from thenceforth should not be suffered, as more at large appeareth by that Act. CAUDREY'S CASE. '23 In the Reign of King Edward the Second. Albeit by the ordinance of Circumspecte agatis, made in the 13th year of Edward I., and by general allowance and usage, the Ecclesiastical Court held plea of tithes, obventions, oblations, mortuaries, redemp- tions of penance, laying of violent hands upon a clerk, defamations, &c., yet did not the clergy think them- selves assured nor quiet from prohibition * purchased [* 14 a.] by subjects, until that King Edward the 2d., by his 9 E. 2. Arise. letters patent under the great seal, in and by consent clm> c ' 16 * of Parliament, upon the petitions of the clergy, had granted unto them to have jurisdiction in those See the or- 1 * f cases. The King, in a Parliament liolden in the csrcumspecte 9th year of his reign, after particular answers J made to their petitions, concerning the matters abovesaid, doth grant and give his royal assent in these words : " We desiring, as much as of right we may, to By this sta- provide for the state of the Church of England, and the tranquillity and quiet of the prelates of the said clergy to the honour of God, and the amendment of c. i Land by the state of the said Church, and of the prelates and heretofore clergy, ratifying and approving all and singular the thejurisdic- said answers which appear in the said Act, and all and singular things in the said answers contained ; we do for us and our heirs grant and command, that warranted by the same be inviolably kept for ever: willing and Parliament in granting for us and our heirs, that the said prelates and clergy and their successors for ever, do exercise now have 24 CAUDREY'S CASE. jurisdiction, ecclesiastical jurisdiction in the premises according to la7s S m h ,ybe the tenor of the said answer. justly called, the King's ecclesiastical laws of England. Note in the original edition. [NOTE. This pretended statute of Articuli Cleri was one of the grievances of King Edward the 2d's reign. See Cotton's Records, and Bohun's Law of Tythes, c. 8.] Note to former edition. In the Reign of King Edward the Third. [* 14 b.] * An excommunication by the Archbishop, albeit it Excom/4. be disannulled by the Pope or his legate is to be (a) Co. Lit. (a) allowed : neither ought the judges to give any 64 f. Post allowance of any such sentence of the Pope, or his 16. a. In the i , reignofE.3. le g ate ' (6) Co. Lit. It is often resolved that all the (b) bishopricks 75. b." within England were founded by the King's pro- genitors, and therefore the advowsons of them all belong to the King, and at the first they were donative; and that if an incumbent of any church with cure die, if the patron present not within six months, the bishop of that diocese ought to collate, to the end the cure may not be destitute of a pastor : if he be negligent by the space of six months, the metropolitan of that diocese shall confer one to that church : and if he also leave the church destitute by the space of six months, then the common law giveth to the King, as to the supreme within his own king- dom, and not to the Bishop of Rome, power to provide a competent pastor for that church. 17 E. 3. 23. The King may not only exempt any ecclesiastical person from the jurisdiction of the ordinary, but may CAUDREY S CASE. 25 grant unto him episcopal jurisdiction. As thus it appeareth there the *King hath done of ancient time [* 15 a.] to the Archdeacon of (c) Richmond. 134. a. 20 E. All (d} religious or ecclesiastical houses, whereof (^ the King was founder, are by the King exempt from *? E - 3 - 1J - .1 it. JLSrG* ool/ ordinary jurisdiction, and only visitable and corrigible 21 E. 3. GO. by the King's Ecclesiastical Commission. F.N.B. The Abbot of Bury in Suffolk was exempted from 20 E. 3. Tit. episcopal jurisdiction by the King's charter. The King presented to a benefice, and his pre- 21 E. 3. 40. sentee was disturbed by one that had obtained bulls from Rome, for which offence he was condemned to perpetual imprisonment, &c. Tithes (a) arising in places out of any parish the Tithes arising King shall have, for that he having the supreme chial places ecclesiastical jurisdiction, is bound to provide a suffi- King? tc cient pastor that shall have the cure of souls of that ^E. ^'^- place which is not within any parish : and by the () Seld - de - J J cimis, 365. common laws of England it is (b) evident, that no Ace. 8 Price man, unless he be ecclesiastical, or have ecclesiastical Ab. Dismes. jurisdiction, can have inheritance of tithes. Quaere Si^Dismes* dehoc? T C> ?- C 7 C - 2 Inst. 647. (b) Co. Lit 139 a. 2 Co. 44. a. Cr. El. 512. The King shall present to his free chapels (in 27 E. 3. f. 84. default of the dean) by lapse, in respect of his supreme ecclesiastical jurisdiction. And Eitzherbert saith, that the King in that case doth * present by [*i5b.] lapse as (c) ordinary. SsfbT 1 ' An excommunication under the Pope's bull is o f 3 . E - 3 - 1 J. b - Ass. pi. 19. no force to disable any man within England: and 12 H. 4.16. J 14 H. 4. 14. the Judges said, that he that pleadeth such bulls, 8 H. 6. fol. 3. 26 CAUDREY'S CASE. 35 H. 6. 42. though they concern the excommunication of a sub- 7 E. i. 14. ject, were in a hard case, if the King would extend ^f 64F his justice against him. If excommunication being Vid.9E.4.f.3. the extreme and final end of any suit in the Court at Hereafter f. 9 Rome, be not to be allowed within England; it consequently followeth, that by the ancient common l aws f England, no suit for any cause though it be m England, spiritual, rising within this realm, ought to be Post23b.26a. J determined in the Court of Koine ; quia frustra expectatur eventus cujus eiFectus nullus sequitur : and that the Bishops of England are the immediate Videawfeiib. officers and ministers to the King's Courts. 31 E. 3. Tit. In an attachment upon a prohibition, the defend- ant pleaded the Pope's bull of excommunication of the plaintiff. The Judges demanded of the defendant if he had not the certificate of some bishop within the realm, testifying the excommunication ; to whom the counsel of the defendant answered, that he had not, neither was it as he supposed necessary : for that the bulls of the Pope under leadf were notorious [* 16 a ] * enough : but it was adjudged that they were not sufficient, for that the Court ought not to have regard (a) Ante 14 b. to any excommunication (a) out of the realm. And FN.B. 64. ' f! therefore by the rule of the Court, the plaintiff was not thereby disabled. (5) 2 Roll. Reges (b) sacro oleo uncti, sunt spiritualis iurisdic- Rep. 451. Dav. 4. a. tionis capaces. oo ~p O rpjj- Aid Roy 10.3. Where a prior is the King's debtor, and ought to 38 Ass. pi. 20. k ave tithes of another spiritual person, he may choose either to sue for subtraction of his tithes in the Eccle- f Sub sigillo plumbeo. See note at end of the Case, p. 67. CAUDREY'S CASE. 27 siastical (c) Court, or in the Exchequer, and yet the (c) Co. Lit. persons and matter also were ecclesiastical : for seeing 2 Cc> a 44 a. the matter by a mean f concerneth the King, he may sue for them in the Exchequer as well as in the Eccle- siastical Court, and there shall the right of tithes be determined. And Fitzherbert, in his Nat. Bre. See Bohun of fol. 30 holdeth, that before the statute of 18 Ed. 3. Tithes ' ch * 8 " cap. 7, right of tithes was de terminable in the temporal Courts at the election of the party; and by ( a )Perk.sect. that statute assigned to be determined in the Eccle- siastical Court, and the temporal Court excluded 2 ^ olL 217 - JLllSt* *> 1 , thereof: and the courts of divers manors of the 488. n H. 7. King, and of other lords in ancient times had the Testament27. (a) probates of last wills and testaments, and it y^Jr 207. appeareth by 11 * H. 7. fol. 12 that probate of Se testaments did not appertain to the Ecclesiastical de Testa- mentis 9, 10. Court, but that of late time they were determmable 5 Co. 73. b. ,-, * i 1-1 See the sta- there: so as of such causes, and in such manner as tuteof 15E.3. the Kings of the realm by general consent allowance have assigned to their Ecclesiastical Courts, they have jurisdiction by force of such allowance. The King did by his charter translate Canons 38 Lib. Ass. secular into regular and religious persons ; which he p did by his ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and could not do it unless he had jurisdiction ecclesiastical. The Abbot of Waltham died in the 45th year of46E. 3. Tit. Ed. 3, and one Nicholas Morris was elected Abbot, who, for that the abbey was exempt from ordinary jurisdiction, sent to Rome to be confirmed by the | Mediate. See note at end of the Case, p. 67. 28 CAUDREY'S CASE. Pope : and because the Pope by his constitutions had reserved all such collations to himself, he did recite by his bull that he having no regard to the election of the said Nicholas, gave to him the said abbey, and the spiritualties, and temporalties belonging to the same, of his spiritual grace, and at the request (as he feigned) of the King of England. This bull was read and considered of in Council, that is, before all the [* 17 a.] Judges of England, and it was resolved by them * all, that this Bull was against the laws of England, and that the Abbot for obtaining the same was fallen into the King's mercy, whereupon all his possessions were seised into the King's hand, as more at large by the said case appeareth. 49 E. 3. lib. Where the Abbot of Westminster had a Prior and ss - P ' convent who were regular and mort (dead) in law, yet the King by his charter did divide that corpora- tion, and made the Prior and convent a distinct and capable body, to sue and be sued by themselves. Statute de 25 At (a) a Parliament holden in the 25th year of provisoribus G King Edward the Third : it was enacted, by consent W. 3 Jon. 7 i6o a ' of the whole Parliament, that as well they that obtained provisions from Rome, as they that put them in execu- tion, should be out of the King's protection : and that a man might do with them, as with the enemies of the King; and he that offended against such pro- visors in body, goods, or other possessions, should be excused against all people, and should never be impeached or grieved for the same. By which law every man might lawfully kill such an offender as a CAUDREY'S CASE. 29 common enemy against the King and his country, so heinous were such offences then holden.f Afterwards, in the same 25th year of King Edward statute de 25 the Third, it was in open Parliament, * by the grievous ' complaints of all the Commons of this realm, showed t* l7 that the grievances and mischiefs aforesaid did daily abound to the great damage and destruction of all this realm, more than ever were before, viz., that of late the Bishop of Rome, by procurement of clerks and otherwise, had reserved, and did daily reserve to his collation, generally and specially, as well archbishop- ricks, abbeys, and priories, as all other dignities, and other benefices of England which were of the advowry of people of holy Church, and gave the same as well to aliens as to citizens, and taketh of all such benefices the first-fruits, and many other profits, and a great part of the treasure of the realm was carried away and dispended out of the realm by the purchasers of such graces ; and also by such privy reservations many clerks advanced in the realm by their true patrons, which had peaceably holden their advancements by long time, were suddenly put out. Whereupon the " f The 5 Eliz. c. 1, sect. 21, was passed to obviate this, and provided that it should not be lawful to slay a person attainted upon any Preemu- nire. The 9 and 10 Viet. c. 59, by totally repealing 5 Eliz. c. 1, may have had an effect which its framers could never have contemplated, viz., that of placing a person convicted upon a Preemunire so completely out of the protection of the law, as that any one might kill him with impunity." Note to page 233 of Mr. Stamp's Index to the Statute Law of England, to the Close of the Session, 10 and 11 Victoria, 1847. Mr. Stamp adds," The strangeness of the incident has led to its selection out of the many instances which might be adduced of the want of care and consideration in the framing of Acts of Parliament." 30 CAUDREY'S CASE. said Commons did pray their said Sovereign Lord Note. the King, that sithence the right of the Crown of England, and the law of the said realm was such, that upon the mischiefs and damages which happened to his realm, he ought, and was bound of the accord of the said [* 18 a ] people, therefore to provide * remedy and law for the avoiding the mischiefs and damage which thereof came, that it might please him thereupon to ordain remedy. The said King Edward 3, seeing the mischiefs and damages before named, and having regard to the statute made in the time of his grandfather, King Ante 13. b. Edward 1, and to the causes contained in the same, which statute holdeth always his force, and was Nota. never defeated nor annulled in any point : and foras- much as he was bound by his oath to see the same to be kept as a law of this realm, though that by sufferance and negligence it had been sithence attempted to the contrary, also having regard to the grievous complaints made to him by his people in divers his Parliaments holden heretofore, willing to ordain remedy for the great damage and mischiefs which had happened, and daily did happen to the Church of England by the said cause, by the assent of ah 1 the great men, and the commonalty of the said realm, to the honour of God, and profit of the said Church of England and of all his realm, did order and Vide 10 E. 3. establish, that the free election of Archbishops, Bishops, and ah 1 other dignities and benefices electory in England, should hold from thenceforth in the manner as they were granted by the King's progeni- CAUDREY'S CASE. 31 tors, * and founded by the ancestors of other lords : [* and that all Prelates, and other people of the holy Church, which had advowsons of any benefices of the King's gift or of any of his progenitors, or of other lords and donors, to do Divine service, and other charges thereof ordained, should have their collations and presentments freely, in the manner as they were infeoffed by their donors. And in case that reserva- tion, collation, or provision be made by the Court of Rome, of any Archbishoprick, Bishoprick, dignity, or other benefice in disturbance of the election, colla- tions, or presentations aforenamed : that at the time of the avoidance, that such reservations, collations, and provisions ought to take effect, the said King Edward 3 and his heirs should have and enjoy for the same time collations to the Archbishopricks and other dignities elective, which be of his avowry, such as his progenitors had before that free election was granted, sithence that the elections were first granted by the King's progenitors, upon a certain form and condition, as to demand licence of the King to choose, and after Note. the election to have his Royal assent, and not in other manner : which conditions not kept, the King ought by reason to resort to his first nature * (institution), [* 19 a.] as by the said Act more at large appeareth. In the 27th year of the reign of the same King, it statutum de , . , ,,. . - r 27 Ed. 3. st. was grievously complained to the King, in a rariia- 1. c . i. stat. ment then holden by the great men and Commons of of Prsemu - the realm, how that divers of the people were and had been drawn out of the realm to answer to things whereof the conusance pertained to the King's nire. 32 CAUDREY'S CASE. Court; and also that the judgments given in the same Court were impeached in other Courts, in prejudice and disherison of the King and his crown, and of all the people of his said realm, and in the undoing and destruction of the Common Law of the same realm at all times used : whereof, upon good deliberation had with the great men and others of his said Council, it was assented and accorded by the King and the great men and Commons aforesaid, that all the people of the King's allegiance, of what condition that they be, which should draw any out of the realm, in plea whereof the conusance pertained to the King's Court, or of things whereof judgments were given in the King's Court, or which did sue in any other Court, to defeat or impeach the judgment given in the King's Court, should incur the danger of Preemunire, as by the said Act appeareth. [* i9b.] *To nourish love, peace, and concord between holy 38Ed.3.st.2 * Church and the realm, and to appease and cause to cease the great hurt, perils, and insupportable losses and grievances that had been done and happened in times past, and that should happen hereafter, if the thing from henceforth be suffered to pass, because of personal citations and other matters that be passed before this time, and commonly did pass from day to day out of the Court of Rome, by feigned and false suggestions and propositions, against all manner of persons of the realm, upon causes whose cognisance and final discussing pertained unto the King and his Royal Court : and also of impetrations and provisions CAUDREY'S CASE. 33 of benefices and offices of Holy Church, pertaining to the gift, presentation, donation, and disposition of the King, and that other lay patrons of this realm as of churches, chapels, and other benefices appropriated to cathedral churches, abbeys, priories, chauntries, hospi- tals, and other poorhouses, and of other dignities, offices, and benefices occupied in times past and presented by divers and notable persons of the said realm ; for which causes, and dispensing whereof the good ancient laws, usages, customs, and franchises of the said realm, had been and were greatly appaired, blemished, and * confounded, the Crown of their [* 20 a.j Sovereign Lord the King minished, and his person falsely defamed, his treasury and riches of the realm carried away, the inhabitants and subjects of the realm impoverished and troubled, the benefices of holy Church wasted and destroyed, Divine services, hospitalities, alms-deeds, and works of charity with- drawn and misapplied, the commons and subjects of the realm in body and goods consumed, &c. The King at his Parliament holden at Westminster, Stat. de 38 E. in the * vtas of St. Hilary, the 38th year of his reign, ' having regard to the quietness of his people, which he chiefly desired to sustain in tranquillity and peace, to govern according to the laws, usages, and franchises Note. of his land, as he was bound by his oath made at his coronation, following the ways of his progenitors, which for their time made certain good ordinances and provisions against the said grievances and perils ; * i.e., the octave of Hilary Term. J. L. D 34 CAUDREYS CASE. which ordinances and provisions, and all the other made in his time, and especially in the 25th and 27th years of his reign, the King, by the assent and express will and concord of the Dukes, Earls, Barons, and the Commons of this realm, and of all other whom these things touched, by good and meet deliberation and [* 20 b.] advisement, did approve, accept, * and confirm, as by the said Act appeareth. But those which should execute the said good laws against such capital offenders were cursed, reproved, and defamed, by such as maintained the usurped jurisdiction of the Bishop of Rome, against which an especial Act of Parliament was made by the King and his whole realm, prohibiting thereby such defamations and slanderous reports. King Richard the Second. Against an Incumbent of a Church in England, another sueth a provision in the f Church of Rome, and there pursueth until he recovereth the church against the incumbent, and after brought an action of account against him, as receiver of divers sums of money (which in troth were the oblations and offerings which the incumbent had received) : and the whole Court was of opinion against the plaintiff, and thereupon he became nonsuit. [* 21 a.] * It is declared by that Parliament, that the Crown flp ;a p . of England hath been so free at all times, that it hath been in subjection to no realm, but immediately f In curia Romana. See the note at the end of the Case, p. 67. CAUDREY'S CASE. 35 subject to God, and none other, and that the same ought not, in anything touching the regalty of the same Crown, be submitted to the Bishop of Rome, nor the laws and statutes of this realm by him frus- trated or defeated at his will, to the perpetual destruc- tion of the King, his Sovereignty, Crown, and Regalty, and of all his realm. And the Commons in that Parliament affirmed, that the things attempted by the Bishop of Rome be clearly against the King's Crown and his Regalty used and approved in the time of all his progenitors : wherefore they and all the liege commons of the same realm, would stand with the King and his said Crown and his Regalty in the cases aforesaid, and in all other cases attempted against him, his Crown and his Regalty, in* all points to live and to die. And moreover they did pray the King, and him required by way of justice, that he would examine all the Lords in the Parliament as well spiritual as temporal, severally, and all the states of the Parlia- ment, how they thought of the cases aforesaid, which were so openly against the King's Crown, and * in [* 21 b.] derogation of his Regalty, and how they would stand in the same cases with the King, in upholding the rights of the said Crown and Regalty : whereupon the Lords temporal so demanded, did answer every one by himself; that the cases aforesaid were clearly in derogation of the King's Crown and of his Regalty, as it was well known, and had been of long time known; and that they would stand with the same Crown and Regalty, in those cases especially, and in D 2 36 CAUDREY'S CASE. all other cases which should be attempted against the said Crown and Regalty in all points, with all their power. And moreover it was demanded of the Lords spiritual there being, and the procurators of others being absent, their advice and will in all those cases, which Lords, that is to say, the Archbishops, Bishops, and other prelates being in the Parliament severally examined, making protestations that it was not their mind to deny or affirm that the Bishop of Rome might not excommunicate Bishops, nor that he might make translation of prelates after the law of holy Church, answered and said, that if any executions or processes made in the King's Court, as before were made by any, and censures of excommunications be made against any Bishop of England, or any other of [* 22 a.] the * King's liege people, for that they had made execution of such commandments; and that if any executions of such translations be made of any prelates of the same realm, which prelates were very profitable and necessary to the King and to his said realm ; or that his sage men of his Council, and without his assent and against his will be withdrawn and eloyned out of the realm, so that the substance and treasure of the realm might be destroyed, that the same was against the King and his Crown, as it was contained in the petition before named ; and likewise the same procurators, every one by himself examined upon the said matters, did answer and say in the name and for their Lords as the said Bishops had said and answered ; and that the said Lords spiritual would and ought to stand CAUDREY'S CASE. 37 with the King in these cases, lawfully in maintaining of his Crown, and in aU other cases touching his Crown and his Regalty as they were bound by their allegi- ance. Whereupon the King by the assent aforesaid, and at the prayer of his said Commons, did ordain and establish ; that if any purchase or pursue, or cause to be purchased or pursued, in the Court of Rome or elsewhere, any such translations, processes, and sentences of excommunication, bulls, instruments, or * any other things which touched the King their C* 22 b -l lord, against him, his Crown and his Regalty or his realm, as is aforesaid ; and they which bring within the realm, or them receive, or make thereof notifica- tion, or any other execution within the same realm or without ; that they, their notorious procurators, main- tainers, fautors, and counsellors should be put out of the King's protection, and their lands and tenements, goods and chattels forfeit to the King, and they be attached by their bodies if they may be found, and brought before the King and his Council, there to answer to the cases aforesaid; or that process to be Co.Litiso.a. Al i -n r - F.N.B. 169.f. made against them by rrsemunire lacias, as it is ordained in other statutes of provisors, and others which do sue in any other Court in derogation of the Regalty of the King, as by the said Act also appeareth. In the Reign of King Henry the Fourth. It is resolved that the Pope's Collector, though he i H. 4. fol. 9. have the Pope's bulls for that purpose, hath no juris- diction within this realm, and there the Archbishops 38 CAUDREY'S CASE. and Bishops, &c. of this realm are called the King's spiritual Judges. F.N.B. 269. By the ancient laws ecclesiastical of this realm, no [* 23 a.] ' * man could be convicted of heresy, being high treason Thish' d a g ams t the Almighty, but by the Archbishop and all semblance to the clergy of that province, and after abjured there- of treason, upon, and after that newly convicted and condemned first bv the C ^ er g7 f that province in their general council an indictment O f convocation : but the statute of 2 H. 4. c. 15, doth by one jury, and a convic- give the Bishop in his diocese power to condemn an tion by the D other. Note heretic ; and that before that statute he could not be edition committed to the secular power to be burnt until he once abjured, and was again relapsed to that or De Haeretico S0 me other heresy : whereby it appeareth that the comburendo .... founded, King by consent of Parliament directed the proceed- annulled by ings in the Ecclesiastical Court in case of heresy, and 2^. 9. Note ther matter more spiritual. The P P e cannot alter the laws of The Judges say that the statutes which restrain the Pope's provisions to the benefices of the advow- sons of spiritual men, were made, for that the spiri- tualty durst not in their just cause say against the Pope's provisions : so as those statutes were made, t And so are but in affirmance of the common laws.f whichrestrain Excommunication made by the Pope is of no force in England, and the same being certified * by the into an Court in Enland unt not to be 11 H. 4. 69. allowed, neither is any certificate of any excommuni- [23b.] 14H.4.F. 14. Vide 30 E. 3. lib. Ass. pi. 19. before. Vide 13 E. Cert i- ficat, 6. Vide 20 H. 6. b. 35 H. 6. 42. 7 Ed. 2. 14. F.N B. 64. F. Ante 15. b. Post 26. b. 27. a. CAUDREY'S CASE. 39 cation available in law but that which is made by Note, Bishops some Bishop of England, for the Bishops are by the common laws the immediate officers and ministers of N te . to f ormer edition. justice to the King's Courts in causes ecclesiastical. 14 H. 4. 14. If any Bishop do excommunicate any person for a cause that belongeth not unto him, the King may write unto the Bishop, and command him to assoyle and absolve the party. If any person of religion obtain of the Bishop of Statute de 2 Rome to be exempt from obedience regular or ordinary, he is in case of Praemunire, which is an offence as hath been said, contra regem, coronam et dignitatem suas. The Commons did grievously complain to the King, Statute de 6 at the Parliament holden in the sixth year of Hen. 4, of the horrible mischiefs and damnable customs which then were introduct of new in the Court of Rome, that no person, Abbot, or other, should have provision of any archbishoprick or bishoprick which should be void till he had compounded with the Pope's chamber, to pay great and excessive sums of * money, as well [* 24 a -l for the first fruits of the same archbishoprick or bishop- rick, as for the other less services in the same Court ; and that the same sums or the greater part thereof be paid beforehand, which sums passed the treble or the double at the least of that that was accustomed of old time to be paid to the said chamber, and other- wise by the occasions of such provisions, whereby a great part of the treasure of this realm had been brought and carried to the said Court, and also should be in time to come, to the great impoverishing of the 40 CAUDREY'S CASE. Archbishops and Bishops within the same realm, and elsewhere within the King's dominions, if convenient remedy were not for the same provided. The King to the honour of God, as well to eschew the damage of this realm as the perils of their souls, which owen to be advanced to any archbishopricks and bishopricks within the realm of England, and elsewhere within the King's dominions out of the same realm, by the advice and assent of the great men of his realm in the Parliament did ordain and establish, that they and every of them [who] should pay to the said chamber or otherwise, for such fruits and services greater sums of money than had been accustomed to be paid in old [* 24 b.] time past, they and every * of them should incur the forfeiture of as much as they may forfeit towards the King, as by the said Act appeareth. Statute de 7 No person, religious or secular, of what estate or H. 4. cap. 6. condition that he were, by colour ot any bulls, con- taining privileges to be discharged of tithes pertaining to parish churches, prebends, hospitals, vicarages, purchased before the first year of King Richard the Second, or after, not executed, should put in execu- tion any such bulls so purchased, or any such bulls to be purchased in time to come, upon the pain of a Prsemunire, as by the said Act appeareth. In the Reign of King Henry V. Statute de 3 In an Act of Parliament made in the third year of King Henry 5, it is declared, that whereas in the time of King Henry 4, father to the said King, the 7th year of his reign, to eschew many discords and CAUDREY'S CASE. ^ debates, and divers other mischiefs which were likely to arise and happen because of many provisions then made or to be made by the Pope, and also of license thereupon granted by the said late King, amongst other things it was ordained and established, *that [* 25 a.] no such license or pardon so granted before the same ordinance, or afterwards to be granted, should be available to any benefice full of any incumbent, at the day of the date of such license or pardon granted : Note. nevertheless divers persons, having provisions of the Pope of divers benefices in England and elsewhere, and licenses royal to execute the same provisions, have by colour of the same provisions, licenses, and acceptations of the said benefices, subtily excluded divers persons of their benefices, in which they had been incumbents by a long season of the collation of the very patrons spiritual, to them duly made to their intent, to the utter destruction and enervation of the estates of the same incumbents. The King willing to void such mischiefs, hath ordained and established, that all the incumbents of every benefice of holy Church, of the patronage, collation, or pre- sentation of spiritual patrons, might quietly and peaceably enjoy their said benefices without being inquieted, molested, or any ways grieved by any colour of such provisions, licenses, and acceptations; and that all the licenses and pardons upon and by such provisions made in any manner, should be void and of no valour; and if any feel himself * grieved, [*25b.] molested, or inquieted, in any wise from thenceforth by any by colour of such provisions, licenses, pardons, 42 CATJDREY'S CASE. or acceptations, that the same molestors, grievors or inquietors and every of them, have and incur the pains and punishments contained in the statutes of provisors before that time made, as by the said Act appeareth. Statute de 2 A statute was made for the extirpation of heresy, cap. 7. and lollardy (a) whereby full power and authority was gi yen to tne justices of peace and justices of as cockle is ass i se to enquire of those that hold errors, heresies. the destruc- tion of the or lollardy, and of their maintainsrs, &c. And that heresy the de- the sheriff or other officers, &c. may arrest and struction of i i n ^ true reli- apprehend them.* gion,t Note in the original En diabolicae fructus religioms. xition. j. p er p eram sane) sec i potius a Gaultero Lolhard Germanico quodam, qui floruit circa annum Dom. 1315. Spelm. Gloss. Tit. Lollardia. 3 Inst. 43. Linwood, 300. 3 Inst. 43. Note to former edition. Stat. de 2 H. The King by consent of Parliament giveth power ' to ordinaries to enquire of the foundation, creation, and governance of hospitals, other than such as be of the King's foundation, and thereupon to make correction and reformation according to the eccle- siastical law. In the Hcign of King Henry VI. [*26a.] * Excommunication (a) made and certified by the Q TT C> T O () Ante 15. Pope is of no force to disable any man within Eng- 2 7 23 ^ a ' b ' p st land: and this is by the ancient common laws before any statute was made concerning foreign jurisdiction. * i.e. (" ad comburendos.") This follows in the Latin. See note at end of the Case, p. 67. CAUDREY'S CASE. 43 The (&) King only may grant or license to found a 9H.6.f.i6.b. . ., , . ,. (6)4Co.l07.b. spiritual incorporation. Dy. si. pi. 64. In the reign of King Henry the Sixth, the Pope 1 H. 7. 10. writ letters in derogation of the King and his Regalty, and the Churchmen durst not speak against them; but Humfrey Duke of Gloucester for their safe keep- ing put them into the fire. In the Reign of King Edivard IV. In the reign of King Edward the Fourth, the Pope 1 H. 7. 20. granted to the Prior of St. John's, to have sanctuary within his priory ; and this was pleaded and claimed by the Prior ; but it was resolved by the Judges, that the Pope had no power to grant any sanctuary within this realm, and, therefore, by judgment of the law the same was disallowed. * There it appeareth that the opinion of the King's [* 26 b.] Bench had been oftentimes, that if one spiritual person F.N.B. f. 44 sue another spiritual man in the Court of Rome for a herewith! matter spiritual, where he might have remedy before his ordinary, that is the Bishop of that diocese within the realm, Quia trahit ipsum in placitum extra regnum, incurreth the danger of a Praemunire : an heinous Nota. offence, being contra ligeantise suse debitum, in con- temptum domini Regis, et contra coronain et dignita- tem suas ; by which it appeareth how grievous an offence it was against the King, his crown and dignity, if any subject, although both the persons and cause were spiritual, did seek for justice out of the realm, as though either there wanted jurisdiction, or justice 44 CAUDREY'S CASE. was not executed in the Ecclesiastical Courts within the same; which (as it hath been said) was an high offence contra Regem, coronam et dignitatem suas. 9 E.^4. 28 Bo- In the King's Courts of Record, where felonies are Leg. Angiiaj determined, the Bishop or his deputy ought to give nljHale'sPl. hi s attendance, to the end that if any that is indicted Cor. 240. anc [ arraigned for felony, do demand the benefit of his clergy, that the ordinary may inform the Court of his sufficiency or insufficiency, that is, whether he can [*27a.] read as a clerk or not, whereof notwithstanding* the (a] Stanf Cor. ordinary is not to judge, but is a (a) minister to the 4. 29. accord! King's Court ; and the Judges of that Court are to judge of the sufficiency or insufficiency of the party, whatsoever the ordinary do inform them, and upon due examination of the party, may give judgment against the ordinary's information, for the King's Judges are the proper and only Judges of the cause. 12. E.4.f. 16. The Pope's excommunication is of no force within the realm of England. In the reign of King Edward the Fourth, a Legate from the Pope came to Calais, to have come into Eng- land, but the King and his Council would not suffer him to come within England until he had taken an oath, that he should attempt nothing against the King or his crown : and so the like was done in his reign to another of the Pope's Legates : and this is so reported in 1 Hen. 7, fol. 10. In the Reign of King Richard III. 2 R. 3. f. 22. It is resolved by the Judges, that a judgment or CAUDREY'S CASE. 45 excommunication *in the Court of Rome should not [*27b.] bind or prejudice any man within England at the common law. In the Reign of King Henry VII. In the reign of King Henry VII., the Pope had ex- 1 H. 7 f. 10. communicated all such persons whatsoever as had bought alum of the Florentines ; and it was resolved by all the Judges of England that the Pope's excom- munication ought not to be obeyed, or to be put in execution within the realm of England. In a Parliament holden in the first year of King Statut.de 1H. Henry VII., for the more sure and like reformation of priests, clerks, and religious men, culpable, or by their demerits openly noised of incontinent living in their bo- dies, contrary to their order ; it was enacted, ordained, and established, by the advice and assent of the Lords Spi- ritual and Temporal, and the Commons in the said Parlia- ment assembled, and by authority of the same, that it be lawful to all Archbishops and Bishops, and other ordi- naries, having Episcopal jurisdiction, to punish and chastise priests, clerks, and religious men, being within the bounds of their jurisdiction, as shall be convicted afore them by examination, and * lawful [* 28 a.] proof requisite by the law of the Church, of adultery, fornication, incest, or any other fleshly incontinency, by committing them to ward and prison, there to abide for such time as shall be thought to their discre- tions convenient for the quality and quantity of their trespass, and that none of the said Archbishops, 46 CAUDREY'S CASE. Bishops, or ordinaries aforesaid, be thereof chargeable, of, to, or upon any action of false or wrongful impri- sonment, but that they be utterly thereof discharged in any of the cases aforesaid, by virtue of his act. 10 H. 7. is. Rex (a) est persona mixta, because he hath both 2Co/44. &. 13 ecclesiastical and temporal jurisdiction. ^'A 7 ' ' H ? b ' By the ecclesiastical laws allowed within this 17. Davis 4. a. J 11 H. 7. 12. realm, a priest cannot have two (8) benefices, nor a (c) Hob. 147. (c) bastard can be a priest. But the King may by his ecclesiastical power and jurisdiction dispense with both of these, because they be mala prohibita, and not mala per se. In the Reign of King Henry VIII. Statute of 24 By an Act of Parliament made the 24th year of TT Q C 12 This statute is King Henry VIII., that is to say, by the King, Bishops, twenty-nine abbots, and priors laws of England, as manifestly appeareth by that which hath been said. See Br. Abr- tit. Presentment al Esglise pi. 12. The Pope was permitted to do certain things within this realm by usurpation, and not of right, until the reign of H 8. Note in the original edition. [* 28 b.] (for so many were then Lords of Parliament),* by all the Lords Temporal and the Commons in that Parlia- ment assembled, it is declared, that where by divers sundry old authentic histories and chronicles, it was manifestly declared and expressed, that this realm of England is an empire, and so hath been accepted in the world, governed by one supreme head and King, (a) Ante 8. b. having the dignity and Royal estate of the (a) Impe- rial Crown of the same, unto whom a body politic compact of all sorts and degrees of people, divided in CAUDREY'S CASE. 47 terms and by names of spiritualty and temporalty, been bound and ought to bear, next to God, a natural and humble obedience, he being also institute and fur- nished by the goodness and furtherance of Almighty God, with plenary, whole, and entire power, pre-emi- nence, authority, prerogative, and jurisdiction, to render and yield justice and final determination to all manner of folks, resiants, or subjects within this his realm, in all causes, matters, debates, and contentions, happening to occur, insurge, or begin within the limits thereof, without restraint or provocation to any foreign princes or potentates of the world : the body spiritual whereof having power when any cause of the law Di- vine happened to come in question, or of spiritual learn- ing; *that it was declared, interpreted, and showed by [* 29 a.] that part of the said body politic, called the spiritualty, then being usually called the English Church, which always had been reputed and also found of that sort, that both for knowledge, integrity, and sufficiency of number, it had been always thought, and was also at that hour sufficient and meet of itself without the intermeddling of any exterior person or persons, to declare and determine all such doubts, and to admi- nister all such offices and duties as to the * rooms spi- ritual did appertain : for the due administration whereof, and to keep them from corruption, and sinister affection, the King's most noble progenitors, and the ancestors of the nobles of this realm, did more than sufficiently endow the said Church both * Ad spiritualem ordinem. See note at end of the Case, p. 67. 48 CAUDREY'S CASE. with honour and possessions : and the laws temporal for trial of property of lands and goods, and for the conservation of the people of this realm in unity and peace, without rapine or spoil, was, and then was ad- ministered, adjudged, and executed by sundry Judges and ministers of the other part of the said body politic called the Temporalty, and both their authori- ties and jurisdictions did conjoin together in the due administration of justice, the one to help the other : [*29b.] and * whereas the King, his most noble progenitors, and the Nobility and Commons of the said realm, at divers and sundry Parliaments, as well in the time of King Edw. 1, Edw. 3, Rich. 2, H. 4, and other noble kings of this realm, made sundry ordinances, laws, statutes, and provisions, for the entire and sure con- servation of the prerogatives, liberties, and pre-emi- nences of the said Imperial crown of this realm, and of the jurisdiction spiritual and temporal of the same, to keep it from the annoyance as well of the See of Rome as from the authority of other foreign poten- tates, attempting the diminution or violation thereof, as often and from time to time as any such an- noyance or attempt might be known or espied : and notwithstanding the said good statutes and ordinances made in the time of the King's most noble progenitors, in preservation of the authority and prerogative of the said Imperial Crown as aforesaid : yet nevertheless sithence the making of the said good statutes and ordinances divers and sundry inconve- niences and dangers not provided for plainly by the said former acts, statutes, and ordinances, have risen CAUDREY'S CASE. 49 and sprung by reason of appeals sued out of this realm *to the See of Rome, in causes testamentary, [* 30 a .] causes of matrimony and divorces, right of tithes, ob- lations, and obventions, not only to the great inquieta- tion, vexation, trouble, costs, and charges of the King's highness and many of his subjects and resiants in this his realm, but also to the great delay and let to the true and speedy determination of the said causes ; forasmuch as the parties appealing to the said Court of Rome, most commonly did the same for delay of justice : and forasmuch as the great distance of way was so far out of this realm, so that the neces- sary proofs nor the true knowledge of the cause could neither be so well known, or the witnesses there so well examined, as within this realm ; so that the parties grieved by means of the said appeals, were most times without remedy. In consideration thereof, the King, his Nobles and Commons, considering the great enormities, damages, long delays, and hurts, that as well to his Highness as to his noble subjects, commons, and resiants of this his realm, in the said causes testamentary, causes of matrimony and di- vorces, tithes, oblations, and obventions, did daily ensue, did therefore, by his Royal Assent and by the assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons *in that Parliament assembled, and by [* 30 b.] authority of the same, enact, establish, and ordain, that all causes testamentary, causes of matrimony, and divorces, rights of tithes, oblations, and obven- 50 CAUDREY'S CASE. tions, the knowledge whereof by the goodness of princes of this realm, and by the laws and customs of the same, appertained to the spiritual jurisdiction of this realm, then already commenced, moved, depend- ing, being, happening, or hereafter coming in conten- tion, debate, or question within this realm, or within any of the King's dominions, or marches of the same, or elsewhere, whether they concern the King, his heirs, or successors, or any other subjects or resiants within this realm, of what degree soever they be, This also is should be from thenceforth heard, examined, dis- the anc5 cussed, clearly, finally, and definitively adjudged and k Wf d^botb determined within the King's jurisdiction and autho- b y 9 E. 4. 3. r ity and not elsewhere, in such Courts spiritual and F.N.B.44.and many other temporal of the same, as the natures, conditions, and abovesaid. qualities of the causes and matters aforesaid in con- ^riginal^di- Mention, or thereafter happening in contention should tion. require, without having any respect to any custom, use, or sufferance, in hinderance, let, or prejudice of the same, or to any other thing used or suffered to the [* 31 a.] contrary thereof, *by any other manner, person, or persons, in any manner or wise : any foreign inhibi- tions, appeals, sentences, summons, citations, sus- pensions, interdictions, excommunications, restraints, judgements, or any other process or impediment, of what natures, names, qualities, or conditions soever they be, from the See of Rome, or any other foreign Courts or potentates of the world, or from and out of this realm, or any other the King's dominions or CAUDREY'S CASE. 51 marches of the same, to the See of Rome, or to any other foreign Courts or potentates, to the let or impe- diment thereof, in any wise notwithstanding, as by the said Act appeareth. By an Act of Parliament in 25 H. 8, it is declared by Stat.25H.8.c. . 21 This was the King, Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and the Com- also declara- mons in that Parliament assembled; that neither the King, his heirs, nor successors Kings of this realm, nor ty ^ wh ? hath been said any of his subjects of this realm, nor of any other his do- appeareth. minions, should from thenceforth sue to the said Bishop original edi- of Rome, called the Pope, or to the See of Rome, or to any person or persons having or pretending any authority by the same, for licenses, dispensations, impositions, faculties, grants, rescripts, delegacies, or any other in- struments, or writings, of what kind, name, nature, or quality soever *they be of, for any cause or matter, [* 31 b.] for the which any license, dispensation, composition, faculty, grant, rescript, delegacy, instrument, or other writing theretofore had been used and accustomed to be had and obtained at the See of Rome, or by authority thereof, or of any prelate of this realm : nor of any manner of other licenses, dispensations, com- positions, faculties, grants, rescripts, delegacies, or any other instruments or writings, that in causes of necessity might lawfully be granted without offending of the holy Scripture and laws of God ; but that from thenceforth every such license, dispensation, composi- tion, faculty, grant, rescript, delegacy, instrument, and other writing aforenamed and mentioned necessary for the King, his heirs, and successors, and his and E 2 52 CAUDREY'S CASE. their people and subjects, upon due examination of the causes and qualities of the persons procuring such dispensations, licenses, compositions, faculties, grants, rescripts, delegacies, instruments, or other writings, should be granted, had, and obtained from time to time within this his realm, and other his dominions, and not elsewhere, in manner and form following, and not otherwise, that is to say : the Archbishop of [* 32 a.] Canterbury, for the time being, and *his successors, should have power and authority from time to time by their discretions, to give, grant, and dispose by an instrument under the seal of the said Archbishop, unto the King and unto his heirs and successors kings of this realm, as well all manner such licenses, dispensations, compositions, faculties, grants, rescripts, delegacies, instruments, and all other writings, for causes not being contrary or repugnant to the holy Scriptures and laws of God, as theretofore had been used, and accustomed to be had and obtained by the King, or any his most noble progenitors, or any of his or their subjects at the See of Rome, or any person or persons by authority of the same ; and all other licenses, dispensations, faculties, compositions, grants, rescripts, delegacies, instruments, and other writings, in, for, and upon all such causes and matters as should be convenient and necessary to be had for the honour and surety of the King, his heirs, and suc- cessors, and the wealth and profit of this his realm : so that the said Archbishop, or any of his successors, Note. in no manner or wise should grant any dispensation, CAUDREY'S CASE. 53 license, rescript, or any other writing before re- hearsed, for any cause or matter repugnant to the law of Almighty God, as by the said Act also ap- peareth. *If it be demanded what canons, constitutions, [*32b.] ordinances, and synodals provincial, are still in force between the within this realm ; I answer that it is resolved and not h enacted by authority of Parliament, that such as [have S ^ been allowed by general consent and custom within tantamount * are contained the realm, and! are not contrariant or repugnant to in the expired Act 25 H. 8. the laws, statutes, and customs of the realm, nor to cap . 16. the damage or hurt of the King's prerogative royal, ^.^44.^' are still in force within this realm, as the King's Mi( Mieton v. Crofts ecclesiastical laws of the same (a). Now, as consent 2 Atk. 669. 2 Wils. 185, and custom hath allowed these canons, so no doubt Vol. vi. p. 413. by general consent of the whole realm, any of the This appear- eth by the re- same may be corrected, enlarged, explained, or ab- solution of all -IT-, . n the Judges in rogated. ror example, there is a decree that all 7 H. 8. Lib. clerks that have received any manner of orders, ^d^this was* greater or smaller, should be exempt, pro causis criminalibus before the temporal judges. This de- Parliament cree never had any force within England : first, for against that it was never approved and allowed of by general consent within the realm : secondly, it was against the laws of the realm, as it doth appear by infinite original edi- 1 L . tion. precedents : thirdly, it was against the prerogative Pars. Answ. and sovereignty of the King that any subject within this realm * should not be subject to the laws of this [* 33 a.] realm. 54 CAUDREY'S CASE. In the Reiyn of Queen Elizabeth. B ^ the Act of Parnament (whereupon the principal zabeth, c . i. case then in question partly dependeth) made in the first year of the reign of the late Queen Elizabeth, it is declared, that where in the time of the reign of King Henry the Eighth, divers good laws and statutes were made and established, as well for the utter extinguishment and putting away of all usurped foreign powers and authorities of this realm, and other her dominions and countries, as also for the restoring and uniting to the imperial Crown of this realm, the ancient jurisdiction, authorities, superiorities, and pre-eminence, to the same of right belonging and appertaining; by reason whereof her most humble subjects, from the 25th year of the said King Henry the Eighth, were continually kept in good order, and were disburdened of divers great and intolerable charges and vexations, before that time unlawfully taken, and exacted by such foreign power and authority, as before that was usurped ; s. 16. and to the intent, that all usurped and foreign power [* 33 b.] and authority, spiritual and temporal, might * for ever be clearly extinguished, and never be used or obeyed within this realm, or any other her dominions or countries ; it was by the authority of that Parlia- ment enacted, that no foreign prince, person, prelate, state, or potentate, spiritual or temporal, should at any time after the last day of that session of Par- liament, use, enjoy, or exercise any manner of power, CAUDREY'S CASE. 55 jurisdiction, superiority, authority, pre-eminence, or privilege, spiritual or ecclesiastical, within this realm, or within any other the Queen's dominions or countries, that then were, or hereafter should be; but from thenceforth the same should be clearly abolished out of this realm, and all other her dominions for ever ; any statute, ordinance, custom, constitution, or any other matter or cause whatsoever to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding. And s. 17. it was then also established and enacted by the authority of that Parliament, that such jurisdictions, privileges, superiorities, and pre-eminences, spiritual or ecclesiastical, as by any spiritual or ecclesiastical power or authority had heretofore been, or might lawfully be exercised or used for the visitation of the ecclesiastical state and persons, and for reformation, order, and correction of the same, and of all * manner [* 34 a .] of errors, heresies, schisms, abuses, offences, con- tempts, and enormities, should for ever by authority of that Parliament, be united and annexed to the imperial Crown of this realm. And that the Queen, s . is her heirs and successors, Kings or Queens of this realm, should have full power and authority by virtue of that Act, by letters patent under the Great Seal of England, to assign, name, and authorize, when and as often as the Queen, her heirs or successors should think meet and convenient, and for such and so long time as should please the Queen, her heirs or successors, such person or persons being natural- born subjects to the Queen, her heirs or successors, 56 CAUDREY'S CASE. Vide ante i b. as the said Queen her heirs or successors should think meet, to exercise, use, occupy, and execute under the said Queen her heirs and successors, all manner of jurisdictions, privileges, and pre-eminences, in any wise touching or concerning any spiritual or ecclesiastical jurisdiction within these realms of England and Ireland, or any other her dominions or countries, and to visit, reform, redress, order, correct, and amend, all such errors, heresies, schisms, abuses, offences, contempts, and enormities whatsoever, [* 34 b.] which by any spiritual or * ecclesiastical power, authority, or jurisdiction, could or might lawfully be reformed, ordered, redressed, corrected, restrained, or amended, to the pleasure of Almighty God, the increase of virtue, and the conservation of the peace, and the unity of this realm : and that such person or persons so to be named, assigned, authorized, and appointed by the said Queen, her heirs or successors, after the said letters patent, to him or them made and delivered as is aforesaid, should have full power and authority by virtue of that Act, and of the said letters patent under the said Queen, her heirs or successors, to exercise, use, and execute all the premises according to the tenor and effect of the said letters patent, any matter or cause to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding, as by the said Act also appeareth. i2Eliz.Reg. It was adjudged in the Court of Common Pleas,* by Sir James Dyer, Weston, and the whole Court, that a dean, or any other ecclesiastical person may * Walrond v. Pollard (Dr. Goodman's case), 3 Dy. 293 b. J. L. CAUDREY'S CASE. 57 resign to the King, (as (a) divers did to King (a) Bulst. 4. Edw. 6), for that he had the authority of the supreme ordinary. From the 1st until the llth year of the late Queen Eliz. reign, no person of what persuasion of Christian religion soever, at any time refused to come to the public Divine service, celebrated * in the Church of C* 35 a.] England, being evidently grounded upon the sacred of Campion and infallible word of Almighty God, and established an a by public authority within this realm ; but after the bull of Pius Quintus was published against Her this bull &c - Majesty in the llth year of her reign, containing (amongst other things too long to be repeated for this purpose) in these words : Pius, Bishop, servant of Psalm cix. God's servants, &c. She (Queen Eliz.) hath clean tn e y C urse, g put away the sacrifice of the mass, prayers, fastings, /^LordVand choice or difference of meats, and single life: she let them , be , confounded possessing the kingdom,, and by usurping the place that rise up of the supreme head of the Church in all England, butTet thy' and the chief authority and jurisdiction of the same, jo^" which hath again brought the said realm into miserable Hg S r t M a 3 ' r e a s t er destruction. Unto her all such as are the worst of made when . this bull was the people resort, and are by her received into safe published protection, &c. We make it known, that the said a jfotTm the Elizabeth, and as many as stand on her side in the t ^ mal edl ~ matter above named, have run into the danger of our curse : we make it also knoAvn, that we have deprived her from that right she pretended to have in the kingdom aforesaid, and also from all and every her authority, dignity, and privilege. We charge and 58 CAUDREY'S CASE. forbid all and every the nobles and subjects, and [* 35 b.] people, and others aforesaid, that they be *not so hardy as to obey her or her admonitions, commandments, or laws, upon pain of the like accurse upon them. We pronounce that all, whosoever by any occasion have taken their oath unto her, are for ever dis- charged of such their oath, and also from all fealty and service, due to her by reason of her government, &c. As by the said Bull more at large appeareth. After this Bull, all they that depended on the Pope obeyed the Bull, disobeyed their gracious and natural sovereign, and upon this occasion refused to come to the Church. The publishing of this Bull by a subject against his sovereign (as appeareth by that which hath 3 Inst. 101. been oftentimes said) was treason in the highest degree, by the ancient common laws of England, for if it were treason to publish a Bull of excommu- nication within this realm against a subject thereof, as it was adjudged in the reign of King Edward the First, a fortiori it is treason in the highest degree to publish such a Bull against the sovereign and monarch herself. After this Bull many Bulls of abso- lution and reconciliation to the Church of Rome were published and dispersed amongst her Majesty's sub- jects, to withdraw them from their natural loyalty and allegiance to their sovereign ; whereupon no [* 36 a.] small inconveniences (as * hereafter appeareth) fol- lowed : and therefore at a Parliament holden in the 13th year of her reign, it was declared by the whole body of the realm : " that divers seditious and very CAUDREY'S CASE. 59 ill-disposed people, minding very seditiously and un- naturally, not only to bring this realm, and the im- perial crown thereof (being in very deed of itself most free) again into the thraldom and subjection of the foreign usurped and unlawful jurisdiction, pre- eminence and authority claimed by the said See of Rome, but also to estrange and alienate the minds and hearts of sundry the Queen's subjects, from their dutiful obedience, and to raise and stir sedition and rebellion within this realm, did then lately procure and obtain to themselves, from the said Bishop of Rome, and his said See, divers Bulls and writings, the effect whereof had been, and then was, to absolve and reconcile all those that would be contented to forsake their due obedience to the Queen, and to yield and subject themselves to the said feigned, unlawful, and usurped authority : and by colour of the said Bulls and writings, the said persons very secretly and most seditiously in such parts of this realm, where the people, for want of good instruc- tion, were most weak, simple, and ignorant, and thereby furthest *from the good understanding of [*36b.] their duties towards God and the Queen, did by their lewd and subtil practices and persuasions so far forth work, that sundry simple and ignorant persons had been contented to be reconciled to the said usurped authority of the See of Rome, and to take absolution Note the at the hands of the said naughty and subtil prac- Bull? tisers ; whereby did grow great disobedience and bold- i. ness in many not only to withdraw and absent 60 CAUDREY'S CASE. themselves from all Divine service, then most godly 2. set forth and used within this realm ; but also have thought themselves discharged of and from all obe- 3. dience, duty, and allegiance to Her Majesty ; whereby a most wicked and unnatural rebellion did ensue, and 4. to the further danger of this realm was thereafter very like to be renewed, if the ungodly and wicked attempts in that behalf were not by severity of laws in time restrained and bridled : for remedy and re- dress whereof, and to prevent the great mischiefs and The parts of inconveniences that thereby might ensue;" it was enacted by the Queen, with the assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and the Commons, in that Parliament assembled, and by the authority of the 1. same ; that if any person or persons, after the first [* 37 a.] day *of July then next coming, should use or put in use in any place within this realm, or in any the Queen's dominions, any such Bull, writing, or in- strument, written or printed, of absolution or recon- ciliation at any time theretofore obtained and gotten, or at any time thereafter to be obtained or gotten from the said Bishop of Rome, or any his successors, or from any other person or persons, authorized or claiming authority, by or from the said Bishop of Rome, his predecessors or successors, or See of Rome : 2. or if any person or persons, after the said first day of July, should take upon him or them by colour of any such Bull, writing, instrument, or authority, to absolve or reconcile any person or persons, or to grant or promise to any person or persons, within CAUDREY'S CASE. 61 this realm, or any other the Queen's dominions, any such absolution or reconciliation by any speech, preaching, teaching, writing, or any other open deed ; or if any other person or persons within this realm, 3. or any the Queen's dominions, after the said first day of July, should willingly receive and take any such absolution or reconciliation : or else if any 4. person or persons had obtained or gotten sithence the last day of the Parliament holden in the first year of her reign, or after the said first day of July should obtain *or get from the said Bishop of Rome, [ 37 b.] or any his successors, or See of Rome, any manner of Bull, writing, or instrument, written or printed, containing any thing, matter, or cause whatsoever ; or should publish, or by any ways or means put in use any such Bull, writing, or instrument ; that then all and every such act or acts, offence and offences, shall be deemed and adjudged by the authority of the said Act to be high treason, and the offender and offenders therein, their procurers, abettors, and coun- sellors to the fact and committing of the said offence or offences, should be deemed and adjudged high traitors to the Queen and the realm : and being thereof lawfully indicted and attainted, according to the course of the laws of this realm, should suffer pains of death; and also lose and forfeit all their lands, tenements, hereditaments, goods, and chattels, as in cases of high treason by the laws of this realm ought to be lost and forfeited, as by the said Act appeareth. 62 CAUDIIEY'S CASE. And albeit many of her subjects, after the said Bull of Pius Quintus, adhering to the Pope, did renounce their former obedience to the Queen in respect of that bull, yet all this time no law was either made or attempted against them for their recusancy, though it [* 38 a .] were grounded upon so disloyal a cause. *Now that these speechless bulls were declared by Act of Parlia- ment to be so dangerous ; then in place of them Jesuits and Romish Priests were sent over, who in secret corners whispered and infused into the hearts of many of the unlearned subjects of this realm, that the Pope had power to excommunicate and depose Kings and Princes ; that he had excommunicated the late Queen, deprived her of her kingdom, and discharged all her subjects of their oath, duties, and allegiance to her ; and therefore they ought not to obey her, or any of her commandments or laws, under pain of the Pope's curse. This was high treason by the ancient laws of England; and thereupon Campion, Sherwin, and many other Romish Priests being apprehended, and confessing that they came into England to make a party for the Catholic cause, when need should require, were, in the 21st year of the said late Queen's reign, by the ancient common laws of England, indicted, arraigned, tried, adjudged, and executed, for high treason against their natural allegiance which they owed their liege sovereign. But all this time there was no Act of Parliament made either against recu- sants, or Jesuits, or Priests, her Majesty still desiring [* 38 b.] and expecting their * conversion, and that by clemency CAUDREY'S CASE. 63 and mildness they might be reclaimed to their former obedience and conformity before the said Bull. After Priests and Jesuits were punished by sentence of law, according to their demerits, then great numbers of slanderous and seditious books (libri falsidici) against her Majesty and the state were dispersed and scattered within this realm, tending to the inciting and stirring of the subjects to insurrection and rebellion. Her Majesty in open Parliament, having with the Lords Spiritual, Temporal, and Commons, mature con- The statutes sideration of so weighty and important causes, in the E""Z ^ 23d year of her reign made two several laws : one 23 El. c . 2. against the makers and publishers of seditious books, ordaining that offence to be felony, another against 23 El. c. i. recusants, inflicting the penalty of twenty pounds the ss month for their recusancy : and yet upon their sub- mission according to the Act, to be thereof freely and absolutely discharged : (a mild and merciful law, considering their former conformity, and the cause of their revolt :) but after these Jesuits and Romish Priests coming daily into and swarming within the realm, instilling still this poison into the subjects' hearts, that by reason * of the said Bull of Pius V. [* 39 a.] her Majesty was excommunicated, deprived of her kingdom, and that her subjects were discharged of all obedience to her, and by all means endeavoured to withdraw them from their duty and allegiance to her Majesty, and to reconcile them to the Church of Thestatutede Rome. In the 27th year of her reign, by authority anno 27 Eliz. . Reginae, c. 2. of Parliament Her Majesty made it treason for any sinst. 101. 64 CAUDREY'S CASE. Jesuit or Romish Priest, being her natural-born subject, and made a Romish Priest or Jesuit sithence the beginning of her reign, to come into any of her dominions, intending thereby to keep them out of the same, to the end that they should not infect any other subjects with such treasonable and damnable per- suasions and practices as are aforesaid, which without controversy were high treason by the ancient common laws of England : neither would ever any magnani- mous King of England, sithence the first establish- ment of this monarchy, have suffered any (especially being his own natural-born subjects) to live, that persuaded his subjects that he was no lawful King, and practised with them (within the heart of this realm) to withdraw them from their allegiance, and [* 39 b.] loyalty to their sovereign, the * same being crimen laesae majestatis by the ancient laws of this realm. By this and by all the records of the indictments it appeareth, that these Jesuits and Priests are not condemned and executed for their priesthood and profession, but for their treasonable and damnable persuasions and practices against the crowns and dignities of Monarchs, and absolute Princes, who hold their kingdoms and dominions by lawful succession, and by inherent birthright and descent of inheritance, (according to the fundamental laws of this realm,) immediately of Almighty God, and are not tenants of their kingdoms (as they would have it) at the will and pleasure of any foreign potentate whatsoever. Now albeit the proceedings and process in the eccle- CAUDREY'S CASE. 65 siastical courts be in the name of the Bishops, &c., it followeth not, therefore, that either the Court is not the King's, or the law whereby they proceed is not the (a) King's law : for taking one example for many, (a) Cawley every leet or view of frank-pledge holden by a subject, 142 ' is kept in the (b) lord's name, and yet it is the King's (&) Cawley Court, and all the proceedings therein are directed by the King's laws, and many subjects in England have * and hold courts of record, and other courts, and yet [* 40 a -l all their proceedings be according to the King's laws and customs of the realm. Observe (good reader) seeing that the determina- tion of heresies, schisms, and errors in religion, order- ing, examination, admission, institution, and depriva- tion of men of the Church (which do concern God's true religion and service), of right of matrimony, divorces, and general bastardy (whereupon depend the strength of men's descents and inheritances,) of probate of testaments and letters of administration (without which no debt or duty due to any dead man can be recovered by the common law), mortuaries, pensions, procurations, reparations of churches, simony, incest, adultery, fornication, and incontinency, and some others, doth not belong to the common law, Q. how necessary it was for administration of justice, that his Majesty's progenitors Kings of this realm did by public authority authorize ecclesiastical courts under them to determine those great and important causes ecclesiastical (exempted from the jurisdiction of the common law), by the King's laws ecclesiastical ; F 66 CAUDREY'S CASE. which was done originally for two causes. 1. That justice should be administered under the Kings of this [*40b.] realm, * within their own kingdom, to all their subjects, and in all causes. 2. That the Kings of England should be furnished, upon all occasions either foreign or domestical, with learned professors as well of the ecclesiastical as temporal laws. Thus hath it appeared as well by the ancient common laws of this realm, by the resolutions and judgments of the Judges and sages of the laws of England, in all succession of ages, as by authority of many Acts of Parliament, ancient, and of later times, that the kingdom of England is an absolute monarchy, and that the King is the only supreme governor, as well over ecclesiastical persons, and in ecclesiastical causes, as temporal, within this realm, to the due observation of which laws both the King and the subject are sworn. I have herein cited the very words and texts of the laws, resolutions, judgments, and Acts of Parliament, all public and in print, with- out any inference, argument, or amplification; and have particularly quoted the books, years, leaves, chapters, and such like certain references, as every man may at his pleasure see and read the authorities herein cited. This case is reported in the English [* 41 a.] and Latin tongues (as some other * writers of the law have done) to the end that my dear countrymen may be acquainted with the laws of this realm, their own birthright and inheritance, and with such evidences as of right belong to the same ; assuring myself that CAUDREY'S CASE. 67 no wise or true-hearted Englishman, that hath been persuaded before he was instructed, will refuse to be instructed in the truth (which he may see with his own eyes), lest he should be dissuaded from error, wherewith blindfold he hath been deceived : for miserable is his case, and worthy of pity, that hath been persuaded before he was instructed, and now will refuse to be instructed, because he will not be persuaded. * # * This case was originally reported by Sir Edward Coke, in English and Latin, sfce p. 66. In some instances, where the English has appeared obscure, the Latin has been given in a foot note. J. L. F 2 THE CASE OF PRJ1MUNIRE ; OR, THE CONVICTION AND ATTAINDER OF ROBERT LALOR, PKIEST, BEING INDICTED UPON THE STATUTE OF 16 B1CH. 2. CAP. 5. HILARY, 4 JACOBI I. IN THE QUEEN'S BENCH IN IRELAND. Reports of Sir John Davies, Knight, Attorney-General for Ireland. Reprinted from the 8vo. edition of 1762. THIS Robert Lalor, being a native of this kingdom, Of what qua received his orders of priesthood above thirty years since, at the hands of one Richard Brady, to whom was the Pope had given the title of Bishop of Kilmore, in Ulster; and for the space of twenty years together, his authority and credit was not mean within the province of Leinster. He had also made his name known in the Court of Rome, and held intelligence with the Cardinal who was protector of this nation, by means whereof he obtained the title and jurisdic- tion of Vicar-General of the see apostolic within the archbishoprick of Dublin, and the bishopricks of Kildare and Terns. This pretended jurisdiction, extending well-nigh over all the province of Leinster, he exercised boldly and securely many years together, until the proclamation was published, whereby ah 1 Jesuits and priests ordained by foreign authority were commanded to depart out of this kingdom by 70 LALOR'S CASE. a certain time prefixed. After which time he began to lurk and to change his name ; how- Hisapprehen-beit at last he was apprehended in Dublin, and Examination, committed to prison in the castle there. Upon his first examination, taken by the Lord-Deputy himself, he acknowledged that he was a priest, and ordained by a Popish titulary bishop ; that he had accepted the title and office of the Pope's Vicar- General in the three dioceses before named, and had exercised spiri- tual jurisdiction in foro conscientia ; and in sundry other points he maintained and justified the Pope's authority : only he said, he was of opinion that the Pope had no power to excommunicate or depose his Majesty, because the King is not of the Pope's religion. His first in- The next term after he was indicted upon the conviction. 11 statute of 2 Eliz., enacted in this realm against such as should wilfully and advisedly maintain and uphold the jurisdiction of any foreign prince or prelate in any causes ecclesiastical or civil within this realm. By which statute the first offence of that kind is punished with loss of goods, and one year's imprisonment ; the second offence incurreth the penalty of the Praemunire ; and the third offence is made high treason. Upon this indictment he was arraigned, convicted and con- demned, and so rested in prison during the next two terms without any farther question. He then made petition unto the Lord-Deputy to be set at liberty : His second whereupon his Lordship caused him to be examined Examination. by gir O ii ver St. John, Sir James Fullerton, Sir Jeffery Fen ton, the Attorney and Solicitor- General. LALOR'S CASE. 71 At first, he made some evasive and indirect answers ; but at last voluntarily and freely he made this ensuing acknowledgment or confession, which being set down in writing word for word as he made it, was advisedly read by him, and subscribed with his own hand, and with the hands of those who took his examination ; and afterwards he confirmed it by his oath before the Lord-Deputy and Council. Tlie Confession or Acknowledgment of Robert Lalor, priest, made the 22d of December, 1606. First, he doth acknowledge that he is not a lawful His confes- Vicar-General in the dioceses of Dublin, Kildare and knowledg- Ferns, and thinketh in his conscience that he cannot m lawfully take upon him the said office. Item, he doth acknowledge our sovereign Lord, King James that now is, to be his lawful, chief and supreme governor in all causes, as well ecclesiastical as civil, and that he is bound in conscience to obey him in all the said causes ; and that neither the Pope, nor any other sovereign, prelate, prince or potentate, hath any power to control the King in any cause ecclesiastical or civil within this kingdom, or any of his Majesty's dominions. Item, he doth in his conscience believe, that all bishops ordained and made by the King's authority within any of his dominions are lawful bishops ; and that no bishop made by the Pope, or by any authority derived from the Pope, within the King's dominions, hath any power or authority to impugn, 72 LALOR'S CASE. disannul or control any act done by any bishop made by his Majesty's authority as aforesaid. Item, he professeth himself willing and ready to obey the King, as a good and obedient subject ought to do, in all his lawful commandments, either concerning his function of priesthood, or any other duty belonging to a good subject. After this confession made, the State here, had no purpose to proceed against him severely, either for his contempt of the proclamation, or offence against the law : so as he had more liberty than before, and many of his friends had access unto him ; who telling him what they heard of his confession, he protested unto them, that he had only acknowledged the King's civil and temporal power, without any confes- sion or admittance of his authority in spiritual causes. This being reported unto the Lord-Deputy, by sundry gentlemen who gave faith unto what he said, his Lordship thought fit, that since he had incurred the pain of Prsemunire, by exercising episcopal jurisdic- tion, as Vicar- General to the Pope, that he should be attainted of that offence, as well to make him an example to others of his profession (for almost in every diocese of this kingdom, there is a titulary bishop ordained by the Pope), as also, that at the time of his trial, a just occasion might be taken, to publish the confession and acknowledgment which he had voluntarily made, signed, and confirmed by oath before the Lord-Deputy and Council, who have likewise subscribed their names as witnesses thereof. LALOR S CASE. Hereupon, in Hil. Term, 4 Jac., an indictment The indict- was framed against him in the King's Bench, upon ^poli the stat the stat. of 16 Rich. 2. cap. 5, containing these f - 16Rich - 2 - several points. 1. That he had received a bull or brief, purchased or procured in the Court of Rome, which bull or brief did touch or concern the King's crown and dignity royal, containing a commission of authority from the Pope of Rome unto Richard Brady and David Magragh to constitute a Vicar-General for the See of Rome, by the name of the See Apostolic, in the several dioceses of Dublin, Kildare and Ferns, within this kingdom of Ireland. 2. That by pretext or colour of that bull or brief, he was constituted Vicar- General of the See of Rome, and took upon him the style and title of Vicar- General in the said several dioceses. 3. That he did exercise ecclesiastical jurisdiction as Vicar- General of the See of Rome, by instituting divers persons to benefices with cure of souls, by granting dispensations in causes matrimonial, by pronouncing sentences of divorce between divers married persons, and by doing all other acts and things pertaining to episcopal jurisdiction, within the said several dioceses, against our sovereign Lord the King, his crown and dignity royal, and in contempt of his Majesty, and disherison of his crown, and contrary to the form and effect of the statute, &c. To this indictment Lalor pleaded, not guilty ; and when the issue was to be tried, the name and reputa- 74 LALOR'S CASE. tion of the man, and the nature of the cause, drew all the principal gentlemen both of the pale and provinces, that were in town, to the hearing of the matter. At which time, a substantial jury of the city of Dublin being sworn for the trial, and the points of the indictment being opened and set forth by the King's Serjeant ; the Attorney- General thought it not impertinent, but very necessary, before he descended to the particular evidence against the prisoner, to inform and satisfy the hearers in two points. 1. What reason moved us to ground this indict- ment upon the old statute of 16 Rich. 2, rather than upon some other later law made since the time of King Henry 8. 2. What were the true causes of the making of this law of 16 Rich., and other formal laws against provisors, and such as did appeal to the Court of Rome in those times, when both the prince and people of England did for the most part acknowledge the Pope to be the thirteenth apostle, and only oracle in matters of religion, and did follow his doctrine in most of those points wherein we now dissent from him. 1. For the first point we did purposely forbear to proceed against him upon any later law, to the end that such as were ignorant might be informed, that long before King Henry 8 was born, divers laws were made against the usurpation of the Bishop of Rome upon the rights of the Crown of England, well- LALOR'S CASE. 75 nigh as sharp and severe as any statutes which have been made in later times ; and that therefore we made choice to proceed upon a law made more than 200 years past, when the King, the Lords and Commons, which made the laws, and the Judges which did interpret the laws, did for the most part follow the same opinions in religion, which were taught and held in the Court of Rome. 2. For the second point, the causes that moved, The true and almost enforced the English nation to make this, l^the stat. " and other statutes of the same nature, were of the 1 and other sta- greatest importance that could possibly arise in any tutes . against state. For these laws were made to uphold and maintain the sovereignty of the King, the liberty of the people, the common law, and the commonweal, which otherwise had been undermined and utterly ruined by the usurpation of the Bishop of Rome. For albeit the kings of England were absolute emperors within their dominions, and had under them as learned a prelacy and clergy, as valiant and prudent a nobility, as free and wealthy a commonalty, as any was then in Christendom ; yet if we look into the stories and records of these two imperial kingdoms, we shall find, that if these laws of provision and Praemuriire had not been made, they had lost the name of imperial, and of kingdoms too, and had been long since made tributary provinces to the Bishop of Rome, or rather part of St. Peter's patrimony in demesne. Our kings had their sceptres wrested out of their hands, their crowns spurned off from their 76 LALOR'S CASE. heads, their necks trod upon, they had been made lacqueys or footmen to the Bishop of Rome, as some of the emperors and French kings were ; our prelates had been made his chaplains and clerks, our nobility his vassals and servants, our commons his slaves and villeins, if these acts of manumission had not freed them. In a word, before the making of these laws, the flourishing crown and commonwealth of England was in extreme danger to have been brought into most miserable servitude and slavery, under colour of religion and devotion to the See of Rome. And this was not only seen and felt by the King, and much repined at and protested against by the nobility, but the commons, the general multitude of the subjects, did exclaim and cry out upon it. For the Commons of England may be an example unto all other subjects in the world in this, that they have ever been tender and sensible of the wrongs and dishonours offered unto their kings, and have ever con- tended to uphold and maintain their honour and sove- reignty. And their faith and loyalty have been generally such (though every age hath brought forth some par- ticular monsters of disloyalty), as no pretence of zeal or religion could ever withdraw the greater part of the subjects to submit themselves to a foreign yoke, no, not when Popery was in her height and exaltation ; whereof this Act, and divers others of the same kind, The statute of are clear and manifest testimonies. For this Act of mada"the 16 Rich. 2 was made at the prayer of the Com- mons ; which prayer they make not for themselves, LALOR'S CASE. 77 neither show they their own self-love therein (as in other bills which contain their grievances), but their love and zeal to the King and his Crown. When, after the Norman conquest, they importuned their kings for the great Charter, they sought their own liberties ; and in other bills preferred commonly by the Commons against sheriffs, escheators, purveyors, or the like, they seek their own profit and ease ; but here their petition is to the King, to make a law for the defence and maintenance of his own honour. They complain, that by bulls and processes from The effect of Rome, the King is deprived of that jurisdiction, i6R.2.cap.5. which belongs of right to his imperial Crown ; that the King doth lose the service and counsel of his prelates and learned men, by translations made by the Bishop of Rome ; that the King's laws are defeated at his will, the treasure of the realm is exhausted and exported to enrich his court ; and that by those means the Crown of England, which hath ever been free, and subject unto none, but immediately unto God, should be submitted unto the Bishop of Rome, to the utter destruction of the King and the whole realm ; which God defend, say they : and thereupon, out of their exceeding zeal and fervency, they offer to live and die with the King, in defence of the liberties of the Crown. And lastly, they pray and require the King, by way of justice, to examine all the lords in Parliament, what they thought of these manifest wrongs and usurpations, and whether they would stand with the King in defence of his royal 78 LALOR'S CASE. liberties or no. Which the King did according to their petition ; and the Lords Spiritual and Temporal did all answer, that these usurpations of the Bishop of Rome were against the liberties of the Crown, and that they were all bound by their allegiance to stand with the King, and to maintain his honour and prerogative. And thereupon it was enacted, with a full consent of the three estates, that such as should purchase in the Court of Rome, or elsewhere, any bulls or processes, or other things which might touch the King in his crown and dignity royal, and such as should bring them into the realm, and such as should receive them, publish them or execute them, they, their notaries, proctors, maintainors and counsellors, should be all out of the King's protection, their lands and goods forfeited to the King, their bodies attached if they might be found, or else process of praemunire facias to be awarded against them. Upon these motives, and with this affection and zeal of the people, was the statute of 16 Rich. 2 made where- upon we have framed our indictment. Now let us look higher, and see whether the former laws made by King Ed. 1, and King Ed. 3 against the usurpation of the Bishop of Rome, were not grounded upon the like cause and reason. The The effect of statute of 38 Ed. 3. cap. 1, expressing the mischiefs 38 6 EcL3.st.2. that did arise by briefs of citation, which drew the cap. i. bodies of the people, and by bulls of provision and reservation of ecclesiastical benefices, which drew the wealth of the realm to the Court of Rome, doth LALOR'S CASE. 79 declare, that by these means the ancient laws, customs and franchises of the realm were confounded, the Crown of our sovereign Lord the King diminished, and his person falsely defamed, the treasure and riches of the land carried away, the subjects of the realm molested and impoverished, the benefices of holy Church wasted and destroyed, Divine service, hospitality, alms-deeds and other works of charity neglected. Again, 27 Ed. 3. cap. 1, upon the grievous and Thestat.of27 clamorous complaint (for that phrase is there used) of ca p. 1. the great men and commons touching citations and provisions, it is enacted, that the offenders shall forfeit their lands, goods and chattels, and their bodies be imprisoned and ransomed at the King's will. But, in the statute of 25 Ed. 3, wherein the first The stat. of law against provisors made 25 Ed. 1, is recited, there citin the 6 ' is a larger declaration of these inconveniences than in stat.of35Ed. the two last Acts before mentioned. For there all the commons of the realm do grievously complain, that whereas the holy Church of England was first founded in estate of prelacy by the kings and nobility of that realm, and by them endowed with great possessions and revenues in lands, rents, and advowsons, to the end the people might be informed in religion, hospi- tality might be kept, and other works of charity might be exercised within the realm ; and whereas the King and other founders of the said prelacies were the rightful patrons and advowees thereof, and 80 LALOft's CASE. upon avoidance of such ecclesiastical promotions had power to advance thereunto their kinsmen, friends, and other learned men of the birth of that realm, which being so advanced became able and worthy persons to serve the King in counsel, and other places in the Commonweal ; the Bishop of Rome, usurping the seignory of such possessions and benefices, did give and grant the same to aliens, which did never dwell in England, and to Cardinals, which might not dwell there, as if he were rightful patron of those benefices ; whereas by the law of England he never 'had right to the patronage thereof; whereby in short time all the spiritual promotions in the realm would be engrossed into the hands of strangers, canonical elections of prelates would be abolished, works of charity would cease, the founders and true patrons of churches would be disinherited, the King's counsel would be weakened, the whole kingdom impoverished, and the laws and rights of the realm destroyed. Upon this complaint it was resolved in Parliament, that these oppressions and grievances should not be suffered in any manner ; and therefore it was enacted, that the King and his subjects should thenceforth enjoy the rights of patronage ; that free elections of archbishops, bishops, and other prelates elective, should be made according to the ancient grants of the King's progenitors and their founders ; that no bulls of provision should be put in execution, but that the provisors should be attached, fined, and ransomed at the King's will, and withal imprisoned, till they had LALOR'S CASE. 81 renounced the benefits of their bulls, satisfied the party grieved, and given sureties not to commit the like offence again. Now, Master Lalor, what think you of these things ? Did you believe that such laws as these had been made against the Pope, 200, 250, 300 years since? Was King Henry 8, the first prince that opposed the Pope's usurped authority ? Were our Protestants the first subjects that ever complained of the Court of Rome? Of what religion, think you, were the propounders and enacters of these laws ? Were they These laws good Catholics, or good subjects ? or what were they ? J^a You will not say they were Protestants, for you will th f. R mish J J J religion. not admit the reformed religion to be so ancient as those times ; neither can you say they were undutiful, for they strove to uphold their liege Lord's sove- reignty. Doubtless the people in those days did generally embrace the vulgar errors and superstitions of the Romish Church, and in that respect were Papists as well as you : but they had not learned the new doctrine of the Pope's supremacy, and transcen- dant authority over Kings ; they did not believe he had power to depose princes, and discharge subjects of their allegiance, to abrogate the fundamental laws of kingdoms, and to impose his canons as binding laws upon ah 1 nations, without their consents ; they thought it a good point of religion to be good subjects, to honour their King, to love their country, and to maintain the laws and liberties thereof, how- G 82 LALOR'S CASE. soever in other points they did err and were misled with the Church of Rome. So as now, Master Lalor, you have no excuse, no evasion, but your conscience must condemn you as well as the law ; since the law-makers in all ages, and all religious Papists and Protestants, do condemn you; unless you think yourself wiser than all the Bishops that were then in England, or all the Judges, who in those days were learned in the civil and canon laws as well as in the common laws of England. Laws against But you, being an Irishman, will say, perhaps, these madeTn S l ftws were made in England, and that the Irish nation gave no particular consent thereunto, only there was an im- plicit consent wrapt and folded up in general terms, given in the stat. of 10 Hen. 7, cap. 22, whereby all statutes made in England are established and made of force in Ireland. Assuredly, though the first Parliament held in Ireland was after the first law against provisors made in England, yet have there been as many particular laws made in Ireland against provisions, citations, bulls, and briefs of the Court of Rome, as are to be found in all the Parliament-rolls in England. What will you say if in the selfsame Parliament of 10 Hen. 7, cap. 5, a special law were made, enacting, authorizing, and confirming in this realm all the statutes of England made against provisors? If before this the like law were made, 32 Hen. 6, cap. 4, and again 28 Hen. 6, cap. 30, the like ? and before that, the like law were made 40 Ed. 3, cap. 13, in LALOR'S CASE. 83 the famous Parliament of Kilkenny ? If a statute of the same nature were made 7 Ed. 4, cap. 2, and a severer law than all these, 16 Ed. 4, cap. 4, that such as purchase any bulls of provision in the Court of Rome, as soon as they have published or executed the same to the hurt of any incumbent, should be adjudged traitors ? Which Act, if it be not repealed by the statute of Queen Mary, may terrify Master Lalor more than all the Acts which are before remem- bered. But let us ascend yet higher, to see when the When the Pope's usurpation, which caused all these complaints, foJJuo usur began in England, with what success it was con- {Jerties^of ^ tinued, and by what degrees it rose to that height, Crown f that it well-nigh overtopped the Crown ; whereby it will appear whether he had gained a circle by pre- scription, by a long and quiet possession, before the making of these laws. The first encroachment of the Bishop of Rome upon the liberties of the Crown of England, was made in the time of King William the Conqueror. For before that time the Pope's writ did not run in England, his bulls of excommunication and provision came not thither; no citation, no appeals were made from thence to the Court of Rome ; our Archbishops did not purchase their palls there, neither had the Pope the investiture of any of our bishopricks. For it is to be observed, that as under the temporal monarchy of Rome, Britany was one of the last provinces that was won, and one of the first that was lost again : G 2 84 LALOR'S CASE. so under the spiritual monarchy of the Pope of Rome, England was one of the last countries of Christendom that received his yoke, and was again one of the first that did reject and cast it off. And truly, as in this, so in divers other points, the course of this spiritual monarchy of the Pope may be aptly compared with the course of the temporal monarchies of the world. For as the temporal monarchies were first raised by intrusion upon other princes and common- weals ; so did this spiritual prince (as they now style him) grow to his greatness by usurping upon other States and Churches. As the temporal monarchies, following the course of the sun, did rise in the east, and settle in the west ; so did the hierarchy or govern- ment of the Church. Of the four temporal monar- chies, the first two were in Asia, the latter two in Europe ; but the Roman monarchy did surpass and suppress them all : so were there four great patri- archs, or ecclesiastical hierarchies, two in the east and two in the west, but the Roman patriarch exalted himself, and usurped a supremacy above them all. And as the rising of the Roman Empire was most opposed of Carthage in Africa, (aemula Ronise Car- thago ;) so the Council of Carthage and the African Bishops did first forbid appeals to Rome, and opposed the supremacy of the Pope. And doth not Daniel's image, whose head was of gold, and legs and feet of iron and clay, represent this spiritual monarchy as well as the temporal, whereas the first Bishops of Rome were golden priests, though they had but LALOR'S CASE. 85 wooden chalices, and that the Popes of later times have been for the most part worldly and earthly-minded? and as the northern nations first revolted from the Roman monarchy, and at last brake it in pieces ; have not the north and north-west nations first fallen away from the Papacy? and are they not like in the end to bring it to ruin ? But to return to our purpose : the Bishop of Rome, The Pope had before the first Norman conquest, had no jurisdiction Son in the realm of England, neither in the time of the {?* Britons, nor in the time of the Saxons. Eleutherius, Britons, the Pope, within less than 200 years after Christ, writes to Lucius, the British king, and calls him God's vicar within his kingdom : which title he would not have given to that king, if himself, under pretence of being God's vicar-general on earth, had claimed juris- diction over all Christian kingdoms. Pelagius, the monk of Bangor, about the year 400, being cited to Rome, refused to appear upon the Pope's citation, affirming that Britain was neither within his diocese nor his province. After that, about the year 600, Augustine, the monk, was sent by Gregory the Great into England, to convert the Saxons to Christian religion : the Bri- tish bishops then remaining in Wales regarded not his commission nor his doctrine, as not owing any duty nor having any dependancy on the Court of Rome, but still retained their ceremonies and traditions which they received from the East Church, upon the first plantation of the faith in that island, being divers 86 LALOR'S CASE. and contrary to those of the Church of Rome, which Augustine did endeavour to impose upon them. The like doth Beda write of the Irish priests and bishops. For in the year 660, he reporteth that a Convocation of the clergy being called by King Oswif, there rose a disputation between Colman, one of our Irish saints, then present in that Synod, and Wilfrid, a Saxon priest, touching the observation of Easter, wherein the British and Irish Churches did then differ from the Church of Rome. Colman, for the celebra- tion of Easter used in Ireland, affirmed it was the same, quod beatus evangelista Johannes, discipulus specialiter a Domino dilectus, in omnibus quibus prae- erat ecclesiis celebrasse legitur. On the other part, Wilfrid alleged, that all the Churches of Christendom did then celebrate Easter after the Roman manner, except the Churches of the Britons and Picts, qui contra totum orbem (saith he) stulto labore pugnant. Whereunto Colman replied, " Miror quare stultum la- borem appellas, in quo tanti apostoli, qui super pectus Domini recumbere dignus fait, exempla sectamur. Numquid reverendissimum patrem nostrum Colum- bam et ejus successores, viros a Deo dilectos, divinis paginis contraria sapuisse aut egisse credendum est?" In this disputation or dialogue two things may be ob- served : first, that at this time the authority of the Bishop of Rome was of no estimation in these islands : next, that the primitive Churches of Britany and Ire- land were instituted according to the form and disci- pline of the East Churches, and not of the West, and LALOR'S CASE. 87 planted by the disciples of John, and not of Peter. Thus much for the time of the Britons. For the Saxons, though King Ina gave the Peter-pence to the Pope, partly as alms, and partly in recompense of a house erected in Rome for entertainment of English pilgrims ; yet it is certain that Alfred and Athelstane, Edgar and Edmund, Canutus and Edward the Confes- sor, and divers other Kings of the Saxon race, did give all the bishopricks in England per annulum et bacu- lum, without any other ceremony, as the Emperor and French King, arid other Christian princes were wont to do. They made also several laws for the govern- ment of the Church : among others, St. Edward begins his laws with this protestation, that it is his princely charge, ut populum domini, et super omnia sanctam ecclesiam, regat et gubernet. And King Edgar, in his oration to his English clergy, " Ego (saith he) Cons tan tini, vos Petri gladium habetis : jungamus dextras, et gladium gladio copulemus, ut ejiciantur extra castra, leprosi, et purgetur sanctuarium Domini." So as the Kings of England, with their own clergy, did govern the Church, and therein sought no aid of the Court of Rome. And the truth is, that though the Pope had then long hands, yet he did not extend them so far as England, because they were full of business nearer home in drawing the Emperor and the French King under his yoke. But upon the conquest made by the Norman, he The first usur- ^ pation of the apprehended the first occasion to usurp upon the liberties Pope upon the of the Crown of England. For the Conqueror came in the time of 88 LALOR'S CASE. KingWilliam in with the Pope's banner, and under it won the battle queror. which got him the garland ; and therefore the Pope presumed he might boldly pluck some flowers from it, being partly gained by his countenance and blessing. By sending Hereupon he sent two Legates into England, which Legates into n 111/^1 TTT- England. were admitted and received by the Conqueror. With them he called a Synod of the clergy, and deposed old Stigand, Archbishop of Canterbury, because he had not purchased his pall in the Court of Rome ; he dis- placed many bishops and abbots to place his Normans in their rooms. And amongst the rest it is to be noted that the King, having earnestly moved Wolstan, Bishop of Worcester, being then very aged, to give up his staff, his answer was, that he would give up his staff only to him of whom he first received the same. And so the old man went to St. Edward's tomb, and there offered up his staff and ring, with these words : " Of thee, O holy Edward, I received my staff and my ring, and to thee I do now surrender the same again." Which proves that before the Norman Conquest the King did invest his bishops per annulum et baculum, as I said before. Thus we see, by the admission of the Pope's Le- gates, the first step or entry made into his usurped jurisdiction in England. Albeit, the King still re- tained the absolute power of investing bishops, and seemed only to use the advice and assistance of the Legates in ecclesiastical matters ; for that no decree passed or was put in execution without his Royal Assent thereunto. Besides, how far forth he sub- LALOR S CASE. 89 mitted himself to the Pope, it appeareth by a short epistle he wrote to Gregory 7, in this form : " Excel- lentissimo sanctae ecclesiae Pastori, Gregorio, gratia Dei Anglorum Rex et Dux Normanorum Willielmus salutem cum amicitia. Hubertus Legatus tuus, reli- giose pater, ad me veniens ex tua parte, me admonuit, ut tibi et successoribus tuis fidelitatem facerem, et de pecunia quam antecessores mei ad Romanarn ecclesiain mittere solebant melius cogitarem. Unum admisi, alterum non admisi ; fidelitatem facere nolui, nee volo, quia nee ego promisi nee antecessores meos anteces- soribus tuis id fecisse comperio. Pecunia tribus fere annis, in Galliis me agente, negligenter collecta est ; nunc vero divina misericordia me in regnum meum reverse, quod collectum est per praefatum legatum mittetur ; et quod reliquum est, per legatos Lanfranci archiepiscopi fidelis nostri, cum opportunum fuerit, transmit tetur," &c. But in the time of his next successor, King William In the time of Rufus, they attempted to pass one degree farther, that the Pope at- is, to draw appeals to the Court of Rome. For An- selme being made Archbishop of Canterbury, and to ^ e but being at some difference with the King, besought his leave to go to Rome, under pretence of fetching his pall. The King, knowing he would appeal to the Pope, denied him leave to go, and withal told him that none of his bishops ought to be subject to the Pope, but the Pope himself ought to be subject to the Emperor ; and that the King of England had the same absolute liberties in his dominions as the Emperor had 90 LALOR'S CASE. in the empire ; and that it was an ancient custom and law in England, used time out of mind before the Conquest, that none might appeal to the Pope without the King's leave ; and that he that breaketh this law or custom doth violate the Crown and dignity Royal, " and he that violates my Crown (saith he) is mine enemy and a traitor. How answer you this?" quoth the King. " Christ himself answers you," saith the Archbishop, " Tu es Petrus, et super hanc Petram," &c., wherewith the King was nothing satisfied. And thereupon Anselme departing out of the realm without license, the King seised his temporaries, and became so exasperate and implacable towards the Bishop, as he kept him in perpetual exile during his reign, albeit great intercession were made for his return, as well by the Pope as the King of Prance. In the time of I n the time of the next King, Hen. I., though he th^FirstThe was a l earne d and a prudent prince, yet they sought Pope usurp- to gain a farther point upon him, and to pluck a eth the dona- tion of bishop- flower from his Crown of greater value, namely, the patronage and donation of bishopricks, and all other benefices ecclesiastical. For Anselme being revoked and re-established in the see of Canterbury, the bishopricks of Salisbury and Hereford fell void, which the King bestowed on two of his chaplains. But Anselme, their metropolitan, did refuse to consecrate them, so as the Archbishop of York was fain to per- form that office, who, with the chief of the English clergy, stood with the King, and withstood Anselme. Hereupon the King requires him to do his homage; LALOR'S CASE. 91 the Bishop denies it. The King demands of him whether the patronage and investiture of all bishop- ricks were not his rightful inheritance : the Bishop said it was not his right, because Pope Urban had lately made a decree that no lay person should give any ecclesiastical benefice. This was the first question Hist. Jorna- that ever was made touching the King of England's ArcMv. Rob. right of patronage and donation of bishopricks within ^ t r ton ' Eq * his dominions. This new question caused many mes- sages and embassages to Rome. At last, the King writes plainly to the Pope : " Notum habeat sanctitas vestra, quod me vivente (Deo auxiliante) dignitates et usus regni nostri non minuentur, et si ego (quod absit) in tanta me directione ponerem, magnates mei, imo totius Anglic populus id nullo modo pateretur." Besides, William de Warrenast, the King's Procurator in the Court of Rome, told the Pope that the King would rather lose his kingdom than he would lose the donation of bishopricks. The Pope answered, " Know you precisely, Sir, I speak it before God, that for the redemption of my head I would not suffer him to enjoy it." After this, Anselme being received into the King's favour, in a Synod of the English clergy, holden at London, in the year 1107, a decree was made, "Cui an- nuit Rex Henricus," said Matt. Paris, that from thence- forth, " nunquam per donationem baculi pastoralis vel annuli quisquam de episcopatu vel abbathia per regem, vel quamlibet laicam manum, investiretur in Anglia." In recompense whereof, the Pope yielded 92 LALOR'S CASE. this favour to the King, that thenceforth no Legate should be sent from the Pope's side into England, unless the King required it; and that the Archbishop of Canterbury for the time being should be for ever Legatus natus ; and Anselme, for the honour of his see, obtained, that the Archbishop of Canterbury should in all General Councils sit at the Pope's foot, "tanquam alterius orbis papa." Notwithstanding as the succeeding Popes kept not their promise touching the sending of Legates, so this selfsame King, after the death of Anselme, broke the decree touching the investiture of the bishops. For he gave the arch- bishoprick of Canterbury to Rodolph, Bishop of Lon- don, saith Matt. Paris, " et ilium per annulum et pas- toralem baculum investitit;" as before he had invested Willielmum Gifford in the bishoprick of Winchester, "contra novi concilii statuta," as the same author reporteth. In the time of ^ e ^ mes ^ ^ ne nex ^ succeeding King, Stephen, King Ste- were full o f c i v il dissensions, which made the land phen, the Pope gained well-nigh waste, so as St. Peter's successor could Court of ie not take any fish in such troubled waters. Yet during this King's reign they won that point of juris- diction which they attempted to get, but failed thereof, in the time of King William Rums, namely, that appeals might be made to the Court of Rome. For in a Synod at London, summoned by Hen., Bishop of Winchester, the Pope's Legate, it was decreed that appeals should be made from provin- cial Councils to the Pope. Before that time " appella- LALOR'S CASE. 93 tiones in usu non erant," saith a monk of that time, " donee Henricus Winton. Episcopus malo suo, dum legatus esset, cmdeliter intrusit." Thus did the Pope usurp three main points of jurisdiction upon three several kings after the Conquest (for of William Rufus he could win nothing), namely, upon the Conqueror, the sending of Legates, or Commissioners, to hear and determine ecclesiastical causes ; upon Hen. L, the donation and investitures of bishopricks and other benefices; upon King Stephen, the appeals to the Court of Rome. Now are we come to King Hen. 2, in whose time in the time of they made a farther encroachment upon the Crown, 2, Se Pop7 whereby they endeavoured to make him but half a g^ 11 ^ oT king, and to take away half his subjects, by exempting Clerks from all clerks from secular power. Hereupon rose that power. long and great contention between Hen. 2 and Thomas Becket, which, on Becket's behalf, may be rightly termed rebellion and treason; the just cause and ground whereof was the same that made the late difference between the Pope and the Venetians. For A brief of a priest had committed a foul murder, and being troubles* 0? S thereof indicted and convicted, prayed the benefit of er trea " his clergy; which being allowed unto him, he was delivered to the Bishop of Salisbury, being his ordi- nary, to make his purgation ; which the murderer failing to do, should by the law have been degraded, and delivered back to the secular power. But the Bishop, contemning the law of the land, to enlarge 94 LALOR'S CASE. the liberties of the Church, sent his prisoner to Thomas Becket, then Archbishop of Canterbury, who shifted him into an abbey, and so rescued him from the capital punishment he had justly deserved. This gap of impunity being once opened, the clergy grew so outrageous, as the King was informed of a hundred murders committed by clerks, and yet not one of them executed for the same ; for that the Archbishop had protected them all after the same manner. For this the King was justly incensed against the Archbishop, who justified his doing herein. Whereupon a Common Council, as well of the bishops as of the nobility, was called, wherein they did revive and re-establish the ancient laws and customs of the kingdom for the government of the clergy, and order- ing of causes ecclesiastical, whereof these were the principal heads or articles : The constitu- 1 . That no Bishop nor Clerk should depart the endon. realm without the King's license ; and that such as obtained license should give securities that they should procure no hurt or damage to the King or realm during their absence in foreign parts. 2. That all bishopricks and abbeys being void should remain in the King's hands as his own demesnes, until he had chosen and appointed a prelate thereunto ; and that every such prelate should do his homage to the King before he were admitted into the place. 3. That appeals should be made in causes ecclesi- LALOR'S CASE. 95 astical in this manner ; from the Archdeacon to the Ordinary, from the Ordinary to the Metropolitan, from the Metropolitan to the King, and no farther. 4. That Peter-pence should be paid no more to the Pope, but to the King. 5. That if any clerk should commit felony, he should be hanged; if treason, he should be drawn and quartered. 6. That it should be adjudged high treason to bring in bulls of excommunication whereby the realm should be cursed. 7. That no decree should be brought from the Pope to be executed in England, upon pain of imprisonment and confiscation of goods. To these and other constitutions of the like nature, made at Claringdon, all the rest of the Bishops and great men did subscribe, and bound themselves by oath to observe the same absolutely; only the Archbishop would not subscribe, and swear, but with a saving " salvo suo ordine et honore sanctae ecclesise;" yet at last he was content to make the like absolute subscription and oath as the rest had done ; but presently he repented, and, to show his repentance, suspended himself from celebrating mass, till he had received absolution from the Pope. Then he began to maintain and justify the exemption of clerks again ; whereat the King's displeasure was kindled anew; and then the Archbishop once again promised absolute obedience to the King's laws. (See the fickleness and mutability of your constant martyr.) The King, 96 LALOR'S CASE. to bind fast the slippery Proteus, called a Parliament of the Bishops and Barons, and sending for the roll of those laws, required all the Bishops to set their seals thereunto. They all assented but the Archbishop, who protested he would not set his seal, nor give allowance to those laws. The King being highly offended with his rebellious demeanour, required the Barons in Parliament to give judgment of him, who being his subject would not be ruled by his laws : "Cito facite mini justitiam de illo qui homo meus ligeus est, et stare juri in curia mea recusat." Whereupon the Barons proceeding against him, and being ready to condemn him ; "I prohibit you (quoth the Arch- bishop) in the name of Almighty God to proceed against me, for I have appealed to the Pope ;" and so departed in contempt of that high court, " omnibus clamantibus," saith Hovenden, " Quo progrederis, pro- ditor ? exspecta et audi judicium tuum." After this he lurked secretly near the sea-shore, and changing his apparel and name (like a Jesuit of these times), he took shipping with a purpose to fly to Rome ; but his passage being hindered by contrary winds, he was summoned to a Parliament in Northampton, where he made default wilfully; for which contempt his temporalties were seized, and his body being attached, he was charged with so great an account to the King, as that he was found in arrear thirty thousand marks, and committed to prison; whence he found means to escape shortly after, and to pass out of the realm to Rome. He was no sooner gone, LALOR S CASE. 97 but the King sends writs to all the Sheriffs in England to attach the bodies of all such as made any appeals to the Court of Rome. Hereupon many messages and letters passing to and fro, all the suffragans of Canterbury join in a letter to the Pope, wherein they condemn the fugitive Archbishop, and justify the King's proceedings. Upon this the Pope sends two legates to the King, being then in Normandy, to mediate for the Archbishop. They, with the media- tion of the French King, prevailed so far with King Henry, as that he was pleased to accept his submission once again, and promised the King of France, that if he would be obedient to his laws, he should enjoy as ample liberties as any Archbishop of Canterbury ever had ; and so sent him into England with recommen- dation unto the young King, his son, then lately crowned; who, hearing of his coming, commanded him to forbear to come to his presence, until he had absolved the Archbishop of York and others whom he had excommunicated for performing their duties at his coronation. The Archbishop returned answer, that they had done him wrong in usurping his office ; yet if they would take a solemn oath to become obedient to the Pope's commandment in all things concerning the Church, he would absolve them. The Bishops understanding this, protested they would never take that oath unless the King willed them so to do. King Hen. the father being hereof advertised into France, did rise into great passion and choler, and in the hearing of his servants uttered words to H 98 LALOR'S CASE. this effect : Will no man avenge me of mine enemies ? Whereupon the four gentlemen named in the stories of that time passed into England, and first moving the Archbishop to absolve the Bishops whom he had excommunicated for performing their duties at the young King's coronation, and receiving a peremptory answer of denial from the Archbishop, they laid violent hands upon him, and slew him ; for which the King was fain not only to suffer corporal penance, but, in token of his humiliation, to kiss the knee of the Pope's legate. And this is the abridgment of Becket's troubles, or rather treasons, for which he Four points was celebrated for so famous a martyr. And thus ^a^Sy u s ee ty what de g rees the Court of Rome did, En knTb fw ^ m ^ e s P ace of 100 and odd years, usurp upon the Pope be- the Crown of England four points of jurisdiction, fore the reign . of King John, viz., iirst, sending out oi legates into England; secondly, drawing of appeals to the Court of Rome ; thirdly, donation of bishopricks and other ecclesiastical benefices ; and, fourthly, exemption of clerks from the secular power. And you see withal how our Kings and Parliaments have from time to time op- posed and withstood this unjust usurpation. Now then the Bishop of Rome having claimed and well-nigh recovered full and sole jurisdiction in all causes ecclesiastical, and over all persons ecclesiastical, with power to dispose of all ecclesiastical benefices in England, whereby he had upon the matter made an absolute conquest of more than half the kingdom, (for every one that could read the psalm of Miserere LALOR S CASE. 99 was a clerk, and the clergy possessed the moiety of all temporal possessions,) there remained now nothing to make him owner and proprietor of all, but to get a surrender of the Crown, and to make the King his farmer, and the people his villains, which he fully accomplished and brought to pass in the times of King John and of Hen. 3. The quarrel between the Pope and King John, The cause of which wrested the sceptre out of his hand, and in the between 1 King end brake his heart, began about the election of the p^ and the Archbishop of Canterbury. I call it election, and not donation or investiture ; for the manner of investing of Bishops by the staff and ring after the time of King Hen. 1 was not any more used, but by the King's license they were canonically elected, and being elected, the King gave his Royal Assent to their election, and by restitution of their temporalties did fully invest them. And though this course of election When cano- began to be in use in the time of Rich. 1 and Hen. 2, beglnlrsf n yet I find it not confirmed by any constitution r En ^ land - charter before the time of King John, who by his charter, dated the 15th of January, in the sixteenth year of his reign, granted this privilege to the Church of England in these words, viz., Quod qualiscunque consuetudo temporibus prsedecessorum nostrorum hactenus in Ecclesia Anglicana fuerit observata, et quicquid juris nobis hactenus vindicaverimus, de caetero in universis et singulis ecclesiis et monasteriis, cathedralibus et conventualibus, totius regni Anglise, liberae sint in perpetuum electiones quorumcunque H 2 100 LALOR'S CASE. prselatorum, majorum et minorum. Salva nobis et haeredibus nostris custodia ecclesiarum et monasteri- omm vacantium quae ad nos pertinent. Promittimus etiam quod nee impediemus nee impediri permittemus per ministros nostros, nee procurabimus, quin in universis et singulis monasteriis et ecclesiis, postquam vacuerint praelaturae, quemcunque voluerint libere sibi praeficiant electores pastorum, petita tamen a nobis prius et haeredibus nostris licentia eligendi, quam non denegabimus nee difFeremus. Et similiter, post celebratam electionem, noster requiratur assensus, quern non denegabimus, nisi adversus eandem rationale proposuerimus, et legitime probaverimus propter quod non debemus consentire, &c. But to return to the cause of his great quarrel with the Pope. The See of Canterbury being void, the monks of Canterbury suddenly and secretly without the King's license, elected one Reignold, their sub- prior, to be Archbishop, who immediately posted away to be confirmed by the Pope. But when he came there, the Pope rejected him, because he came not recommended from the King. Hereupon the monks made suit to the King to nominate some fit person to whose election they might proceed. The King commends John Grey, Bishop of Norwich, his principal counsellor, who was afterwards Lord Justice of this kingdom, who with a full consent was elected by them, and afterwards admitted and fully invested by the King. These two elections bred such a controversy as none might determine but the Pope, LALOR'S CASE. 101 who gave a short rule in the case, for he pronounced both elections void, and caused some of the monks of Canterbury, who were then present in the Court of Rome, to proceed to the election of Stephen Langton, lately made Cardinal at the motion and suit of the Trench King : who being so elected was forthwith confirmed and consecrated by the Pope, and recom- mended to the King of England with a flattering letter, and a present of four rings set with precious stones, which were of great value and estimation in those days. Howbeit the King more esteeming this King John's jewel of the Crown, namely, the patronage of bishop- kingly letter ricks, returned a round and kingly answer to the Pope, to the Pope ' that inconsiderately and rashly he had cassed and made void the election of the Bishop of Norwich, and had caused one Langton, a man to him unknown, and bred up and nourished amongst his mortal enemies, to be consecrated Archbishop, without any due form of election, and without his Royal Assent, which was most of all requisite by the ancient laws and customs of his realm. That he marvelled much, that the Pope himself and the whole Court of Rome did not consider what a precious account they ought to make of the King of England's friendship, in regard that his own kingdom did yield them more profit and revenue than all the other countries on this side of the Alps. To conclude, he would maintain the liberties of the Crown to his death, he would restrain all his subjects from going to Rome. And since the Archbishops, Bishops, and other prelates 102 LALOR'S CASE. within his dominions were as learned and religious as any other in Christendom, his subjects should be judged by them in ecclesiastical matters, and should not need to run out of their own country to beg justice at the hands of strangers. The Pope But what followed upon this ? The Pope, after a King and in- sharp reply, sendeth forth a bull of malediction against redm. teth the tne Kin g> and of interdiction against the realm, whereby all the churches in England were shut up, the priests and religious persons were forbidden to use any Liturgies or Divine service, to marry, to bury, or to perform any Christian duty among the people. This put the King into such a rage, that he on the other part seized the temporalties of all Bishops and Abbots, and confiscated the goods of all the clergy. Then the Pope by a solemn sentence at Rome deposed the King, and by a Bull sent into England dischargeth his subjects of their allegiance, and by a legate sent to the King of France, gave the kingdom of England to him and his successors for ever. These things brought such confusion and misery to all estates and degrees in England, as the King became odious to all his subjects, as well to the laity as to the clergy. Eor as the Bishops and religious people cursed him abroad, so the Barons took arms against him at home, till by much bloodshed they forced him, by granting the Great Charter, to restore King Edward's laws, containing the ancient liberties of the subjects of England. The Pope being a spectator of this tragedy, and seeing the King in so weak and LALOR'S CASE. 103 desperate estate, sent a legate to comfort him, and to make a reasonable motion unto him ; to wit, that he should surrender and give up his Crown and kingdom to the Pope, which should be regranted unto him again to hold in fee-farm and vassalage of the Church of Rome ; and that thereupon the Pope would bless him and his realm again, and curse his rebels and enemies in such sort, as he should be better established in his kingdom than he was before. In a word, this motion was presently embraced by that miserable King, so as with his own hands he gave up the Crown to the Pope's legate, and by an instrument or charter sealed with a bull or seal of gold, he granted to God and the Church of Rome, the apostles Peter and Paul, and to Pope Innocent the Third and his successors, the whole kingdom of England, and the whole king- dom of Ireland ; and took back an estate thereof by an instrument sealed with lead, yielding yearly to the Church of Rome, over and above the Peter-pence, a thousand marks sterling, viz., seven hundred marks for England, and three hundred marks for Ire- land, with a nattering saving of all his liberties and royalties. The Pope had no sooner gotten this conveyance, though it were void in law, but he excommunicateth the Barons, and repeals the Great Charter, affirming that it contained liberties too great for his subjects ; calls the King his vassal, and these kingdoms St. Peter's patrimony ; grants a general Bull of provision for the bestowing of all ecclesiastical benefices, and takes upon him to be absolute and 104 LALOR'S CASE. immediate lord of all. And thus, under colour of exercising jurisdiction within these kingdoms, the Pope, by degrees, got the very kingdoms themselves. And so would he do at this day, if the King would give way to his jurisdiction. But what use did the Pope make of this grant and surrender of the Crown unto him ? What did he gain by it, if our kings retained the profits of their kingdoms to their own use? Indeed we do not find that the fee-farm of a thousand marks was ever paid, but that it is all run in arrear till this present day. Tor the truth is, the Court of Rome did scorn to accept so poor a revenue as a thousand marks per annum out of two kingdoms. But after the death of King John, during all the reign of Hen. 3, his son, the Pope did not claim a seignory or a rent out of England and Ireland; but did endeavour to convert all the profits of both lands to his own use, as if he had been seised of all in demesne. For whosoever will read Matt. Paris, his story of the time of King Hen. 3, will say these things spoken of before were but the beginnings of evils. For the exactions and oppressions of the Court of Rome were so continual and intolerable, as that poor monk, who lived in those times, though otherwise he adored the Pope, doth call England Balaam's ass loaden, beaten, and enforced to speak ; doth call the Court of Rome Charybdis and Barathrum avaritiae, the Pope's collectors harpies, and the Pope himself a stepfather, and the Church of Rome a stepmother. He showeth that two third parts of the LALORS CASE. 105 land being then in the hands of Churchmen, the entire profits thereof were exported to enrich the Pope and the Court of Rome ; which was done for the most part by these two ways and means : First, by con- ferring the best ecclesiastical benefices upon Italians, and other strangers resident in that Court, whose farmers and factors in England took the profits, turned them into money, and returned the money to Rome. Secondly, by imposing continual taxes and tallages (worse than Irish cuttings), being sometimes the tenth, sometimes the fifteenth, sometimes the third, some- times the moiety of all the goods both of the clergy and laity, under colour of maintaining the Pope's holy wars against the Emperor and Greek Church, who were then said to be in rebellion against their lady and mistress the Church of Rome. Besides, for the speedy levying and safe return of these monies, the Pope had his Lombards and other Italian bankers and usurers resident in London and other parts of the realm, who offered to lend and disburse the monies taxed, and return the same by exchange to Rome, taking such penal bonds, the form whereof is set down in Matt. Paris, and such excessive usury, as the poor religious houses were fain to sell their chalices and copes, and the rest of the clergy and laity had their backs bowed and their estates broken under the burthen. Besides, the Pope took for perquisites and casualties the goods of all clerks that died intestate, the goods of all usurers, and all goods given to charitable uses. Moreover he had a swarm 106 LALOR'S CASE. of friars (the first corrupt or s of religion in England), who persuaded the nobility and gentry to put on the sign of the cross, and to vow themselves to the holy wars ; which they had no sooner done, but they were again persuaded to receive dispensations of their vows, and to give money for the same to the Church of Rome. I omit divers other policies then used by the Pope's collectors to exhaust the wealth of the realm, which they affirmed they might take with as good a conscience as the Hebrews took the jewels of the Egyptians. Briefly, whereas the King had scarce means to maintain his Royal family, they received out of England seventy thousand pounds sterling at least yearly, which amounteth to two hundred and ten thousand pounds sterling of the monies current at this day. Besides, they exported six thousand marks out of Ireland at one time, which the Emperor Frederick intercepted. Lastly, the King himself was so much dejected, as at a Royal feast he placed the Pope's Le- gate in his own chair of state, himself sitting on his right hand, and the Bishop of York on his left, non sine multoruin obliquantibus oculis, saith Matt. Paris. Thus we see the effect of the Pope's pretended jurisdiction within the dominions of the King of England. We see to what calamity and servitude it then reduced both the prince and people. Was it not, therefore, high time to meet and oppose those in- conveniences ? Assuredly if King Ed. I., who was the son and heir of Hen. 3, had inherited the weakness of his father, and had not resisted this usurpation and LALOR'S CASE. 107 insolency of the Court of Rome, the Pope had been proprietor of both these islands, and there had been no King of England at this day. But King Ed. I. may well be styled vindex Anglicse King Ed. i libertatis, the Moses that delivered his people from slavery and oppression : and as he was a brave and atlon< victorious prince, so was he the best Pater patrise that ever reigned in England since the Norman Conquest, till the coronation of our gracious Sovereign. At the time of the death of his father he was absent in the war of the Holy Land, being a principal commander of the Christian army there, so as he returned not before the second year of his reign. But he was no sooner returned and crowned, but the first work he did was to shake off the yoke of the Bishop of Rome. Eor the Pope having then summoned a General Council, before he would license his bishops to repair to it, he took of them a solemn oath, that they should not receive the Pope's blessing. Again, the Pope forbids the King to war against Scotland; the King regards not his prohibition : he demands the first-fruits of ecclesiastical livings; the King forbids the payment thereof unto him. The Pope sendeth forth a general bull prohibiting the clergy to pay sub- sidies or tributes to temporal princes; a tenth was granted to the King in Parliament, the clergy refused to pay it ; the King seized their temporaries for their contempt, and got payment notwithstanding the Pope's Bull. After this he made the statute of Mort- main, whereby he brake the Pope's chief net, which 108 LALOR'S CASE. within an age or two more would have drawn to the Church all the temporal possessions in the kingdom, &c. Again, one of the King's subjects brought a Bull of excommunication against another ; the King commandeth he should be executed as a traitor, according to the ancient law. But because that law had not of long time been put in execution, the Chancellor and Treasurer kneeled before the King, and obtained grace for him, so as he was only banished out of the realm. And as he judged it treason to bring in bulls of excommunication, so he held it a high contempt against the Crown to bring in bulls of provision or briefs of citation ; and accordingly the law was so declared in Parliament, 25 Ed. 1, which was the first statute made against provisors ; the execution of which law, during the life of King Ed. 1, did well-nigh abolish the usurped jurisdiction of the Court of Rome, and did revive and restore again the ancient and absolute sovereignty of the King and Crown of England. E. 2 suffereth His successor, King Ed. 2, being but a weak usurpagain. prince, the Pope attempted to usurp upon him again ; but the Peers and people withstood his usurpation. And when that unhappy King was to be deposed, amongst many articles framed against him by his enemies, this was one of the most heinous, that he had given allowance to the Pope's Bulls. E. 3 resisteth Again, during the minority of King Ed. 3, and tion^f r the after that in the heat of the wars in France, the Pope Pope ' sent many briefs and bulls into England ; and at last LALOR'S CASE. 109 presumed so far as that he gave an Italian the title of a Cardinal in England, and withal by his Bull gave him power to bestow all ecclesiastical promotions as they should fall void from time to time : this moved the King and the nobility to write to the Pope to this effect : " We and our ancestors have richly endowed the Church of England, and have founded abbeys and other religious houses for the instruction of our people, for maintainance of hospitality, and for the advancement of our countrymen and kinsmen. Now you provide and place strangers in our benefices that come not to keep residence thereupon ; and if they come, understand not our language ; and some of them are subjects to our mortal enemies ; by reason whereof our people are not instructed, hospitality is not kept, our scholars are unpref erred, and the trea- sure of the realm is exported." The Pope returneth answer, that the Emperor had lately submitted him- self to the Church of Rome in all points, and was be- come the Pope's great friend ; and in menacing man- ner advised the King of England to do the like. The King replies, that if the Emperor and French King both should take his part, he was ready to give battle to both in defence of the liberties of his Crown. Hereupon the several statutes against provisors before recited were put in execution so severely as the King and his subjects enjoyed their right of patronage clearly ; and their exemption of clerks took no place at all ; for that the Abbot of Waltham and Bishop of Winchester were both attainted of high contempts, 110 LALOR'S CASE. and the Bishop of Ely of a capital offence, as ap- peareth in the records of this King's reign. Yet King Rich. 2. during the nonage of Rich. 2, they began once again to encroach upon the Crown by sending Legates and Bulls and briefs into England, whereof the people were so sensible and impatient, as that at their special prayer, this law of 16 Rich. 2 (whereupon our indict- ment is framed) was enacted, being more sharp and penal than ah 1 the former statutes against provisors. And yet against this King, as against Ed. 2, it was objected at the time of his deprivation, that he had allowed the Pope's Bulls to the enthralling of the Crown. After this, in the weak time of King Hen. 6, they made one attempt more to revive their usurped juris- diction by this policy. The Commons had denied the King a subsidy when he stood in great want of money. The Archbishop of Canterbury and the rest of the bishops offered the King a large supply of his wants, if he would consent that all the laws against provisors, and especially this law of 16 Rich. 2, might be re- pealed. But Humphry, Duke of Gloucester, who had lately before cast the Pope's Bull into the fire, did likewise cause this motion to be rejected. So as by special Providence these laws have stood in force even till this day in both these kingdoms. The evidence Then the Attorney- General descended to the evi- dence, whereby he proved fully all the parts of the in- dictment. First, it was proved by Lalor's own con- fession, upon several examinations taken before the Lord-Deputy and Lord Chancellor, and others, that LALOR'S CASE. Ill he had accepted the office and title of Vicar- General in the dioceses of Dublin, Kildare, and Ferns, by virtue of the Pope's Bull. Secondly, it appeared by the copies of sundry letters found among his papers at his apprehension, that he styled himself the Pope's vicar, in this form, " Robertus Dublinien. et Kildaren. et Fernen. Diaeces. Vicarius apostolicus." Thirdly, there were produced the copies of divers acts and in- struments, written for the most part with Lalor's own hand, some of institutions of Popish priests to bene- fices, others of dispensations with marriage within the degrees, others of divorces, others of dispensations for non-payment of tithes. Whereby it was mani- festly proved that he did execute the Pope's Bull, in usurping and exercising episcopal jurisdiction, as Vicar-General of the See Apostolic, within the dioceses before named. To this evidence he made a three-fold answer. First, that he was no suitor for the office of Vicar- General, but it was imposed on him, and he accepted virtute oledientia, only to obey his superiors. Next, that he did exercise the office of Vicar- General in for o conscientite tantum, and not in foro judicii. And, lastly, that those copies of institutions, dispensations, and divorces were many of them written with his man's hand, as precedents of such acts and instru- ments, without his privity or direction. Hereupon Sir James Ley, Chief Justice, told him that he could not well say that he accepted that unlawful office virtute obedientia, for there was no virtue in that 112 LALOR'S CASE. obedience ; that he owed an obedience to the law and to the King, who is the true superior and sovereign over all his subjects, and hath no peer within his dominions ; and that the superiors whom he meant and intended were but usurpers upon the King's juris- diction, and therefore this excuse did aggravate his contempt, in that it appeared he had vowed obedience to those who were apparent enemies to the King and his crown. And though it were manifest that he exercised jurisdiction in foro judicii, (for every insti- tution is a judgment, and so is every sentence of divorce,) yet were his offence nothing diminished if he had executed his office of Vicar- General in foro conscientite tantum ; for the court of man's conscience is the highest tribunal, and wherein the power of the keys is exercised in the highest degree. Hereunto the Attorney- General took occasion to add thus much, that Lalor had committed these high offences, not only against the law, but against his own conscience, and that he was already condemned in foro conscientite. For that he upon his second examination had voluntarily acknowledged himself not to be a lawful Vicar- General, and that he thought in his conscience he could not lawfully take upon him the said office. He hath also acknowledged our Sovereign Lord King James to be his lawful, chief, and supreme governor, in all causes, as well ecclesiastical as civil; and that he is in conscience bound to obey him in all the said causes, &c., as it is contained in his acknow- ledgment or confession before set down, which being LALOR'S CASE. 113 showed forth by the Attorney- General, the Court caused it to be publicly read ; and thereupon demanded of Lalor, if that were not his free and voluntary con- fession, signed with his own hand, and confirmed by his oath before the Lord-Deputy and Council. He was not a little abashed at the publishing of this acknowledgment and confession in the hearing of so many principal gentlemen, to whom he had preached a contrary doctrine; therefore, said he, "the showing forth of this confession is altogether impertinent and besides the matter." Howsoever, he could not deny but that he made it, and signed it, and swore it, as it was testified by the Lord-Deputy and the rest. Then was it demanded of him, whether since the making of this confession he had not protested to divers of his friends, that he had not acknowledged the King's supremacy in ecclesiastical causes? His answer was, that indeed he had said to some of his friends, who visited him in the Castle of Dublin, that he had not confessed or acknowledged that the King was his supreme governor in spiritual causes, for that the truth is, in the confession there is no mention made of spiritual causes, but of ecclesiastical. " This is a subtle evasion indeed/' said the Attorney- General ; " I pray you what difference do you make between ecclesiastical causes and spiritual causes?" "This question," said Lalor, "is sudden and unexpected at this time, and therefore you shall do well to take another day to dispute this point." " Nay," said the Attorney-General, " we can never speak of it in a better i 114 LALOR'S CASE. time or fitter place ; and therefore, though you, that bear so reverend a title, and hold the reputation of so great a clerk, require a farther time, yet shall you hear that we laymen that serve his Majesty, and by the duty of our places are to maintain the jurisdiction of the Crown, are never so unprovided but that we can say somewhat touching the nature and difference of these causes." When the First, then, let us see when this distinction of distinction of -,.,.-, . ., , /> . ., ecclesiastical ecclesiastical or spiritual causes trom civil and causes fixmf temporal causes did first begin in point of jurisdic- civii and ^ion. Assuredly, for the space of three hundred years causes began after Christ, this distinction was not known or heard of in the Christian world, For the causes of testa- ments, of matrimony, of bastardy and adultery, and the rest which are called ecclesiastical or spiritual causes, were merely civil, and determined by the rules of the civil law, and subject only to the jurisdic- tion of the civil magistrate, as all civilians will testify with me. But after that the emperors had received the Christian faith, out of a zeal and desire they had to grace and honour the learned and godly bishops of that time, they were pleased to single out certain special causes wherein they granted jurisdiction unto the bishops ; namely, in causes of tithes, because they were paid to men of the Church ; in causes of matrimony, because marriages were for the most part solemnized in the Church : in causes testa- mentary, because testaments were many times made LALOR'S CASE. 115 in extremis, when Churchmen were present, giving spiritual comfort to the testator, and therefore they were thought the fittest persons to take the probates of such testaments. Howbeit these bishops did not proceed in these causes according to the canons and decrees of the Church (for the canon law was not then hatched or dreamed of), but according to the rules of the Imperial law, as the civil magistrate did proceed in other causes; neither did the emperors, in giving this jurisdiction unto them, give away their own supreme and absolute power, to correct and punish these judges as well as others, if they performed not their several duties. This then is most certain, that the primitive jurisdiction in all these causes was in the civil magistrate, and so in right it remains at this day ; and though it be derived from him, it remaineth in him as in the fountain. For every Christian monarch (as well as the godly Kings of Judah) is custos utriusquc tabula; and consequently hath power to punish not only treason, murder, theft, and all manner of force and fraud, but incest, adultery, usury, perjury, simony, sorcery, idolatry, blasphemy. Neither are these causes in respect of their own quality and nature to be distinguished one from another by the names of spiritual or temporal; for why is adultery a spiritual cause, rather than murder, when they are both offences alike against the second table? or idolatry rather than perjury, being both offences likewise against the first table ? and indeed, if we consider the natures of these causes, it will i 2 116 LALOR'S CASE. seem somewhat absurd that they are distinguished by the name of spiritual and temporal; for, to speak properly, that which is opposed to spiritual, should be termed carnal ; and that which is opposed to temporal, should be called eternal. And therefore, if things were called by their proper names, adultery should not be called a spiritual offence, but a carnal. But shall I express plainly and briefly why these causes were first denominated, some spiritual or ecclesiastical, and others temporal and civil. Truly, they were so called, not from the nature of the causes, as I said before, but from the quality of the persons whom the prince had made judges in those causes. The clergy did study spiritual things, and did profess to live secundum spiritum, and were called spiritual men; and therefore they called the causes wherein princes had given them jurisdiction, spiritual causes, after their own name and quality. But because the lay magistrates were said to intend the things of this world, which are temporal and transitory, the clergy called them secular or temporal men, and the causes wherein they were judges temporal causes. This distinction began first in the Court of Rome, where the clergy having by this juris- diction gotten great wealth, their wealth begot pride, their pride begot ingratitude towards princes, who first gave them their jurisdiction, and then, according to the nature of all ungrateful persons, they went about to extinguish the memory of the benefit ; for whereas their jurisdiction was first derived from LALOR'S CASE. 117 Caesar, in the execution whereof they were Caesar's judges, so as both their courts and causes ought still to have borne Caesar's image and superscription, as belonging unto Caesar; they blotted Caesar's name out of the style of their Courts, and called them Courts Christian, as if the Courts holden by other magistrates had been in comparison but Courts of Ethnicks ; and the causes which in their nature were merely civil, they called spiritual and ecclesiastical. So as if the emperor should challenge his Courts and causes again, and say, "Reddite Caesari quae sunt Caesaris," they would all cry out on the contrary part and say, "Date Deo quae sunt Dei:" our Courts bear the name and title of Christ, the superscription of Caesar is quite worn out, and not to be found upon them. And this point of their policy is worth the observing, that when they found their jurisdiction in matrimonial causes to be the most sweet and gainful of all other (for of matrimony they made matter of money indeed), to the end that Caesar might never resume so rich a perquisite of their spiritual jurisdiction, they reduced matrimony into the number of the seven sacraments ; after which time it had been sacrilege, if the civil magistrate had intermeddled with the least matter that had relation to matrimony, or any dependency thereupon. So then it appeareth, that all causes whereof ecclesiastical or spiritual persons have cognizance or jurisdiction by the grants or permission of princes are called ecclesiastical or spiritual causes. And as all their Courts are called 118 LALOR's CASE. spiritual Courts, so all causes determinable in those Courts are called spiritual causes. And therefore, where Master Lalor hath acknowledged the King's majesty to be supreme governor in all ecclesias- tical causes, he hath therein acknowledged the King's supremacy in all spiritual causes, wherein he hath but rendered to Caesar that which is Caesar's, and hath given unto his Majesty no more than all the Bishops of England have yielded to his predecessors, not only in this latter age, but also in former times both before and since the conquest, as hath been before at large expressed. Here the day being far spent, the Court demanded of the prisoner if he had any more to say for himself. His answer was, that he did willingly renounce his office of Vicar- General, and did humbly crave his Majesty's grace and pardon. And to that end, he desired the Court to move the Lord-Deputy to be favourable unto him. Then the jury departed from the bar, and return- ing within half-an-hour, found the prisoner guilty of the contempts whereof he was indicted. Whereupon the Solicit or- General moved the Court to proceed to judgment. And Sir Dominick Sars- field, Knight, one of the justices of his Majesty's chief place, gave judgment according to the form of the statute whereupon the indictment was framed. APPENDIX. APPENDIX (A.) PAPAL BULL.* ( From the Catholic Standard.) THE power of ruling the universal Church, committed by our Lord Jesus Christ to the Roman Pontiff, f in the person of St. Peter, Prince of the Apostles, hath preserved, through every age, in the Apostolic See, that remarkable solicitude by which it consulteth for the advantage of the Catholic religion in all parts of the world, and studiously provideth for its extension. And this correspondeth witli the design of its Divine founder, who, when he ordained a head to the Church looked forward, by his excelling wisdom, to the consummation of the world. Amongst other nations, the famous realm of England hath experienced the effects of this solicitude on the part of the Supreme Pontiff. Its historians testify, that in the earliest ages of the Church, the Christian religion was brought into Britain, and subsequently flourished greatly there ; but about the middle of the fifth age, the Angles and Saxons having been invited into the island, the affairs, not only of the nation, but of religion also, suffered great and grievous injury. But we know that our holy predecessor, Gregory the Great, sent * " Letters Apostolical of our most Holy Father Pope Pius IX., Estab- lishing the Episcopal Hierarchy in England ; Pius P.P. IX., for a per- petual remembrance of the thing." London : printed and published by T. Booker, at the Metropolitan Catholic Printing-office, 9, Eupert-street, Leicester-square. And sold by all Booksellers. 1850. f This is assumption without proof, and against probability, if not against proof. See note at end of the Bull, from Bishop Burgess' " Protestant Catechism." 120 APPENDIX. first Augustine the Monk, with his companions, who subse- quently, with several others, were elevated to the dignity of bishops, and a great company of priests, monks, having been sent to join them, the Anglo-Saxons were brought to embrace the Christian religion ; and by their exertions it was brought to pass, that in Britain, which had now come to be called England, the Catholic religion was everywhere restored and extended. But to pass on to more recent events, the history of the Anglican schism of the sixteenth age presents no feature more remarkable than the care unremittedly exercised by our predecessors the Roman Pontiffs to lend succour, in its hour of extremest peril, to the Catholic religion in that realm, and by every means to afford it support and assistance. Amongst other instances of this care, are the enactments and provisions made by the chief Pontiffs, or under their direction and approval, for the unfailing supply of men to take charge of the interests of Catholicity in that country ; and also for the education of Catholic young men of good abilities on the Continent, and their careful instruction in all branches of theological learning ; so that, when promoted to holy orders, they might return to their native land and labour diligently to benefit their countrymen, by the ministry of the Word and of the sacraments, and by the defence and propagation of the holy faith. Perhaps even more conspicuous have been the exertions made by our predecessors for the purpose of restoring to the English Catholics, prelates invested with the episcopal character, when the fierce and cruel storms of persecution had deprived them of the presence and pastoral care of their own bishops. The Letters Apostolical of Pope Gregory XV., dated March 23, 1623, set forth that the chief Pontiff, as soon as he was able, had consecrated William Bishop, Bishop of Chalcedon, and had appointed him, furnished with an ample supply of faculties, and the authority of ordinary, to govern the Catholics of England and of Scotland. Subsequently, on the death of the said William Bishop, Pope Urban VIII., by Letters Apostolical, dated Feb. 4, 1625, to the like effect, and directed to Richard Smith, reconstituted him Bishop of Chalcedon, and conferred on him the same faculties and powers as had been APPENDIX. 121 granted to William Bishop. When the King, James II., ascended the English throne, there seemed a prospect of happier times for the Catholic religion. Innocent XI. imme- diately availed himself of this opportunity to ordain, in the year 1685, John Leyburn, Bishop of Adrumetum, Vicar Apostolic of all England. Subsequently, by other Letters Apostolical, issued January 30, 1688, he associated with Leyburn, as Vicars Apostolic, three other bishops, with titles taken from churches in partibus infidelium ; and accordingly, with the assistance of Ferdinand, Archbishop of Amaria, Apostolic Nuncio in England, the same Pontiff divided England into four districts, namely, the London, the Eastern, the Midland, and the Northern ; each of which a Vicar Apostolic commenced to govern, furnished with all suitable faculties, and with the proper powers of a local ordinary. Benedict XIV., by his Constitution, dated May 30, 1753, and the other Pontiffs, our predecessors, and our Congregation of Propaganda, both by their own authority, and by their most wise and prudent direc- tions, afforded them all guidance and help in the discharge of their important functions. This partition of all England into four Apostolic Vicariates, lasted till the time of Gregory VI., who by Letters Apostolical, dated July 3, 1840, having taken into consideration the increase which the Catholic religion had received in that kingdom, made a new ecclesiastical division of the counties, doubling the number of the Apostolical Vicariates, and committing the government of the whole of England in spirituals to the Vicars Apostolic of the London, the Eastern, the Western, the Central, the Welsh, the Lancaster, the York, and the Northern Districts. These facts that we have cursorily touched upon, to omit all mention of others, are a sufficient proof that our predecessors have studiously endeavoured and laboured, that as far as their influence could effect it, the Church in England might be re-edified and recovered from the great calamity that had befallen her. Having, therefore, before our eyes so illustrious an example of our predecessors, and wishing to emulate it, in accordance with the duty of the Supreme Apostolate, and also giving way to our own feelings of affection towards that beloved part of our Lord's vineyard, we have purposed, from the very first com- 122 APPENDIX. mencement of our pontificate, to prosecute a work so well commenced, and to devote our closer attention to the promotion of the Church's advantage in that kingdom. Wherefore, having taken into earnest consideration the present state of Catholic affairs in England, and reflecting on the very large and everywhere increasing number of Catholics there ; considering also that the impediments which principally stood in the way of the spread of Catholicity, were daily being removed, we judged that the time had arrived when the form of ecclesiastical government in England might be brought back to that model on which it exists freely amongst other nations, where there is no special reason for their being governed by the extraordinary administration of Vicars Apostolic. We were of opinion that times and circumstances had brought it about, that it was unnecessary for the English Catholics to be any longer guided by Vicars Apostolic ; nay more, that the revolution that had taken place in things there was such as to demand the form of ordinary Episcopal government. In addition to this, the Vicars Apostolic of England themselves, had, with united voice, besought this of us ; many also both of the clergy and laity, highly esteemed for their virtue and rank, had made the same petition ; and this was also the earnest wish of a very large number of the rest of the Catholics of England. Whilst we pondered on these things, we did not omit to implore the aid of Almighty God, that in deliberating on a matter of such weight, we might be enabled both to discern, and rightly to accomplish, what might be most conducive to the good of the Church. We also invoked the assistance of Mary the Virgin, Mother of God, and of those saints, who illustrated * England by their virtues, that they would vouchsafe to support us by their patronage with God to the happy accomplishment of this affair. In addition, we committed the whole matter to our venerable brethren the Cardinals of the holy Roman Church of our con- gregation for the propagation of the faith, to be carefully and gravely considered. Their opinion was entirely agreeable to * Dr. Wiseman reckons St. Tnomas-a-Becket in the number. See ante, Introduction, xvi., and see Index. APPENDIX. 123 our own desires, and we freely approved of it ; and judged that it be carried into execution. The whole matter, therefore, having been carefully and deliberately consulted upon, of our own motion, on certain knowledge, and of the plenitude of our apostolical power, we constitute and decree, that in the kingdom of England, according to the common rules of the Church, there be restored the hierarchy of ordinary Bishops, who shall be named from Sees, which we constitute in these our letters, in the several districts of the Apostolic Vicariates. To begin with the London district, there will be in it two Sees ; that of West- minster, which we elevate to the degree of the metropolitan or archi-episcopal dignity, and that of Southwark, which, as also the others (to be named next), we assign as suffragan to West- minster. The diocese of Westminster will take that part of the abovenamed district which extends to the north of the river Thames, and includes the counties of Middlesex, Essex, and Hertford ; that of Southwark will contain the remaining part to the south of the river, viz., the counties of Berks, South- ampton, Surrey, Sussex, and Kent, with the islands of Wight, Jersey, Guernsey, and the others adjacent. In the northern district there will be only one Episcopal See, which will receive its name from the city of Hexhain. This diocese will be bounded by the same limits as the district hath hitherto been. The York district will also form one diocese ; and the Bishop will have his See at the city of Beverley. In the Lancashire district there will be two Bishops; of whom the one will take his title from the See of Liverpool, and will have as his diocese the Isle of Man, the hundreds of Lonsdale, Amouriderness, and West Derby. The other will receive the name of his See from the city of Salford ; and will have for his diocese the hundreds of Salford. Blackburn, and Leyland : the county of Chester, although hitherto belonging to that district, we shall now annex to another diocese. In the district of Wales there will be two bishoprics, viz., that of Shrewsbury, and that of Menevia (or St. David's), united with Newport. The diocese of Shrewsbury to contain, northwards, the counties of Anglesey, Caernarvon, Denbigh, Flint, Merioneth, and Montgomery ; to which we annex the 124 APPENDIX. county of Chester, from the Lancashire district, and the county of Salop, from the central district. We assign to the Bishop of St. David's and Newport as his diocese, northwards, the counties of Brecknock, Glamorgan, Pembroke, and Radnor, and the English counties of Monmouth and Hereford. In the western district we establish two Episcopal Sees ; that of Clifton and that of Plymouth. To the former of these we assign the coun- ties of Gloucester, Somerset, and Wilts ; to the latter those of Devon, Dorset, and Cornwall. The central district, from which we have already separated off the county of Salop, will have two Episcopal Sees ; that of Nottingham and that of Birmingham. To the former of these we assign, as a diocese, the counties of Nottingham, Derby, and Leicester, together with those of Lincoln and Rutland, which we hereby separate from the eastern district. To the latter we assign the counties of Stafford, Warwick, Worcester, and Oxford. Lastly, in the eastern district, there will be a single Bishop's See, which will take its name from the city of Northampton, and will have its diocese comprehended within the same limits as have hitherto bounded the district, with the exception of the counties of Lincoln and Rutland, which we have already assigned to the aforesaid diocese of Nottingham. Thus, then, in the most flourishing kingdom of England,* there will be established one ecclesiastical province, consisting of one Archbishop, or metropolitan head, and twelve bishops his suffragans ; by whose exertions and pastoral cares we trust God will grant to Catholicity, in that country, a fruitful and daily increasing extension. Wherefore, we now reserve to ourselves and our successors, the Pontiffs of Rome, the power of again dividing the said province into others, and of increasing the number of dioceses, as occasion shall require ; and in general, that, as it shall seem fitting in the Lord, we may freely decree new limits to them. In the meanwhile we command the aforesaid Archbishop and * " Flourishing not in consequence of Popery, but in spite of it." See Macaulay's History of England. The maxim is a true one The Church of Rome may flourish in the country which it ruins. See also Dr. Croly's England the Fortress of Christianity. APPENDIX. 125 Bishops that they transmit, at due times, to our congregation of Propaganda, accounts of the state of their Churches, and that they never omit to keep the said congregation fully informed respecting all matters, which they know will conduce to the welfare of their spiritual flocks. For we shall continue to avail ourselves of the instrumentality of the said congregation in all things appertaining to the *Anglican churches. But in the sacred government of clergy and laity, and in all other things appertaining unto the pastoral office, the f Archbishop and Bishops of England will henceforward enjoy all the rights and faculties which the other Catholic Archbishops and Bishops of other nations, according to the common ordinances of the sacred canons and apostolic constitutions, use, and may use : and are equally bound by the obligations which bind the other Arch- bishops and Bishops according to the same common discipline of the Catholic Church. And whatever regulations either in the ancient system of the Anglican churches or in the subsequent missionary state, may have been in force either by special con- stitutions, or privileges, or peculiar customs, will now hence- forth carry no right nor obligation : and in order that no doubt may remain on this point, we, by the plenitude of our apostolic authority, repeal and abrogate all power whatso- ever of imposing obligation or conferring right in those peculiar constitutions and privileges of whatever kind they may be, and in all customs by whomsoever, or at whatever most an- cient or immemorial time brought in. Hence it will for the future be solely competent for the Archbishop* and Bishops of England to distinguish what things belong to the execution of the common ecclesiastical law, and what, according to the com- mon discipline of the Church, are entrusted to the authority of the Bishops. We, certainly, will not be wanting to assist them with our apostolic authority, and most willingly will we second all their applications in those things which shall seem to conduce to the glory of God's name and the salvation of souls. Our * By these expressions seem to be implied the Boman Catholic Hierarchy and churches in England. f This seems to ignore the existence of the Protestant Episcopal hier- archy, as, indeed, the entire Bull seems to ignore the existence, powers, or prerogatives of the Queen of England. 126 APPENDIX. principal object, indeed, in decreeing by these our Letters Apostolic, the restoration of the ordinary hierarchy of bishops, and the observation of the Church's common law, has been to pay regard to the wellbeing and growth of the Catholic religion throughout the realm of England ; but, at the same time, it was our purpose to gratify the wishes both of our venerable brethren who govern the affairs of religion by a vicarious authority from the Apostolic See, and also of very many of our well-beloved chil- dren of the Catholic clergy and laity, from whom we had received the most urgent entreaties to the like effect. The same prayer had repeatedly been made by their ancestors to our predecessors, who, indeed, had first commenced to send Vicars Apostolic into England, at a time when it was impossible for any Catholic pre- late to remain there in possession of a church by right in ordi- nary ; and hence their design in successively augmenting the number of vicariates and vicarial districts, was not certainly that Catholicity in England should always be under an extraor- dinary form of government, but rather looking forward to its extension in process of time, they were paving the way for the ultimate restoration of the ordinary hierarchy there. And therefore we, to whom by God's goodness it hath been granted to complete this great work, do now hereby declare, that it is very far from our intention or design that the prelates of England,* now possessing the title and rights of bishops in ordinary, should in any other respect be deprived of any advan.- tages which they have enjoyed heretofore under the character of Vicars Apostolic. For it would not be reasonable that the enact- ments we now make at the instance of the English Catholics, for the good of religion in their country, should turn to the de- triment of the said Vicars Apostolic. Moreover, we are most firmly assured that the same, our beloved children in Christ, who have never ceased to contribute by their alms and liberality under such various circumstances to the support of Catholic religion and of the Vicars Apostolic, will henceforward manifest even greater liberality towards bishops who are now bound by a stronger tie to the Anglican Churches, so that these same may never be in want of the temporal means necessary for the ex- penses of the decent splendour of the Churches, and of Divine * i.