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 i^l 1(^1 1;=
 
 THE 
 
 HISTORY 
 
 *OF THE 
 
 REFORMATION 
 
 OF THE 
 
 Church of England. 
 
 Being a 
 
 SUPPLEMENT 
 
 T O T H E 
 
 Two Volumes formerly publijQied. 
 
 By the Right Reverend Father in G o d, 
 
 Gilbert Lord Bifhop of S a r u m. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 Printed for A. Millar, at Buchanans Head, over- 
 againft Catharine-jireet in the Strand, 
 
 M DCC LIII.
 
 t- 
 
 \npl2ri_i xU no^iui-^v 
 
 i- 
 
 -IjVo' J. 
 
 \ oiij 111 ' 
 
 ::^jki: 
 
 . i'.
 
 T O T H E 
 
 KING. 
 
 S I J}, 
 
 HIS Work, which is defigned 
 to Finifh the Hiftory of Our 
 Reformation^ feems referved to 
 be laid at Your MajE:sty's 
 Feet j who, we truft, is defign- 
 ed by God, to Compleat the 
 Reformation it felf. 
 
 To Rectify what may be yet amifs, and to 
 Supply what is defe6live among us j to Oblige 
 us to Live, and to Labour, more fuitably to 
 our Profeflion ; to L^nite us more firmly amono- 
 ourfelves ; to Bury, and for ever to Extinguifh. 
 the Fears of our Relapfing again into Popery j 
 and to Eftabliih a Confidence and Correfpon- 
 dence, with the Protejlant and Reformed 
 Churches Abroad. 
 
 A 
 
 Th(
 
 DEDICATION. 
 
 The Eminent Moderation of the mod Serene 
 Houfe from which Your Majesty is de- 
 fcended, gives us Aufpicious Hopes, that as 
 God has now raifed Your Majesty, with 
 Sional Characters of an amazing Providence, to 
 be the Head and the Chief Strength of the 
 Reformation ; fo Your Majesty will, by 
 a Wife and Noble Condudt, form all thefe 
 Churches into One Body : fo that tho' they 
 cannot agree to the fame Opinions and Rituals 
 with us in all Points, yet they may join in One 
 Happy Confederacy, for the Support of the 
 Whole, and for every Particular Branch of 
 that Sacred Union. 
 
 May this be the Peculiar Glory of Your 
 Majesty's Reign ; and may all the Blef- 
 fings of Heaven and Earth reft upon your 
 Moft Auguft Person, and upon all Your 
 Royal Pofterity. 
 
 This is the Daily Prayer of him, who is 
 with the Profoundeft RefpeCt, 
 
 SIR, 
 
 Tour Majesty's 
 
 Moft Loyalj fnofl Obedient^ 
 and moft Devoted 
 
 SuhjeSi and Servant^ 
 
 G I. S A R U M»
 
 A 
 
 h. 
 
 P R 
 
 THE 
 
 FACE. 
 
 HAD in my Introdudion to this 
 Volume, which I piibUfh'd a Year 
 ago, faid all that then occured to me 
 in the way of Preface : But fome Par- 
 ticulars coming to my Knowledge 
 fince that Time, give me an Occa- 
 iion to add a little to what was then 
 copioufly deduced. 
 I begin with Mr. Le Grand^ who 1 underftand is now 
 in a confiderable PofI: in the Court of France. He being 
 lately at Geneva^ explained himfelf to my Friends in thefe 
 Terms, That he was Toiing when he wrote againft me ; and 
 that the Heat of Youth had carried him tofo?ne ExpreJ/i- 
 onsy from which he would abflain^ if he were to write now : 
 He was glad to hear that I was upo?i the Reviewing tha 
 Hijiory of the Refo7-?natio?i j and named to them a Life 
 that he had feen in Spain, of Bartholomew Caranza, 
 Archbifliop of Toledo, who was King Philip's. Confeflbr, 
 and went with him to England, and was particularly em- 
 ployed in Reforming (as they called it) the Univerfities. 
 And, as he faid, he died when he was to be delivered out 
 of the Prifon of the Inquifition. He added, that he had 
 alfo feen a CoUeftion of Cardinal Pole's Letters, with an 
 Account of what paffed in England after the Death of 
 King Edward, which he believed I had not feen, and that 
 could inform me of many Particulars ; but that he him- 
 felf had other Employments than to think of the Affairs 
 of Eftgland. If I had received this Civil Meflage from Mr. 
 Le Grafid before I had publifhed my Introdudtion, I would 
 have faid nothing at all with relation to him : But what 
 is paffed cannot be recalled : So I hope he will accept of 
 this for all the Reparation I can now make him. 
 
 As {ox Anthony Harmer, fome have doubted if he could 
 
 be capable of making Three Capital Errors in one Line : 
 
 Vol. III. [ a ] And
 
 IJI 
 
 T:he PREFACE. 
 
 And fmce Mr. Strype has fuggeftcd to me that, in which 
 I was under fome Refcrve before, as having it from a. mo- 
 ther Hand, I am now free to fet it down. For Capitulum 
 Ecckfice Cathedralis, ■ he has printed, Epijiolam Co?iventus 
 Ecckftce Catholkce. If the Abbreviations may feem to ex- 
 cufe the Reading Epijiolam for Capitulum^ and Catholkcz 
 for Cathedralis, nothing can excufe the adding the Word 
 Conventus^ which he thought wanting to make a comr 
 pleat Title ; having read tlie others as he did : So I hope 
 I have Reafon to have no R.egard to any Thing that 
 comes from him upon his bare Authority. The weak and 
 ill-natured Attempts that fome among our felves have of 
 late made upon me, give me no fort of Concern, unlefs it 
 is to pray for thofe who have defpitefully ufed m.e. 
 
 There was alfo a great Poem lately prepared, and, I 
 fuppofe, defigned to be publiflied, when that which our 
 Enemies hoped was near accompliflied, fhould have been 
 effected : It was written in imitation of Hudibras^ and fo 
 was a Mock-Poem on the Reformation, compofed by one 
 Thomas Ward^ of whom I can give no other Account, but 
 that it is faid he is a Prieft. In it, Sanders\ Work was 
 made the Plot of the Fable : It was full of impious Abufe, 
 put in a Strain apt enough to take with thofe who were 
 difpofed to divert themfelves with a Shew of Wit and 
 Humour, dreffed up to make the Reformation appear 
 both Odious and Ridiculous ; not doubting of equal Suc- 
 cefs with Butler ^ admired Performance. It was no won- 
 der, if upon fuch a Delign, my Hiftory was treated with 
 all the Gharadlers of Scorn and Contempt. This was 
 what I might juftly expeft from thofe of that Side : But 
 I was forry to find fo much Cenfure from thofe from 
 whom I had no Reafon to expert it ; and which feemed 
 to be the Effed: only of Envy and Ill-Nature : God for- 
 give them for it. 
 
 I muft fay a little more, with Relation to a Learned, 
 and Copious Writer of our Ecclejiajiical Hijlory, who 
 finds my Hiftory often in his way : He treats me decently 
 as to his ExprefTions, but defigns all through to fet fuch 
 Remarks on my Work, as if they were well grounded, 
 muft deftroy the Credit that it has hitherto obtained. 
 
 I will
 
 Ihe P R E F A C E. 
 
 I'J 
 
 I will Firft give fome Instances to fliew what the Spirit, 
 the Principles, and the Defign of that Writer muft be : 
 I will name but Four out of a great many. 
 
 When he lets forth King He7iry the VIlI's Proceedings P. 150. 
 againft the Memory of Thomas Becket^ he has thefe Words, ^^- ^°' 
 And though '" ^ in- .?■ r\-r, _. ?. .7 
 
 Memory of T/jomas Becket^ he has thefe Words, ^^ 
 h his Co7jduB in this Difpute was not altogether 
 defenfMe^ he was far however^ from being guilty of that 
 grofs MiJ management with which he is charged. I will 
 leave the Judgment that muft be pafTed upon this Period, 
 to all who are in any fort acquainted with the Hiftory of 
 that Time. . 
 
 When he gi\'e3 the Chara6ler of King Edward the P. 332. 
 Vlth immediately before he tells of his Death it is in thefe ''" ^°^' 
 Words, His Conf debtee was not always imder a ferviceable 
 Direciion^ (the Meaning of this dark Expreflion I do not 
 reach:) He was ti?jBured with'Ex^.^i^n Pri?iciples^ and un- 
 der wro77g Prepojjejfons as to Church Government : He 
 feems to have had ?io Notion of Sacrilege : — And which 
 is fomewhat retnarkable^ fnofi of the Hardfljips were put 
 upon Ecclefaflicks^ i?2 the latter End of his Reigfi^ when his 
 ^Judgment was i7i the befl Conditioji : And without adding 
 one Word of his Good Qualities, or to corred: thofe fevere 
 Reflections, he concludes with the Account of his Death. 
 
 He gives a very different Account of the Death o( Mary P- ^^i. 
 Queen of Scots^ in thefe Words, Her Fortitude and Devo- 
 tion were very remarkable. She fupported her CharaSler 
 with all ij7iaginable Decency : She died like a Chriflia7iy 
 and like a ^ueen. 
 
 And to mention no more, when he comes to Queen P. 67 1 . 
 Elizabeths Death and Charadler, he runs a Parallel be- ^^- ^'^^^ 
 tween the Two Sifters Ma7y and Elizabeth^ in thefe 
 Words, The one made Martyrs^ the other 77iade Beggars i 
 The one executed the Meft^ a7id the other the Eflates : And 
 therefore^ referring the Honour of the Refor77iation to 
 ^ueen Elizabeth, the ^ueflio7t will be^ Whether the Refu- 
 7ning the Firfl Fruits and 'Te7iths^ putting i7iany Vicarages 
 in a deplorable Co77dition^ a7td fettling a Perpetuity of Po- 
 verty on the Churchy was itot much more prejudicial than 
 Fire and Faggot f Whether deflroying Bifhop7-icksy was Jiot 
 a much greater Hardpip than the deflroying Bijhops f Be- 
 
 caufe
 
 IV 
 
 Ihe PR E FACE. 
 
 caufe this Severity affeBs Succefw?i, a?id reaches down to 
 
 future Ages : Arid lajlly^ whether as the Wo7'ld goes, it is 
 
 not more eafy to recruit Bipops^ than the Reve?mes tofup- 
 
 port them f Thefe Words give fiich an Indication of the 
 
 Notion that the Author has of the Happinefs, or Mifery 
 
 of a Church, that they want no Commentary. 
 
 II. Vol. I will add this one Remark of a Fa6t upon a Paffage 
 
 Hift. of the ^^^^ I \^^^ ^j-it concerning the Book of Ordination, pub- 
 
 P.'{l Book lifh'd in the 3d Year of King Edward, which was in thefe 
 
 I. P. 149. Words, Another Differ ejice between the Ordinatio7i Booh 
 
 fet out at that 'Time, a?jd that we 7Joiv ufe, was, that the 
 BiJJjop was to lay his 07ie Ha7td on the Prieji's Head ; and 
 with his other to give him a Bible, with a Chalice and Bread 
 in it, faying the Words that are now f aid at the Delivery 
 of the Bible. In the Co7ifecration of a Bipop, there is no- 
 thing more than what is yet i7t ife, fave that a Staff was 
 put i77to his Ha7id with this Blefftng, Be to the Fleck of 
 P. 290. Chrifi a Shepherd. Upon this, his Remark is in thefe 
 
 II. Ccl. Words, But here, as it happe77s, this Lea7'77ed PerfoTi has 
 
 been led into a Miflahe : For the Two Firfl Editions of the 
 Ordinal made in King Edward's Reign, have i7077e of the 
 different Rites mentioned by this Gentleman. I was indeed 
 furprized when I read this, and went to look into the Firffc 
 Edition of that Ordinal, which I knew was in the La^nbeth 
 Library; for by Archbp. Sa7Jcroft\ Order, I had the free Ufe 
 of every Thing that lay there. There I went to examine 
 it, and I found indeed a fmall Variation from my Hiftory ; 
 the Whole is in thefe Words : In the Ordination of a Priefl, 
 after the Imposition of Hands, with the Words ftill ufed, 
 follows this Rubrick : Then the Bifloop ffjall deliver to every 
 one of the7n the Bible in the one Ha77d, and the Chalice, or 
 Cup, with the Bread i7z the other Ha77d, a7idfay, Take thou 
 Authority, &c. In the Confecration of a Bifloop, this Rubrick 
 is. The EleSiedBiJhop havi7tg upon hifn aSurplice,a7jd aCopey 
 pall be prefented by Two Bipops, being alfo in Su7'plices and 
 Copes, having theirPaforal Staves i7i their Hajtds. And after 
 the Form of the Confecration, this Rubrick follows. Then 
 pall the Archbipop lay the Bible upon his Neck,fayi77g, Give 
 heed to reading. The next Rubrick is, Then pall the Archbi- 
 Popput into his Hand the Pafioral Staff, faying. Be to the 
 
 Flock
 
 The PRE FA C E, 
 
 Flock of Chrift a Shepherd ; on to the End of the Charge 
 now given all together, but then divided in Two. This 
 Book was printed by Richard Graft07i^ the King's Printer, 
 in March 1549 ; or by the Roman Account, 1550. I 
 have given this full Account of that Matter in my own 
 Juftification : I am forry that I cannot return this Learned 
 Perfon his Compliment to my felf, That he was fed into 
 a Mijlake. 
 
 The next, and indeed the laft Particulaf that out of 
 many more I will mention, is the fetting down the Expla- 
 nation that was made upon the Order for Kneeling at the ff.^c^A 
 Sacrament in King Edward\ Time, wrong in a very ma- 
 terial Word : For in that, the Words were, That there 
 was not in the Sacrame?tt a?iy Realy or EJfential Prefence of 
 ChrifFs Natural Fleflj a?id Blood ; but he inftead of that 
 puts, Corporal Prefence. It feems in this he only looked at 
 the Rubrick, as it is now at the End of the CoAnmunion 
 Service, upon a Conceit that it ftands now as it was in 
 King Edward' % Book ; though it was at that Time chang- 
 ed ; and we know who was the Author of that Change, 
 and who pretended that a Corporal Prefejice fignified fuch 
 a Prefence as a Body naturally has, which the Affertors of 
 Tranfubftantiation it felf do not, and cannot pretend is in 
 this Cafe : Where they fay the Body is not prefent Corpo- 
 rally, but Spiritually, or as a Spirit is prefent. And he who 
 had the Chief Hand in procuring this Alteration, had a 
 very extraordinary Subtilty, by which he reconciled the 
 Opinion of a Real Prefence in the Sacrament with the laft 
 Words of the Rubrick, That the Natural Body and Blood 
 of Chrifl were in Heaven^ and not here ; it being againji 
 the Truth of Chrifl' s Natural Body, to be at one Time, 
 in more Places thaii One. It was thus ; a Body is in a 
 Place, if there is no intermediate Body but a Vacuum be- 
 tween it and the Place : And he thought that by the 
 Vertue of the Words of Confecration, there was a Cilifidsr 
 of a Facuum made between the Elements and Chrift's 
 Body in Heaven : So that no Body being between, it 
 was both in Heaven and in the Elements. Such a fo- 
 lemn Piece of Folly as this, can hardly be read without 
 Indignation. But if our Author favours this Conceit, 
 Vol. III. [ b ] yet
 
 VI 
 
 T:he PRE FA C E. 
 
 yet when he fets down that which was done in King 
 Edward'^ Reign? he ought not to have changed the Word, 
 efpecially fuch an important one. I fhall fay no more 
 of that Work, but that there appeared to me quite thro' 
 the lid Vohnne, fuch a conftant Inchnation to favour the 
 Popifh Dodlrine, and to cenfure the Reformers, that I 
 fhould have had a better Opinion of the Author's Inte- 
 grity, if he had profeffed himfelf not to be of our Com- 
 munion, nor of the Communion of any other Proteftant 
 Church. 
 
 But as I thought my felf bound to give this Warning 
 to fuch as may have heard of that Work, or that have 
 feen it ; fo there is another Hiftory lately written in 
 Fj^ench^ and which, I hope, is foon to appear in our own 
 Language, which I cannot recommend more than it de^ 
 ferves. It is Mr. U Enfant % Hiftory of the Council of 
 Conjiance ; in which that Excellent Perfon has with great 
 Care, and a Sincerity liable to no Exception, given the 
 World in the Hiftory of that Council, fo true a View of 
 the State of the Church, and of Religion, in the Age be- 
 fore the Reformation, that I know no Book fo proper to 
 prepare a Man for Reading the Hiftory of the Reforma- 
 tion, as the attentive Reading of that Noble Work : He 
 was indeed well furnifli'd with a Colled:ion of Excellent 
 Materials, gathered with great Fidelity and Induftry by 
 the Learned Doftor Vander Hordt, Profeftbr of Divinity 
 in the Univerftty of Helmjladt ; and procured for him 
 by the Noble Zeal, and Princely Bounty of that moft 
 Serene and Pious Prince Rodolph Atigufi^ the late Duke 
 of Brunfwkk Wolfenbuttk^ who fet himfelf with oreat 
 Care, and at a vaft Charge, to procure from all Places 
 the Copies of all Papers and Manufcripts that could be 
 found, to give Light to the Proceedings of that Great 
 Afiembly. The Colledlion amounted to Six Volumes 
 in Folio. From thefe Authentick Vouchers, the Hiftory 
 of that Council is now happily compiled. And if that 
 Learned Author can find Materials, to give us as full, and 
 as clear a Hiftory of the Council of Bafi, as he has given 
 of that of Conjiance^ I know no greater Service can be 
 done the World 2 For by it, Popery will appear in its 
 
 True
 
 The PREFACE, 
 
 vy 
 
 True and Native Colours, free from thofe palliating Dif- 
 guiles which the Progrefs of the Reformation, and the 
 Light which by that has been given the World, has forced 
 upon thofe of that Communion. We have the celebra- 
 ted Hijftory of the Council of Treitt^ firft publiilied here at 
 Lo7idon^ written with a true Sublimity of Judgment, and 
 an Unbyalled Sincerity ; which has received a great Con- 
 firmation, even from Cardinal Palavici7ii\ Attempt to 
 deftroy its Credit ; and a much greater of late from that 
 Curious Difcovery of Vargas\ Letters. But how well, 
 and how juftly foever the Hiftory that P. Paulo gave the 
 World ot that Council is efteemed, I am not afraid to 
 compare the late Hiftory of the Council of Conjlafice^ 
 evTn to that admired Work ; fo far at leaft as that if it 
 will not be allowed to be quite equal to it, yet it may be 
 well reckoned among the beft of all that have Written 
 after that Noble Pattern, which the Famous Ve?2etian 
 Fryar has given to all the Writers of Ecclefiaftical 
 Hiftory. 
 
 Since I publifhed my Introdudlion, I fell on many Pa- 
 pers concerning the Reformation in Scotland^ which had 
 efcaped the Diligence of that Grave and Judicious Writer 
 Archbifliop Spot/wood, of which I have given a full Ac- 
 count, and have ufed the beft Endeavours I could to be 
 furniftied with all the other Materials that I could hear 
 of : It is true, I never fearched into a lately gathered 
 Famous Library in this Place, but yet I had from fome, 
 on whofe good Judgment and great Care I might well 
 depend, who had carefully looked through it, every 
 Thing that they found material to my Purpofe. 
 
 No Curiofity pleafed me more than that Noble Record 
 of the Legate's Proceedings in the Matter of King He?i?y\ 
 Divorce ; of which I had the free Ufe, as of every Thing 
 elfe that was in the Library of my Learned, and Dear 
 Brother, the late Bifliop of Ely ; in whofe Death the 
 Church, and all his Friends, and none more than my 
 felf, ha\'e had an Invaluable Lofs. I read that Record 
 very carefully twice or thrice over, and gave a full Ab- 
 ftrad of it, but did not then refled: on what has occurred 
 to me fince : For though upon the Credit of fo Noble a 
 
 Record,
 
 VIU 
 
 Jhe P R E F A C E, 
 
 Record, I have faid that the King and Queen were never 
 tofrether in Court, yet I find the contrary is affirmed by 
 that King himfelf, in a Letter bearing Date the 23d of 
 June^ to his Ambafiadors at Ro7?ie, in thefe Words, Both 
 We and the i^ee?i appeared i?i Perfo?i : And he fets forth 
 the Affurances the Cardinals gave of their proceeding 
 without Favour, or Partiahty, j>et fie departed out of 
 Courts though thrice called to appear, aad was de?wunced 
 Contumacious. The only reconciling of this apparent 
 Contradidion feems to be this, that they were indeed to- 
 gether in the Hall where the Court fate ; but that it was 
 before the Cardinals fate down, and had formed the 
 Court : For as it is not to be imagined that in the Re- 
 cord fo material a Step could have been omitted, fo high- 
 ly to the Honour of the Court ; fo it is not likely that the 
 Queen after her Appeal, would have owned the Court, or 
 have appeared before thofe Judges ; therefore the mofl 
 probable Account of that particular is this, That the 
 King intending to appear in the Court, the Queen went 
 thither after him, and made that Speech to him in the 
 open Hall that I mentioned in my former Work : But 
 all this was over, and they were both gone before the 
 Court was opened, or that the Cardinals had taken their 
 Places ; fo that their Appearance could be no Part of the 
 Record of the Court. 
 
 I am now to give an Account of fome Papers that I add 
 as an Appendix, for they relate to the former Volumes. 
 The Firft of thefe was fent me by one Mr. Tbo7?ias Gran- 
 ger, of whom I can give no other Account, but that I 
 underftood he was a Clergyman. He dated his Letter 
 from La7?i?nerto?i near Tavijioke in Devon, the 7th of Fe- 
 bruary, 168^. I wrote him fuch a Civil Anfwer, as (o 
 kind a Cenfure deferved : And I promifed that I would 
 make my Acknowledgments more publickly to him when- 
 foever I review'd that Work. Upon my fettling at Salif- 
 bury, I enquired after him, but I was told he was Dead : 
 So I loft the Occafion of returning my Thanks to him in 
 a more particular Manner, which I now exprefs thus 
 publickly. 
 
 I had
 
 The PRE FA C E. 
 
 IX 
 
 I had another Letter writ in another Strain, full of 
 Expoftulation, from Anthoiiy (who affedled to write him- 
 felf) ct Wood. He thought it incumbent on him tojuftify 
 himfelf, fince I had relieved on him : So he gave this 
 Vent to it. I wrote (hort Remarks on it ; one of thefe I 
 find is in the Bifhop Q>i TVG?xeJie7'\ Hand ; they were fent 
 to Bilnop Fell to be communicated to him, but whether 
 they were or not, I cannot tell. The Thing has efcaped 
 my Memory, but the Paper ftill remains with me ; and 
 therefore I have thought it a Juftice to Mr. Wood's, Me- 
 mory, and to his Writings, to infert it here. 
 
 The Third Paper was drawn by me at PariSy in the 
 Year 16H5. My Hiftory being then tranflated into Fre?ich 
 was much read ; and as to the main Conduct of our Re- 
 formation, it was approved by fome Men of Great Name. 
 At that Time there was an Imbroilmcnt between the 
 Court of Rome and that of Verfailles : And the Propofi- 
 tions that paffed in the Year 1682, ieemed to threaten a 
 greater Rupture to follow. Upon that, the Scheme of the 
 Knglijlj Reformation was a Subjed of Common Difcourfe : 
 And that was fo much magnified by thofe who were call- 
 ed the CofiverterSy that the Hope of a Reformation in 
 France^ was one of the Artifices that prevailed on fome, 
 who knew not the Depths of Satan^ and were eafily 
 wrought on to make their Court by changing their Reli- 
 gion, in hope, that a great Reformation of Abufes among 
 them was then projected : But one of the Learnedeft Men 
 that ever I knew of that Communion, faid then to my- 
 felf, that all that was only done to fright Pope In?toce?it the 
 Xlth, who was then in the Interefts of the Houfe o{ Au- 
 Jlria, but that whenfoever they fhould have a Pope in the 
 Interefts of FraiKe^ their Court would not only declare 
 him Infallible in Points of Doctrine, but even in Matters 
 of Fad: : And he added, that it was an Abufe that People 
 put upon themfelves, to imagine that with what Pomp or 
 Zeal foever the Court feemed to fupport thofe Articles 
 paffed in the Affembly of the Clergy, that this could have 
 any other Effect: but to bring the Court of Rofne into 
 their Interefts. He faid this had been Cardinal Mazarine's 
 Practice during his whole Miniftry. When he could not 
 Vol. III. [ c ] carry
 
 X 
 
 T:he PRE FA C E. 
 
 carry Matters to his Mind at Rome^ he fhewed fuch Fa- 
 vour to the Janfe?iiJ}s^ as let many of them into great 
 Dignities ; but when he had brought that Court to what 
 he defigned, he prefently changed his Condud: towards 
 them. 
 
 A Perfon of Diflindion at Paris^ finding my Fliftory 
 fp much liked, wrote a Cenfure upon it. This run 
 through many Hands, but was never printed. It fell into 
 Mr. Auzoiit\ Hands, and from him I had it. I wrote an 
 Anfwer to it, and got it to be tranflated into Fre?ich : 
 It was favourably received by many in Pa?~is. I do not 
 find the Copy of that Cenfure among my Papers : But 
 I have ftill the Copy of my Remarks on it, from which 
 the Subftance of that Cenfure may be gathered : Su I have 
 thought fit to add this to my Appendix. 
 
 The 4th Paper is a large Colledion of many Miftakes, 
 (defcending even to Literal ones) in both the Volumes of 
 my Hiftory, and in the Records publifhed in them, which 
 a Learned and Worthy Perfon has read with more Exaft- 
 nefs than either my Amanuenfis, or my felf had done. 
 I publifh thefe Sheets, as that unknown Perfon fent them- 
 to me, whom I never faw, as far as I remember ; and' 
 who will not fuffer me to give any other Account of him, 
 but that he Lives in one of the Univerfities. His Copy of 
 my Work being of the 2d Edition, only fome very i^vf 
 of the Errors marked that had crept into the 2d, but that 
 were not in the ift Edition, are ftruck out. In feverai 
 Particulars I do not perfcftly agree with thefe Correc- 
 tions ; but I fet them down as they were fent to me, 
 without any Remarks on them ; and I give my hearty 
 Thanks in the fullefl: Manner I can, to him who was firft 
 at the Pains to make this Colledlion, and then had the 
 Goodnefs to communicate it to me, in fo obliging a Man- 
 ner : For he gave me a much greater Power over thefe 
 Papers than I have thought fit to afiiime. 
 
 The next Paper is a much fhorter one. It is indeed 
 the Abftrad: of a larger Paper, but I have taken out of it 
 only that which relates to my FIifi:ory : And have not 
 meddled with fome Remarks made owHarmer\ Specimen, 
 and many more made on the Rights of aft Engliih Convo- 
 cation.
 
 The PREFACE. 
 
 xj 
 
 cation. Thefe did not belong to my Sabjedt, fo I have 
 not copied them out. The Writer has not let me know 
 his Name ; he fent the Sheets to rhe in an unfiibfcribed 
 Letter, to which I wrote an Anfwer by the Conveyance 
 that he marked out to me, but I have heard no more 
 of him. 
 
 The 6th and lafl; Paper was fent me by the Sincere and 
 Diligent Mr. Sttype, who has defcended to fuch a full and 
 minute Corredlion, both of my Hiftory, and of my Co- 
 pies of the Records, that I confefs it gave me great Sa- 
 tisfaction : Many of his Corrections may feem fo incon- 
 ilderable, that it may be fuggefted that they were not 
 worth the while. But my whole Concern in Writing, 
 being to deliver the Tranfadtions of a former Age, faith- 
 fully down to Pofterity, nothing could pleafe me more 
 than to have every Error I have fallen into difcovered : 
 And it was no fmall Satisfaction to me, to find that a 
 Writer who has been now above 30 Years examining all 
 that palTed in that Age, and has made great Difcoveries 
 of many Secrets hitherto not known ; and who was fo 
 kind as to pafs over nothing how fmall and inconfidera- 
 ble foever it may appear to be, that was liable to Correc- 
 tion ; yet did not touch upon any one Thing that is of 
 any Moment in my whole Work. This I look on as a 
 very Authentick Confirmation of it all, except in the 
 Places thus cenfured by one who has fearched into all the 
 Tranladions of that Time with fo much Application and 
 Succefs. 
 
 This Work was compofed above a Year ago ; and after 
 it was read and corrected by fome proper Judges, it was 
 put in the Prefs, and was printed off to the End of King 
 Edward's Reign, before the ift oi Auguft lafl : Nor has 
 any Thing been added to it fince that Time, except 
 fome very few Particulars in the lafl Book relating to 
 Scotland. 
 
 I cannot conclude this Preface, and fo difmifs this 
 Work out of my Hands, without fome Refledions on 
 what has appeared among us of late, but too evidently, 
 in a Courfe of fome Years. Many who profefs great 
 Zeal for the Legal Eflablifhment, yet feera to be fet on 
 
 forming
 
 ^u 
 
 7he P K E F A C E, 
 
 forming a New Scheme, both of Religion, and Govern-, 
 ment : And are taking the very fame Methods, only a 
 little divcrfified, that have been purfiied in Popery, to 
 bring the World into a blind Dependence upon the 
 Clergy, and to draw the Wealth and Strength of the Na- 
 tion into their Hands. 
 
 The Opinion of the Sacrament's being an Expiatory 
 Sacrifice ; and of the Neceflity of Secret Confeflion and 
 Abfolution ; and of the Church's Authority ading in 
 an Independence on the Civil Powers, were the Foun- 
 dations ot Popery, and the Seminal Principles, out of 
 which that Mafs of Corruptions was formed. They have 
 no Colour for them in the New Teftament, nor in the 
 Firft Ages of Chriftianity ; and are diredlly contrary to 
 all the Principles on which the Reformation was carried 
 on ; and to every Step that was made in the Whole Pro- 
 grefs of that Work : And yet thefe of late have been 
 Notions much favoured, and written for with much Zeal, 
 not to fay Indecency : Befides a vaft Number of little 
 Superftitious Practices, that in fome Places have grown to 
 a great height, fo that we were infenfibly going off from 
 the Reformation, and framing a New Model of a Church, 
 totally different from all our former Principles, as well 
 as from our prefent Eftablifhment : To all which they 
 have added that fingular and extravagant Conceit, of the 
 Invalidity of Baptifm, unlefs miniftred by One Epifcopal- 
 ly Ordained ; though this not only cuts off all Commu- 
 nion with the Foreign Proteftant Churches ; of which, 
 perhaps, they make no great Account, but makes Doubt- 
 ings to arife with relation to great Numbers, both amono- 
 ourfelves, and in the Rotnan Commimion. 
 
 This I lament ; not that I think that there is fuch a 
 Sacrednefs in any Human Conftitution, that it is never 
 to be called in queftion, or altered : For if we had the 
 fame Reafons to alter any Thing cftablifl^ed at the Refor- 
 mation, that our Fathers had to alter the former Efta- 
 blifhment in the Times of Popery, I fhould acknowledge 
 we had now as good Grounds to change the prefent, . 
 as our Anceftors had then to change the former Confti- 
 ttition. The Scriptures are the only fure Foundation of 
 
 our
 
 The P R E F A C E. 
 
 XllJ 
 
 our Faith that is unalterable : All other Conftitutions 
 being always to be governed by that perfed; Declaration 
 of God's Holy Will with relation to Mankind. But it 
 gives a juft Indignationj to fee the fame Men make wide 
 Steps to great Alterations on the one Hand, and yet make 
 heavy Complaints where there is no juft occalion given, 
 and that about Points of meer Speculation ; whereas the 
 other relate to Matters of Pradlice, which had been in 
 former Ages fo managed, that the whole Complex of the 
 Chriftian Religion was totally depraved by them. 
 
 We have alfo Rules and Rubricks for Worfliip that are 
 our Standards, fixed by Law : And yet we fee a Humour 
 of Innovation making a great Progrefs in thefe, without 
 the leaft Complaint, by the fame Perfons who are apt to 
 make Tragical Out-cries on the fmalleft Tranfgreilions 
 on the other Hand. 
 
 Both are very culpable : But of the Two, we find the 
 Growth of Superftition has been fo fpreading, as well as 
 fo fpecious, that the Extreams of that Hand may be 
 juftly reckoned the more Dangerous : One of the worft 
 Effe^ls of Superftition being that with which our Saviour 
 charged the Pharifees of his Time, that while they were 
 exadl in Tything Mint, Anife, and Cummin, they ojnit- 
 ted the ^weightier Matters of the Law^ 'Judgme7it^ Mercy, 
 and Faith : In oppofition to which, he gives a ftanding 
 Rule applicable to all fuch Cafes, Thefe Things ye ought 
 to have done, and not to leave the other u7:done. This re- 
 lates to Pradices of a lower Order, but fuch as are com- 
 manded ; whereas voluntary and aftumed ones, like the 
 Wafhings among the fews in our Saviour's Time, eat out 
 the Senfe of the great Duties of Religion ; inftead of 
 which, fome trifling Performances are fet up, and are 
 highly magnified, while the others are fpoken of more 
 coldly : Nor does any Thing feed a Cenforious and Un- 
 charitable Temper more than thefe voluntary and diftin- 
 guiftiing Pradlices, which as they are the Badges of diffe- 
 rent Parties, fo they are Engines to keep up that Wrath, 
 Emulation, and Hatred, that has made fuch Havock a- 
 mong us, of the Great and Indifpenfiblc Duties oi Peace, 
 Brotherly- Kindnefs, and Charity. 
 
 Vol. III. [ d ] Thefe
 
 xiv The PRE FA C E. 
 
 Thefe have been but too vifibly the Arts of Satan to 
 divide and diflraA us ; and have oftner than once brought 
 us near the Brink of Ruin. God has often refcued us, 
 while the Continuance and Progrefs of thefe Evil Difpo- 
 litions have as often made us Relapfe into a broken and 
 disjointed State. Oh that we may at laft fee the Things 
 that belong to our Peace, and follow after thofe Things that 
 niake for Peace, and the 'Things wherewith we may Edify 
 one another. In this Prayer I will continue as long as I 
 Live, and I hope to End my Days with it. We muft 
 ailc it of God, and of him only : It is in vain to afk it of 
 fome Men, who when we fpeak to them of Peace, make 
 them ready to Battle ; we muft look for it only to him 
 who faid, Peace I leave with you, my Peace I give unto 
 you ; not as the World giveth give I unto you. The 
 World will only give it to thofe of their own Knot and 
 Party. But the Wifdom that is from above, is firjl Pure, 
 then Peaceable, Gentle, and eafy to be ijitreated ; fidl of 
 Mercy a7id good Fruits, without Partiality, a?id without 
 Hypoci'ify : JJnd the Fruits of Right eoufnefs are f own in 
 Peace, of them that make Peace. 
 
 THE
 
 THE 
 
 INTRODUGTI 
 
 ■^ ^ • 
 
 I Come, after a long Interval of Three and Thirty Tears, to give 
 all the Finijling to the Hifory o/'Oz^r REFORMATION, 
 that I have been able to ColleSf, either from New Difcoveries 
 that have come in my own way, or the Kind Advertifements of 
 Friends, and the Severe Animadvetfons of Criticks ; of which I have 
 endeavoured to make the beji Ufe that I could. It has been objeSled 
 to me. That I wrote in Hajle, and did not refcSl enough on the Mat- 
 ters I wrote about. That may be very true ; and I will give an Ac- 
 count how it happeti'd to be fo. When Sanders'i Hiftory was publijli- 
 ed in France, it hadfo ill an Effedi there, that fo me of our be/i Di- 
 vines were often called on, to hajlenfiich an Anfwer to it, as anight flop 
 the Courfe of fo Virulent a Book. Tlxfe, to whotn thcfe Advices were 
 fent, thought me a proper Perjon to be etigaged in it. 
 
 The Ancient, the Learned, and the Pious Bifcp of Worcefter, is 
 the only Petfon ?tow alive^ that was conce?i2ed in the Choice : And he 
 having read all the Printed Books that he could hear of, relati?7g to 
 thofe Times, had taken the Dates of every Remarkable Thing that paf- 
 fed, out of them ; which he caufed to be Copied out for me. They are 
 about Eight Sheets of Paper. Upon this Stock I fet out, a?id fearch- 
 ed all the Pub lick Offices about the Town, with a Labour and Dili- 
 gence, that was then looked on as 720 contejnptible Perfor-mance. I 
 marKd every Thing as exactly as I could. I }?iight, itifuch a Variety, 
 make fome Miftakes ; for which. Men of Candor will juake juji Al- 
 lowances. But whefi I had gone thro all that lay thus ope?i to me, I 
 knew what Treafures were ftill in the Cotton-Library , 
 
 The prefent Bifop of Worcefter carried me to Sir John Cotton, to 
 afk Admittance : But a great Prelate had been beforehand with us ; 
 and had poffefsd him with fuch Prejudices againfl me, as being jio 
 Friend to the P?'erogative of the Crown, nor to the Confitution oj our 
 Church, that he faid, (as he was prepared) That unlefs the Arch- 
 bifjop of Canterbury, a}id a Secretary of State would Recofmnend me, 
 as a Perfon ft to have Accejs to his Library, he defird to be excus'd. 
 And thd that Worthy Prelate faid. He would be anfwerable for the 
 Ufe that I fould ?nake of it ; yet he could not be prevailed on, to de- 
 part from the Anfwer he had made us. Nor could that Reverend 
 Perfon prevail with Archbifop Sancroft, to interpofe. And tho' I of- 
 fer d to deliver ztp all the Collections I had made, to any Perfon that 
 would undertake the Work, yet no Regard was had to that : So I faw 
 it was refolved on, either not to let the Work go on ; or at leafi, that 
 I f.'ould not have the Honour to be employ d in it. 
 
 With
 
 y 
 
 The I N T R O D U C T I ON. 
 
 With this we luere at a full Slop, ivhen accldaitally meeting with^ 
 Sir John Marfliam the Tounger, I told him how I was de?iy'cJ Accefs 
 to the Cotton Library ; but he told me he was by Marriage a Nephew 
 to the Family, (ind that for many Tears he had free Accefs to it, afid 
 he might carry with him whom he pleas' d : So I, with a Copier, went 
 thither midtr his Proteclion ; and we were hard at Work from Morn- 
 ing to Night for Ten Days ; but then the Owner, with his Family, 
 coming to Town, I could go no further. In that Time, and in the 
 Hajlc we were in, I did makefuch a Prcgrefs, that the good BiJl:op, 
 togeiher with the late Aixhbifop of Canterbury, Tillotibn, and the 
 late Bifop of Worcefter, Stillingfleet, thought I was Jufficicidly fur- 
 nifd with Materials for compofng the Firjl Volume. Every Part of 
 it, as I wrote it, pafsd through their Hands, and under their Cen- 
 fure, and I fubmittcd to their Judgment in every particular. 
 
 I have been told. One that was much praSli fed in that Library, who 
 is now Dead, has cenfured me for not comparing what jny Copier wrote ^ 
 carejully with the Originals : To this, all I can fay is, that, as 77iy 
 Copier by much PraBice was become pretty exaB ; fo I made him lyad 
 all over to me, having the Originals in tny Hands. I cannot fay in 
 fuch dull, though neceffary Work, as the Collatifig thofe Things, I 
 carried along with me all the Attrition that was requifte ; but I did 
 it as well as I could. And when I was lately in the Cotton Library, 
 I read over fever al of the Originals, but found no Material Differences 
 frofn the Copies I had printed. One indeed runs through all thofe in 
 the Englifh Language, which tnight perhaps offend a fevere Critick^ 
 that the Old Spelling is not every where exa.Bly copied. I did recom- 
 mend it to my Copier, and he obferved it often; but he f aid when he 
 wrote quick, it was impoffble for him to carry an antiquated Spelling 
 along with his Pen. 
 
 The Firft Volume lay a Year after I wrote it, before it was put in 
 the Prefs, and was offered to be read and correSfed by all who were will- 
 ing to give themfelves that Trouble. When it was brought to Secretary 
 Coventry for his Licence, he was pleafcd to fay that he dipped into 
 it out of Curiofity, but added, that he found fuch an Entertainmejit 
 in it, that he could not part with it 'till he had read it quite through. 
 The Earl of Nottingham, Lord Chancellor, took Time to read and 
 examine it, and to add majiy Remarks in fever al Parts of it, in all 
 which I fubmittedtohis Cenfure : And fame ftJialler Matters coming in 
 my way, they were added; fo when thofe under whofe Direction I 
 made every Step in it, advifed me to put it in the Prefs, I went on 
 with it. 
 
 It happened to come out a few Months after the Difcovery of the 
 PopilTi-Plot ; a7id the Ferment of that working powerfully over all the 
 Nation, the Work was favourably received ; and as I had the Thanks 
 cif both Hoiifes of Parliamejit for it, with a Defre toffiiflo what I had 
 begun, fo thofe who were the mo/i Zealous again)} Popery, preffed me 
 to make all poffible hajle with the lid Volume, when they under flood 
 that I had made confderable Difcoveries, with Relation to ^leen 
 Mary'j Reign. By that Time Sir Jolm Cotton feeing the good JJfe I 
 had nmde of his Library, was pleafed to achwwledge the Injufice of 
 the Suggejiions that had been made to my Prejiuiice, and allowed me 
 3 free
 
 The Introduction. 
 
 "J 
 
 free Liberty to examine every Thing in it : In which I ought to have 
 been ?nore exaB than I was, in fearching into the Matters Jet forth 
 in my Firft Volume ; hut the repeated Importunities of my Friends^ 
 for my PubUping the Second Volume, fo far prevail'd, that I only 
 examind what belonged to that Period. I took indeed fotne Papers re- 
 lati?tg to the former Reign, that accidentally fell iti my way, and infer f~ 
 ed them. I had al/o other Materials, brought me from federal Hands ; 
 upon the Publick Notice that I gave of my Defign in the Firjl Vo- 
 lume. 
 
 That Primitive BiJliOp, Fell, c/^ Oxford, engaged an Acquainta^ice 
 vf his Mr. Pullman, to make Remarks on it : IVhich he did with a 
 particular Acrimony of Stile ; for which the BiJJjop had prepared fiie. 
 I bore it, and drew out of it all that was Material ; and fent it to 
 him, to fee if he did not find in it the Subfiance of all his Remarks on 
 the Firfl, at the End of the Second Volume. It has been publifSd 
 over and over again, that he complain d, that I did not Print a full 
 Account of his Cenfure. The Fail was thus: I fent it to him by the 
 Carrier ; and begg'd of him. That if he had any Exception to thi 
 AbjlraSl I had made of his Remarks, he would return it back to me, 
 as foon as was pojjible ; for the Prefs was to be fiopfd till it came. 
 I /lay d for it till the Second Return of the Carrier : And whc?i ?20 An- 
 fwer came, I reckoned he acquiefced in my Abftraft ; fo I put it in the 
 Prefs>. But before it was printed off, his Anfwer came by the Third 
 Return of the Carrier : And I, finding that he excepted to fome few 
 Parts oj my Paper, was at the Charge of Reprinting it exaBly to his 
 Mind; and he afterwards received the Prefent that I made him, with-^ 
 out any InfinuatioJi of ariy Coinplaint. 
 
 Thus this Work was fent abroad into the World. Nor do I yet fecy 
 what more I could have done, to procure me better Information, nor 
 what other Steps I could have made. It took quiet Poffejion of th^ 
 Belief of the Nation at IIo?ne, and of a great Part o/'Europe abroad -^ 
 being Tra?ifiated into Four Languages I And for fome Tears, I heard 
 of neither Cenfure, nor Anfwer. 
 
 When I went to Paris, in the Tear 1685, I found there was a Cen- 
 fure going about, written, but jiot printed. It came i}2to tny Hands, 
 and 1 prefently wrote an Anfwer to it ; which I got to be put into 
 French : And all who read both Papers, feem'd fully fatisfy'd with 
 my Anfwer ; which will be found at the End of this Volume. I was 
 told, that it was writ by Mr. Le Grand ; who had given out in 7nany 
 Companies, that he had great ObjeBions, ready to be made to my Hi- 
 ftory. XJp07i that. Two Learned and Worthy Men, i^fr. Auzont, ajid- 
 Mr. Thevenot, defigned to bring us together, and to hear what Mr. Le 
 Grand had to objeB. We dind at Mr. ThevenotV : And after Din- 
 ner, for the Space of Three Hours, Mr. Le Grand propofed his Obje- 
 Siions, and I anfwer d thpn on the fudden ; far from Charming them 
 with my Eloquence : Which Mr. Le Grand mufl certainly mean as a 
 feft ; for I pretend to no more French, than to be imderjlood, when I 
 fpeak it. IVloat he faid was mean and tj-ifiing -, and yet it was fo 
 fully anfwered by me, that we parted Civily, a)id (as I thought) good 
 Friends. And when he was gone, both Thevenot and Auzont faid. 
 Vol. m. [ e ] They
 
 VI 
 
 The Introduction. 
 
 Thfv ic'L're ajhcuiicd to hear fucb Poor 'Things ohjeSled, (Pauvretes ivas 
 their Word) after the Noife that Mr. Le Grand had made. But two 
 Davs after, Mr. Auzont came to me, both in his own Name, and 
 in Mr. Thevenot'j, and dejirc-d me not to /peak of that Matter to any 
 Ferfon. The Court was then fo fet on Extirpating Herefy, that they 
 apprehended any Thing /aid by me, might bring me into Trouble : They 
 lifould do me "fnflice, fo I needed not be cojicenid to do it to my 
 
 Ff- 
 
 I muf alfo add, that Mr. Le Grand faid, after he had offer' d his 
 ObjeSiions, That as to the Main of my Hiftory, he coidd furnip }?ie 
 with many Materials to fupport it. And he made tne a Prefent of 
 a 'very Valuable Book, publified by Camufat at Troyes, 1613, with 
 the Title of IVIelanges Hiftoriques 5 of which I have made good Ufe 
 in the following Work. The Matter refled thus till the Tear 1688, 
 that Mr. Le Gr^Lwd publif.^ed the Hiftory of King He7iry the Vlllth's 
 Divorce. And foon after that. Two other Volumes of his appeared : 
 One was a fevere InveBive againft me and my Hiftory ; the other 
 was, a CofleBion of Letters, by which his Hiftory was juftifed. In 
 this lafl, there are fome 'very Valuable ones ; to which I have had Oc- 
 cafton oftner than once to refer my Reader. In the Two Firjl of thefe 
 fomeSi Mr. Le Grand thought fit to lay afde all Sort of Good Mari- 
 ners, and to treat me more in the Stile of an angry Monk, than of one 
 that had lived long in the Company of well-bred Men. I imputed this 
 to a Management he was rmder by fome of the Court of that Utifor- 
 tunate Prince, who foon after felt the Tragical RffeBs of fuchUrihap- 
 py Counfellors, as had then the Afcendatit. To thefe, I did believe ■, 
 Mr. Le Grand had dedicated his Pen; and that drew from rne a fe- 
 vere Poftfcript, to a Cenfure that I publifhed upon the Bifiop of 
 Meaux'i Book of Variations ; for which I am heartily firry, a?id ajk 
 his Pardon. 
 
 The Truth is, thefirfi Paper in his Third Tome, feemed to jifiify 
 any Thing that coidd have been faid, to expofe a Man that could of- 
 fer fuch an AbfiraB as he gave of it in his Hiftory, arid them that 
 •judged fo ill, as to think fit to Print that Letter, that does plainly 
 contradiSl the Senfe he gave of it. The Letter is writ by Pace, Dean 
 of St. Paul'^, to King Henry, (faid by him to be written in the Tear 
 1526; but in that he is mi ft a ken, as will appear after- wards) on the 
 SubjeB of the Divorce. He owns that he writ the Book, which had 
 been brought to the King the Day before, by the Advice and Afiiftance 
 
 i' f Dr. Wakefeld ; who was ready to defend it all, cither in Writing, 
 r in a Publick Difpiitation. " * Andfince he heard from the King, 
 ' that fome of his Learned Counfellors wrote, that Deuteronomy ab- 
 
 " rogated 
 
 * Et qiioniam Majeflas tua mill! fignificavit, nefcio qiios e fuis literatis Confiliariis fcripfifle 
 Deuteionomium abrogate l.eviticum, diligenter perquifivi quid id fibi vellet ; & tandem in- 
 veni id iiidubitato falfum cfle ; Eft Compendium, ac Repetitio, feu, ut ita dicam, Recapitu- 
 latio Legis iVIofaicas. Et illud Gra,"cum nomen Bcuterojiotnium, quantum ad fenfum rei attinet 
 illud, idem figiiificat quod habetur in Hebrseo ; id eft. Liber, in quo continetur fccunda Lex, 
 vel Repetitio prims; Legis. Poft meum a Majeftate tua difccfl"ura, D. R. JVakefddus unice me 
 rogavit, ut fibi fignificarem, an placeret tibi veritatem hac in re intelligere, utrum ftavet a te 
 ;ui contra te ? Ei ita refpondi, Te niliil velle quod efle; alienum a Nobili Principe, & fingu- 
 
 l»ribus
 
 The IntPvODuction. 
 
 *' rogatcd Leviticus, be peivs him how falfe that was. It was only 
 " a Recapitulation of the Mofaick Law; it feems they thought this 
 " was the Importatice of the Greek /i^'^sr^ Deuteronomy, (or a Second 
 *' Law) but he JJjews that it imported only a Repetition of thejormer 
 " Law, and the Book had another Title in the Hebrew. Then he fays 
 " that Wakefield de fired him to let him know whether the King had a 
 " Mind to know the Truth in that Matter, whether it food for hi in, 
 " or againf hitn : To this Pace anfwer'd. That the King defired no- 
 " thing but what became a Noble, and a Vertuoiis Pj-ince ; and that 
 " he would do a tnojl acceptable Thitig to him, if he would take Pains 
 " to let him know what was the Pure Verity : Then he being under 
 " fome Fear, /aid he could not fet about it, wilefs his Majefty would 
 " Ejijoin and Command it ; but when he received his Commands, he 
 " would ft forth fuch Things both agai?iji him, and for him, as no 
 " other Pcrfon within his Kingdom could do." There is nothi?ig here 
 but what is Honourable both for the King, for Pace, and for Wake- 
 field. 
 
 Mr. Le Grand has made a very particular AbJlraB of this : He fay s^ 
 cc ^ Y'S.QQ defgning to flatter his Prince's Pafjion, thought they Jl.mdd 
 " }wt fland either on the Vulgar, or the jo Tranflators, but have re- 
 " courfe only to the Hebrew, which he maintained was more favour- 
 " able to the King. He had written to Wakefeld, and fvwed hint 
 " the Trouble the King was in, a?id defired he woidd clear up the 
 " Matter ; Wakefeld raviped to be thus employ d, faid he would 
 " jujlifle all that Pace had faid to the King ; but then apprehending 
 " that Pace might deceive him, or be deceived himfelf ; or perhaps 
 " that the King might change his Mind, he defired that the Kifig him- 
 *' felf woidd let him know what he woidd have him to do ; whether he 
 " fljould defend the one fide, or the other ; arid he Jhould do accord- 
 *' iiig to the Orders he Jhoidd receive, and make fuch Difcoveries for 
 '" or againft it as fl?oidd pafs the Capacity of all Englifli-Men. Thus 
 " (etids he) Wakefeld, who had more Vanity than Religion, was 
 " driving a Traffick with his Se7itimeJits." 
 
 I have put in the Margin the Latin of PaceV Letters, and the Ac- 
 count that Mr. Le Grand gives of it in French, that the Reader may 
 judge what can be thought of a Man that reprefents Things fo unfair- 
 
 laribus Virtutibus pra;dito J Ilium Majeftati fuse rem gratiffimam fafturum fi laboraret ut pu- 
 ram veritatem libi declare:. Tum ille nefcio quo duftus timore negavit fe hoc pofle facere, 
 nifi Majeftas tua id fibi injungeret & mandaret ; & fi mandares fe produdlurum in medium 
 tarn contra te quam pro te ilia quae nemo alius in hoc tuo regno producere poflet. 
 
 f Nos avous la lettre de ce darnier (Pace) qui cherchant a flatter la PalTion de fon Prince, 
 vouloit que fans s'arreter ni a la Vulgata ni a la Tradudlion des feptante, on eut recours au 
 texte Hebrew ; qu'il foutenoit luy eftre plus favourable. 11 en ecrivit a Robert Wakefield, & luy 
 decovrit I'embarras ou le Roy fe irouvoit, le priant de luy vouloir eclaircir cette matiere. 
 Wakefield ravy de travailler pour le Roy, repondit d'abord, qu'il appueroit ce que Pace avoit 
 dit a Henry. Puis faifant reflexion que Pace pouvoit le tromper ou fe tromper luy meme, ou 
 que le Roy changeroit peut eftre, II alia trouvoir Pace, & luy temoignoit, qu'il fouhaitroit 
 que fa Majelle luy ecrivit elle meme, ce qu'elle Vouloit qu'il fit, & fi il devoit defendre le 
 pour ou le centre, & qu' alors felon les ordres qu'il recevroit, il donneroit, des eclairciflemens 
 ou pour ou contre, qui pafferoient le capacite de tous les Anglois. Cell ainfi que Wakefield, 
 qui avoit plus de Vanice que de Religion, trafiquoit de fes fentimentf.
 
 vj 
 
 The Introducti on. 
 
 /)', a^id makes fuch Inferences from them. I confefs this raifed in me too 
 much IiuUgnation to be governed as it ought to have been : I therefore 
 thought fuch a Writer deferved not to be followed in every Step. I lih- 
 ivife employ d at feveral ^imes, fome who went to Paris, to try^ in 
 what Ejleem that Performance was ; and if 1 was not much deceived 
 in the Accounts fent me froju thence, the Book had lojl the Ejleem of all 
 Perfons there Jo that it Was no more talked of, nor read. I cannot there- 
 fore bring my felf to examine it minutely, yet where any Matter of 
 Weight requires it, Ifiall either jujlijy, or retraSl what I had deliver- 
 ed in my Hijlory. I fi all fay ?io more of that Work in this Place, fave 
 only that the Original Judgmoit of the Sorbonne, about which Mr. Le 
 Grand feemed to be chiefly concerned^ both in the Conjerence I had 
 with him, a)id in his Book, is now found by Mr. Rymer, among the 
 other Judgments of the Vniverfities in the fecret Treafury, out of which 
 that Laborious Searcher into our Original Treaties, has already pub- 
 lijlicd 1 5 Great Volumes in Folio : Of this I fl.mll give a rnore particular 
 Account in its proper Place. 
 
 The fiext Attack that was made on my Work, was in the Year 1693, 
 under the Title of, A Specimen of fome Errors and Defedls in the 
 Hiflory of the Reformation of the Church of England: By Anthony 
 Harmer. It is well knoivn that was a difgitifed Nat7ie, and that the 
 Author was iV/r. Henry Wharton, who had publifl^ed Two Volumes 
 with the Title of Anglia Sacra : He had examined the dark Ages be- 
 fore the Reformation, with much Diligence, and fo knew many Things 
 relating to thofe Times beyond any Man of the Age ; he pretetided that 
 he had niany more Errors in referve, and that this Specimeji was only 
 a hafly ColleSlion of a few, out of many other Difcoveries he could tnake : 
 This cpjiffled of fojne trifling and minute Differences in fome Dates of 
 TranfaSlions of 710 Importance, upon which 7iothing depe7ided ; fo I 
 Ca7inot tell whether I took thefe too eafly from printed Books ; or if I 
 f077tmitted a7iy Errors in my Notes taken in the feveral Off ces. He like^ 
 •wife follows 7ne through the feveral Pecapitulations I had 7nade of the 
 State of Thi7igs before the Refon7iation, andflnds Errors afid Omiflio7is 
 in 7nofl of thefe ; he adds fotne Thi7igs out of Papers I had never feen. 
 The Whole was writ withfo much Malice, and fuch Co7itempt, that 
 I 7nifl give fo7ne Account of the Man, a7idof his Motives. He had 
 exprefs'd great Zeal again ft Popery, in the End of Kitig JamesV Reign, 
 being then Chaplain to Archbifl:op Sancroft, who, as he faid, had pro- 
 mifedhim the Firft of thofe Prebends of Canterbury that fl:ould fall in 
 bis Gift ; fo when he flaw that the Archbifljop was refolved 7iot to take 
 the Oaths, but to fotfake his Pofl, he ynade an earnefl Application to 
 me, tojecure that for him at Archbifl:op Tillotfon'j Hands : Ipreffed him 
 in it as tmtch as was decent for fne to do, but he faid he would 7iot encou- 
 rage thefe ajpiring Men, by p7-07nifmg any Thing before it flmdd fall ; 
 as i7ideed none of them fell duri7ig his Ti7ne. Wharton upon this An- 
 fwer thought I had jiegleSled him, lookitig on it as a Civil Detiial, and 
 faid he ivoidd be revc7iged ; andfohepublifl:edthat Specimen. Upon 
 which, 1, in a Letter that I pri7ited, addreffed to the prefe7it Bifl?op 
 of Worcefter, cha7'ged him again and again to bring forth all that he 
 pretended to have referved at that Time ; for 'till that was done, I 
 •would not enter upon the Examination of that Specimen. It was 
 
 received
 
 The Introduction. 
 
 vij 
 
 *^ecehcd icith Contempt ; and Tillotfon jujl/fcd wv prcjfing him to take 
 Wharton under his particular Protediion fo fuUy, that he fent and 
 asked me Pardon : He [aid he it-as fet o?i to if, and that, if I ivoiiki 
 procure any Thing for him, he would di [cover every Thing to me : I 
 defpis'd that Offer, but faid that I would at any Price Buv of him 
 thofe Difcovcries that he pretended to have in referve j but Mr. Chil'wel 
 (asichofe Houfe he then lay, being Sick) faid he could draw riothimr 
 of that fr 0771 him, and he believed he had nothing : He died about a 
 Tear after : So I will fay no more of him, only this, that where I fee 
 a Voucher for any Thiiig that he ObjeSis, I will fubmit and own fny 
 Error, but I have no Reafon to take any Thitig on his Word. I have 
 a Work lying on my Table, which pews how little Regard is due to his 
 Collect ions. It was fent me by a worthy Perfon in one of the JJniver- 
 fities, and is a Collating of Ten Pages of his Anglia Sacra, with the 
 Manufcript that he Vouches : It fwells indeed to a Book. Wharton omits 
 the moji Material Pafage of an Infincme7it that blemijhed one of his 
 Heroes. In fonw Places there are Errors in everx Line ; and there 
 are Three Capital Errors in One Line, and ab-out 50 in that I mall corn- 
 pa fs ; / have JJjewed the Book to a great matiy Perfons, and will jhew 
 it to any who defire to fee it, but do not defcend hej-e to further Par- 
 ticulars, for that perhaps might difcovcr the Author, and expofe him 
 to the Malice of an ill-naturd Cabal. Sifice that Time, a Writer of a 
 greater Name, has with abundance of ill-?iaturd Scorn, pretended to 
 binder -value my Work. I name him not, for I love not to tranfmit the 
 Remembrance of fuch Things to Poferity. JVhere he gives fiich 
 Vouchers as can be come at, I will be ready to retraSf ; but when he 
 appeals to fome Namelefs Maimfcript in his own Pofefion, I will have 
 no Regard to this ; for a Writer that has been found too faulty in 
 citijtg fuch Vouchers as can be examined, ought not to expeSl Belief, 
 when he has Recoutfc to fuch as are kept by him as Secrets, not to be 
 commwiicated but to a few Confidents, nor entirely to thefe, as I hava 
 hecn informed. All that has been hitherto obje£led to me, though with 
 Airs of great AJfurance and Scorn, has been fo trifing, that fome good 
 fudges have thought I jhewed them too ?inich ReJpeSi to take any No- 
 tice of thetn : They thought it was enough to 7nark down fuch fmail 
 Mi flakes as I faw had been made by 7ne, without fo 7iiuch as rnerttion- 
 ing thofe who 7nade fuch RefeBions : I would have complied with their 
 Advice, if I had not a jiijl Zeal to 7nai7itain the Credit of that Wo7-k ^ 
 which I ca7inot do better than by acknowledging the Difcoveries that 
 had been 7nade, even in the rninuteji Matters, though with all the 
 hidecency and Co7ite7npt pofjible. 
 
 A very Wo7-thy Perfon in one of the Univerfities, has fe7it 77ie a Copious 
 Colle^lion of Ret7jarks on both my for7iicr Vohmies, but 7ipon Condition 
 7iot to name hirn ; which I will obferve religioufy, becaufe I pro7nifed 
 it } though it is 7iot eafy to 77iyfelf, fince I mav 7iot own to who7n I onve 
 Jo great an Obligatio7i ; but Ifupprefs 7io7ie of the7n, and give them en- 
 tii'eh as he offered them to rne. I have had Afijlance froin fof7ie other 
 Ha7ids, which I will gratefully own as I cotne to mention tlhvn, in their 
 proper Places. 
 
 Vol.. in. / I have
 
 VllJ 
 
 The Introduction. 
 
 I have chofen rather to publij}} all that is of new ojj'crd to me, in a 
 Volume a-part, than to reprint my former Volumes ivith thcfe Ccr^ 
 regions, as fome have advifcd me to do. There are fame Thonfands 
 
 - ! fii . ^ - - , 
 
 lick; be/ides that, info doing. If mild only drop thofe Errors of 7iiy 
 
 former Work, without that formal difoiiming and retraSling of them^ 
 
 'ivhich I think I oive the Pub lick. I have ever looked on Faljkocds in 
 
 Hijkry, izdh-n fallen into deliberately, as the ivctjl fort of Lying, both 
 
 the moft piiblick, and the moji lafting. But if they are mere imwcently 
 
 committed, and are yet perffted in after a Difcovery, they are as bad 
 
 as when done on De/ign. / writ before as well and as carefully as I 
 
 could; and if in fo great a Variety of Materials, fame are Spurious,. 
 
 ajid others appear Doubtful ; and if in the Hafe in which the Circum- 
 
 jlances of that Time almoji forced me to publijl: that Work, without 
 
 lookijig cut for tnore Aid, and without '■^^aiiing for further DifccverieSy 
 
 there are fome inco-nfiderable Errors and DefeSfs in the lefs important 
 
 Farts of my Work, that relate not to the Main of Things, I hope the 
 
 World will be fo juft, and fo favourable, as to tnake fair Allowances 
 
 for them, and to accept all the Reparation I can make for paji Errors y 
 
 when I own my Failing, andfet my Readers right. 
 
 I come next to give an Account of the Reafons that moved me to 
 fet about this Work at this Time. The Reafons of my engaging in it at 
 frJl,feemednow to return upon me; and have determined me to delay the 
 doitrg of it no lo?iger. The Datiger of a Popijh Succejfor then in view, 
 and the dreadful Apprehetifons we had of the Power of France, and 
 of the Zeal with which the extirpating that which feme called the 
 Pellilent Herefy, that had long infefted thofe Northern Kingdoms, 
 was then driven on, made itfecm a proper Time to awaken the Nation, 
 ly fiewing both what Popery, and what the Reformation was; by 
 .(l:ewing the Cruelty and Falfxod of the former, and what the Patie7ice 
 ^attd Courage of our Reformers was ; a?2d the Work had gejierally fo 
 good an EffeB then, that if the like Dangers feem to revert, it may 
 not be an improper Attempt to try once more to awaken a Nation that 
 has perhaps forgot pajl Dangers, arid ytt may be ?iearer them than 
 ever. 
 
 If there is any Difference between the prefent State of Things, and 
 that we were in above 30 Tears ago, it is that we are now more naked 
 and defe77celefs, more ijifenfble and ftupid, and much tnore depraved 
 in all Refpetls than we were then. We are funk in our Learjiing, vi- 
 tiated in Principles ; tainted, fotjie with Atheifm, others with Super- 
 f it ion ; both winch, though by differ ettt ways, prepare us for Popery. 
 Our Old Breaches are not healed, and jiew ones, not k?iown in fortner 
 Times, are raifed atid fomented with much luduftry and great Art, 
 as well as much Heat : Matiy are barefacedly going back to that Mifery, 
 from which God with fuch a mighty Hand refcued us ; and has hither- 
 to j^referved us with an amazing Chain of Happy Providences ; but the 
 deaf Adder flops her Ear, let the Charmer charm never fo wifely. 
 
 All
 
 The Introduction. ix 
 
 All Booh relating to tbofe Contro'-jerjies lie dead in Shops, fem' cal- 
 ling for them ; jnatiy of them (as Men of the Trade have told me) 
 being looked on as Wajle Paper, and turned to Pajleboard. There are, 
 after all, fome Real and Senfble Arguments, that may perhaps have 
 fome EffeB on thofe, who let riot thcmfches be moved ivith Matters of 
 dry Speadation, or with cold Reafoning. I have made many D if cove - 
 ries, that may awaken fome, on whom the cleareji Demonfrations will 
 perhaps niake no ImpreJJicn. 
 
 In Slueen MaryV Time, befide all that Scene which I had formerly 
 opened, of a perfidious Breach of foletnn Promifes, of the corrupting 
 and packing of Parliaments, and of that U7irelenting Cruelty, which 
 was purfued to the End of that Reign without Intermijfon ; I have 
 had Occafcn to fee much farther into the Spirit which then prevailed. 
 I have had the Perufal of the Original Council-Book^ that went from 
 the Beginning of her Reign to the lafi Day of the Tear 1557 ; in which 
 fuch a Spirit of Cruelty and Bigottry appears, thro' the whole Courje 
 of that Reign, that I was indeed amazed to find a poor harmUfs Wo- 
 man, weak thd learned, guilty of nothing but what her Religion infufed 
 in her, fo carried to an Indecence of Barbarity, that it appears that 
 Bonner himfelf was not cruel enough for her, or at leajl for her 
 Confefor. She believed her jelf with Child, and when the Time came 
 in which Jhe expeSied to be delivered, foe continued looking for it eve?-y 
 Day above a Mo7ith ; then a Conceit was put in her Head, that foe 
 could not bear her Child, as long as there was a Heretick left in the 
 Kingdotn. 
 
 It was a great Part of the Bujinefs of the Council, to quicken tlje 
 Perfecution every where : Letters were writ to the Men of Reality in 
 the fever al Comities, to afoijl at the Execution of thofo who fujfered for 
 Herefy, and to call on all their Friends to attend on them. Letters of 
 Thanks wei-e writ to fuch officious Perfons, as exprefoed their Zeal, or- 
 dering them to commit all to Prifon, who came ?iot to the Service, and 
 to keep them in Prifon till the Comfort cfo their Amendment appeared. 
 Directions were given to put fuch as would not difcover others, to the 
 Torture : Thanks were in a particular Stile fent to fome Gentlemen, who 
 (as it is expreffed) came fo honeftly, and of themfelves, to affill the 
 Sheriffs at thofe Executions. Pretcfices of Confpiracies were every 
 *where under Examination j ma7iy were cow.mitted, and tried for Words ^ 
 Letters were writ to Corporations, about the EleSiions o/" Mayors : And 
 the Lords had many Letters, to lock carefully to the EleBions of Par- 
 liament-Men, and to engage the EleBcrs, to referve their Voices for 
 fuch as they foMild name. Sh.tn^i began to groiv backward, and to de- 
 lay Executions, in Hopes of Reclaiming Perfons Jo condemned : But they 
 •were order d to dofo no jnore. 
 
 Letters were on one Day w7-ote to the Sheriffs of Kent, Eflex, Suf- 
 folk, a}td Staffordfliire, and to fever al Mayors, to fgnifie what had 
 moved them to fay the Executions of fuch Perfo7is as had been deli- 
 vered to them by the Ordinaries, beifig condemned for Herefy. 0?ie 
 Letter ofo a more fingular Strain, was wrote to the Lord -Mayor a}id 
 the Sheriffs of London, to give Subjla7itial Orders, (I give the Words 
 in the Council-Book,) " That when any cbjlinate Man, condenmed by 
 " Order of the Law, foall be deliver d to be punifod for Her efo, there 
 
 '' be
 
 X The Introducti on. 
 
 " be a good Number of Officers and other Men appointed to be at the 
 " Execution; icbo may be charged to fee fiich as Jhall mifiife tbemfekes^ 
 " either by comforting, aiding, or praifing the Ojjauiers, or otbey-ivife 
 " nfe them/eives to the ill Example of others, to be apprehended ami 
 " committed to IVard ; and befides, to give Commandment that no 
 " Houf^older fiff'er any of his Apprentices, or other Servants to be 
 " abroad, other than fuch as their Majiers il-HI anfiver for ; and that 
 *' this Order be ahcays ohferv d in like Cafes kerecifter" . Such Pains 
 ivere taken to cxtijignijh all the Impreffions of Eliwianity, or at lea/l 
 topmiijl? every Exprefion of it ; and this ivas fo conjlantly piirfucd, that 
 Three Men and T-ico IVomen were burnt at Canterbury on the i oth of 
 November, a Week before her Death ; for fie died on the i yth. 
 Ccx HHl. of j^ror ivere they fatisfed ivith all thefe Arts of Cruelty in England ; 
 but hearing that there laere fome of that Jort in Ireland, one Cule 
 icas feut over ivith a Connmfion tofet a F erf e cut ion on foot there. 
 Wljen he was at Chefter, the Corporation waited on him, in refpeSl to 
 his being ferit by the ^wen ; hejhewed them his Powers and Letters to 
 the Government of Ireland, but leaving his Papers on the "Table, when 
 he went in RefpeSl to this Body to conduB them down Stairs, the 
 Mi/lrefs of the Houfe being fecretly a zealous Woman, did with a 
 particular Addrefs made up a Pacquet like his, in which ft?e put a 
 Pack of Cards, the Kjiave of Clubs being turned iipperjnoji ; and fo 
 fie took away bis Papers, putting this irifead of them. He fufpeSfing 
 nothing, nor looking into them, went over to Dublin, and deliver d 
 his Meffage and Pacquet to the Council there, which was certaiyily re- 
 ceived with Scorn and Indignation. He cafne back to London, and 
 got new Powers, a few Days before the ^leefi's Death ; for the News 
 of it overtook him before be had his Paffage. The Levity of this Sto^ 
 ry made me at frji fufpeSl it, till I found it in fever al Books, in which 
 it is faid that the Woman had for this Service a Peffon from ^een 
 Elizalaeth. 
 
 I have in m\ former Hiforyfi.vwed what Steps were made in that 
 Reign, towards the fetting up an Inquiftion in England ; which was 
 very probably fugge/led by King Philip, and fome of his Spaniards, as 
 the only fiire Method to extirpate Herejy : But I have fince feen fome 
 further Steps made towards it. RatclifFe, Earl of Suflbx, was in 
 high Favour > /ind he, who f aw what was tbs Method to fecure and 
 advance it, moved, that inflead of the dilat07y Proceedings in the 
 i^rdina7-y Cou7-ts, fuch Offenders fimild be proceeded ^gai?ijl by Martial 
 Law. To this the Council wrote Anfwer, They cotmnended his Zeal, 
 iind acknowledged that fuch Perfons defervd to be fo usd: Yet it was 
 ?20t thought the be ft Way, but they were to be piniifi'd as the Laws 
 did order. But when they bad had their Punijhment, he was order d 
 to keep them in Prifon and in Irons, till they came to know themfelves 
 and their Duty. I have alfo found what he did towards the fettitzg up 
 an Itiquiftion. I did for7nerly print the InfruSlions that were fent to 
 2/. Volume of //j^ Comity of Norfolk. Of thefe the bth did run thus : " They fiall 
 Rec * 28^ ° " procure to have ;"« every Parifi, or Part of the Shire, as near as may 
 " be, fome one or tnore ho7ieJl Men fecretly inftruSied, to give hfonna- 
 ^' tion of the Inhabitants atfwngft or about the 771" . I find in a Regi- 
 
 " fter
 
 The Introduction. 
 
 ^J 
 
 Jler of the Earl of SulTex, thai to the 6th Article it is agreed^ " That 
 " the fuflices of the Peace, i?i eirry of their Limits, Jhall call fe- 
 " cretly before them., One or Tivo honejl and fecret Pe?'JonSy or more, 
 " by their Difcretions, cunl ftich as they fall think good ; and coin- 
 *' maiid them by Oath, or otherivays, as the fame fiifiices fall thitik 
 " good, that they fall fecretly learn and fearch out, fuch Perfon or 
 " Perfons, as fall evil-behave the?nfehes idly at Church, or defpife 
 " openly by Words the King and ^leefis Proceedings ; or go about 
 " to make or move any Stir, Commotion, or z/nlaizful Gatherino- to?c- 
 " ther of the People ; or that fell tell any Seditions, or Leivd Tales ^ 
 " Rumors or Niios, to move or flir any Perfon or Perfns, to rife, llir, 
 " or make any Co-mmotion or InfurreSlicn, ortocoifenttoanyfuchln- 
 " tent or Purpofe. And aifo, that the fame Pe?fons fo to be at point - 
 " ed, Jhall declare to the Jame fufiices of the Peace, the III Behaviour 
 *' of leivd, diforderd Petfcns ; whether it fall be for ufing Unla-wful 
 " Games, Idlenefs, and fich other Light Behaviour of fuch [ifpeSled 
 " Perfons, as fall be ivithin the fame Toivn, or near thereabouts. 
 " And that the fame Information fall be given fc?rtly to the Julli- 
 " ces : And the fame fuflices fall call fuch accufed Perfons before 
 " them, and examine them, ivithout declaring by ivhom they be ac- 
 " cnfed. And that the fame Juft ices fall, upon their Examinations, 
 " Pimif the Offefiders, according as their Offences fall appear to 
 " them upon the Accifement and Examination, by their Difcrefion, 
 " either by open Punijhment, or good Abcrring." Here are fvom Spies 
 appointed, like the Familiars of the Inquifition : Secret Depo/iti- 
 ons not to be difcovered ; and upon thefe, further Proceedings OT-e or- 
 der d. If this had been well fettled ; what remained to compleat a 
 Court of InquiHtion, would have been more eafJy carried. 
 
 Here is that, which thofe who look towards a Popifh Succeffor, 
 7m fl look for, when that Evil Day comes. All this will jnake little 
 hnprefion on thofe, who have no fixed Belief of any Thing in Peligi- 
 on themf elves, and fo may reckon it a f nail Matter, to be of any Re- 
 ligion, that comes to have the Law and the Governme?it on its Side • 
 and refolve to change with everj iVind and Tide, rather than put any 
 Thing to Hazard by Struggling againfl it. Tet fome Compafpon to 
 thofe, who have a more firm Belief of thofe great Truths, might be 
 expeBed from Men of the fame Country, Kindred, and who have hi- 
 therto profefed to be of the fame Religion. The Reviving the Fires in 
 Smithfield, and from thence over the whole Nation, has Jio amiable 
 View, to make any Hafte to it ; and leaft of all to thofe, who, if . 
 they have aiiy Principles at all, muft look for nothing lefs than the 
 being turned out of their Livings, or forced to abandon their Families, 
 and, upon every Surmife or Sufpicion, to be hunted from Place to 
 Place, glad if they can get out of the Paw of the Lion, into Parts 
 heyojid the Seas : And then they may expeSl to meet with fome of that 
 Haughty Contempt, with which too many have treated Foreigners, whp 
 took Sanctuary among us. 
 
 But when this Fatal Revolution cofnes upon us, if God, for our 
 Sins, abandon us into the Hands of Treacherous and Bloody Men ; 
 whither can we hope: to fly ? For, with us, the whole Reformation 
 
 Vol. III. [ g ] miijl
 
 Xlj 
 
 miijl fall under fuch an Lhii-verfal Rtihii that, humanly fpeaking, there 
 is no Vino left beyond that. 
 
 Tet farce that Set of Men is fo impioufy corrupted . in the Poi'nt of 
 Religion, that -no Scene of Cruelty can fright them from leapijig into 
 it, a7id perhaps from aEiing fitch a Fart in it, as may be afjignd them ; 
 there are other Confederations of atjothcr Sort, arifng fi-om fome Papers 
 (put in my Hands fince I ivrote the Hijfbory) that in ay perhaps affccf 
 them deeper, becaife they touch in a tnore feifblc Fart. 
 
 It is IV ell knoiiin, how Great and hoio Valuable a Part of the lohole 
 Soil of England, the Abbey-Lands, the EJlates of the Bijhops, of 
 the Cathedrals, and the Tythes are. I will not enter into any ftricl 
 Computation of what the whole may amount fo. The Refumption of 
 thefe would be no eafji Matter to many Families : u4nd yet all thcfe 
 m'uft be thrown up j for Sacrilege in the Church of Rome is a Mortal 
 Sin. And therefore Cardinal Pole, even in that pretcfided Confirmati- 
 on of the Grants that were then made, laid a heavy Charge on thofe 
 who had the Goods of the Church in their Hands, to remejnber the 
 Jiidgments of God that fell on BelHiazzar, Jor Propho.ning the Holy 
 Vefeels ; tho' they had not been taken by himfelf but by his Father. 
 It is true, this -may be fuppofed to relate only to Church-Plate : Tho' 
 there is 770 Reafon to refer ain fuch a Solemn Charge, to fo Inconfdera- 
 ble a Pa7-t of what had been taken f-o?n the Church ; no doubt, he 
 had the whole in his View, And this fejewed, that tho' he feemed to 
 fe cure them frojn any Clai7n that the Church niight have, or any Srtit 
 &r Proceeding upon that Account ; yet he left the Weight of the Sin 
 on their Confeic7ices > which a dextrous Coyfeffeor tnight tnanage fo, as. 
 to 7nake the PoffeJJ'ors yield tip their Rights, efpecially when they them- 
 felves could hold them 7io lo72ger. The Thiyig was flill a Sin ; and the 
 Pofe/Jion was unjnf. And to 7nake it eafy to refore in the laji Mi- . 
 nutes, the Statute of Mortmain was repealed for 20 Years ; in which 
 Time, 770 doubt, they reckoiid, they would recover the bejl Paj't of 
 what they had lofe. Befides that, the Engagi7ig the Clergy to re7iew 
 no Lcafes, was a Thing e77tirely in their own Power ; and that, /« 
 40 Tears Tiz/re, would raife their Revenues to be about Ten times their 
 prefe77t Value. 
 
 But fetti7ig all this afide ; it appeared evide77tly to me, from 
 fome Papers fent me, fo7ne Tears after I wrote 7ny Hiftory, that all 
 that Tra7ifa5lion wasfra7idtde77t, aytd had fo 777a77y Nullities in it, that 
 it 7i7ay be broke th7-ough, whe7?foever there is a Power fero?7g t720Ugh to 
 fet about it. hi the Firfe Powers that are i77 ^^6^/ CoUedlion, all the 
 Grace a77d Favour that the Pope i7itended to the Pofefeors of thofe 
 Lands, was to indez/inify them for the Mean P}-ofts they ha.d recei- 
 ved, and for the Goods that had been co77fumed : They Refloring firft 
 (if that fliall feem expedient) the Lands themfelves, that are unjuft- 
 ly detained by them. This was only the Fo7'giving what was paji : 
 but the Right of the Church was izifejled on, for the Rejlitution of 
 thofe Lands. The Refrvation in thefe Words, [If tliat fhall feem 
 expedient to you,] can be u77derfood in no other Se/ifee, but that it 
 was referred to his Difc?-etion, whether hefiould infijl ■ to have the Re- 
 flitutionfi-fl niade, before he granted the Indezmiity /or the Mean Pro- 
 fits,, or ?iot. It
 
 The Introduction. xiij 
 
 It is true, the Council in England ivho were in that fuppor ted h the 
 Emperor, thought thefe Powers were too narrow, and injijlcd to have 
 them enlarged. That was done, hut in fo Artificial a Manner, that 
 the Whofe Settlement made by Vo\& jignified nothing, but to lay the 
 Nation once af^ecp, .under a falfc j}pprehc7Tjicn of their being fecured 
 in tljofe Pojfejjions, when nofuch Thing was intended ; nor was it at 
 all granted, even by the latejl Powers that were fent to Cardinal 
 Pole, In thefe, after the Pope had refei'red the fettling that Mat- 
 ter to him^ that he might tranfaB it with fuch Poffeffors, for whom 
 the ^cen famdd intercede, and dif pence with their E?ijoying them for 
 the future without any Scruple, a Salvo is added, by which the Whole 
 Matter is fill rcferved to the Pope for his final Confirmation, in thefe 
 Words, Salvo tamen in his quibus propter rerum magnitudinem & 
 gravitatem haec land:a fedes merito tibi videretur confulenda, noftro 
 & prjefatas Sedis bcneplacito 6c confirmatione, " Saving always in 
 *' fuch Things, in which for their Greatnefs and Import aitce it fair 
 " appear to you, that this Holy See ought in Reafon to be confulted, 
 " our and the faid See's good Pleafure and Confirmation. By thefe 
 Words it is very plain, that as in the Powers granted, they feenid to 
 be limited to a few, to fuch for whom the ^IJJ EE N fould intercede, 
 fince it is not exprejfed that the Pope thought that fe foidd inter cedi: 
 for all that pcjfeffed them ; fo they were only Provifional : And therc^ 
 fore f nee no Bull of Confirmation was ever obtained, all thefe Provifio- 
 nal Powers were Null and Void, when the Confirmation was aslzd and 
 denyd : As all the Hijiorians of that Time agree it was : And this was 
 fo fui table to P. Paul the Wtlfs Tejnper and Principles, that 72o Doubt 
 is to be made of his perfifing fiedfajlly in that Rtfolution. 
 
 I know there was a Mercenary W?-iter found in King JamesV Reign, 
 nvhofiudied to lay all People afieep, in a fecure Perfuafion of their 
 Titles to thofe Lands. He pretends there was a Confirmation of all 
 that Pole did, fent over to England. He brings indeed fome Proof 
 that it was given out and believed, which might be a Part of the 
 Fraud to be ufed in that Matter. But as 'no fuch Tbiftg appears in 
 the Bullary,yo he does twt tell us who fiw it, or where it was laid vp. 
 He indeed fuppor ts this by an Argument that de/Iroys it quite : For he 
 tells us, that Two Tears after this. Secretary Pctre had a particular 
 Bidl, cojifirming him in his Pojfejficn of fome Church-Lands. This 
 fi?ews, that either that Petfon, who was Secretary of State, knexv that 
 no Confirmation was fent over ; fo that it was neceffary for hitn to 
 procure a particular Bull for fecuring his own Eflate ; or whatever 
 might be in Pole'j Powers, he might thirik fuch a General Tra?faBion, 
 which the Necefiity of that Time made reafonable, woidd be no longer 
 food to, than while that Necefiity continued. 
 
 General Treaties and Tranfaflions have had fuch a Fate that few 
 •will trifi to them. The Spirit of the Church, as well as the Spirit of 
 a Treaty, will be prefer d to the Words of all Tr^\\(di&i\on%. Have not 
 wefeen in our own Days an Edi£i that was pafied with all Soleimiity 
 pofjible, and declared perpetual ajid ir-revocable, yet recalled with this 
 very Preamble j That it was made in Compliance to the Necefiity of that 
 Time, and 071 De/ign to bring thofe, that were pi'otni fed to be for ever 
 tolerated by it, into the Bofoni of the Church. There isfo much in the 
 
 Canon
 
 xW The Introduction. 
 
 Ca??o?i Law againj} all Eacrilcge, and all Alieiiaticm of what is once 
 dedicated to God ; that though fome Ca?ioniJis may have carried the 
 Plenitude of the Papal Power fo far, as to reach even to this, which 
 this hired V/riter builds on ; yet there is fo jni'.ch affirmed to the con- 
 trary by others, that it is certain whenfoever the Papacy has Strength 
 enough to fet a/ide all the Settlement then made, they will fold fufji- 
 cient Grounds in Law to proceed to the Overturning all that was then 
 done. The Princes of Germany, whofe Settlements he appeals to, do 
 not truft to any Treaty, with either Emperor, or Popifj Princes, with 
 relation to the Church-Lands, of which they pofjejj'ed themfelves ; hut 
 to the Treaties and Guaranties into which they entered with one ano- 
 ther : Jlnd fo they are engaged by their Faith, and by their mutual In- 
 terefts to maintain one another and then f elves in their Pof'efjlons : Nor 
 does it appear that a Pafal Bull was ever obtained to conf?'m them. On 
 the contrary, the Popes Legates protefled agaifijl them ; and, as mhU 
 appear afterwards, Charles tbe VtlSs Confefor refused to give him Ab- 
 folution for his confenting to EdiBs of that fort. If the Neceffity of 
 the Time 7nakes it 7iccefary to mamtain that Settlemejit, fo long it will 
 be fnai'ntairied, a7id no longer. 
 
 But to put this Matter out of all Doubt, that fome Pope did foon 
 after our Ambaffadors were fent to him, by a Bull dated the i7.th of 
 July, 1555, within Three JFceks after the EngViih Amba/fadors had 
 their Audience, condemn all the Alienations of Church-Lands, and 
 even all Leafs, for one or ?nore Lives ; or for a Tenn longer than Three 
 Tears : This he extends to all Cathedrals, Monafteries, and Hofpitals, 
 and annids all Leaf's, Grants, Exchanges, Mortgages, and Obliga- 
 tions of Lands, Caftles, Towns, atid Cities, even though made by 
 Popes themfelves, or by their Authority and Order j and by the Pre- 
 f dents. Prelates, or ReBcrs of Churches, Monafteries, or Hofpitals, 
 of what Rank and Dignity foever. Cardinals by Name bei'ng exprcffed, 
 that were done to the Prejudice of the Church, the Solemnity by Law 
 required, 7iot being obfrved : And that which was Nidi in the fi7f 
 V7aking, but fupplxd by fuhfqucnt ContraBs, in what For in foever 
 77iad.e, though by Proofs upon Oath, and by what hmgth of Time fo- 
 ever it /nay clai/n Prefcriptio}i, is all refcinded, and. 7nade void a7id 
 7ndl. And the Detainers of Goods, upon ihofe Titles are required to 
 quit Pofefjion, a7id to make full SatisfaSlionfor what they have receivd, 
 a/id to be thereto compelled, if they obey 7iot, both by Ecclefafical Cen- 
 fures, a7id Pecunia/y Pimifmie/its, 
 
 It is t7-ue, in all this, England is not exprefsly na77ied, a7id pC7-haps 
 the Pope had the recovering fi-orn the Fa/nily of the Farnefe, that which 
 Paul the Hid had alienated to it, chief y in his Eye : But tlje Wo7-ds 
 of this Bull do plainly take in the late Settle7ne7it in England : For 
 though the Engliih Ambafjadors were then 7iewly C077ie to Rome, de- 
 ma7idi7ig the Co7fr7natio7i of what Pole had do7ie, yet 7io Exceptic7is 
 a7-e made for England : So it feet7is, it was i77te7ided by thefe Gejieral 
 Words, put in on Dcfgn, to overtln-ow it. Now becaufe this Matter 
 is of fuch great Co7icern, and eve7-y one has not a Bidlary to examine 
 i7ito this Bull; I will begin ?ny ColleSlion of Records with it, as 710 
 fmall Piece of hiJlruSIion, fo all who are pofeffed of a7iy Efatefo alie- 
 nated fro?n Churches, Monaf erics, or Hofpitals. 
 
 3 Vpctt '
 
 The Introduction. xv 
 
 Ution the Conclujivn vf this Head, I cannot but take notice of one /;;/•- 
 nuation, that I hear fane aj-e not ajJmrn d to make : That fuch aRefum- 
 ption may be indeed a Prejudice to the Laity, hut that the Clergy will be 
 e-nricFd by it. If this had been brought me by an Ordinary Harui, Ifpould 
 not have thought it ivorth ttientioning ; but Juice fome have the Impudence 
 to Jet it on foot, I muji add, That thefe are vain Hopes, as well as they 
 arefuggefled 07i black Dejigns : For though the Church, take it in the Bulk, 
 has inunenfe Riches in the Roman Communion ; yet in 7io Chiaxh that 
 efoer If aw are the Parochial Clergy kept poorer, a?idmade more def pic able; 
 they are as the Hewers of Wood, and Drawers of Water, kept at hard 
 Labour, on a very poor Snlfjlefice. The feveral Orders aviong them, 
 the governing Clergy, and the outward Magnifcence of their Churches, 
 and Services, devours all that Treafure : So that the poor Clergy, even 
 in that State of Celibate, havefcarce necefary Sufenance, unlefs it be in 
 
 fine Capital Cities, and in very va/l Parifes in the?n : They are (larved, 
 to tnaintain the Luxury and Vanity of others : This was the true Occa- 
 
 Jio?i of all the Poverty of the Parochial Clergy among us, to which fome 
 Remedies have been fought for, arid to fotne Degree found, ever f nee the 
 Reformation wasfirf fettled among us. 
 
 But 7ione of thefe Things will tnove an iifenfble and degenerate Race, 
 who are thinking of nothing but prefent Advantages : And fo they may 
 V!OW fupport a Luxurious and Brutal Courfe of irregular and voluptuous 
 PraSiices, they are cafily hired to betray their Religion, to fell their 
 Country, and to give up that Liberty, and thofe Properties, which are 
 
 •the prefent Felicities and Glories of this Nation. The giving them up, 
 will be a lafiing Infamy on thofe who are guilty of it, and will draw af- 
 ter if the heavief Curfe of Pojlcrity onfuchperfdious Bet ravers of their 
 Truft : By this they will bring Slavery on themfelves (which they well 
 defervcy being indeed the woif fort of Slaves) and entail it on thefuc- 
 £eedi?2g Generation. 
 
 I return to prof cute the Account of my Defign in this Work. I went 
 through thofe Volumes in the Cotton Library, of which I had onh a 
 tranfent View formerly ; and laid together all that I thought nen'ffary 
 to complect it. Ifaw a great and a fair Profpcct of fuch a Change rea- 
 dy to be nuide in France, as King Henry had made in England. Mr. Le 
 Vaiibr has, out of an Invaluable Collect ion of Original Papers that are 
 dn Sir William TrumballV Hands, publijhed Infru5fioiis fent by the 
 Duke of Orleans to the Princes of Ciermany ; by which, as he deelareJ 
 himfelf a Protefant, fo he gave in General Words good Hopes of his 
 Father Francis. / found alfo, both in Papers, arid printed Bocks, that 
 King Henry often reproached Francisy^T 7iof keeping his Word to him ; 
 ^nd in a long Di (patch of a Negotiation that Paget was employ d in with 
 the Admiral c/France, Ifaw further Evidence of this. I was by thefe 
 Indications fet on to fee how far I could penetrate into that Secret. ' 
 
 I was by the Favour of the Earl of Dartmouth admitted to a free 
 Search of the Paper-Office, which is now in much belter Order and Me- 
 thod than it was above 30 Tears ago, when I [aw it laft : And there, 
 ■among other very valuable Papers, I found the Copy of that folemn Pro- 
 
 . mife that Francis made to Henry, ininuted on the Back by Cronivvell'i 
 
 Hand as a true Copy, in thefe Words, An Infirument deviled from the 
 
 French King, for his Juftification and Defence of the Invalidity of the 
 
 King's Highnefs's Firfl Marriage, and the Validity of the Second. 
 
 Vol. III. [ h ] ''By
 
 XVJ 
 
 The Introduction. 
 
 " By this, he in exprejs Words condemm the Pope's Bull difpenfmg leith 
 " the Marriage ivith ^leen Catherine, which he, by the IJnajtimous 
 " Confent of thofe Learned Men ivhom he had appointed to examine it^ 
 "■ condemns as Incejltious and Unlawful; and reputes the Daughter born 
 " in it. Spurious and Illegitiinate : And that the Second Marriage laith 
 " Anne, then ^een, ivas Lauful and Jujl ; and that ^avn Eliza- 
 " heth. born of it, ivas lawfully Born. And he promifes to afjifl and 
 " maintain the King in this againjl all the World. In this Inftrumenf 
 " he owns King Henry to be, under God, the Supreme Head of the 
 " Church of England : And he affirms, that many of the Cardinals, in 
 " particular the late Cardijial of Ancona, and even Pope Clement //j^ 
 " Vllth himfelf, did both to his Ambafador, and to himjelfat Marfeilles 
 " plainly confefs, that the Pope's Bull, and the Marriage made upon it, 
 " were null and void; and that he would have given a Definitive Sen- 
 " tence, if foyne Private AffeBions, and Human Regards had 7iot hin- 
 " der'd it. This makes me conclude, that he gave other Liflrumerits 
 of a further Extent to King Henry ; for failing in which, I find he 
 was often reproached, though this fingle Injlrumeyit is all that I could 
 find out : But the Lord Herbert reckons aynong the Chief Cat fes of King 
 Henry's lafi Rupture with Francis, That he had not deferted the Bifijop 
 of Rome, atid confent ed to a Reformation as he o)ice promifed. 
 
 J faw when I pajfed through Zurich, a Volume of Letters that paffed 
 between BuUinger and thofe Englifli Divines that had been fo kindly en- 
 tertained b)' him in that Noble Canton : And by the Ltterpofition of my 
 Learned, Judicious, and Pious Friend, Mr. Turretin of Geneva, Mr. 
 Otto, a Worthy Profcfior there, has taken fuch Care, that Copies of them 
 are procured for me ; in which we may fee the Senfe of thofe who revived 
 our Reformation in ^leen Elizabeth' j Time. Men who had been Abroad, 
 and hadfeen all Things about them in a true Light, that faw in what 
 the Strength of Popery lay, and what fortified, or weakened the Body 
 cf the Reformed, were liker to have truer Views than can be expeBedfrom 
 retir'd, or fullen Men, who have lived in a Comer, and have but a f mall 
 Horizon. 
 
 It has been objeSfcd to me, that I have faid little of Proceedings in 
 Convocation, and of the Struggle that the Clergy made before they were 
 brought to make the Subinifiion, which brought thofe Bodies under Re- 
 llraints, that feem now uneafe fo the Advocates for Church Power. I 
 muft co7ifefs I have been very DcfeSlive here : Iimdcrfiood that the Books 
 cf Convocation were burnt : None of thofe Great Men, under whofe Di- 
 rection that Work went on, knew any Thing of thofe Difcoveries that have 
 been of late tnade ; fo no ivonder if I paffed over what was then fo little 
 known. Tet now I have examined all that I could find of thofe Matters, 
 I confefs I am not inclined to expcB much from the Affemblies of Clergy-- 
 men. I have feen ttothing in Church Hijlory to incline me to depart from 
 Gregory NazianzenV Opinion of thofe Affemblies : What has happened 
 jtmong our fives of late, has not made me of another Mind : And I will 
 7iot deny, but that yny Copioifncfs on thefe Matters, is in tny own Opi- 
 nion, one of the nieanefi Parts of my Work. The Wifefi and Wortbiefi 
 Man in that Convocation, Archbifi?op Warham, was thePerfon that pro- 
 moted the Subfnifiio7t the 7710 ft. It was 7to Wo7ider if a corrupt Clergy, that 
 7iiade fuch ill Xjfe of their Power, had7W Mind to Pa7-t with a7iy Bra7tcb 
 of it. Tet, fince thefe Thitrgs have been of late fuch a SubjcB of Debate 
 
 at:'W7ig
 
 The Introduction. 
 
 xvij 
 
 among us., I have taken what Pains I could, to gather all that is left of 
 thofe Times, infuch Copies, or rather Ab fir aBs, as have been of late found \ 
 
 in Private Hands: Only Iwill fet donvnthe Opi?iion o/'^/r Thomas More, 
 the bcfi Man of the Popifli Side in that Age, of thofe Meeti)igs. " // is More'i Apol. i 
 
 " triiey he fays, the Clergy's Afembling at the Co?2Vocation, was call'd bv ^Sih f"^' \ 
 
 " the Name of Cojfederacies. But, he adds, if they did affemble often, ^'^^' \ 
 
 " and there did fuchThings, for which fuch AjJhnbliesoftheClcrgy ill eve- \ 
 
 " ry Province thro all Ch.v\{ktndiom,f rofn the Begimiing, were infitut- I 
 
 " cd and devifed, much more good might have grown thereof, than the long \ 
 
 " Difufecanfuffer us now to perceive. But all tny Days, as far as I have \ 
 
 *' heard, nor (Ifuppofe) a good Part of 7ny Fathei-'s neither, they cajne ! 
 
 ** never together to Coiivocation, but at the Requeji of the King ; and at \ 
 
 *' fuch their AJfemblies,concer?ji?ig SpiritualThings, have vety little done. 
 *' WJierefore that they have been in that Necejfary Part of their Dutyfo I 
 
 " negligent, whether Godfujfer to grow to an imperceived Caife of Di- ■ \ 
 
 " vifon and Grudge againji them ; God, whofn their fuch Negligence ' 
 
 *' hath, I fear me, fre offended, knowetb. < 
 
 The Affinity of the Matter, has led me to rcfleSi on a Great TraifaBion, \c\t, \ 
 
 with relatioJi to the Church o/" France, which was carried on, and finally 
 fettled, iti the very Time that K. Henry was Breaking with the Court of -. 
 
 Rome. It was the Concordate, that Francis I, made with Pope Leo X, i 
 
 The King and the Pope came to a Bargain, by which they divided the Li- \ 
 
 lerties of the Gallican Church between them, and indeed quite enfiaved it. 
 There are fo ma?iy Curious Pajfages in the Progrefs of that Matter, that \ 
 
 I hope the Opening thefe, will be a very acceptable Ejitertainment to th^ \ 
 
 Nation. And the rather, becaufe in it this Nation will fee, what it is 
 to deliver up the Effe7ttial Liberties of a Free Confiitution to a Court, and 
 to truft fo the hitegrity and Fir nine fs of Courts of fuftice, when an Af- 
 fenibly of the States is no more 7ieceffary to the Raifing of Money, and the 
 Support of the Government. I know nothing writ in our Language, with 
 Relation to this Matter, befides that Account I gave of it, in a Book con- 1 
 
 cerning //'<' Regale. It was taken from a very ExaSillifory of that Tran.f- 
 adlion, that was written by Mr. Pinfons, printed Anno 1 666 ; and that ] 
 
 feemed to fome very Proper fudges, to relate fo much to our Affairs, that, . \ 
 
 as they thought, it very probably difpofedthe Nation, more eafily to throw 
 off the Pa.'p-aX Authority. They f aw, what a filthy Merchandife the Court 
 of Rome had made of the Liberties of the Neighbouring Church ; taking 
 Care only to fecure their own Profits, and delivering up the rcjl to the 
 Crown. The befl Writers of that Church have, on many Occafions, la- i 
 
 mcnted the Lofs of their Liberties by that detiftable Bargain, into which I 
 
 Francis'j Neceffities, wrought on by the PraSiices of the Court o/'Rome, ' 
 
 drew him. " By this, the Church of Yrznct, from being a ^icen, be- 
 " came (as BiJI:op Godeau expreffes it) a Slave. And be adds. Our Fa- | 
 
 " thers have groaned, and all that love the Order of the Hoitfe of God ! 
 
 " will fill groan, as long as EleSlions continue to be put down : So that i 
 
 " we mu/i needs enter into the SanBuary, by the way of the Court, hi \ 
 
 another Place : " Thefe Promotions have been always fatal to the Church ; 
 " afid the Bijljops that the Court has made, have been ordinarily the Chief 
 " Advancers cf Schifms, Herefies, and of the Oppreffion of the Church. \ 
 
 And he concludes, " One cannot read ^zziiinztn s Verfes, of the Prelates 
 " of his Time, without being firuck with Ho}-ror,andforcdto achiow- ' 
 
 ** ledge, that a Secular Temper is entirely contrary to the Epif copal Spi- ' 
 
 -1 ' ■ " /•■//.
 
 •v* 
 
 xviij The Introduction. 
 
 " rit. Of this, a Greek Writer makes a fevere Ranark, in the Hijhry 
 of AndronicusV Reign ; ichich may perhaps be as j'ufily apply d to other 
 Reigns, telling ivhat Sort of BiJJ:)Ops ineretljen made. " Princes cbiife 
 ' ' fi/cb Men to that Charge, ii}ho may be their Slaves, and in all Things 
 ** obfequious to what they prefcribe : and may lie at their Feet, and have 
 " not fo much as a Thought contrary to their Commands. This Change in 
 their ConlUtution, has put an End not only to National, hut even to Pro- 
 vincial Sviods in that Kingdom. Some were indeed held, upon the Pro- 
 grefst}Mt\jw\S\tx sDoSlrineiaasbeginnrngtomake in France; and others, 
 during theCivil Wars, in order to the getting theCouncil ofTxtwX. receivd 
 in P" ranee. But now in the Space of<)0 Tears la/l pajl, theje are no jnore 
 brought together. The Affemblies of the Clergy meet only to give Subfidies, 
 and to prefe?2t their Grievances ; but do not pretend to the Authority of a 
 Regular Sy7iod. And thd in the Tear 1682 they drew up fame Articles, 
 yet thcfe had their Authority only from the Severity of the Kings Edi£f, 
 till by a TranfaBion with the Court of Kome that was let fall. 
 
 I have 770W gone over aU the Matters, that do properly fall within this 
 Introdu(5lion. It remains, that I leave the Senfe of the Subject of this, 
 and of my Two former Volumes, upon the Confciences of my Readers. Can 
 it he pojjible, that any are fo depraved, as to wifi we had ?io Religio?i at 
 all ; or to be Enemies to the Clnifian Religion ? Would thefe Men reduce 
 1/s to be a Sort o/" Hottentots ? And yet this muft gr-ow to be the EffeSi of 
 our being without all Religion. Majikindis a Creature, by his Make and 
 Frame difpofed to Religion ; and if this is not managed by true Principles, 
 all the fugglings o/'Heathenifm would again takePoffeffion of the World. 
 If the Principles of Truth, fujlice. Temperance, and of U niv erf al Love, 
 do not govern Men, they will foon grow Curfes and Plagues to one ano- 
 ther : And a Crew of Prie/ls will grow up, who will teach them to com- 
 pound for all Crimes, and to expiate the Blackejl PraSlices by fouie 
 Rituals. 
 
 Religion has fo much to ftriiggle with, that, if it is not believdto he 
 reveal d by God, it will not have Strength enough to refifl thofe ill Incli- 
 nations, thofe Appetites andPafjions, that are apt to rife up in our Minds, 
 againft its DiBates. What is there in the true and unfophifticated Chri- 
 fian Religion, that can give a Colour to Prejudices againjl it ? The whole 
 Complex of that Rule of Life which it prefcribes, is fo plainly fuited to 
 our Compofition, both in our Souls and their Faculties, and in our Bodies, 
 with Relation to good Health, to Indujlry and long Life; and to all the 
 Inter efts oflLuman Society, to the Order and Peace of the World, atid to 
 the Truth and Love, that are theCe/ncnts and Securities of the Body Poli- 
 tick, that, without any labour d Proof of its Divine Original, thefe are 
 fuch CharaBers, that they may ferve to prove, it is fent into-the World by 
 -a Lover of Mankind, who knew our Nature, and what was proper both 
 toperJeB it, end to render it not only fafe, but happy. 
 
 But when to all this, we add the Evidence that was given at its ap- 
 pearing in the World : That he, who was the fir ji Author of it, and thofe 
 whom he employed fir ft to Propagate it, did, upon fnany Occafions, in full 
 Day-Light, and in the Sight of great Multitudes, do Things fo far above 
 the Powers of Nature, injuch uncontefied Miracles, that by thefe it evi- 
 ■ -dently appeared they were afjifted by fomewhat fuperior to Nature, that 
 xould command it at P leaf ire. Here is the fuljejl Ground of ConviBion 
 pofiible. Thefe Things were written, publifSd, and received in the Age, 
 
 in
 
 The Introduction. xix 
 
 in which they -were franfa^ed : And thofe JVritivgs have been preferved 
 with great Care, and are tranfmitted down to us, at the Difiance of above 
 Sixteen Ages, Pure and Vncorruftcd. In thefe we have the fixed Stnn- 
 dard of our Religion; and by them, we canjatisfy ourfelves concerning all 
 fuchP radices as have been ?nade upon it, or fuch Inferences as are drawn 
 from it. Iwijh thofe, who take to thernfelvcs the Name e/'Free-Thinkers, 
 would confider well, if they think it ispojible to brijig a Nation to be with- 
 out any Religion at all ; a?id what theConfequenccs f that may prove ; and 
 then fee, if there is any Religion fo little liable to be corrupted, atid that tends 
 fo much to the Good of Mankind, as the True Chrifian Religion Refo7-med- 
 among us. 
 
 As for thofe that do truly believe this Religion, and have an higenuozis. 
 Scnfe and Tajle of Liberty ; can they admit a Comparifon to be inade, be- 
 tween a Religion refrain d to aFixd Standard, (into which, every o?ie is 
 admitted to examine theSenfe of it, in the befl Method he caji) and that which, 
 fets up another uncertain Standard, of which they pretend to betheDepofitarie's'y 
 I mean. Traditions; and pretend further , they are the Infallible Expound- 
 ers of it; and that the True Standard it f elf is not to be expos d to comf)207t 
 View'? That God is to be Worfhipped in a Language not under flood; That 
 injleadofa Competent Provifon to thofe who Labour in this Work, the Head of 
 them is to become a Great Prince, and may pretend to a Power to Difpofe 
 of Kingdoms atid States, to Pardon Sins, and to Redeem Sinners out of the 
 Miferiesof aFuture State: And that the Char aSler derived from him is fo 
 Sacred,that,inDefance to Settfe afidReafon,aPrieft, by a few Words, can 
 work a Miracle, inComparifonto which, the great eft of Mi racks is nothitig-y 
 and who, by thefe Means,have poffeffedthemfelves of an Imme7ife Wealthy 
 and a Vaft Authority. 
 
 Thefe are all things of fo ftrange a Nature, andfo contrary to the Ge^- 
 
 nius and Tiefign of the Chriftian Religion, that it is not eafy to imagine> 
 
 how they coidd ever gain Credit and Succefs in the World : But when 
 
 Mens Eyes have been once opetid, when they haveftjake?i off the Take, and 
 
 got out of the Noofe ; whenthe Simplicity of true Religion has been fen info., 
 
 and the Sweets of Liberty have been tafted; it looks like Charm andWitch- 
 
 craft, to feefo many looking backfo tamely on that Servitude, under which 
 
 this Nation groaned fj heavily for fo many Ages. They tjiay foonfee and 
 
 know what our happy Conditio}! is, in the Freedom we enjovfrom thefe Im- 
 
 pofttions,andwhat their Miferyis,thatare condemnedto them. It is 7iot enough 
 
 for fuch asunderftandthis Matter ,tobe conteiited intheir ownThoughts with 
 
 this, Tl>ai they refolve not to turn Papifts themfelves : They ought to awaken 
 
 all about them, even the moft ignorant and the mofl fupi d, to apprehendtheir 
 
 Danger, and to exert themfelves with their utmoft Ifiduftry, to guard a- 
 
 gainf it, and to refft it: They ought to ufe all their Efforts to prevent ity 
 
 and earnefily to pray to God for his Bleffng upon them. If after all Me7is 
 
 Endeavours to prevent it, the Cor7'uption of the Age, afid the Art a?2d 
 
 Power of our E72e?nies, p7'ove'too hard for us, then, and not till then, we 
 
 muft fubniit to the Will of , God, be file7it,a7idprepare our felves for all the 
 
 Extremities of Suffei-tngandof Mfery ;a7idif we fall wider a Perfecutiony 
 
 and cannot fly fro)n it, we mufi refolve to glorify God, by bearingour Crofs 
 
 patiently. Illegal Sufferings are 710 more to be born, tha7i the Violetices of 
 
 a Robber : But if the Law cor7ies once to be in the IIa7ids of thofe wicked 
 
 Men, who wilhiot only revive the Repealed Laws agai7ift Hereticks, bufy 
 
 if they can, carry their Cruelty up to the Height of an hiquiftion, then 
 
 we muft try by the Faith andPatience of the Saints, to go through Fire 
 
 and through Water, a72d in all Things to be more than Conquerors. 
 
 / know fo7ne, who are either apt to deceive the)nf elves, or hope to deceive 
 
 others, have this in their Mouths, That Popery is not what it was before 
 
 Vol. III. r i 1 the
 
 XX The Introduction. 
 
 the Reformation; Things are jnuch 7nended, tnany Ahnfesare detected, and 
 Things are not fo grofs as they were then : Afid they tell us, that further 
 Co}'}-e£liotts might be expeSled, if we would enter info a Treaty with them; 
 in particular, they fancy they fee the Error of Proceeding fever ely with 
 Hereticks ; fo that there is 7io Reafon to apprehend the Return of fuch 
 Cruelties, as were praSlifcd an Age and a half ago. 
 
 In Anfwer to this, and to lay open the Falfood of it, we are to look 
 back to the firjl Begifining ofhuxhtr's Breach : It was occafiond by the 
 fcandaloiis Sale of Rardons and Indulgencies, which all the Writers of the 
 Popifh Side give up, and acknowledge it was a great Abufe ; fo in the 
 Countries where the Reformation has got an Entrance, or in the Neigh- 
 bourhood of them, this is no more heard of : And it has been taken for 
 granted, that fuch an infamous Traffic k was now no more praBifed. But 
 of late, that we have had Armies in Spain ^7;;^ Portugal, we are wellaf- 
 furedthat it is fill carried on there, in themoft bare-fac d manner pofjible . 
 It is true, the proclaitning a Sale is forbid by a Bull: But there is a Corn- 
 mi If ary in every Place, who manages the Sale with the 7noJl infamousCir- 
 cumjlances iijiaginable.In Spain, by^ an Agreement with the Pope, the King 
 has the Profits of this Bidl; and it is no f mall Branch of his Revenue. In 
 Portuo-al, the Ki}ig and the Pope go Shares. Dr. Colbatch has given a 
 very particular Account of the managing the Bull there: For as there is 
 nothifigfo impudent, thatthofe Men are afi^amedto venture on;fo they may 
 fafely do what they pleafe, where the Terror of the Itiquiftion isfo fever e a 
 Reftraijtt, that Men dare not whifper againji a?7y Thing that is U7ider that 
 Protest ion. 
 
 A notable hiftance of this has appear d lately, when in the Tear 1709, the 
 Privateers o/'Briftol took the Galleon, in lohich they fou7id 500 Bales of 
 thefe Bulls, a7id \bRea771s were in a Bale : So that they reckoned the whole 
 came to -^"i ^0000. Thefe Bulls are i777pofed on the People, a77dfold, the low- 
 eft at 3 Ryals, a little mo7-e than 20 d. but tofome at 50 Pieces of Eight, 
 about III. of our Mo77ey ; and this to be valued accordi7ig to the Ability of 
 the Pur chafer, once /« two Tears : All are obliged to buy them aga7?7ji 
 Lent. Befde the Accou7it given of this in the Cruifing Voyage, I have a 
 particular Atteftation of it by Captain Dampier, a77d 07te of the Bulls was 
 brought me printed, but fo, that it ca7i7iot be read. He was 77ot concern d 
 in cafling up the Nimtberof them; but he fays, that there was fuch a vajl 
 ^antity of them, that they ca7-ee7i d their Ship with the7n. 
 
 As for a7iy Changes that 7nay be made in Popery, it is certain. Infal- 
 libility is their Bafis : So nothing can be altered where a Decif.on is 07ice 
 made. A7id as for the Treatme77t of Hereticks, there has been fuch a Scene 
 of Cruelty of late open di7iYx2cac&, a7id continued the7~e now al/710/l 30 Tears 
 without hit er miff on ; that eve7i /« the Ki77gdo7n, where Popery has affeSl- 
 ed to put the beft Face on Things pofjible, we have feen a cruel Courfe of 
 Severity, beyo7id any thing in Hifiory. I faw it i7i itsfi7'f and fl}a7'peji 
 Fury, and can never forget the Impreffo7i that 777ade 07t 77ie. 
 
 A Difcovery lately 777ade,jldews what the Spirit of thofe at Rome, who 
 manage the Concer7is of that Religion, is, even in a 77iild Reign, fuch as 
 OdifchalciV was ; a7id we may -well fuppofe that becaufe it was too mild, 
 this was ordered to be laid before hi/n, to ani7nate him with a Spii'it of 
 Perfecution. When the Abbey of St. Gall was taken in the late War in 
 Switzerland, a Manufc7'ipt was foimd, that the Court of Propaganda 
 ordered their Secretaryto prepare for Innocent the Xltlf s own Ufe, which 
 after his Death came into the Ha7ids of Cardinal Sfondrato, who was 
 Abbot of St. GaW, a7idfoat his Death life this Book the7e. It gives a par- 
 ticular Accou7tt of all the MiJio7is they have in all the Parts of the Wo7-ld; 
 (Hid of the Rules and l7j/l7'7i£lio7is given the/n, with which I hope thofe Wor- 
 
 tloy
 
 The Introduction. 
 
 xxj 
 
 tbyPerfofis, in ivhofe Hands this Valuable Book is ?20iv fallen, ivill quickly 
 acquaint the World. The Conclujion of it, is an Addrefs to the Pope, in 
 which they lay his Duty before him, from two of the Words in the 
 New Tefiatnent, direSled to St. Peter. The Firft was Feed my Sheep, 
 which obliged him 7iot o?ily to feed the Flock that was gathered at that Time 
 but to prof e cute the conftant Increafe of it, and to bring thofe Sheep into it 
 that were not of the Fold. But the other Word was addrefed to him by a 
 Voice from Heaven, when the Sheet was let doivn to him full of all forts of 
 Beafls, of which fome were uficlean. Rife, Peter, kill and eat, to let all fee 
 that it is the Duty of the Great Pontiff to rife up with Apofolical Vigilance, 
 to kill and to exti?iguiJlo in the Infidels their prefent Life, and then to eat 
 them, to Confubfantiate their falfe and brutal DoSlrine ijito the Ve}'ity of 
 our Faith. There is an AffcSlion in thefe laji Words fuitable to the Genius 
 ^//3^ Italians. This Application of thefe Two Parages, as containing the 
 Duties of a Pope, was formerly made by Baronius, in a flatter i7}g Speech to 
 encourage Pope Paul the Vth in the War he was defigriing againjl /'/vX^'enetian s. 
 
 By this we fee, that how muchfoever we may let the Fear of Popery wear 
 out of our Thoughts, they are never afleep,but go on fleadily, profecuti7ig their 
 Dcfigns againjl us. Popery is Popery y//7/, aMedby a Cruel and Perfecuting 
 spirit; and with what Caution foever they jnay hide, or difownfomefcayida- 
 lous Pra5lices,whereHereticksdarklook into their Proceedings, and lay them 
 open ; yet even thefe are ftill praBifed by them, when they know they may 
 fafely do it, and where none dare open their Mputh againft thetn ; and therefore 
 wefeewhatreafon we have to be everwatching, andon our guard agairi/l them. 
 
 This is the Duty of every fmgle Chri/lian amo?7g us; bitt certainly thofe 
 Peers a}idCo?7zmoners, whom our Co77ftitutionhas 7nadethe Trufiees a7id De- 
 po/itaries of our Laws a72d Liberties, a7idof the Legal Security of our Re~ 
 ligion, are under a 77iore particular Obligation of watchi7ig car ef idly over 
 this Sacred T7-iift,for which they 7nuft give a fever e Accou77t in the lafl Day^ 
 if they do not guard it agai77fi all Da7iger, at what Diftance foever it 77iay 
 appear. If they do not mai77tain all the Fe7ices and Outworks of it, or fuffer 
 Breaches to be 77iade on a7iy of them ; if they fuffer a7iy Part of our Legal 
 Eflablijlmmit to be craftily U7ider77ii7i d ; if they are either abfe77t or re7nifsy 
 on Critical Occafio7is ; and if a7iy Views of Adva/itage to the777felves pre- 
 vail on the7n, to give up, or abandon the FftabUfhme77t and Seciwity of our 
 Religion: God 777 ay Work a Deliverance for us another way, a7id ifitfeem 
 good in his Eyes, he will deliver us ; but they and their Fa7nilies fl^ll perifh, 
 their Na77ies will rot and be held in deteflation ; Pofierity will Curfe themy 
 and the 'Judg777e7its of God will overtake them, bccaufe they have fold that 
 which was the 777ofl Sacred of all Thi77gs, and have let in an Liimdation of 
 Idolat7y, Supcrfiition, Tyra7iny, a72d Cruelty upon their Church a77d Country. 
 
 But in the lafl Place, thofe who are appointed to be the Watchmen, whq^ 
 ought to give war7ii77g, and to lift up their Voice as a Trumpet, whenthey 
 fee thofe Wolves ready to break z;2 and devour the Flock, have the heaviejl 
 Accomit of all others to make, if they negleSi their Duty ; much mare 
 if they betray their Trufl : If they arefo jet 07i fo777e f/77aller Matters, and are 
 foflMrpe7ied upon that Accou7it, that they will 7iot fee their Da72ger, nor 
 awaken others to fee it, and to fly from it ; the Guilt of thofe Souls who 
 have perifljed by their Means, God will require at their Hands, if they, in 
 the View of an-^j Advantage to themfelves,arefilent when they ought to cry out 
 Day and Night : They will fall laider the CharaBer given by the Prophet, 
 of the Watchmen i7i his Ti777c. They are blind, they are ignorant, they 
 are all dumb Dogs, they cannot bark, fleeping, lying down, loving to 
 flumber : Yea, they are greedy Dogs, which can never have enough : 
 And they are Shepherds that cannot underftand ; they all look to their 
 o\yn way, every one from his quarter : That fay. Come, I will fetch 
 I Wine,
 
 XXIJ 
 
 The Introduction. 
 
 Wine, and we will fill our felves with ftrong Drink ; to-morrow Avail 
 be as this Day, and much more abundant. 
 
 This is a lively Dcfcription ofjiich Pajlors as wilhiotfo inuch asftudyCon^- 
 troverfies, and that ivill not know the Depths of Satan -, that put the Evil 
 Day far off, and as the Men in the Days c/'Noah or Lot, live on at their 
 Eafe, fatisfying themfehcs in miming rowid a Circle of dry and dead Per- 
 formances ; that do neither awaken thetnfelves, 7wr others. When the Day 
 ofTryal comes, what will they fay ? To whom will they fy for help ? Their 
 Spirits will either fmk within them, or they willfwim with the Tide : The 
 Cry will be, the Church, the Church, even when all is Ruin and a Defolati- 
 on. I hope they willferioufy refeSl on the few Particulars that I have, out of 
 many more, laid together in this Introduclion, and fee what Weight may be 
 inthein, and look about them, to confider the Dangers we are in, before it is too 
 late : But what can be [aid ofthofe, who are already going into fome of the 
 worfl Parts of Popery. It is well known, that in PraBice, the Necejjiiy of 
 Auricidar ConfeJJion, and the Priejlly Abfolution, with the Conceit of the 
 Sacrifice of the Mafs, are the tnofi gainful Parts of Popery, and are indeed 
 thofe that do jnofi effeSlually fubdue the M^orld to it. The Independence of the 
 Church on the State, is alfofo conteiidedfor, as if it were on Defgn to dif- 
 grace our Reformation. The iiidifpcnfible Necepjity of the Priefthood to all 
 Sacred FunBions, is carried in the Point oj Bcptifm further than Popery. 
 Their Devotions are opetily recommended, and a Union with the Galilean 
 Church has beeii impiidejitly propofed ; the Reformation and the Reformers 
 are by many daily vilified; and that DoBrine that has been mojl uni- 
 verfally 7)iaintainedby our beft Writers, I mean the Supremacy of the Crown, 
 is on many Occafons arraigned. What will all thefe things end in 1 And on 
 what Defign are they driveti ! Alas it is too vifible. 
 
 God be thanked there are many ainong usthatfiaiidupontke'W-nich. Tower, 
 and that give faithful War7iing ; that fi and in the Breach, andinake them- 
 felves a Wall for their Church and Country ; that cry to God Day and 
 Night, and lie in theDuft mourning before him, to avert thofe Judgments 
 thatfeem to hafien towards us : Tlx'yfcarch ifito the Myjlery of Iniquity that 
 is working among us, and acquaint thetnfelves with all that Mafs of Cor- 
 ruption that is in Popety. They have another Notion of the Woifiip of 
 God, than to drefs it up as afple?idid Opera. : They have a jufl Notioti of 
 Priefihood, as a FunBioji tbat imports a Care of Souls, and Solemn peiform- 
 ing the Publick Hotnage we owe to God ; but do not invert it to a Political 
 Piece of Craft, by which Me?2s Secrets are to be difcovered, and all arefub- 
 dued by a Tyrajiny that reaches to Mens Souls, as well as their Worldly Con- 
 cerns. In a word, they confider Religioji in the Soul, as afecret Senfe of Di- 
 vine Matter s,which purifies all Mens Thoughts, ajidgoveriis all their Words 
 and ABions : And in this Light they propofe it to their People, warning 
 themagaitift all Dangers, afid againfi all Deceivers of all forts : Watching 
 ever them as thofe that ?fmfi give an Accoimt to the Great Bifhop of Souls, 
 feeding the Flock over which the Holy Ghoft has made them Over- 
 feers, ready to lay down their Lives for them, looking for their Crown from 
 the Chief Shepherd, when he fhall appear. 
 
 May the Number of thefe good and faithful Servants encreafe daily more 
 and tjjore ; may their Labours be fo bleffed, that they may fee the Travail of 
 their Soul and befatisfied ; and may tnany by their Means, and by their Ex- 
 ample, befo awakened, that they may reffi even to Blood, (Iriving agaitifi 
 Sin, and againfi the Man of Sin : And may I be of that Number, labouring 
 while it is Day, and ready when the Night comes, either to lie down atid refi 
 in the Grave-, or if God calls me to it, to Seal that DoBrine, which I have 
 been preaching 7iow above Fifty T^ears, with 7ny Blood : May his Holy Will 
 be done,fol 777ay but Glorify Fun in my Soul a7id Body, which are hits. 
 
 THE
 
 O F TH E 
 
 HISTOR 
 
 OF THE 
 
 REFORMATION 
 
 OF THE 
 
 Church of England. 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 Of Matters, that happened in the Time com^ 
 frehended in the Firfl Book of the Hiftory of 
 the Reformation, 
 
 E F O R E I enter on the Affairs of Etiglafid, I 
 have thought it would be of great Ufe to prepare 
 the Reader for what relates to them ; by fetting 
 before him the Progrefs of that Agreement, into 
 ^ which the French King's Affairs carried him j by 
 ^■^ which he deliver 'd up One Great Part of the Li- 
 berties of the Gallican Church to the Pope, and invaded the reft 
 himfelf. This was carried on in a Courfe of many Years ; and the 
 Scene lying next us, and it being concluded in the very Time in 
 which the Breach of this Nation was far carried on, in the Year 
 1532, I thought it would not be an improper Beginning of my 
 Work, to fet out that Matter very copioufly j fince it is highly 
 probable, that it had a great Influence on all who were capable to 
 refledl on it. 
 
 Vol. III. B The
 
 2, The Hift or y of the Reformation Part HI. 
 
 The greateft Tranfadlion that happened in this Period, being the 
 
 fetting up the Co?icordate, m l^e room -o£, the Frqgmatick SanSfio?j, 
 
 by Francis the Firft, it will be neceilary in order to the clear opening 
 
 of the Matter, to look back into the former Ages. 
 
 The Progrefs The Progrefs the Papacy had made from Pope Gregory the Vllth, 
 
 ct the Papal jq p^pg Bo?nface the Vlllth's Time, in little more than 230 Years, 
 
 urpations .^ ^^ amazing thing : The one begun tlic Pretenfion to depofe Kings, 
 
 ANNO the other in the Jubilee that he firll opened, went in Proceffion thro' 
 
 1 300. Rome, the firil Day attired as Pope, and the next Day attired as Em- 
 
 « V — -> peror, declaring, That all Power, both Spiritual and Temporal, 
 
 was in him, and derived from him : And he cried out with a loud 
 Voice, / am Pope and Emperor, and have both the Earthly and Hea- 
 'vettly Empire ; and he made a folemn Decree in thefe Words, We Say, 
 Define, and Projioimce, that it is ahfolutely neceffary to Salvation, 
 for every Human Creature to be fubjeSl to the BiJJjop of Rome. The 
 Holy War, as it was called, was a great Part of the Bufinefs of that 
 Interval ; by which the Authority and Wealth of the Papacy recei- 
 ved no fmall Addition : It is true, the Removal of the Popes to yivig- 
 non, and the Schifm that followed upon the Popes Return to Rome, 
 did put no fmall Stop to that growing Power, and to the many and 
 great Ufurpations, and Inventions not known to former Ages, which 
 were fet on foot to draw all People into a fervile Dependence on the 
 Popes. 
 The Schifm in This long Schifm between the Popes that fate at Rome and Avig- 
 the Papacy, ^iqjj^ •^^^5 the beft Conjundlure the Bifliops could ever have hoped for, 
 to recover their Authority ; which had been for fome Ages oppreffed, 
 and indeed trodden under foot by the Papacy. And if that had hap- 
 pened in a lefs ignorant Age, it is very probable there would have 
 been more effeftual Provifions made againft it. The Bifliops that met 
 at Conftance, did not apprehend that the Continuance of that Breach 
 was that in which -their Strength lay : They made too much hafte to 
 heal it ; but they foon found that when all was again united, none 
 of the Regulations that they made, could reftrain a Power that pre- 
 tended to know no Limits. The greateft Security of the Church, 
 as they thought, was in the Adt for Perpetual General Councils ; 
 which were to meet after fhort Intervals ; and in the hdi for Sub- 
 jefting the Popes to the Councils, requiring them to call them and 
 the Council to meet at the End of Ten Years, whether the Pope 
 fummoned it, or not. 
 The Council ^ut thefe proved feeble Reftraints ; yet the Council of Bafil did 
 ©f Bafii. fit purfuant to the Decree made at Conjiance : And the Bilhops who 
 met there, endeavoured as -much as their low Size of Learning could 
 direct then, to fet forward a Reformation of thofe Abufes that were 
 brought into the Church, and that fupported the Defpotick Power 
 which the Popes had alTumed. They reckoned a Regulation of the 
 Eledlions ofBifhops was the laying a good Foundation, and the fetling 
 of Pillars and Bafes upon which the Fabrick of the Church might fe- 
 curely reft. Many Bifhops were made by Papal Provifions ; thefe 
 they fimply condemned : Others were promoted by the Power and 
 Favour of Princes ; to which Ambitious Men recommended them- 
 felyes by bafe Compliances, and fimoniacal Bargains ; in Oppofition 
 '- ' ;5 to
 
 Book I. of the Church of England. 3 
 
 to thefe, they reftored Elecflions to the Chapters, with as good Pro- 1300- 
 vifions as they could contrive, that they iliould be well managed. «— -v— — ' ■ 
 
 A Contefl falling in upon their Proceedings, between them, and The Pope and j 
 
 Pope Rugeiiius the IVth, they addrefled themfelves to Charles the ^j]"""^' ^"*'^' j 
 
 Vllth King of France, for his Proteftion. They fent him the Decrees \ 
 
 they had made againfl: Aimats, that is, Firll-Fruits ; a late Device \ 
 
 of Pope Boniface the IXth, then about 50 Years (landing, pretend- ; 
 
 ing to carry on a War againft the Turk by that Aid. They alio con- \ 
 
 demned Gratias ExpcSlatrcas, or the Survivances of Bifliopricks, and \ 
 
 other Benefices ; with all Claufes of Refervations in Bulls, by which j 
 
 Popes referved to themfelves at plealure, fuch Things as were in a \ 
 
 Billiop's Collation. They appointed Ele<flions to be confirmed by ■ 
 
 the Metropolitan, and not by the Pope. They condemned all Fees 
 and Exad:ions upon Eledlions, except only a Salary for the Writers ' 
 
 Pains ; and all Appeals, except to the immediate Superior ; with all i 
 
 Appeals from a Grievance, unlefs it was fuch that the final Sentence I 
 
 niufl: turn upon it : And when the Appeal rofe up by all intermediate 
 Steps to the Pope, it was to be judged by Delegates appointed to fit ' 
 
 upon the Place, where the Caufe lay, or in the Neighbourhood : 1 
 
 Only the Caufes marked exprefsly in the Law, as greater CaufeSy 
 were referved to the Pope. Provifion was made for the Encourage- ' \ 
 
 ment of Learning, and of the Univerfities, that the Benefices that ] 
 
 fell in any Collator's Gift, fliould be in every Third Month of the 
 Year, given to Men that had been, during a limited number of ! 
 
 Years, bred in them ; a:nd had upon due Trial obtained Degrees 
 in them. If a Bifliop had Ten Benefices in his Gift, the Pope might : 
 
 name to One ; and if Fifty, to Two, but to no more. Some of the 1 
 
 Provifions relate to the Dilcipline and Order of the Cathedral Chur- 
 ches : But the main Thing of all was their declaring the Council to \ 
 be above the Pope ; that the Pope was bound to fubmit to it, and 
 that Appeals lay to it from him. 
 
 The Firft Breach between the Pope and the Council, was made 
 vip afterwards by the Interpofition of Stgifmond the Emperor : The 
 Pope recalled his Cenfures, confeffed he had been milled, and rati- , 
 
 fied all that the Council had done : But that lafled not long ; for 1 
 
 upon the Pretence of treating a Reconciliation with the Greek Church, j 
 
 fome moved for a Tranflation of the Council to Ferrara ; but the j 
 
 Majority oppofed it : Yet the Pope did tranflate it thither. Upon j 
 
 which the Council condemned that Bull, and proceeded againfl . ' 
 
 Eugenius. He on the other Hand declared them to be no Council, 
 and excommunicated them : They on their Part depofed him, and 
 chofe another Pope, Amedee Duke of Sanjoy, who took the Name 
 of Felix : He had retired from his Principality, and upon that, they 
 
 again begged the Protection of France. ^ I 
 
 The King being thus applied to by them, fummoned a great Aflem- 143S. , 
 
 bly to meet at Bourgos ; where the Dauphin, the Princes of the Blood, ^^:^^^^^l^, | 
 
 many of the Nobility, and many Bifliops met. They would not ^ ^j Satuiioa ; 
 
 approve the Depofition of the Pope, nor the new Eleftion of Felix : made in 
 But yet they rejefted the Meeting of Ferrara, and adhered to that ""'"' j. 
 
 at Bajil. The Decrees paft at Ba/il were by them reduced into the 
 Form of an Edid: ; and publiflied under the Title of the Pragmaiick I 
 
 SanBion ;
 
 4 '^he Hijlory of the Reformation Part llf. 
 
 o SanBion: Which the King declared he would have to be inviolably 
 ,^ ^-'_i oblerved ; and he refolved to moderate Matters betvi^een the Pope 
 
 and the Council. 
 TheEffeasic There are very different Relations made of the Effedls that this 
 had. Edidt had : Some lay that the Church of France began to put on a 
 
 new Face upon it, and that Men were advanced by Merit, and not as 
 formerly by Applications to the Court of Rotiie ; nor Solicitations at 
 the Court of France : " Others give a moll tragical Reprefentation of 
 " Eleftions, as managed by Facftion, indireft Arts, the Solicitations 
 " of Women, and fimoniacal Bargains ; and in fome Places by open 
 " Violence j out of which, many Suits were brought into the Courts 
 " of Law. The Treafure of the Church was, as they faid, applied 
 " to maintain thefe ; the Fabrick was let go to Ruin ; and Bilhops 
 " Houfes dilapidated. Pope Leo the Xth in his Bull that abrogates 
 " this Sanftion, enumerates many Evils that arofe out of thefe Ele- 
 " ftions, and that in particular, Simony and Perjury prevailed in 
 •' them, of which he fays he had undeniable Evidence, in the many 
 " Abfolutions and Reabilitations that were demanded of him. This 
 might be boldly alledged, becaufe it could not be difproved, how 
 falfe foever it might be. 
 
 There might be fome Inftances of Facftion, which were no doubt 
 aggravated by the Flatterers of the Court of Rome : For the Profits 
 which came from France being ftop'd by the Pragmatick, all Arts 
 were ufed to difgrace it. 
 The Pope Enea^ Sihius was counted one of the ableft Men of that Time, 
 
 iwndemns it. He was Secretary to the Council of Bafil, and wrote copioully in De- 
 fence of it againft the Pope : But he was gained over to the Intei'efls 
 of the Court of Rome ; he had a Cardinal's Hat, and was afterwards 
 advanced to the Popedom, and reigned by the Name of Pius the lid. 
 He retraced all his former Writings, but never anfwered them : Yet 
 he was fo barefac'd in fetting himfelf to Sale, that when he was re- 
 proached for changing Sides, he anfwered. The Popes gave Dignities, 
 Abbies, Billiopricks, and Red Hats to their Creatures ; but he alked, 
 how many fuch good Things did the Council give. 
 In a Council He diftinguifhed himfelf as Deferters are apt to do, by railing at 
 at Mantua. ^U that the Council of Bafil had done, and againft the Pragmatick 
 SanBion, He branded it as a Hcrefy : And in a Council that he held 
 at Mantua 20 Years after, he inveighed feverely againft it. He faid, 
 Bifliops thought to have eftabliflied their Power, but on the contrary 
 their Authority was ruined by it : For Ecclefiaftical Caufes were 
 brought into the Secular Courts, and all Things were put into the 
 King's Hands : Yet that Sa?2£fion was obferved in Fra?ice till the 
 King's Death ; and though fome were perfuaded to go to Rotne, and 
 to procure Bulls, thefe were efteemed no better than Traitors and 
 Enemies to the Country. It is true, upon this the Courts of Parlia- 
 ment took upon them to judge in all Ecclefiaftical Matters, and to 
 examine whether the Ecclefiaftical Courts had proceeded according 
 to the Laws of the Church or not : And that the Sentences of the 
 Temporal Courts might be executed, they ordered the Revenues 
 of Bilhops, if they ftood out in Contumacy, to be feized into the 
 King's Hands, and their Perfons to be arrefted. 
 
 When
 
 Book I. Of the Church ^England. 
 
 When Danejius the Attorney-General heard how Pope Pins had 
 arraigned the Pragmatick SanSlkii^ and that he was defigning to 
 proceed to Cenfures againft the King and his Minillers, he protefled 
 againfl all he had laid, referring the Decillon of the Matter to a Ge- 
 neral Council. 
 
 Upon that King's Death he was fucceeded hy Lewis the Xlth ; LeiKis the 
 and the Bifliop of Arras having great Credit with him^ the Pope ^"'' ^^^°' 
 gained him by the Promife of a Cardinal's Hat, to ufe his Endeavours 
 to get the King to abrogate the SanBion ; and becaufe he thought 
 that which might work moft on the King, was the Apprehenlion 
 that much Money which was now kept within the Kingdom, would 
 upon the laying it afide, be carried to Rome ; this Expedient was 
 oifered, that there fliould be a Legate Refidentin France, with Powers 
 to grant fuch Bulls as \vere neceffary : Though this was never done, , 
 and it feems it was only offered as a Specious ConcefTion to gain their 
 Point. King Leivis the Xlth's Character is given us fo fully by Philip 
 de Cosnines, who knew him well, that none who have read him, will 
 wonder to find, that v/hen he needed any Favour from the Court of 
 "Rome^ he made the fulleft SubmilTion that any King perhaps ever 
 made : He in a Letter that he wrote to the Pope, owns the Pope to be qq^^^^\^ 
 Gois Vicar on Earth, to ivhofe Words he ivill always hearken and Tom. 14. 
 obey : And therefore, though the Pragmatick Sanftion ivas received t- 97- 
 upon long Deliberation, in a great Affembly, afidivas now fully fettled ^ 
 yet fmce the Pope defired that it ?night be abrogated, and fince the Bi- 
 Jhop of Arras had put him in ?nind of the Solemn Promife that he had 
 made by him, before he come to the Crown, he reckoning that Obedi- 
 ence was better than all Sacrifice, fmce that Sanation was made i?i a 
 Time of Sedition and Schifm, fo that by it his Kingdom was not con- 
 form to other Kingdoms ; though many Men ftudied to maintain it, yet 
 he refolded to follow and obey the Popes Orders ; therefore he abro^ 
 gates it entirely, and docs of his own accord, not cofnpelled in any 
 fort, rejiore him to the Authority that Martin the Vth, and Eugenius 
 the YVth, did exercife informer T^itnes : And bids him ufe the Power 
 given him by God, at his Pleafure : And pro?nifes on the Word of a 
 King, that he will take care that all his Commands fiall be executed 
 within his Kingdom, without Oppofition or Appeal ; and that he will 
 pnnijhfuch as are Contumacious, as the Pope f hall dircB- 
 
 Here was an entire Submiflion, penned no doubt by the afpiring To the Pope's 
 Cardinal, It was received at Rome with no fmall Joy ; the Pragtiia- great joy. 
 tick was dragged about the Streets of Rome, the Pope wept for Joy, 
 and at Mafs on Chrifmafs-EvQ, he confecrated a Sword with a rich 
 Scabbard, to be fent to the King. The Title of the Mojl Chrifiian 
 King had been given by former Popes to fome Kings of France ; but 
 Pope Pius was the Perfon who upon this high Merit, made it one 
 of the Titles of the Crown : Such as read de Comines Hiftory, will 
 not find any other Merit in that King, to entitle him to fo Glorious 
 a Compellation. 
 
 The Court of Parliament of Paris interpofed ; they made a noble The Parlk, 
 
 .1-11 /T-11- •*• nient of Tans 
 
 Remonftrance to the Kmg, m which they prelled mm to maintain ^^^^^^ jj^ 
 the Pragmatick SanBion, which had its Original from a General 
 Council, and they affirmed that the King was obliged to maintain it. 
 Vol. in. C Yet
 
 l['he Hijiory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 Yet afterwards, that King's Projeft of engaging the Pope to aflift his 
 Son-in-Law to recover Sicily, then pofleffed by the Baflard of Arra- 
 gon, did mifcarry, the Pope refufmg to concur in it ; upon which, 
 the King was offended, and carried his Submiifions no farther ; 
 only he fuffered Bulls of Refervations and Survivances to take place 
 
 again. 
 
 u 
 
 The honeft This Matter was taken up again Six Years after by Pope Taul the 
 Courage of jj^^ ^ ^^^^ Minifter was gained by the fame Bait of a Cardinal's 
 GenerX"^^' Hat, to procure the Revocation : So the King's Edicl was fent to the 
 Court of Parliament of Pm-is to be regiftred there, in Vacation Time. 
 The Court ordered the Attorney-General to examine it. St. Romaiji 
 was then Attorney-General, and he behaved bimfelf with fuch Cou- 
 rage, that he was much celebrated for it. " He oppofed the Regi- 
 " ftring it, and fpoke much in the Praife of the Fragmatick SanBion ; 
 " he Ihewed the ill Confequences of repealing it. That it would let 
 " in upon them Abufes of all forts, which were by it condemned : 
 ^' All Affairs relating to the Church would be fettled at Rome ; many 
 " would go and live there, in hopes of making their Fortunes by 
 " Provifions. He fet forth that loor 12 Bulls of Survivances were 
 " fometimes obtained upon the fame Benefice ; and during Three 
 " Years in Pope Pius's Time (in which the exaft Obfervation of the 
 Pragmatick SanSlion was let fall) 22 Bifhopricks happening to fall 
 void, 500000 Crowns were fent to Ronie to obtain Bulls ; and 62 
 Abbies being then vacant, a like Sum was fent for their Bulls, and 
 " 1 20000 Crowns were fenttoobtainother Ecclefiaflical Preferments. 
 -" He added that for every Parifli there might be aBuU, ofaGratiaEx- 
 " peSiativa, or Survivance, purchafed at the Price of 25 Crowns j be- 
 " fides a vaft number of other Graces and Difpenfations. He infifted 
 *' that the King was bound to maintain the Rights and Liberties of the 
 " Church in his Kingdom, of which he was the Founder, and De- 
 " fender. 
 For which he The afpiring Cardinal offended with this honeft Freedom of the 
 was turned Attorney-General, told him he fhould fall under the King's Difplea- 
 fure, and lofe his Place for it. He anfwered, the King had put him 
 " in the Poll: freely, he would Difcharge it Faithfully, as long as the 
 " King thought fit to continue him in it ; and he was ready to lay it 
 " dov/n whenfoever it pleafed the King ; but he would fuffer all 
 " Things, rather than do any Thing againfl his Confcience, the 
 " King's Honour, and the Good of the Kingdom. The Favourite 
 prevailed to get him turn'd out, but the Crafty King gave him fecret- 
 ly great Rewards j he efteemed him the more for his Firmnefs, and 
 reftored him again to his Place. 
 
 The Univerlity of Pat'is alfo interpofed, and the Redtor told the 
 Legate, that if the Matter was further profecuted, they would Ap- 
 peal to a General Council : But this notwithftanding, and tho' the 
 Court of Parliament flood firm, yet the King being under the Appre- 
 henfions of fome Pradlice of his Brothers of Rome, whom he hated 
 mortally ; in order to the defeating thofe, renewed his Promifes for 
 abrogating the Pragmatick SanSlion ; and it was for many Years let 
 fall into Difuetude. Towards the End of this Reign an Affembly 
 was held at Orleans, in order to the re-eflablifhing the Pragmatick 
 
 SanBion ; 
 
 out.
 
 Book I. of the Church of England. 
 
 SanBion ; and the hindring Money to be carried to Ro7ne. The King 1458. \ 
 
 died 1583. ^— — V- — -' i 
 
 Upon Charles the Vlllth's fucceeding, an Aflembly of the States ThePrarwa- ' 
 was held at 'Tours ; in which the Obfervation of the Pragmatick tick Sanstion \ 
 Sanmon was earneftly prefs'd ; the Third Eftate infifled on ha- re eftablifhed. ^ 
 ving it entirely reftor'd. The Prelates, who had been promo- \ 
 ted contrary to it under King Lewis, oppofed this vehemently ; and -I 
 were in Reproach call'd the Court Bifhops, unduly promoted j and .i 
 were charged, as Men that afpir'd to Favour at Rome. Sf. Romahi, i 
 now again Attorney-General, faid, He knew no Eccleflaftical Law i 
 better calculated to the Interefl of the Kingdom, than the Pragma- I 
 tick Sarivlion was j and therefore he v/ould fupport it. The King ! 
 faw it was for his Advantage to maintain it, and fo was firmly re- .; 
 folved to adhere to it. The Courts of Parliament not only judged 
 in Favour of Eledtions made by Virtue of that Sanftion, but by 
 earnefi: Rcmonflrances, they prelfed the King, to prohibit the Appli- 
 cations made to the Court of Rome for Graces condemned by it. ' 
 
 Innocent the Vlllth continued by his Legates to prefs the entire But it lyas ftill 
 
 •n iri -n • i • ^ n f 11*-^ r • complain d Ot 
 
 Repeal or the Pragmatick ; yet notwithltanding all Oppontion, by the Popes, 
 
 it continued to be obferved during Charles the Vlllth's Reign. Lewis \ 
 
 the Xllth did, by a Special Edidl, appoint it to be for ever obferv'd. 1499. ^ 
 Thus it continued till the Council of Later an., fummon'd by Pope v— -v""-*.* 
 
 'Julius the lid. to which Sihejler, Bifliop of Worcejler, and Sir Ro- \ 
 
 bert Win^eld, were Commifllon'd by King He7iry the Vlllth, to go f^'7ebM°5lii ^ 
 
 " in his Name, and on Behalf of the Kingdom, to conclude every ; 
 
 " thing for the good of the Catholick Church, and for a Reforma- j 
 
 " tion, both in the Head, and in the Members ; and to confent to \ 
 
 all Statutes and Decrees for the Publick Good : Promifing to rati- 'i 
 
 fy whatever they, or any of them fliould do. The King's Em- j 
 
 powering Two Perfons in fuch a manner, feems no fmall Invafion of : 
 the Liberties of the Church ; but it was in the Pope's Favourj fo it 
 
 was not challenged. \ 
 
 This Council was call'd by that angry Pope chiefly againft Lewis , 
 the Xllth : And the Pragmatick Sanation was arraigned in it ; both 
 
 becaufe it maintained the Authority of the Council to be Superior to ; 
 
 the Pope, and becaufe it cut off the Advantages that the Court had { 
 
 m^ade by the Bulls fent into France. The Pope brought Lewis the \ 
 
 Xlth's Letters Patents, by which it was abrogated, into the Council ; { 
 
 andthe Advocate of the Council, after he had feverely arraigned it, j 
 
 infifled to have it condemned. So a Monition was decreed, fum- | 
 
 moning all who would appear for it, to come and be heard upon \ 
 
 it within 60 Days. The Pope died in February thereafter. \ 
 
 Pope Leo the Xth fucceeded, and renewed the Monitory Letters Condemn'dbx 
 
 ifTued out by his PredecefTor. But the Perfonal Hatred with which jJj^Xtl!" ^ 
 Julius profecuted Lewis being at an end, Things were more calmly 
 managed. Some Bilhops were fent from the Gallica?i Church, to af- 
 
 fifl in the Council : But before any thing could be concluded, King \ 
 Lewis dying, Francis fucceeded. He underftood that the Pope and 
 the Council were intending to proceed againfl the Pragmatick San- 
 Bion, fo he refolv'd to bring the Matter to an Agreement ; in which 
 fome Progrefs was made, in an Interview that he had with the Pope 
 
 at 
 
 <c
 
 8 Ihe Hijlory of the Reformation Part 111. 
 
 at Bononia. It was concluded by a Sanftion called the Concordatc 
 between the Cardinals of Ancona and of SanSforum ^/afiior, on 
 the Pope's Side, and Chancellor Prat for the King. Some fmall Dif-' 
 ferences remained ; which were all yielded as the Pope defired : 
 And in the Month of December, the Pope's Bull, condemning the 
 Pragmatick Sunclion, was read, and approved by that Council, 
 fuch as it was. 
 The Concor- The Concordat was put inflead of it. The Truth was, Francis 
 -fo/^putinflead ^^^^g young j and was fo fet on purfuing his Defigns in Italy, in 
 which he faw the Advantage of having the Pope on his Side, that 
 he facrific'd all other Confiderations to that, and made the befl: Bar- 
 gain he could. " The King and the Pope divided the Matter be- 
 " tween them. When any Bilhoprick became vacant, the King was 
 " within Six Months to Name to it, a Doftor, or one Licenfed in 
 *^ Divinity, of the Age of 27. If the Pope did not approve of the 
 " Nomination, the King had Three Months more to Nominate ano- 
 " ther; but if he fail'd again, the Pope was to provide one to the 
 " See. The Pope hadreferv'd to himfelf the Providing of all that 
 " became vacant in the Court of Rome : (A Pretenfion the Popes had 
 " fet on foot, in which by degrees they had enlarged the Extent of 
 " it to very great and undetermined Bounds j and did thereby difpofe 
 " of many Benefices.) And the King was limited in his Nomination,. 
 " by fome Conditions, with relation to the Perfon fo nominated j 
 " yet the want of thefe was not to be objedled to the King's Kindred 
 " or to other lUuftrious Perfons. The King was alfo to Nominate 
 " to all Abbeys a Perfon of 23 Years of Age. Gratia Expeciatiiice, 
 " or Survivances and Refervations in Bulls, were never to be admit- 
 *' ted : Only One Benefice might be referved from a Collator of 10 ; 
 " and 2, from one of 50. Caufes of Appeals were to be judged in 
 *' Partibus, in the Parts where the Matters lay ; excepting the Cau- 
 •' fes enumerated in the Law, as greater Caufes. It was alfo provi- 
 *' ded, that in all Bulls that were obtained, the true Value of the Be- 
 " nefice was to be exprefled ; otherwife the Grace was null and void. 
 No Mention was made of Annats ; and in other Particulars, the Ar- 
 ticles in the Prag?natick SanSiion were inferted. The Pope promi- 
 fed he would fend a Legate to France, to Tax the Value of all Ec- 
 clefiaftical Benefices. All former Excommunications were taken oiF, 
 with an Indemnity for all that was paffed. 
 King Frnnds The King haviug the Two Inftruments, the one abrogating the 
 thePaJiament P>^^g"^<^t^(^k SafiSlion, and the other eftablilliing the Concordat, fent 
 of Parij. in great Pomp to him, in order to their being Regiftred in Parlia- 
 ment ; refolved only to offer the latter, as that in which the other 
 was virtually comprehended. So he went in Perfon to the Court 
 of Parliament, to which many Great Men, Divines, and other Per- 
 fons of Diftinftiou were called. The Chancellor fet forth the Ha- 
 tred Pope Julius bore King Lewis the Xllth, and the Violence with 
 which he had proceeded againft him : The King fucceeding when 
 the Council of the Lateran was afiTembled ; which was compofed 
 chiefly of Members of the Court, or of Dependers on the Court of 
 Rome ; who were all engaged againft the Pragmatick Sa7i6lion, as 
 that which diminifli'd their Profits : The King faw it was in vain 
 
 to
 
 Book I. of the Church of England. p 
 
 to infift in defending it : But apprehending, if it were fimply con- i<ji6. \ 
 
 demned, all the Old Oppreffions would again take place, he being then >— --v -~> | 
 
 engaged in a moft dangerous War in Italy, faw no better way to gain \ 
 
 the Pcne than by agreeing to the Concordat. \ 
 
 Tiie Ecclefiafticks -who were prefent,faid by their Mouth the Cardinal it was there i 
 
 of Boifi, that the Concordat did fo afFed: the Whole Gallican Church, oppoied by \ 
 
 that without a General Confent it could not be approved. The King jiick^ot'that • 
 upon this faid with fome Indignation, that he would Command them Court. j 
 
 either to Approve it, or he would fend them to Rome, to difpute the 
 Matter there with the Pope. The Prefident anfwered in the Name 
 of the Court, that he would report the King's Pleafure to the Court j 
 and they would fo proceed in that Matter, as to pleafe both God and i 
 
 the King : The Chancellor rephed. The Court were Wife : TheKirig t 
 
 faid, he did enjoin them to Obey without delay. Then Lett';rs { 
 
 Patents were made out, fetting forth the Concordat, and requiring 
 the Court of Parliament, and all other Judges to obferve it, and to ' 
 
 fee it fully executed. 
 
 Some Days after that, the Chancellor, with fomc of the Officers p r ■ 
 of the Crown, came and brought the Whole Courts together, and de- made to it by i 
 
 livered them the King's Letters Patents, requiring them to Regifler '^^ King's j 
 
 the Concordat. They upon that, appointed the King's Council to ex- [^j""^'^^'''""" 
 amine the Matters in it. The Advocate General did, in the Chan*- ; 
 
 cellor's Prefence, reprefent the Inconvenience of receiving the Co;z- ' 
 
 cordats, by which the Liberties of the Gallican Church were leffened, 
 and faid that by the Paying of Annats, much Money would be car- '] 
 
 ried out of the Kingdom : So he defired they would appoint a Com- ■ 
 
 mittee to examine it. Four were named, who after they had fate 
 about it Ten Days, defired more might be added to them j fo the 
 Prefident of the Etiquets, or Inquifitions, and Four more, were joined \ 
 
 to them. A Week after that, the Advocate General moved the Court, : 
 
 to proceed ftill to judge according to the Fragmatick, and not to re- i 
 
 ceive the Revocation of it, againft which he put in an Appeal. Four • 
 
 Days after this, theBaftardof ^^-uoy, the King's Natural Uncle, came in- 
 totheCourt, with Orders from the King, requiring them to proceed im- 
 mediately to the Publifliing the Cojtcordats j appointing him to hear I 
 all their Debates, that he might report all to the King. He told them i 
 how much the King was offended with their Delays : They on the " 
 other hand complained of his being prefent to hear them deliver their I 
 Opinions. They fent fome of their Number to lay this before the j 
 King ; it looked like a Defign to frighten them, when One, not of , ' 
 their Body, was to hear all that paffed among them. The King faid 
 there were fome Worthy Men among them, but others, like Fools, 1 
 complained of him, and of the Expence of his Court : He was a I 
 King, and had as much Authority as his PredecefTors. They had J 
 flattered Lewis the Xllth, and called him the Father oj yujlice : He ' 
 would alfo have Juftice done with all Vigour. In Lewis'^ Time fome ■ 
 were baniflied the Kingdom becaufe they did not Obey him ; fo if 
 they did not Obey him, he would fend fome of them to Bourdeaux, 
 and others to Toloufe, and put good Men in their Places : And told ' 
 them he would have his Uncle prefent, during their Deliberation : 1 
 So they were forced to fubmit to it. 
 Vol. III. D On '
 
 lo 'The Hijlory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 I r 1 7. On the 1 3th of ^une they began to deUver their Opinions, and that 
 
 *— — V'— -J lafted till the 24th oi July : And then they concluded that the Court 
 '^otl 'tblim <^°^^^^ "ot, and ought not, to Regiller the Concordats : But that they 
 it. would ftill obferve the Fragmatick SanBion \ and that the Univerfity 
 
 of Paris, and all others that defired to be heard, ought to be heard. 
 Therefore they faid they muft Appeal from the Abrogation of the 
 Pra^matick SanBion ; and if the King would infift to have the Cow- 
 co7-dat obferved, a Great Affembly ought to be fummoned, fuch as 
 Charles the Vllth had called to fettle the Fragmatick. They alfo 
 charged the Savoyard to make a true Report to the King of their Pro^ 
 ceedings. 
 The Kino-was Upon this the King wrote to them, to fend fome of their Body to 
 ' highly offend- give him an Account of the Grounds they went on : Two were fent^ 
 ed at this. ^^^ jj ^^^ jo^g before they were admitted to his Prefence : The King 
 faying he would delay their Difpatch, as they had delayed his Bufi- 
 nefs. When they were admitted, they were ordered to put what 
 they had to offer in Writing: This they did, but defired to be like- 
 wife heard : But being afked, if they had any Thing to offer that 
 was not in their Paper ; they faid they had not, but defired the King 
 would hear their Paper read to him ; the King refufed it. They 
 were a Body of One Hundred Perfons, and had been preparing their 
 Paper above Seven Months, but the Chancellor would anfwer it in 
 lefs Time : And the King would not fuffer them to have a verbal Pro- 
 eels againfl what he had done. He told them there was but One King 
 in France : He had done the befl he could to bring ail to a quiet 
 State, and would not fuffer that which he had done in Italy, to be 
 undone in France ; nor would he fuffer them to afTume an Authority 
 like that of the Senate of Venice. It was their Bufinefs to do Juftice, 
 but not to put the Kingdom in a Flame, as they had attempted to do in 
 his Predeceffor's Time : He concluded, he would have them Approve 
 the Concordats ; and if they gave him more Trouble, he would make 
 them Ambulatory, and to follow his Court: Nor would he fuffer any 
 more Ecclefiaflicks to be of their Body. They were not entirely his 
 Subjefts, fince he had no Authority to cut off their Heads : They 
 ought to fay their Breviary, and not to meddle in his Aflairs. 
 
 They anfwered him, that thefe Things were contrary to the Con- 
 ftitutlon of their Court. He faid he was forry his Anceflors had fo 
 conflituted it, but he was King as well as they werej and he would 
 fettle them on another Foot : So he bid them begone early the next 
 Morning. They begg'd a fliort delay, for the Ways were bad ; but 
 the Great Mafter told them from the King, that if they were not 
 gone by fuch an Hour, he would put them in Prifon, and keep them 
 in it Six Months, and then he would fee who would move to fet 
 them at Liberty : So they went to Paris. The Duke of 'Tremoville 
 was fent after them to the Parliament, to let them know that the 
 King would have the Concordats to be immediately publifhed, with- 
 out any further Deliberation : They muft Obey the King as became 
 Subjedls J he told them the King had repeated that Ten Times to 
 him, in the Space of a Quarter of an Hour ; and concluded, that if 
 they delayed any longer to Obey the King, the King would make all 
 (he Court feel the Effe(Ss of his Difpleafure. 
 
 The
 
 Book I. oj the Church (p/^England. 1 1 
 
 The Court called for the King's learned Council, but they faid ,J^|!^J|^'S^'^ 
 they had received pofitive Orders from the King by Tremo'ville, to cn oppofe it 
 confent to the Concordats ; otherwife the King would treat them fo no longer, 
 that they fliould feel it fenlibly : The Advocate General faid he was 
 forry for the Methods the King took ; but he wiihed they would 
 confider what might follow, if they continued to deny what was fo 
 earneftly prefledon them: The publilhing of this could be of noForce, 
 fince the Church, that was fo much concerned in it, was neither 
 called for, nor heard ; the Thing might be afterwards fet right, for 
 Le%vist\\Q Xlth faw his Error, and changed his Mind. He offered 
 Two Things to foften that which was required of them : One was 
 to infert in the Regifter, that it was done in Obedience to the King's 
 Commands often repeated : The other was, that they fliould declare 
 that they did not approve the Abrogation of the Pragmatick San5lio7iy 
 but were then only to publifli the Concordats ; and that they might 
 refolve in all their judiciary Proceedings to have no regard to that j 
 And in particular to that Claufe, that all Bulls were void if the true 
 Value of the Benefice was not expreffed in them. On the i8th of 
 March they came to this Refolution, that their Decree of the 24th 
 ofjuly, for obferving the Pragmatick^ was by them fully confirmed ; 
 but in Obedience to the King's Commands, they publiflied the Con- 
 cordats ; adding a Proteftation, that the Court did not approve it, 
 but intended in all their Sentences to judge according to the Prag- 
 matick Sat: SI 10)1. 
 
 The Court made thefe Proteftations in the Hands of the Bifhop of ThePariia- 
 Langres, a Duke and Peer of France, fetting forth that their Liber- •{'^but"\vi'th*a 
 ty was taken from them j that the Publication of the Concordats was Proteftationi 
 not done by their Order, but againft their Mind, by the King's ex- 
 prefs Order ; and that they did not intend to approve it, nor to be 
 governed by it in their Judgments, but to obferve the Pragmatick 
 SanBion. They ordered likewife an Appeal to be niade from the 
 Pope, to the Pope better advifed, and to the next General Council : 
 Upon all which the Bifliop of Langres made an Authentick Inftru- 
 ment J fo it was refolved to proceed to Publication on the 2 2d of 
 March : But on the 21ft, the Recftor of the Univerfity of Paris, ac- 
 conipanied by fome of that Body, and by fome Advocates, appeared, 
 defiring to be heard before they fhould proceed to fuch Publication. 
 The Court received his Petition, and promifed to confider it : But 
 iaid if they made the Publication it fliould not prejudice any of theif 
 Rights, for they were refolved to judge as formerly, notwithftanding 
 that : Yet they required him not to publifh this. The Dean of 
 Nojlredame came on the 2 2d to the Court, and faid they heard they 
 were going to publilh the Concordats, which both implied their con- 
 demning the Councils of Conjiajice and Bafil, and tended to the De- 
 ftru<flion of the Liberties of the Gallican Church, which the Popes 
 had always envied them. He defired they would not proceed to it, 
 'till the Whole Gallican Church was confulted in the Matter ; and 
 protefled that what they were about to do, fhould not be to the 
 Prejudice of the Church. After this was received, they proceeded to 
 the Publication, as they had promifed, adding thefe Words to it, 
 Read^ Publijlied, and Regijlred, by the Order end Com/nand of the 
 
 Kifig
 
 iz The Hiftory of the Reformatio?! Part ill. 
 
 1 51 8. King often repeated to us, in the Prefe7ice of the Lcrd of TrcmoViWc 
 
 * r-"-' his Fir/i Chamberlain^ fpecially fent to have it done> And on the 24th 
 
 of March they renewed their Proteftation, that they did not approve 
 of it ; that they infifted in their former Appeals, and were refolved 
 to proceed in all their Judgments without regard to iti 
 The UnVer- ^^ ^^^ 27th of March, the Reftor of the Univerfity ordered a 
 fity and cier- Mandat to be affixed, prohibiting their Printers to print the Concor- 
 gy oppofe it. ^^f^ . Hq likewife appealed from the Pope, to a General Council, 
 lawfully affembled, fitting in a fafe Place, and in full Freedom. This 
 v/as printed and affixed : And great Reflexions were made by fome 
 Preachers in their Sermons, both on the King, and on the Chancel- 
 lor. The King being informed of this, wrote to the firft Prefident, 
 complaining both of the Redtor, and of the Preachers : He ordered 
 them to take Informations of all thofe Matters, and to get the Con- 
 cordats to be printed as foon as was poffible, and to puniih the Au- 
 . thors of Sedition. But the Court faid they knew nothing tending 
 that way ; for their Bufinefs took them up fo entirely, that they 
 could not attend on Sermons. The King complained likewife feverely 
 of the Appeal they had made ; he was Monarch, and had no Supe- 
 rior,, to whom an Appeal could lie: He alfo fent an Order to inhibit 
 all Meetings in the Univerfity. 
 The Excep- ^^ ^^^ Concordat it was provided, that if it was not publifhed with- 
 tionstothe in Six Months in France, it fhould be null and void : But the Delays 
 the PMUa ^^ ^^^^ ^^^ ^^^^ made, put the King on getting that Term prolonged 
 menu ' a Year longer. " The Three Chief Exceptions that the Parliament 
 " had to the Concordats, were, Firf, the declaring Bulls void, if 
 " the true Value of the Benefices was not fet forth in them ; which 
 " might put the Obtainers of them to great Charge and many Suits : 
 " The Second, was the carrying the Greater Caufes to be judged at 
 *' Rome: The Third, was concerning Eleftions. The P>'r/?of thefe 
 *' was given up, and was no further urged by the Court of Rome : 
 " But it was not fettled what thofe Greater Caufes were. By the 
 " Fragmatick they were reftrained to Bifliopricks and Monafteries ; 
 " buttheCo^zfor^^/iheld the Matter in general Words: So the Number 
 " of thefe Caufes was Indefinite; and on allOccafions it wouldincreafe 
 " as the Canonifi: pleafed. They condemned that Device of the Court 
 " of Rome, of granting Provifions for all that was held by any who 
 " died in the Court, confidering the great Extent to which that had 
 " been carried: they alfo found that by the Concordats, allNun- 
 " neries were left to the Pope's Provifion ; and likewife all Inferior 
 " Dignities, fuch as Deanries, and Provoftfliips. All Churches that 
 " had fpecial Privileges, were exempted from the King's Nomination; 
 " and at Rome, Exceptions might be unjufiily made to the Perfons 
 " named by the King : But above all, they flood on this, that the 
 " Right of Elefting was founded on the Law of God, and on Natu- 
 " ral Right : That this was eftabliflied by the Authority of Gene- 
 " ral Councils, by the Civil Law, and by many Royal Edidls, 
 " during all the Three Races of their Kings : This Right 
 " was now taken away without hearing the Parties con- 
 " cerned to fpt it forth. If there had crept in Abufes in Elefti- 
 *' ons, thefe might be correded ; but they thought the King ufurped 
 4 " that
 
 feook I. of the Church of England. i 
 
 f> 
 
 that which did not belong to him, on this Pretence, that the Pope i r 1 8. \ 
 
 granted it to him ; which was contrary both to the Dodrine and i— — >,^ i \ 
 
 Praftice of the GaUican Church, They found many lefler Exxep- i 
 
 tions in point of Form, to the Method of Abrogating the Pragnia- 
 tick Scnitlion : One was, that the Council of the Lateraji did for- .i 
 
 bid all Perfons that held Lands of the Church to obferve or main- ; 
 
 tain that Sanction, under the Pain of Forfeiting thofe Lands 5 ; 
 
 which was a plain Invafion of the King's Prerogatives, who is Su- : 
 
 preme Lord of all thofe Lands within his Dominions : The Pope ^ 
 
 alfo took upon him to annul that Sanftion, that then fublifted by i 
 
 the Royal Authority : This might be made a Precedent in time to ! 
 
 come for annulling any of their Laws. They likewife thought ' \ 
 
 the taking away the Fragmatick SanBion, which was made upon i 
 
 the Authority of the Councils oi Cmfiance z.\\diBafil, and had de- 
 clared the Subjecflion of the Pope to the Council, did fet afide that \ 
 Do(ftrine, and fet up the Pope's Authority above the Council ; tho' j 
 the Pragmatick was made while the Pope was reconciled to the ■ 
 Council : And the Breach upon which Eifgeiniis was depofed, 
 happened not till almoft a Year after that ; it being publilhed in yuly 
 1438, and his Depofition was not till June 1439 : Befidcs, that 10 ; 
 Years after that Pope Nicclaus the Fifth confirmed all the Decrees i 
 made at BafJ. They likewife put the King in mind of the Oath he ' 
 took at his Coronation, to maintain all the Rights and Liberties of i 
 the GalUcmi Church. So they moved the King either to prevail 1 
 with the Pope to call a General Council, or that he would call a 
 National one in ivv?;z<:Y, to judge of the whole Matter: And as ' 
 for the Threatnings given out, that the Pope would Depofe the 
 King, and give away his Kingdom, if he did not fubmit to him, ; 
 they faid the King held his Crown of God, and all fuch Threat- 
 nings ought to be rejecfled with Scorn and Lidignation. , 
 To all thefe, the Chancellor made a long and flattering Anfwer ; Thefewere j 
 for which he had the ufual Reward of a Cardinal's Cap. He fet anf«ered by ; 
 forth the Danger the King was in, being engaged in the War oi Italy ; j^r. '^"" ' I 
 the Pope threatning him with Cenfures : for the Prag?natick San5fio?i 
 was then condemned by the Pope, and that Cenfure was ratified by \ 
 the Council in the Lateran ; upon which he would have re-aflumed i 
 all the old Opprefilons, if the King had not entered into that Treaty; \ 
 yielding fome Points to fave the reft. He faid the King of the firft j 
 Race nominated to Bifliopricks : for which he cited Precedents from I 
 Gregory of Tours. So the Kings of Eng/afid did name, and the Popes : 
 upon that gave Provifions : The Kings of Scotland did alfo name, but • 
 not by vertue of a Right, but rather by Connivance. He faid Eledti- ; 
 ons had gone thro' various Forms ; fometimes Popes did eled;!:, fome- \ 
 times Princes with the People, fometimes Princes took it into their \ 
 own Hands, fometimes the whole Clergy without the People, and of 1 
 late the Canons chofe without the Concurrence of the Clergy. That ,! 
 the King being in thefe Difficulties, all thofe about him, and all thofe 
 in France who were advifed with in the Matter, thought the accepting ; 
 the Concordats was juil and neceflary. Pope Leo repented that he j 
 had granted fo much : and it was not without great difficulty that he j 
 brought the Cardinals to confent to it : he went very copioufly as a 
 
 Vol. in. E Canonift 1
 
 14 T^he Hifiory of the Reformation Part llli 
 
 1 51 8. Canonift tliro' the other Headsj foftning fome Abufes, and fliewing 
 
 V— — V ' that others had a long Practice for them, and were obferved in other 
 
 Kingdoms. 
 The Matter And thus was this Matter carried in the Parliament of Paris, in 
 finally fttikd. ^yj-jj^h as the Court {liewed great Integrity and much Courage, which 
 defervethehigheil Charafters, with which fuch Noble Patriots ought 
 to be honoured ; fo in this Inftance, we fee how feeble the Refinance 
 even of the Worthicfl: Judges will prove to a Prince, who has poflefled 
 himfelf of the whole Legifiative Authority ; when he intends to 
 break thro' EflabliHied Laws and Conftitutions, and to facrifice the 
 Rights of his Crown, and the Intereft of his People, to ferve parti- 
 cular Ends of his own. In fuch Cafes the generous Integrity of 
 Judges, or other Minifters, will be refented as an Attempt on the So- 
 vereign Authority : And fuch is the Nature of Arbitrary Power, that 
 the moft modeft Defence of Law and Juftice, when it croffes the 
 Defigns of an infolent and corrupt Minifler, and an abufed Prince, will 
 pafs for Difobedience and Sedition. 
 
 If the Aflembly of the States in France had maintained their fhare 
 of the Legiflative Power, and had not fuffered the Right they once 
 had to be taken from them, of being' liable to no Taxes, but by their 
 own Confent, thefe Judges would have been better fupported : and 
 theOppolition they made upon this occafion, would have drawn after 
 it all the mofl fignal Expreffions of Honour and Efteem, that a Nation 
 owes to the Truftees of their Laws and Liberties, when they, main- 
 tain them refolutely, and difpenfe them equally. And the corrupt 
 Chancellor would have received fuch Punifhment as all wicked Mini- 
 fters deferve, who for their own Ends betray the Intereft of their 
 Country. 
 The Parlia- T^g Court of Parliament fliewed great Firmnefs after this : and it 
 ^dsed by the appeared that the Proteftation that they made of judging ftill accord- 
 Fragmatick ing to the Prag7}wtick, was not only a Piece of Form to fave their 
 Sanahn. Credit. The Archbifhop of Sens died foon after ; and the King fent 
 to inhibit the Chapter to proceed to an Eledlion. It was underftood 
 that he defigned to give it to the Bifhop of Paris ; fo the Chapter 
 wrote to that Bilhop not to give fuch a Wound to their Liberties as 
 to take it upon the King's Nomination : But feeing that he had no 
 regard to that, they elefted him, that fo they might by this feem to 
 keep up their Claim. The Bifliop of AJby died foon after that ; the 
 King named one, and the Chapter chofe another ; upon that Alby be- 
 ing within the Jurifdidlion of 'tljoloiife, the Court of Parliament there 
 judged in favour of him who was eletfled by the Chapter, againfl 
 him who had obtained Bulls, upon the King's Nomination : at which 
 the King was highly offended. The Archbilhoprick of Bourges fal- 
 ing void foon after, the King nominated one, and the Chapter ele<fted 
 another. The Chapter pretended a Special Privilege to Eledl, fo the 
 ^524* Pope judged in their Favour. Some Years after this, the King car- 
 ried on his Wars in Italy, leaving his Mother Regent of France ; fo 
 the Court of Parliament made a Remonftrance to Her, fetting forth 
 the Invafions that had been made upon the Rights of the Galilean 
 Church, deliring her to interpofe, that the Pragmatick SanSfion, and 
 the Liberty of Eledions might again have their full Force ; but that 
 had no EfFeft, Soon
 
 f 
 
 Book L Of the Church ^England. i c 
 
 . Soon after this, the King was taken Prifoner by the Army oi'Charh s Upon the 
 the Fifth at the Battel of Pavia : and upon that his Mother declared, Prifone'^^'^L* 
 that fhe looked on her Son's Misfortunes as a Judgment of God upon Concordat 
 him, for his Abolifloing the Prag??iatick Sa?:Bio?i ; and tho' flie would ^^-^'^mofe con- 
 not take it upon her to make any Alteration during her Son's Abfencc, ^"""^ 
 yet file promifed, that when he fliould be fet at Liberty, flie would 
 ufe her utmoll Endeavours with him, to fet it up again, and to abo- 
 lifh the Concordats. This was Regiftred in the Records of the Court 
 of Parliament, yet it had no EfFed: upon the King's Return out of 
 Spain : he finding the Parliament relblved to maintain all Elections, 
 ordered that Matter to be taken wholly out of their Cognizance, and 
 he removed all Suits of that fort from the Courts of Parliament, to ^5^7' 
 the Great Council ; upon fome Difputes that v/ere then on Foot con- 
 cerning a Bifhoprick and an Abbey given to Chancellor Prat, then 
 made a Cardinal, in Recompence of the Service he had done the 
 Court of Rome : fo by that an End was put to all Difputes. 
 
 The Parliament ftrugled hard againft this Diminution of their Ju- xhefe Mat- 
 rifdidlion : they wrote to the Dukes and Peers of France, to move the tersremo%ed 
 Regent not to proceed thus to lelfen their Authority : On the other 1'°'^ '"^^ ^T 
 
 11/1 r-ii T- 111- • 1- liament to the 
 
 hand ihe laid, they were taking all things into their own hands in Great Conn- 
 prejudice of the King's Prerogative. But the King confirmed that, '^''• 
 and fettled the Chancellor in the Poflefiion of the See and Abbey, and 
 the Proceedings of the Parliament againft him were annulled and or- 
 dered to be ftruck out of their Reglilers : and it appearing that fome 
 Chapters and Abbies had Special Privileges for Free Eledtions, the 
 King obtained a Bull from Clement the Seventh, fufpending all thofe 
 during the King's Life : The Court of Rome fi:ood long upon this, ^^ ' 
 and thought to have gained new Advantages, before it fhould be 
 granted : But the Pope was at that Time in a Secret Treaty with the 
 Court of France, which was afterwards accompliflied at Marfeilles ': 
 So he was eafier in this Matter, and the Bull was Regiflred in Paidia- 
 ment in May there-after. And upon this the Chancellor pretending 
 that he would fee and examine thole Privileges, called for them all; 
 and when they were brought to him, he threw them all into the 
 Fire. 
 
 But to lay all that I have found of this Matter together, the Clergy Remonftranw 
 of France, in aRemonflrance that they made toYJmgHenry the Third, ces made by 
 afiirmed. That Francis at his Death declared to his Son, that nothing th<=.<^'ergy 
 troubled his Confcience more, than his taking away Canonical Eledli- 
 ons, and his affuming to himfelf the Nomination to Bifliopricks. If 1585. 
 this was true, his Son had no regard to it, but went on as his Father 
 had done. Upon his Death, when the Cardinal of Lorrain prefTed 1560. 
 the Parliament to proceed in the vigorous Profecution of Herefy, they 
 remonftratedjthat theGrowth of Herefy flowed chiefly from theScan- 
 dals that were given by bad Clergymen, and ill Billiops : And that 
 the ill Choice that had been made by the Court, fince the Concordats 
 ■were fet up, gave more occafion to the Progrefs that Herefy made, 
 than any other thing whatfoever. The Courts were fa monllroufly 
 corrupt, during that and the two former Rsigns, that no other could 
 be expedied from them. 
 
 An
 
 1 6 T'he Hiflory of the Reformation Part II L 
 
 1560. An Affembly of the States was called in the Beginning of Charles 
 
 <— — r—^ the Ninth's Reign. In it the firft Eftate prayed, that the Pragniatick 
 SanBion might again take place, particularly in the Point of Eledli- 
 ons ; they backed this with great Authorities of Councils, Ancient 
 and Modern : With them the Two other Eftates agreed. The Court 
 tried to fliift this off, promifmg to fend one to Rome to treat about it : 
 But that did not fatisfy ; fo a Decree was drawn up to this EfFecfl, 
 That an Archhifliop fhould be chofen by the Bifliops of his Province, 
 by the Chapter of his Cathedral, and 12 Perfons of the Chief of the 
 Laity : and a Bifhop by the Metropolitan and the Chapter. The 
 Court of Parliament oppofed this: They thought the Laity ought to 
 have no fliare in Eledions, fo they prefled the Refloring the Pragma- 
 tick SanSlion without any Alteration ; yet, in Conclufion, the Decree 
 was thus amended : An Archbifliop was to be chofen by the Bifliops 
 of the Province, and the Chapter of the See ; but a Bifliop was to be 
 chofenby the Archbifliop, with the Bifliops of the Province, and the 
 Chapter, and by 24 of the Laity to be thus nominated : All the 
 Gentry were to be fummoned to meet, and to chufe 12 to reprefent 
 them at the Eleftion, and the City was to chufe other 12. All thefe 
 were to make a Lift of Three Perfons to be offered to the King, and 
 the Man named by the King was to have the See. Thus they de- 
 iigned to bring this Matter into a Form as near the Cuftoms mentio- 
 ned in the Roman Law, as they could. But this Defign vaniflied, and 
 was never put in Practice. 
 
 The Clergy ftlU called for Refloring the Eledions : Prefident Fer- 
 rier was fent to Rojne to obtain it. He in a long Speech fliewed, that 
 neither the Gallican Church, nor the Courts of Parliament, had ever 
 received the Concordats ; that Shadow of Approbation given to it by 
 the Parliament of P<7m, being extorted from them by Force; and he 
 laid out all the Inconveniences that had happened fince t\\&Concordats 
 were fet up : But that Court felt the Advantages they had by them 
 too fenfibly, to be ever prevailed with to give them up : And thus 
 that great Affair was fettled in the View of this Chuch and Nation, 
 at the Time that King Henry broke off all Correfpondence with it. It 
 may be very reafonably prefumed that Inferences were made from 
 this, to let all People fee v/hat Merchandize the Court of R.ome made 
 of the mofl: Sacred Rights of the Church, when they had their own 
 Profits fecured : And therefore the Wife Men in this Church at that 
 time might juftly conclude, that their Liberties were fafer while they 
 remained an entire Body within themfelves, under a legal Conftitu- 
 tion; by which, if Princes carried their Authority too far, fome Check 
 might be given to it by thofe from whom the Publick Aids were to be 
 obtained, for Supporting the Government; than while all was believed 
 to belong to the Popes, who would at any time make a Bargain, and 
 divide the Spoils of the Church with Crowned Heads ; taking to 
 themfelves the gainful Part, and leaving the reft in the Hands of 
 Princes. 
 An Apology, I hope, tho' this Relation does not belong properly to the Hiftory 
 with the Rea- ^f^j^g Reformation ; yet fmce it is highly probable it had a great In- 
 Digreflion. fluence on Peoples Minds, this Digreflion will be eafily forgiven me. 
 And now I turn to fuch of our Affairs as fall within this Period. 
 
 The
 
 Book I. of the Church of ¥.n<^?ix\d. 17 
 
 The Firft Thing that occurred to me in order of Time, was a Let- 
 ter of Queen Katharine's to King Henry ^ who upon his crofling the 
 Sea, left the Regency of the Kingdom in her Hands; the Commiflion 
 bears Date the iithof>w 1513. King >;//d'.- the IVth of Scot- ^2^^' ^''""^• 
 land having invaded England with a great Army was defeated and Queen Katha- 
 killed by the Earl of Surrey. The Earl gave the Queen the News, ''•"Q. ^^"'" 
 in a Letter to her, with One to the King ; this She fent him with a uponThedeath 
 Letter of her own ; which being the only One of hers to the King oftheKingof 
 that I ever faw, I have inferted it in my Colleftion. The Familiari- ^"'^'''"^■ 
 ties of calling him in one Place My Hujband ; and in another, My 
 Henry, are not unpleafant. She fent with it a Piece of the King of 
 Scots Coat to be a Banner : She was then going to vifit, as She calls 
 it. Our Lady of Walfmghani. 
 
 I will next open an Account of the Progrefs of Cardinal JVolfeys The Progrefs 
 Fortunes, and the Afcendant he had over the King. The Firft Step of^vyo-'srife. 
 he made into the Church, was to be Redlor of Lymington in the Dio- 
 cefe of Bath and Wells ; then on the 30th of "July 1508, he had a 
 Papal Difpenfation to hold the Vicarage of JL}v/^, in the Diocefe of 
 Canterbury , with his Reiftory. There is a Grant to him as Almoner, 
 on the 8th of November 1 509. The next Perferment he had was to be 
 a Prebendary of Windfor : He was next advanced to be Dean of Lhi- 
 coln. A Year after that, Pope Leo having refer\'ed the difpofing the 
 See of Lincoln to himfelf, gave it to IVolfey, defigned in the Bulls 
 Dean of St. Stephens Wejlminjier. But no mention is made of the 
 King's Nomination. This is owned by the King in the Writ for the 
 Reftitution of the Temporalities. On the \/\.ih.o? July, that Year, yuly 147 
 Cardinal de Medici, afterwards Pope Clement the Vllth, wrote to 1514. 
 King Henry, that upon the Death of Cardinal Be7nbridge, he had prayed 
 the Pope not to difpofe of his Benefices, till he knew the King's Mind, 
 which the Pope out of his AfFeftion to the King granted very readily, Rymer Tom. 
 Perhaps the King did recommend Wolfey, but no mention is made of 13* 
 that in his Bulls. The King granted the Reftitution of the Tempo- Auguji 5. 
 ralities of York, before his Inftallment j for in the Writ, he is only 
 called the EleSl ArchbiJJ?op : And it is not expreffed that he had the 
 King's Nomination. He had Toiirjiay in Commendam, but refigned it 
 into the Hands of Francis, who for that gave him a Penfion of 1 2000 yuly 1%, 
 XZ-urw during Life: At the fame Time Prince Charles, afterwards ici8. 
 Charles the Vth, gave him a Penfion of 3000 Pound. It feems he 
 afterwards defired to have it better fecured : So in the End of that Decemb. 16. 
 Year Prince Charles lodged a Penfion of 5000 Ducats to him, on the 15^^* 
 Bifhoprick of Pace in Cajlile. Above a Year after that. Pope Leo 
 gave him a Penfion of 2000 Ducats out of Palencia, inftead of that March zq. 
 which was charged on the Biflioprick of Face. Befides all this, when i r 20. 
 Charles the Vth was in London, he gave him another Penfion of 
 9000 Crowns, dated the 8th of 'June 1522. It feems he had other 
 Penfions from France ; for Five Years after this, there was an Arrear jviwwA 18. 
 ftated there as due to him, of 121898 Crowns. He had alfo Penfions i f2c. 
 from other Princes of a lower Order. The Duke of Milajis Secretary Rymer Vol. 
 did by his Mafiier's exprefs Order, engage in the Year 1515, to pay 12. 
 Wolfey 1 0000 Ducats a Year, he on his Part engaging, that there 
 fhouldbeaperpetual Friendfiiip fettled, between the Kings oiEngland 
 and France, with that Duke. 
 
 Vol. III. F The
 
 1 8 The Hiftory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 Decemb.2. The French King being a Prifoner, his Favour was neceflary in 
 1524. thatDiftrefs, fo the Regent engaged to pay it in Seven Years Time. 
 *— "V'-^J But whatever may be in Wolfey?. Provifions, when the Biflioprick of 
 Salijbirry was given to Cardinal Cmnpegio by a Bull, mention is ex- 
 prefsly made in it, of the King's Letters, interceeding humbly for 
 him. 
 King Uenyy-% When King Henry vfTott this Book of the Seven Sacraments, it feems 
 Book of the it; ^vas at firft deligned to fend it over in Manufcript : For Wolfey 
 ll^nL^""""' fent One to the King finely dreffed, that was to be prefented to the 
 Pope : And he writes that he was to fend him more, which were to 
 be fent about with the Pope's Bulls to all Princes, and Univerfities : 
 Coll. Numb. ^"^ ^" particular, as he writes, was far more Excellent and Princely : 
 3. He alfo fent with it the Choice of certain Verfes, to be written in the 
 
 King's own Hand, in the Book that was to be fent to the Pope, and 
 fubfcribed by him, to be laid up in the Archives of the Chureh, to 
 his Immortal Glory and Memory. The Matter was fo laid, that the 
 I C2I. Book was prefented to the Pope on the loth of OBobcr ; and the 
 very Day after, the Bull giving him the Title of Defender of the Faith 
 bears Date : And in a private Letter that Pope Leo wrote to him, he 
 runs out into copious Strains of Flattery, affirming, That it appeared 
 Ut Spirkum f^j fjjg jjf^iy Qioji aflfted him in Writing it. • 
 
 ftum appa-' The King was fo pleafed with the Title, that Wolfey direfted his 
 reat. Letters to him with it on the back, as appears in a Letter of his, that 
 
 Coll, Numb, fets forth the low State of the Affairs of Spain in Italy. It appears it 
 4- was written (for the Year is not added in the Date) after that Luther, 
 
 wrote his Anfwcr to the King's Book, at leaft after Letters came from 
 him on the Subjedl ; the Original of which he delires might be fent 
 him, that he might fend it to the Pope : And he intended to fend 
 Copies both of thofe, and of the King's Anfwers to the Cardinal of 
 Mentz, and to George Duke of Saxony. 
 Wolfey fent to After the King's Interviews both with the Emperor, and the King 
 Charles the of France were over, new Quarrels broke out ; by which the Em- 
 by h'im!'"^ pcror and Francis engaged in Hoftilities : But King Henry, pretending 
 to be the Umpire of their Differences, fent IVolfey over to compofe 
 1 52 1 . them. He came to Calais in the Beginning of Aiignji. From Dover 
 he wrote to the King, and fent Two Letters to him, which the King 
 Coll. Numb, was to write in his own Hand to the Emperor, and to the Lady 
 5- Regent of Flanders, which he defired the King would fend to him : 
 
 For he would move flowly towards him. Thus he took the Whole 
 Miniflry into his own Hands, and prepared even the King's Secret 
 Letters for him. He was with the Emperor Thirteen Days, who 
 gave him a fmgular Reception ; for he came a Mile out of Town ta 
 . meet him. The Town is not named, but it was Britgcs -, for in One 
 of Erafmuss Letters, he mentions his meeting Wolfey in that Town> 
 he being then with the Emperor. The Cardinal returned by the way 
 of Gravelin, and from thence, beftde the PubUck Letter, in which 
 he gave the King an Account of his Negotiation, he wrote a private 
 Coll Numb. One to him, with this Direftion on it. To the Kings Graceys cwn 
 6. Hands only. It feems he had no private Converfation with the Em- 
 
 peror formerly : " For in this he obferves, that for his Age he was 
 « very Wife, and underftood his Affairs well. He was Cold and 
 
 " Temperate
 
 Book I. of the Church ^England. 1 9 ' 
 
 ' I 
 
 " Temperate in fpeech ; but Spoke to very good purpofe. He reckon- 1 52 1 . I 
 
 " ed that he would prove a very Wife Man : He thought he was v— -y~-— ' i 
 
 " much inclined to Truth, and to the keeping of his Promifes : He ! 
 
 " feemed to be infeparably joined to the King ; and was refolved to ! 
 
 " follow his Advice in all his Affairs, and to truft the Cardinal en- ' 
 
 " tirely. He twice or thrice in fecret, promifed to him by his Faith • 
 " and Truth, to abide by this : he promifed it alfo to all the reft of 
 
 " the Privy-Council that were with the Cardinal, in fuch a manner, j 
 
 " that they all believed it came from his Heart, without Artifice, or I 
 
 ** Diffimulation. So Wolfey wrote to the King, that he had reafon to j 
 
 " blefs God, that he was not only the Ruler of his own Realm, ! 
 
 " but that now by his Wifdom, Spain., Italy, Germany, and the ! 
 
 " Z/CW-Cw/s/rzVj, fliould be ruled and governed. Whether the Em- ' 
 
 peror did by his Prudent and Modeft Behaviour, really impofe upon i 
 
 Wolfey; or v/hether by other fecret Prad:ices he had fo gained him, , 
 
 as to oblige him to perfuade the King to fuch a Confidence in him, \ 
 
 Heave it to the Reader to iudge. { 
 
 It paffes generally among all the Writers of that Age, that he ifolfey\ Prao- ! 
 
 afpired to the Popedom : And that the Emperor then promifed him ti"^ to be I 
 
 his Afliftance ; in which he failing to him afterwards, Wolfey carried *^ ^° ^" °^^* i 
 
 his Revenges fo far, that all the Change of Councils, and even the j 
 
 Suit of the Divorce, is in a {rreat Meafure afcribed to it. I went into \ 
 
 the Stream in my Hiftory, and feemed perfuaded of it ; yet fome , j 
 
 Original Letters of Wolff's,, communicated to me by Sir William Cook I 
 
 of Norfolk, which I go next to open, make this very doubtful. The > 
 
 Firft was upon the News of Pope Hadrian'^ Death, upon which Coll. Numb. - 
 
 he immediately wrote to the King, " That his Abfence from Rome 7- i 
 
 " was the only Obftacle of his Advancement to that Dignity : '^^Z'^^'^'^' 3°- ; 
 
 " There were great Faftions then at Rome ; he protefts before God, ^^P^^^^' H- I 
 
 " that he thought himfelf unfit for it, and that he defired much ra- i 
 
 *' ther to end his Days with the King ; yet remembring that at the \ 
 
 " laft Vacation (Nine Months before) the King was for his being pre- | 
 
 " ferred to it, thinking it would befor his Service, and fuppofing that \ 
 
 " he was ftill of the fame Mind, he would prepare fuch Inftruftions, i 
 
 " as had been before fent to Pace, Dean of St. Paul's, then Ambafi^a- j 
 
 " dor at Rome, and fend them to him by the next : With this he 1 
 
 alfo fent him the Letters that he had from Rome. The next Day he Coll. Numh. \ 
 
 fent the Letters and Inftrudlions, direfted to the King's Ambaffadors, 8. j 
 
 who were the Bifliop of Bath, Pace, and Haniball, for procuring QSlob. i. J 
 
 his Preferment ; or, that failing, for Cardinal de Medici : Thefe he | 
 
 defired the King to fign and difpatch. And that the Emperor might 1 
 
 more effeftually concur, though purfuant to the Conference he had :• 
 with the King on that Behalf, he verily fuppofed he had not failed 
 
 to advance it, he drew a private Letter for the King to write with ; 
 
 his own Hand to the Emperor, putting to it the fecret Sign and ] 
 
 Mark that was between them. ' 
 
 The Difpatch, that upon this, he fent to the King's Ambaflador at Voll, II. 
 Rome, fell into my Hands when I was laying out for Materials for ^°"- 
 my Second Volume; but though it belong'd in the Order of Time vf'^V ^ 
 to the Firft, I thought it would be acceptable to the Reader to fee it, p '^ 
 though not in its proper Place. In it, after fome very refpedtful 
 
 I Words
 
 20 7he Hiflory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1 52 1 . Words of Pope Hadrian, which, whether he wrote out of Decency 
 U.-v'— ^ only, or that he thought fo of him, I cannot determine , " he tells 
 rSob^" -" them that before the Vacancy, both the Emperor, and the King, 
 ch^fen°Po%. " had great Conferences for his Advancement, though the Em- 
 " peror's Abfence makes that he cannot now join with them ; Yet 
 " the Regent of the Netherlands., who knows his Mind, has expref- 
 " fed an earneft and hearty Concurrence for it, : And by the Letters 
 " of the Cardinals de Medici s, SanSforum quatuor, and Campegio, he 
 " faw their Affedlions : He was chiefly determined by the King's 
 " Earneftnefs about it, tho' he could willingly have lived fall where 
 " he was ; his Years increaling, and he knew himfelf unworthy of 
 " fo high a Dignity : Yet his Zeal for the Exaltation of the Chriftian 
 " Faith, and for the Honour and Safety of the King, and the Em- 
 " peror, made him refer himfelf to the Pleafure of God : And in the 
 " King's Name he fends them double Letters ; the firfl to the Cardi- 
 " nal de Medicis, offering the King's AiTiftance to him, and if it was 
 " probable he would carry it, they were to ufe no other Powers: But 
 " if he thought he could not carry it, then they were to propofe 
 " himfelf to him, and to affure him, if he was chofen, the other 
 " fhould be as it were Pope : They were to let the other Cardinals 
 " know what his Temper was, not auftere, but free : He had great 
 " Things to give, that would be void upon his Promotion: He had 
 " no Friends nor Relations to raife, and he knew perfeclly well the 
 " Great Princes of Chri/kfidom, and all their Interefts and Secrets : 
 " He promifes he will be at Rome within Three Months, if they 
 " chufe him ; and the King feems refolved to go thither with him j 
 " he did not doubt but, according to the many Promifes and Exhor- 
 " tations of the Emperor to him, that his Party will join with 
 " them. 
 
 " The King alfo ordered them to promife large Rewards and Pro- 
 " motions, and great Sums of Money to the Cardinals ; and tho' 
 " they faw the Cardinal de Medici full of Hope, yet they were not 
 " to give over their Labour for him, if they faw any hope of Suc- 
 " cefs : But they were to manage that fo fecretly, that the other may 
 •' have no fufpicion of it. This was dated at Hampton-Coiirt the 4th 
 of OSloher. 
 
 To this a Poflfcript was added in the Cardinal's own Hand, to the 
 
 Bifliop of Bath : He tells him " what a great Opinion the King had 
 
 " of his Policy ; and he orders him to fpare no reafonable Offers, 
 
 " which perhaps might be more regarded, than the Qualities of the 
 
 " Perfon. The King believed all the Imperialijls would be with him, 
 
 " ifthere was Faith in the Emperor: He beheved the Young Men, 
 
 " who for moft part were neceffitous, would give good Ear to fair 
 
 '* Offers, which rtiall undoubtedly be perform'd. The King will- 
 
 " eth you neither to fpare his Authority, nor his good Money or 
 
 " Subflance ; {o he concludes, praying God to fend him good Speed. 
 
 But all this fine Train of Simony came too late, for it found a Pope 
 
 already chofen. 
 
 Coll Numh. ^^^ ^^^^ Letter upon that Subjed: tells the King, " That after great 
 
 g^ " Heat in the Conclave, the French Party was quite abandoned ; and 
 
 Decemb. 17. " the Cardinals were fully refolved to chufe Cardinal de Medicis or 
 
 " Himfelf:
 
 Book 1. of the Church of England. ii 
 
 " Himfelf : That this coming to the Knowledge of the City of Rome, 1521. 
 " They came to the Conclave-Windows, and cried out what Danger <— -^— — ' 
 " it would be to chufe a Perfon that was Abfent : So that the Cardi- 
 " nals were in fuch Fear, that tho' they were principally bent on 
 " him, yet to avoid this Danger, they, by the Infpiration of the Holy 
 " Ghoft (fohe writes) did on the 19th of November chufe Cardi- 
 " nal de Medicis, who took the Name of Clement the 7th ; of which 
 " good and fortunate News, the King had great Caufe to thank Al- 
 " mighty God ; fmce as he was his faithful Friend, fo by his Means 
 " he had attained that Dignity : And that for his own Part he took 
 " God to Record, that he was much gladder, than if it had fallen on 
 " his own Perfon. In thefe Letters there is no Refleftion on the 
 Emperor, as having failed in his Promife at the former Eletlion : Nor 
 is that Election any way imputed to him, but laid on a Cafualty or- 
 dinary enough in Conclaves ; and more natural in that time, becaufe 
 Pope Hadrian?, fevcre way had fo difgufted the Romans, that no won- 
 der if they broke out into Diforders upon the apprehenflon of ano- 
 ther Foreigner being like to fucceed. If it is fufpefted, that tho' 
 Wolfey knew this was a Practice of the Emperor's, he might difguife 
 it thus from the King, that fo he might be lefs fufpefted in the Re- 
 venge that he was Meditating, the Thing mufl be left as I find it ; 
 only tho' the Emperor afterwards charged Wolfey as afting upon pri- 
 vate Revenge for miffing the Popedom, yet he never pretended that 
 he had moved himfelf in it, or had ftudied to obtain a Promife from 
 him ; which would have put that general Charge of his afpiring, and 
 of his revenging himfelf for the difappointment, more heavily on 
 him. 
 
 The King and the Cardinal continued in a good Correfpondence The King of 
 both with that Pope and the Emperor till the Battle of Ravy that ^^"^^H^^^ 
 Francis's Misfortune changed the Face of Affairs, and obliged the 
 Kingaccording to his conftant and true Maxim, to fupport the weaker 
 Side, and to balance the Emperor's growing Power, that by that 
 Accident was like to become quickly fuperior to all Chrifiendom. It 
 has been fuggefted that the Emperor wrote before to Wolfey in Terms 
 of Refpe6l, fcarce fuitable to his Dignity, but that he afterwards chan- 
 ged both his Stile and Subfcription : But I have feen many of his 
 Letters, to which the Subfcription is either your good or your befi 
 Friend ; and he ftill continued that way of Writing. His Letters 
 are hardly legible, fo that I could never read one compleat Period in 
 any of them, otherwife I would have put them in my Col- 
 leftion. 
 
 But having look'd thus far into Wolfey s Correfpondence with the T'Ord Surgh. 
 King ; I fhall now fet him in another Light from a very good Author 'n^'')^^iff' 
 the Lord Burghly, who in that Memorial prepared for Queen Eliza- 
 beth againfl: Favourites, probably intended to give fome Stop to the 
 Favour {he bore the Earl of Leicefler, has fet out the Greatnefs of 
 Wolfey s Power, and the ill Ufe he made of it. " He had a Family 
 " equal to the Court of a Great Prince. There was in it One Earl, 
 " and Nine Barons, and about a Thoufand Knights, Gentlemen, and 
 " Inferior Officers. Belides the vaft Expenceof fuch aHoufliold, he 
 " gave great Penlions to thofe in the Court and Conclave of Rome ; 
 
 Vol. III. G " ^" by
 
 2 2 The Hiflory of the Reformat ion Part III. 
 
 I C2I. "by whofe Services he hoped to be advanced to the Papacy. He 
 V— -N — -' " lent great Sums to the Emperor, vi^hofe Poverty was fo well 
 " known, that he could have no Profpedl of having them repaid ; 
 " (probably this is meant of Maximilian.) Thofe conftant Expences 
 " put him on extraordinary Ways of providing a Fund for their con- 
 " tinuance. He granted Commiflions under the Great Seal to oblige 
 " every Man upon Oath to give in the true Value of his Eftate ; 
 " and that thofe who had Fifty Pound, or upwards, fliould pay Four 
 " Shillings in the Pound. This was fo heavy, that tho' it had been 
 " impofed by Authority of Parliament, it would have been thought 
 •' an Oppreition of the Subjeft : But he adds, that to have this done 
 " by the private Authority of a Subjedl, was what wants a Name. 
 " When this was reprefented to the King, he difowned it ; and faid, 
 " No Neceffities of his fhould be ever fo great, as to make him at- 
 " tempt the raifing of Money any other way but by the People's Con- 
 " fent in Parliament. Thus his illegal Projed: was defeated ; fo he 
 " betook himfelf to another not fo odious, by the way of Benevo- 
 " lence : And to carry that thro', he fent for the Lord Mayor and 
 " Aldermen of London, and faid to them. That he had prevailed 
 " with the King to recall his Commiflions for that heaxy Tax, and to 
 " throw himfelf on their free Gifts. But in this he was likewife 
 *' difappointed ; for the Statute of Richardthe. Third, was pleaded a- 
 " gainft all Benevolences : The People obftinately refufed to pay it ; 
 *' and tho' the demanding it was for fome time infifted on, yet the 
 " Oppofition made to it, being like to end in a Civil War, it was let 
 CottcnLihT. " fall." All this I drew from that Memorial. I found alfo a Com- 
 miffion to the Archbifhop oi Canterbury, the Lord Calhajn and Others, 
 fetting forth the great Wars that the King had in France, in which 
 the Duke of Bourbon, called one of the greateft Princes in Frajicey 
 was now the King's Servant : They are by it required to pradlife with 
 all in Kent, whofe Goods amounted to Four Pound, or above, and 
 whofe Names were given to a Schedule to anticipate the Subfidy 
 granted in Parliament. This is all that has occurred to me with rela- 
 ting to Wolfey% Miniftry. I will in the next place fet out what he 
 attempted or did in Eccleliaftical Matters, with the Proceedings in 
 Woliey\ Pro- Convocation during this Period. When King Henry called his firft 
 Legaw.' ^' Parliament by a Writ Tefted 05lober 1 7, 1 509, to meet at Wefiminjier 
 the zi^oi Jaiiuary following, he did not intend to demand a Sup- 
 ply ; fo there appears no Writ for a Cotivocation : But the Archbifhop 
 of Canterbury fummond one, as it feems by his own Authority : Yet 
 none fate then at Tork. The Houfe of Lords was fometimes adjourned 
 by the Lord Treafurer ; becaufe the Chancellor [Warba?n) and the 
 other Spiritual Lords were abfent, and engaged in Convocation : but 
 it does not appear what was done by them. 
 His Infolence In the Year 151 1, on the 28th of November, a Writ was fent to 
 to Warham. Warham to Summon a Convocation, which met the 6th of February : 
 They had feveral SefTions, and gave a Subfidy of 24000/. but did 
 nothing befides with relation to Matters of Religion. There was 
 fome Heat among them on the account of fome Grievances and Ex- 
 cefTes in the Archbifhop's Courts. A Committee was appointed of Six 
 Perfons, the Bifhops of Norwich and Roche/ier, the Prior of Canter- 
 
 bury^
 
 Book I. of the Church of England. 23 
 
 hury, the Dean of St Paul'?,, and an Archdeacon ; but without addi- 1 521. 
 
 tion of his Place ; thefe were to examine the Encroachments made «—-■%——» 1 
 
 by the Archbifliop's Courts, and the Inhibitions fent to the Inferior ' 
 Courts : Butefpecially as to the Probates of Wills, and the granting 
 
 Adminiftrations to Inteftate Goods, when there was any to the Value j 
 
 of Five Pound in feveral Diocefles : An Eftimate firfl fettled by IFar- \ 
 
 ham, for which he had Officials and Apparitors in every Diocefs, \ 
 
 three or four in fome, and five or fix in others, which was look'd on ; 
 
 by them as contrary to Law. Cardinal Morton is faid to be the firft ! 
 
 who fet up this Pretence of Prerogative : Againfl thefe the Bifhops \ 
 
 alledged the Conftitutions of Ottoboniis and of Archbifhop Stratford : \ 
 
 It is alfo fet forth, that when Warham was an Advocate, he was em- | 
 ployed by Hill, Bifhop of London, in whofe Name he appeared againft 
 
 them, and appealed to P. Alexander againft thefe Invafions made by \ 
 
 the Archbifhop on the Rights of his See. And when Warhajn was i 
 
 promoted to the See oi London, he maintained his Claim againft them, ' 
 
 and oppofed them more than any other Bifhop of the Province, and ] 
 
 fent his Chancellor to Rome to find Relief againft them. But when ; 
 
 he was advanced to be Archbifhop, he not only maintained thofePrafti- \ 
 ces, but carried them further than his Predeceflbr had done. All this, 
 
 with thirteen other Articles of Grievances, were drawn up at large in i 
 
 the State of the Cafe between the Archbifhop and the Bifhops ; and I 
 
 Propofals were made of an Accommodation between them about the j 
 
 Year 15 14; but the Event fhewed that this Oppofition came to no- | 
 
 thing. This muft be acknowledged to be none of the beft Parts of ; 
 
 JVarham's Charadler. In the Year 1 5 14, they were again Summoned : 
 by Writ ; they met and gave Subfidies, but they were not to be le- 
 vied till the Terms of paying the Subfidies formerly granted were out. 
 
 In the Year 1 5 1 8, Warham Summoned a Convocation to meet at Lam- \ 
 beth to Reform fome Abufes ; and in the Summons he affirmed that 
 
 he had obtained the King's Confent fo to do. At this Wolfey was ^g„ //^/v/ ' 
 
 highly offended, and wrote him a very haughty Letter : In it he faid, Booth.fol.-yj^ , 
 
 " It belonged to him as Legate a latere, to fee to the Reformation of ' 
 " Abufes : and he was well affured, that the King would not have 
 
 " him to be fo little efteemed, that he fhould enterprize fuch Refor- • 
 *' mation to the Derogation of the Dignity of the See Apoftolick, 
 
 *' and otherwife than the Law will fuffer you, without my Advice ! 
 
 " and Confent." And he in plain Words denies that he had any fuch Wake\ State ; 
 
 Command of the King;, but that the Kine's Order was exprefsly to the °{'''^ Church, '■ 
 
 contrary. So he orders him to come to him, to treat or fome things ] 
 
 concerning his Perfon. This it feems Warham was required to fend j 
 
 round his Suffragan Bifliops : So he recalled his Monitions in expec- i 
 tation of a Legatine Council : The Peftilence was then raging, fo this 
 
 was put off a Year longer ; and then Wolfey fummoned it by a Let- ■ 
 
 ter, which he tranfmitted to the Bifhops : That the Bifhop oi Hereford i 
 
 is in his Regifter. He defires him to come to a Council at Wejlminjler j^^^. u^^^f \ 
 
 for the Reforming the Clergy, andyor confulting in the moji cofi'veni- Booth.fol.^u \ 
 ent and foimdejl way, of what we JImU think may te?7d to the Increafe 
 of the Faith. He hoped this Letter would be of as much Weight 
 
 with him as Monitories in due Form would be. j 
 
 It i
 
 2^4 ^^^ Hiftory of the Rejormatmi Part J 1 1. 
 
 1 52 1 . It appears not by any Record I could ever hear of, what was done 
 
 V"! — '^^ ' in the Legatine Synod thus brought together, except by the Regifter 
 Syno^l''""^ of Hereford, in which we find that the Bifliop fummoned his Clergy 
 to meet in a Synod at the Chapter-houfe, to confult about certain Af- 
 fairs, and the Articles delivered by Woljey as Legate in a Council of 
 the Provinces of Canterbury and York, to the Bllhops there affembled, 
 to be publiflied by them. All that is mentioned in this Synod, is 
 concerning the Habits of the Clergy, and the Lives and Manners of 
 thofe who were to be ordained ; which the Bilhop caufed to be ex- 
 M.'v A. plained to them in Englijh, and ordered them to be obferved by the 
 I cio. ^^^''gy; ^'^^ thefe being publifhed, they proceeded to fome Heads 
 relating to thofe Articles : and he gave Copies of all that paiTed in 
 every one of them. 
 
 The next Step he made was of a Singular Nature. When the 
 1 523- King fummoned the Parliament in the 14th Year of his Reign, TVa?-- 
 ConTow'tiTO '^'^'^' ^"^^^ ^ y^ni to Summon a Convocation of his Province, which 
 of Canterhury did mcct Five Days after, on the 20th of April. The Cardinal fum- 
 to fit with moned his Convocation to meet at Tork^ almofl a Month before, on 
 the 2 2d of March ; but they were immediately prorogued to meet 
 at JVeJl?ninficr the 22d of April. The Convocation oiCantcrbwy was 
 opened at St. Paul's : But a Monition came from JVolfey to JVarkarn, 
 to appear before him, with his Clergy, at Wejlminjier on the 22d : 
 And thus both Convocations were brought together : It feems he in- 
 tended that the Legatine Synod thus irregularly brought together, 
 fhould give the King Supplies : But the Clergy of the Province of 
 Cafitcrbury faid, their Powers were only diredled to the Archbifhop 
 of Canterbury, and thefe would not Warrant them to adl in any other 
 Manner, than in the Provincial Way : So the Convocation of Canter- 
 bn-ry returned back to St. PaiiFs, and fate there 'till Augiijl, and gave 
 Reg. Here- the Supply apart, as did alfo that of Tork. But Wolfey finding thofe 
 ford.Fal. 84. of Canterbury could not adt under him, by the Powers that they had 
 brought up with them, iffued out on the 2d of May, Monitory Let- 
 ters to the Bifliops of that Province to meet at Wejlminjier the 8th of 
 'June, to deliberate of the Reformation of the Clergy, both of Seculars 
 and Regulars, a?2d of other Matters relatifig to it. In this he men- 
 tions Warhat?is fummoning a Convocation, which he had brought 
 before him ; but upon fome Doubts arifing, becaufe the Proftors of 
 the Clergy had no fufficient Authority to meet in the Legatine Synod, 
 he therefore fummoned them to meet with him, and to bring fuffici- 
 ent Powers to that Effect, by the 2d of Juiie : But it does not appear 
 that any AfTembly of the Clergy followed purfuant to this : So it 
 feems it was let fall. This is the true Account of that Matterv. I gave 
 Jntiq. Brit, jj indeed differently before, implicitly following fome Writers that 
 lived in that Time ; more particularly that Account given of it by 
 either Archbifliop Parker, or Jofceline, a Book of fuch Credit, that 
 the following it deferved no hard Cenfure. The Grant of the Sub- 
 fidy, is indeed, in the Name of the Province o{ Canterbury ; but the 
 other Relation of that Matter being too eafily followed by me, it 
 feemed to me, that it was a Point of Form, for each Province to give 
 their Subfidy in an Inftrument apart, though it was agreed to, they 
 being together in One Body. It was indeed an Omiflion not to have 
 3 explained 
 
 /
 
 Book I. of the Church of England. 25 , \ 
 
 ( 
 
 explained that J but now upon better Evidence, the whole Matter 1523. ! 
 
 is thus fully opened. I find no other Proceedings of Wolfcy% as Le- u— -v-— ^ 
 gate, on Record, fave that he took on him, by his Legatine Autho- ' 
 
 rity, to give Inftitutions at Pleafure into all Benefices in the DiocefiTes ^ f' ^"-^ " ^ j 
 
 of all Bifliops ; without fo much as afking the Bifhop's Confent. In * ' \ 
 
 the Regiller of London^ an Inftitution given by him to South Wicking- I 
 
 ton, on the loth of December^ 1526, is entered with this Addition, i 
 
 that the Cardinal had likewife given Seven other Inftitutions in that 
 Diocefs, without alking the Confent of the Bifliop : And on the 
 Margin it is added, that the giving and accepting fuch Inftitutions, 1 
 
 by the Legate's Authority, being Papal Provifions, involved the ■ 
 
 Clergy into the Premunire, from which they were obliged to redeem 
 themfelves. JVolfey did. alfo publifh a Bull, condemning all who p'^,.. n 
 married in the forbidden Degrees : And he fent Mandates to the ^//?.Vol.i27. 
 Bifhops to publilh it in their feveral Dioceffes : He alfo publifhed | 
 
 Pope Leoi Bull againfl Luther ; and ordered it to be every where I 
 
 publiflied: He alfo required all Perfons, under the Pain of Excommu- 1 
 
 nication, to bring in all Luther's Books that were in their Hands : He ^'^- ^f^'f"^^ \ 
 
 enumerated 42 of Lz/Z/^^t's Errors; and required a Return of the Man- " " ] 
 
 date to be made to him, together with fuch Books as fhould be brought ; 
 
 in upon it, by the ift oi Augujl. The Date of the Mandate is not [ 
 
 fet down ; and this is all that I find in this Period, relating to 
 Wolfey. 
 
 This lad fhews the Apprehenfions they were under of the fpread- 
 -ing of Luther % Books and Dodtrine. All People were at this Time 
 fo fenfible of the Corruptions that feemed, by common Confent, to 
 be, as it were, Univerfally received, that every Motion towards a 
 Reformation was readily hearkened to every where : Corruption was 
 the Common Subject of Complaint : And in the Commiffion given 
 to thofe whom the King fent to reprefent Himfelf, and this Church, 
 in the Council of the Laterally the Reformation of the Head and 
 Members, is mentioned as that which was expedted from that Coun- 
 cil. 
 
 This was fo much, at that Time, in all Mens Mouths, that One Cs/A'/'s Ser- 
 of the beft Men in that Age, Collet, Dean of St. Paiit%, being to J^°"J'^,f°ig,f 
 open the Convocation with a Sermon, made that the Subject of it all, 
 and he fet forth many of thofe Particulars to which it ought to be ap- 
 plied. It was delivered, as all fuch Sermons are, in Latin, and was 
 foon after tranflated into EngliJJj. I intended once to have publiflied 
 it among the Papers, that I did put in the Colledlion ; but thofe, 
 under whofe Direftion I compoled that Work, thought that fince it 
 did not enter into Points of Doctrine, but only into Matters of Pra- 
 ctice, it did not belong fo properly to my Defign in Writing : Yet 
 fince it has been of late publilhed twice, by a Perfon diftinguiflied 
 by his Controverfial Writings on this Subjedl, I will here give a 
 Tranflation of all that he thought fit to publifli of it. 
 
 His Text was, Be ye not conformed to this World, but be ye tranf-^'^I^^J^^^^ 
 formed in the reneuoing of your Mind. " He told them, he came vocation, in 
 " thither that he might admonilh them to apply their Thoughts whol- both Editions. 
 " ly to the Reformation of the Church. He goes on thus ; Mofi:of 
 '= thofe who are Dignitaries, carry themfelves with a haughty Air, 
 Vol. III. H " and
 
 ^6 Ihe Hiftory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 e 
 
 1523. " and Manner ; fo that they feem not to be in the humble Spirit o^ 
 ' Chrift's Minifters, but in an exalted State of Dominion : Not ob- 
 ' ferving what Chrift, the Pattern of Humility, faid to his Difciples, 
 ' whom he fet over his Church, // jl:all not be fo afm?ig you ; by 
 ' which he taught them, that the Government of the Church is a 
 ' Miniftry ; and that Primacy in a Clergyman, is nothing but an 
 ' humble Servitude. 
 
 " O Covetoufnels ! From thee come thofe Epifcopal, but charge- 
 ' able Vifitations, the Corruptions of Courts, and thofe New Inven- 
 ' tions daily fet on Foot, by which the poor Laity are devoured. 
 ' Oh Covetoufnefs ! The Mother of all Wickednefs ; from thee 
 ' fprings the Infolence and Boldnefs of Officials, and that Eagernefs 
 •' of all Ordinaries in amplifying their Jurifdidlion : From thee flows 
 ' that mad and furious Contention about Wills, and unfeafoa- 
 ' able Sequeftrations ; and the Superftitious Obferving of thofe Laws 
 ■' that bring Gain to them, while thofe are negledled that relate to 
 " the Corredlion of Manners. 
 
 " The Church is difgraced by the Secular Employments, in which 
 =' many Priefts and Blfhops involve themfelves : They are the Ser- 
 " vants of Men more than of God ; and dare neither fay, nor do any 
 " Thing, but as they think it will be Acceptable and Pleafant to 
 " their Princes } out of this fpring both Ignorance and Blindnefs : 
 " For being blinded with the Darknefs of this World, they only fee 
 " Earthly Things. 
 
 " Therefore, O ye Fathers, ye Priefts, and all ye Clergymen ! 
 " Awaken at laft out of the Dreams of a Lethargick World ; and 
 =' hearken to Paul who calls upon you, Be ye not conformed to this 
 " World. This Reformation and Reftoration of the Ecclefiaftical 
 " State, muft begin at you, who are our Fathers : And from you 
 " muft come down to us your Priefts. We look on you as the 
 " Standards, that muft govern us : We defire to read in you, and 
 " in your Lives, as in living Books, how we ought to live : There- 
 " fore if you would fee the Motes that are in our Eyes, take the 
 " Beams firft out of your own. 
 
 " There is nothing amifs among us, for which there are not good 
 
 " Remedies fet out by the Antient Fathers : There is no need of mak- 
 
 " ing new Laws and Canons, but only to obferve thofe already made. 
 
 " Therefore at this your Meeting, let the Laws already made be recited. 
 
 " Firft thofe that admonifli you Fathers, not to lay Hands fuddenly 
 
 " on any : Let the Laws be recited which appoint that Ecclefiaftical 
 
 " Benefices fliould be given to deferving Perfons, and that condemn 
 
 " Simoniacal Defilement. ButaboveallThings,letthofeLawsbe recited 
 
 *' that relate to you our Reverend Fathers, the Lords Bifliops, the Laws 
 
 " of Juft andCanonical Eledlions, after the Invocation of theHolyGhoft . 
 
 " Becaufe this is not done in our Days, and Bifliops are chofen, 
 
 " rather by the Favour of Men, than by the Will of God ; we have 
 
 " fometimes Biihops who are not Spiritual, but Worldly rather than 
 
 " Heavenly ; and who are led by the Spirit of the World, rather 
 
 " than by the Spirit of Chrift. Let the Laws be recited for Bifliops 
 
 " refiding in their Diocefi"es. Laft of all, let thofe Laws be recited 
 
 " for frequent Councils, which appoint Provincial Councils to 
 
 " be
 
 Book I. Of the Church t?/' England, 27 
 
 " be more frequently called, for the Reformation of the Church ; ica'?. 
 
 " for nothing has happened more Mifchievous to the Church, t— — v-«*J J 
 
 " than the not holding of Councils, both General and Provincial. '• 
 
 " I do therefore with all due Reverence, addrefs my felf to you, 
 " O Fathers ! for the Execution of Laws muft begin at you: If you 
 " obferve the Laws, and Transform your Lives to the Rules fet by 
 
 " the Canons, ilien you Shine fo to us, that we may fee what we < 
 
 " ought to do, when we have the Light of excellent Examples fet ] 
 
 " us by you : We feeing you obferve the Laws, will chearfuUy fol- '• 
 
 " low your Steps. Conlider the miferable Face and State of the - "I 
 
 " Church, and fet about the Reforming it, with all your Strength. I 
 
 ** Do not you, O Fathers, fuffer this Famous Meeting to end in vain, ; 
 
 " and in doing nothing : You do indeed meet often ; but (by ; 
 
 *' your Favour fuffer me to fay what is true) what Fruit has the ■ 
 
 " Church yet had of all your Meetings ? Go then with that Spirit ' 
 
 " which you have prayed for, that being afTifted by his Aid, you may i 
 
 *' Contrive, Eftablifli, and Decree fuch Things as may tend to the j 
 
 " Advantage of the Church, to your own Honour, and the Glory ' 
 
 " of God. j 
 
 This Colkf had travelled through Frahce and Italy, and upon his CoILf\ Cha- \ 
 
 Return, he fettled for fome Time at Oxford, where he read Divinity ^^^^- ', 
 
 Ledlures, williout any Obligation, or Reward for it. His Readings j 
 
 brought about him ail the Learned and Studious Perfons in the Uni- I 
 
 verfity. He read not, according to the Cuftom that prevailed univer- ! 
 
 fally at that Time, of commenting on Thomas Aquinas, or on Scotus, i 
 
 but his Readings were upon St. Paul'?, Epiftles. He was brought \ 
 
 afterwards to the Deanry of St. Paul's, where Old Fitz-James, then j 
 
 Biihop of London, was his Enemy, but he was proted:ed both by . j 
 
 Warham and by the King himfelf. He did in One of his Sermons refledl j 
 
 on Bofom-Sermc7is, which Fitz-'James took as a Refledlion on himfelf, \ 
 
 for he read ail his Sermons. He did not recommend himfelf at Court I 
 
 by Strains of Flattery : On the contrary, he being to preach there, \ 
 
 when the King was entring on a War, preached on Chriftians Fight- ■! 
 
 ing under the Banner of Chrift, whom they ought to make their J 
 
 Pattern, in all the Occafions of Quarrel that they might have, rather i 
 
 than imitate a Co: far, or an Alexander. After Sermon the King fent j 
 
 for h/im, and told him, he thought fuch Preaching would difhearten ! 
 his Military Men ; but Collet explained himfelf fo, that the King was 
 
 well fatisfied with him, and faid, Let every Man chufe what Dodlor | 
 
 he pkaled, Collet fhould be his Doftor. He Died in the Year 1519. j 
 
 It feems this Sermon was preached in the Year 151 3, though it is 
 printed as preached in the Year 1 5 1 1 ; for the mention that he made 
 in it, of the Immunities of the Clergy, and of thofe Words, Touch 
 
 not 7nine Anointed, feems to relate to the Oppolition that the Clergy • i 
 
 maac to the Ad: that palled in Parliament in the Year 15 12, againft \ 
 
 the Immunity of the Inferior Orders of the Clergy. It is true, in j 
 
 the Tranilation I have given, there are no fuch Words ; but I find j 
 
 them in the Refleftions that I made on that Sermon, when I intended | 
 
 to have printed it : So I tcjok it for granted, that the Sermon was not | 
 
 fully printed in the Book, out of which I was forced to make my , 
 Tranfiation, the Copy that I had of it being miflaid, or \o^. It had 
 
 been i
 
 a 8 T^he Hiflory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1523. been but a reafonable Thing for that Writer, either to have printed 
 the Whole Sermon, or to have told the Reader that only fome Paf-^ 
 fages were taken out of it, fince the Title given to it would make him 
 think it was all printed, I could not find either the Latin Sermon, 
 or the Englijh Tranflation of it, that was printed near that Time : 
 And I cannot entirely depend on a late ImprefTion of the Englijh 
 Tranflation ; yet I will add fome few Paflages out of it, which de-^ 
 ferved to be publiflied by him that pick'd out a few with fome par- 
 ticular View that it feems he had. Before the Firft Period printed 
 by him, he has thefe Words. 
 
 " How much Greedinefs and Appetite of Honour and Dignity is 
 " feen now a-days in Clergymen ? How run they (yea almofl: out 
 " of Breath) from one Benefice to another, from the Lefs to the 
 " Greater > from the Lower to the Higher ? Who feeth not this ? 
 " And who feeing Sorroweth not ? 
 
 Before the next Period, thefe Words are to be found. " What 
 " other Things feek we now a-days in the Church, but fat Benefices, 
 " and High Promotions ; and it were well if we minded the Duty 
 " of thofe, when we have them. But he that hath many great Be- 
 ** nefices, minds not the Office of any fmall one. And in thefe our 
 *' High Promotions, what other Things do we pafs upon, but only 
 *' our Tythes and Rents ? We care not how vaft our Charge of Souls 
 *' be : How many or how great Benefices we take, fo they be of 
 f * large Value. 
 
 In the next Period, thefe remarkable Words are omitted. "Our 
 " Warfare is to pray devoutly ; to read aud ftudy Scriptures dili- 
 " gently ; to preach the Word of God fincerely ; to adminiiler Holy 
 *' ^craments rightly ; and to offer Sacrifices for the People. 
 
 A little before the next Period, he has thefe Words. "In this 
 " Age we are fenfible of the Contradiftion of Lay People. But they 
 *' are not fo much contrary to us, as we are to our felves. Their 
 " Contrarines hurted not us fo much, as the Contrarines of our own 
 " Evil Life, which is contrary both to God, and to Chrift. 
 
 After CfAlet had mentioned that of laying Hands fuddenly on none, 
 he adds, " Here lies the Original and Spring-Head of all our Mif- 
 chiefs : That the Gate of Ordination is too broad : The Entrance 
 too wide and open. Every Man that ofi"ers himfelf is admitted ; 
 every v/here, v/ithout putting back. Hence it is that we have fuch 
 a multitude of Priefts, that have little Learning, and lefs Piety. 
 In my Judgment it is not enough for a Prieft to conftrue a Col- 
 ledl, to put forth a Queftion, to anfwer a Sophifm ; but an ho- 
 neft, a pure, and a holy Life, is much more neceffary : Approved 
 Manners, competent Learning in Holy Scriptures, fome Know- 
 ledge of the Sacraments ; but chiefly above all Things, the Fear of 
 God, and Love of Heavenly Life. 
 
 A little after this, " Let the Canons be rehearfed that command 
 Perfonal Refidence of Curates (Redlors) in their Churches : For 
 of this many Evils grow, becaufe all Offices now a-days are per- 
 formed by Vicars, and Parifh Priefts ; Yea, and thefe foolifli, and 
 unmeet, often times wicked. 
 
 At
 
 Book I. of the Church ^England. 29 
 
 At fome dlftance from this, but to the fame purpofe, he adds, 1522. 
 " You might firft fow your Spiritual Things, and then ye fliall reap 
 " plentifully their Carnal Things, For truly that Man is very hard 
 " and unjufl, who will reap where he never did fow, and defires to 
 
 " gather where he never fcattered. , 
 
 Thefe Paffages feemed proper to be added^to the former, as fetting '\ 
 
 forth the Abufes and Diforders that were then in this Church. I wifh ; 
 I could add that they are now quite purged out, and appear no more 
 
 among us. Collet was a particular Friend of Erajnnis, as appears by i 
 
 many very kind Letters that pafled between them, ^ 
 
 To this account of the Senfe that Collet had of the State of Reli- ^vcTho.Morii , 
 
 gion at that Time, I will add an Account of Sir T:homas More\ Jeiigionln*^ ' 
 
 Thoughts of Religion. Thofe of the Church of Rome look on him his Utopia. \ 
 
 as one of their Glories, the Champion of their Caufe, and their Mar- ] 
 
 tyr : He in this Period wrote his Utopia ; the firft Edition that I could j 
 
 ever fee of it, was at Ba/il in the Year 1 5 1 8 ; for he wrote it in the ] 
 
 Year 1516; at which time it may be believed that he drefled up that \ 
 
 Ingenious Fable, according to his own Notions. He wrote that Book i 
 
 probably before he had heard of Luther ; the Wicklevltes and the Lot' j 
 lards being the only Hereticks then known in England. In that 
 jfhort, but extraordinary Book, he gave his Mind full Scope, and con- 
 
 fidered Mankind and Religion with the Freedom that became a true ' 
 
 Philofopher. By many Hints it is very eafy to colle(5t, what his i 
 
 Thoughts were of Religion, of the Conftitutions of the Church, \ 
 and of the Clergy at that time : And therefore tho' an Obferving 
 
 Reader will find thefe in his Way, yet having read it with great At- i 
 tention, when I tranflated it into EngUjJo, I will lay together fuch 
 
 Paflages as give clear Indications of the Senfe he then had of thofe . 
 
 Matters. A 
 
 Page the 2 1 ft, when he Cenfures the inclofmg of Grounds, he The Referen- j 
 
 ranks thofe Holy Men the Abbots, among thofe who thought it not p^^^ gj^^jf^jn'''* 1 
 
 enough to live at their own Eafe, and to do no good to thepublick, but Tranllation. 1 
 
 refohed to do it hurt injlead of good : Which fhews that he called ] 
 
 them Holy Men in derifion. This is yet more fully fet forth P. 37. , 
 
 where he brings in Cardinal Morton's Jefter's Advice to fend all the \ 
 
 Beggars to the BenediSiities to be Lay-Brothers, and all the Female- I 
 
 Beggars to be Nuns, reckoning the Friars as Vagabonds that ought to I 
 
 be taken up and reftrained : And the Difcourfe that follows for two \ 
 
 or three Pages, gives fuch a Ridiculous View of the Want of Breed- i 
 
 ing, of the Folly and 111 Nature of the Friars, that they have taken i 
 
 care to ftrike it out of the later Impreffions. But as I did find it in the j 
 
 Impreflion which I tranflated, fo I have copied it all from the firft Edi- J 
 
 tion, and have put in the Colledlion, that which the Inquifitors have ^ ,. , , , ) 
 
 left out. From thence it is plain what Opinion he had of thofe who * ^^*'*''- \ 
 
 were the moft Eminent Divines and the moft Fam'd Preachers at that * 
 
 time. This is yet plainer Page 56. in which he taxes the Preachers ! 
 of that Age for corrupting the Ch-ijlian DoSfrine, and praSiifing upon 
 
 it : For they obferving that the World did not fuit their hives to the '] 
 
 "Rules that Chrijl has given, have fitted his DoSlrine as if it had been | 
 
 a leaden Rule to their Lives, thai fome way or other they might agree j 
 
 with one a?2other. And he does not foften this fevere Cenfure, as if ! 
 
 Vol. IIL I i it <.
 
 30 ^he Hijlory of the Reformation Part 1 1 1. 
 
 1523. it had been only the Fault of a few, but lets it go on them all, with- 
 "^ out any Difcrimination or Limitation. 
 
 Page 83. he taxes the great Company of idle Priejls, and of thofe 
 that are called Religious Perfons, that were in other Nations j againft 
 which he tells us in his laft Chapter how careful the Utopians had 
 provided : But it appears there, what jufl Efteem he paid to Men of 
 that Charadler, when they anfwered the Dignity of their Profeffion : 
 For as he contrads the Number of the Priefls in XJtopia^ p. 186. fo 
 he exalts their Dignity as high as fo noble a Fundlion could deferve : 
 Yet he reprefents the Utopians, as allowing them to Marry, p. 114. 
 And p. 130. he exalts afolid Virtue much above all rigor ons Severities ^ 
 which were the moft admired Exprcffions of Piety and Devotion in 
 that Age. He gives a perfeft Scheme of Religious Men, fo much be- 
 yond the Monaftick Orders, that it fhews he was no Admirer of 
 them. 
 
 Page 152. He commends the 'Europeans for " obferving their 
 " Leagues and Treaties fo religioufly j and afcribes that to the good 
 " Examples that Popes fet other Princes, and to the Severity with 
 " which they profecuted fuch as were perfidious. This looks like 
 Refped: ; but he means it all Ironically : for he who had feen the 
 Reigns of Pope Alexander the 6th, and Julius the 2d, the Two 
 falfeft and moft perfidious Perfons of the Age, could not fay this, but 
 in the way of Satyr: So that he fecretly accufes both Popes and 
 PHnces for violating their Faith, to which they were induced by 
 Difpenfations from i^d/w. Page 192. his putting Iniages out of the 
 Churches of the Utopians, gives no obfcure Hint of his Opinion in 
 that Matter. The Opinion, P. 175. that he propofcs doubtfully in- 
 deed, but yet favourably, of the iirft Converts to Chriftianity in Uto- 
 pia, who (there being no Priefts among thofe who inftrudled them) 
 were inclined to chufe Priefts that fhould officiate among them, fince 
 they could not have any that were regularly Ordained j adding, that 
 they feemed refolved to do it ; this fhews that in Cafes of Neceffity he 
 had a Largenefs of Thought, far from being engaged Blindfold into 
 the Humours or Interefts of the Priefts of tliat time ; to whom this 
 muft have appeared one of the nioft dangerous of all Herefies. 
 
 And whereas Perfecution and Cruelty feem to be the Indelible Cha- 
 radters of Popery ; he, as he gives us the Charadler of the Religion of 
 the Utopians, that they offered not Divine Honours to any hut to God 
 alone^ p. 173. fo p. 177. he makes it one of the Maxims of the Uto- 
 pians, that no Man ought to be punijhedfor his Religion : The utmoft 
 Severity pradlifed among them being Baniihment, and that not for 
 difparaging their Religion, but for inflaming the People to Sedition,: 
 A Law being made among them, that every Man jnight be of lahaf 
 Religion he pkafed, p. 191. And tho' there were many different Forms 
 of Religion among them, yet they all agreed in the main Point of 
 *' Worftiipping the Divine Eflence j fo that there was nothing in 
 *^ their Temples, in which the feveral Per fuafions among them might 
 '* not agree. 
 
 " The feveral Sedls performed the Rites that were peculiar to them 
 •/' in their Private Houfes ; nor wzs there any thing in the Publick 
 ^ Worftiip that contradided the particular Ways of the feveral Seftss 
 
 By 
 
 .\\<«
 
 Book I. of the Church of England. 31 
 
 By all which he carried not on\y Toleration, but even Comprehcnfion 1523. 
 
 further than the mofl Moderate of our Divines have ever pretended v— -nr-^^' 
 
 to do. It is true, he reprefents all this in a Fable of his Vtopimn : 
 
 But this was a Scene drefs'd up by himfelf, in which he was fully at 
 
 liberty to frame every thing at pleafure : So here we find in this a 
 
 Scheme of fome of the rnoft Eflential Parts of the Reformation : 
 
 " He propofes no Subjedion of their Priefts to any Head ; he makes 
 
 " them to be chofen by the People, and confecrated by the College 
 
 " of Priefts ; and he gives them no other Authority but that of ejf- 
 
 " eluding Men that were defperately wicked, from joining in their 
 
 " Woriliip, which was fhort and fimple : And tho' every Man was 
 
 " fuffered to bring over Others to his Perfuafion, yet he was obliged 
 
 " to do it by amicable and modeft Ways ; and not to mix with thefp, 
 
 " either Reproaches or \^iolence ; fuch as did other wife, were to be 
 
 '* condemned to Banifhment or Slavery. 
 
 Thefe were his firft and cooleft Thoughts ; and probably if he 
 had died at that time, he would have been reckoned among thofe, 
 who tho' they lived in the Communion of the Church of Rome, yet 
 faw what were the Errors and Corruptions of that Body, and only 
 wanted fit Opportunities of declaring themfelves more openly for 4 
 Reformation. Thefe things were not writ by him in the Heat pf 
 Youth ; he was then 34 Years of Age, and was at that time employed, 
 together with To?iftall, in fetding fome Matters of State with (the then 
 Prince) Charles ; fo that he was far advanced at that time, and knew 
 the World well. It is not eafy to account for the great Change that 
 we find afterwards he was wrought up to : He not only fet himfelf 
 to oppofe the Reformation in many Treatifes, that put together, make 
 a great Volume : But when he was raifed up to the chief Poft in the 
 Miniftry, he became a Perfecutor even to Blood ; and defiled thofe 
 Hands, which were never polluted with Bribes, by adling in his own 
 Perfon fome of thofe Cruelties, to which he was, no doubt, pufhed on 
 by the bloody Clergy of that Age and Church. 
 
 He was not governed by Intereft ; nor did he afpire fo to Prefer- 
 ment as to ftick at nothing that might contribute to raife him ; nor 
 was he fubjecfl to the Vanities of Popularity. The Integrity of his 
 whole Life, and the Severity of his Morals cover him from all thefe 
 Sufpicions. If he had been formerly corrupted by a fuperftitious Edu- 
 cation, it had been no extraordinary thing to fee fo good a Man grow 
 to be miQed by the Force of Prejudice. But how a Man who had 
 emancipated himfelf, and had got into a Scheme of free Thoughts, 
 could be fo entirely changed, cannot be eafily apprehended ; nor how 
 he came to muffle up his Underftanding, and deliver himfelf up as a 
 Property to the blind and enraged Fury of the Priefts. It cannot in- 
 deed be accounted for, but by charging it on the Intoxicating Charms 
 of that Religion, that can darken the cleareft Underftandings, and 
 corrupt the beft Natures : And fince they wrought this Effecft on Sir 
 Tlmnas More, I cannot but conclude, that if thefe things were done tn 
 the green Tree, what fiall be done in the dry "^ 
 
 His Friend Tonftall was made Biftiop of London by the Pope's Pro- Reg. T^nji.fo. 
 vifion ; but it was upon the King's Recommendation fignified by Han- •• 
 nibal, then his AmbalTador at Rotne. Tonfally^zs fent Ambaflador to 
 
 Spain,
 
 32 T^he Hiftory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1 523. Spain, when Francis was a Prifoner there. That King grew, as may 
 ^i- "»'- "^ be eafily believed, impatient to be fo long detained in Prifon : And 
 that began to have fuch Effeds on his Health, that the Emperor fear- 
 ing it might end in his Death, which would both lole the Benefit he 
 had from having him in his Hands, and lay a heavy Load on him 
 thro' all Europe, was induced to hearken to a Treaty, which he pre- 
 tended he concluded chiefly in confideration of the King's Mediation. 
 The Treaty was made at Madrid, much to the Emperor's Advantage: 
 But becaufe he would not truft to the Faith of the Treaty, Francis 
 was obliged to bring his two Sons as Hoftages, for the Observance of 
 it. So he had his Liberty upon that Exchange : foon after, he came 
 back to France, and then the Pope fent him an Abfolution in full 
 Form, from the Faith and Obligation of the Treaty. It feems his 
 Confcience reproached him for breaking fo folemn an Engagement, 
 but that was healed by the Difpenfation from Rotne : Of which the 
 Original was fent over to the King ; perhaps only to be fhewed the 
 Sj/mir. King, who upon that kept it flill in his Secret Treafure ; where Ry- 
 mer found it. The Reafon infinuated in it, is the King's being bound 
 by it to Alienate fomeDominions that belonged to the Crown o^ France. 
 For he had not yet learned a Secret, difcovered, or at leaft pradliced 
 fince that time, of Princes declaring themfelves free from the Obliga- 
 tions of their Treaties, and departing from them at their Pleafure. 
 
 BOOK
 
 
 BOOK ir. 
 
 Of Matters, that happened during the T'ime 
 comprehended in the Second Book of the Hi- 
 Jlory of the Refoi-mation. 
 
 ^^S Will repeat nothing fet forth in my former Work, but 1525'. 
 
 "^dlC'r" f"ppo^^ that my Reader remembers how Charles the Vth 
 
 p^^^i-p^t had fworn to Marry the King's Daughter, when She ^ 
 
 J^v&ciaSi;^ fhould be of Age, under pain of Excommunication, and | 
 
 the Forfeiture of One Hundred Thoufand Pounds : Yet when his ' 
 Match with Por/z/^tf/ was thought more for the Interefts of the Crown, . : 
 
 he fent over to the King, and defired a Difcharge of that Promife. i 
 
 ft has been faid, and printed by One who lived in the Time, and Hall. ! 
 
 out of him by the Lord Herbert, that Objeftions v/ere made to this ' 
 
 in Spahi, on the Account of the Doubtfulnefs of her Mother's Mar- j 
 
 riage. From fuch Authors I took this too eafily, but in a Colleftion Among tlie I 
 
 of Original Inftrudions, I have feen that Matter in a truer Light. ^^UfsX \ 
 
 Lee, afterwards Archbifliop oiTm-k, was fent Ambaffador to Spain, of Ely. ; 
 
 to foUicit the fetting Francis at Liberty, and in reckoning up the ^^"^ Ambaf- j 
 King's Merits on the Emperor, his Liftruftions mention, " the King's /,„°>. "^ 
 
 " late Difcharge of the Emperor's Obligation to marry his Deareft ! 
 
 " Daughter, the Princefs Mary ; whom, though his Grace could 1 
 
 " have found in his Heart to have beftowed upon the Empe- j 
 
 " ror, before any Prince living ; yet for the more Security of his ; 
 
 " Succeffion, the Furtherance of his other Affairs, and to do unto ! 
 
 *' him a Gratuity, His Grace hath liberally, benevolently, and kindly ! 
 " condefcended unto it. There are other Letters of the 12th of 
 Aiig:il}, but the Year is not added, which fet forth the Empej-or's 
 
 earneft Delire, to he with all poffible Diligence difcharged of liis Ob- ! 
 
 ligation to marry the Princefs, At Firft the King thought lit \ 
 to delay the granting it, till a General Peace was fully concluded, 
 fince it had been agreed to by the Treaty at IVindfor ; but foon after, 
 
 a Difcharge in full Form under the Great Seal was fent over by an \ 
 
 Exprefs to Spain : But from fome Hints in other Papers, it feems i 
 
 there were fecret Orders not to deliver it; and King Henry continued ] 
 to claim the Money due upon the Forfeiture, as a Debt ftill owing 
 
 him. The Peace was then treated, chiefly with a View to refifh the '■ 
 Turk, and to reprefs Flerefy, that v/as then much fpread both through 
 
 Germany and Poland. j 
 
 Another Original Letter was writ after Fra?icis was at Liberty, \ 
 
 " fetting forth that the Nobles, and Courts in France, would not i 
 " confirm the Treaty that Francis had figned, to obtain his Liberty ; 
 
 " and therefore earnefl Perfuafions were to be ufed to prevail with 1 
 
 Vol. IIL K «' the ;
 
 3 4 ^^^ Hi ft or y of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 " the Emperor to reftore the Hoftages, and to come into reafonablc 
 " Terms, to maintain the Peace, and to call his Army out of Italy. 
 By thefe it appears, that the League againft the Emperor was then 
 made, of which the King was declared the Protedlor ; but the King 
 had not then accepted of that Title. He ordered his AmbalTadors to 
 propofe a Million of Crowns for redeeming the Hoftages, to be paid 
 at different Times ; yet they were forbid to own to the Emperor, 
 that if the Offices, in which the King interpofed, were not etfedlual, 
 he would enter into the League. 
 milfefi Let- There are in that CoUedtion fome of JVolfeys Letters ; by One of 
 tertothcm. the 1 7th of 7«/y he claims his Penfions of 7500 Ducats, upon the 
 Bifhopricks of Palentia and Toledo ; befides 9000 Crowns a Year, 
 in Recompence for his parting with the Billioprick of loiirtiay, and 
 the Abbey of St. Marthis there ; for which there was an Arrear of 
 Four Years due. On the 29th of September he wrote over a fevere 
 Charge to be laid before the Emperor for the Sack of Rome, the Li- 
 dignities put on the Perfon of the Pope, the Spoiling the Church of 
 St. Peter, and other Churches, and the Ignominious treating the 
 Ornaments of them : All the Blame was cafl on the Cardinal Cohina, 
 and Hugo de Moncada, they being perfuaded that it was done with- 
 out the Emperor's Knowledge or Order. He propofes the King to 
 be Mediator, as a Thing agreed on by all fides : He ufes in this, that 
 bold way of joining himfelf with the King, very often faying, the 
 KingmidJ : And on the 20th of OBober, he prefles with great ear- 
 neftnefs, the mediating a Peace between France and the Emperor \ 
 in all which, nothing appears either partial or revengeful againft the 
 Emperor. The true Interellof E/z^/^Wfeems to be purilied in that 
 Whole Negotiation. 
 
 There was then in the Emperor's Court a very full Embafiy from 
 England : For in one or other of thefe Letters, mention is niade of 
 the Bifhops of Loidon, Worcefter, and of Bath ; of Dr. Lee, and 
 Sir Francis Bryan. But fince the difmal Fate of Rotne, and of Pope 
 Clement, is mentioned in thefe Letters, I mufl now change the 
 Scene. 
 Coll. Numb. Pope ClemcJit, as fbon as he could, after his Imprifonment, wrote 
 II. over to IVolfey, an Account of the miferable State he was in, which 
 
 The Sack of he fent over by Sir Gregory Caffhl, who faw it all, and lb could 
 ^""'- give a full Account of it. " The Pope's only Comfort, and Hope, 
 
 " was in IVolfey's Credit witlt the King, and in the King's own Piety 
 " towards the Church, and himfelf, now fo fadly opprcfled, that he 
 " had no other hope, but in the Proteftion he expected from him. 
 There were many other Letters written by the Cardinals, fetting foi'th 
 the Miferies they were in, and that in the moft doleful Strains pollible. 
 All their Eyes being then towards the King, as the Perfon, on whole 
 Prote<ition they chiefly depended. Upon this, JVolfey went over 
 to France in a moft Splendid Manner, with a prodigious and magni- 
 ficent Train, reckoned to confift of a Thoufand Perfons, and he had 
 the moll unufual Honours done him, that the Court of Frajice could 
 invent, to flatter his Vanity. He was toconclude aTreaty with Fra?icis, 
 for fetting the Pope at Liberty, and to determine the Alternative of 
 the Marriage of the Princefs Mary, either to the King of Fratice, or 
 
 to
 
 1 
 
 Book II. of the Church o/" England. 35 
 
 to the Duke of Orleans his Second Son, and to lay a Scheme for a 1527. 
 General Peace. He came to Compicgne'm the Knd of Sepfcm/>er, and *— "V"— ^ 
 from thence he wrote the Firft Motion that was made about the 
 Divorce to the Pope : For the firft Letter that I found relating to Se^'t. 16. 
 that Matter, begins with mentioning that which he wrote from Com- 
 piegne,. Mr. Le Grand told me, he had feen that Difpatch, but he ^' ^''^f;„ ^ 
 has not printed it. 
 
 From that Place, Wolfey, with Four Cardinals, wrote to the Pope, TheCirdinals 
 *' fetting forth the Senfe that they had of the Calamity that he was p"'^'°''y*n i 
 
 ■*' in, and their Zeal for his Service, in which they hoped for good Deputation" \ 
 
 *' Succefs : Yet fearing, left the Emperor ftiould take Occafion from : 
 
 '• his Imprifonment, to feize on the Territories of the Church, and 
 ** to force both him to confirm it, and the Cardinals now imprifoned 
 " with him, to ratify it, which they hoped neither he, nor they, would 
 " do ; yet if human Infirmity fliould fo far prevail, they protefted J 
 
 "' againft all fuch Alienations : They alfo declare, that if he ftiould | 
 
 *' Die, they would proceed to a new ElecT:ion, and have no regard i 
 
 " to anyEle(ilion,to which the imprifoned Cardinals might be forced. ■ 
 
 '" In conclufion, they do earneftly pray, that the Pope would grant 
 ■*' them a full Deputation of his Authority ; in the Ufe of which, ■ 
 
 " they promife all Zeal and Fidelity ; ond that they would invite all j 
 
 " the other Cardinals that were at Liberty, to come and concur with i 
 
 *' them. This was figned by Wolfey^ and by the Cardinals oi Bour- \ 
 
 bon, Sahiati, Lorrain, and Cardinal Praf. Wolfey wrote to the King, q^^^ Nmnh 
 ■expreffing the Concern he had for him, with relation to his Great j2. ' 1 
 
 and Secret Affair ; it feems expe(fting a General Meeting ofCardinals ; 
 
 that was to be called together in France, which he reckoned would 
 concur to theProcefs that he intended to make ; butapprehending that i 
 
 the Queen might decline his Jurifdicftion, he would ufe all his En- 
 deavours to bring the King oi France to agree to the Emperor's De- i 
 mands, as far as was reafonable ; hoping the Emperor would abate 
 fomewhat, in coiifideration of the King's Mediation : But if that did 
 not fucceed, fo that the Pope was ftill kept a Prifoner, then the ] 
 Cardinals muft be brought to meet at Avignon, and thither he intend- 1 
 ed to go, and to fpare no Trouble, or Charge, in doing the King \ 
 Service. When he was at Avignon, he fliould be within a Hundred ! 
 Miles oi Perpignan, and he would try to bring the Emperor, and the | 
 French King's Mother thither, if the King approved of it, to treat for '-■ 
 the Pope's Deliverance, and for a General Peace. This is the Sub- I 
 ftance of the Minute of a Letter writ in the Cardinal's Hand, | 
 
 The King at this Time intended to fend Knight, then Secretary 
 of State, to Rome, in point of lor.n to condole with the Pope, and r, 
 to prevent any Application that the Queen might make by theEmpe- ■ 
 
 ror's Means in his great Matter : So he appointed the Cardinal to ! 
 
 give him fuch Commiflions and Inftruftions as Ihould feem requifite, i 
 
 with all diligence ; and he prelled the Cardinal's Return home, with ^"f"^- ' J- 
 great Acknowledgements of the Services he had done him. By this 
 Letter it appears, that the Queen then underftood fomewhat of the '' 
 
 ' King's Uneafinefs in his Marriage. The King of France fent from j 
 
 Co;;;yvV^7;i? a great Deputation, at the Head of which, Montnwrarcy, - , 
 
 then the Great Mafter, was put, to take the King's Oath, confirming ] 
 
 3 -^ . ,^ 
 
 i 
 
 1 
 
 Knhht fent to
 
 n 
 
 6 l^he Hiflory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 I C27. the Treaties that Woljey had made in his Name ; one in the Commif- 
 ^-.--^^— — ' fion was Bellay, then Biihop oiBayowie-, afterwards of Paris, and Car- 
 
 25 September. ^^^\^ 
 
 P«« wrote to When that was done, the King's Matter that had been hitherto 
 the King of more fecretly managed, began to break out. Mr. Le G?'and has pub- 
 Tom '^"^ Num ^^^^^ ^ Letter that Pace wrote to the King, as he fays in the Year 
 I. ' ' 1526 5 but no Date is added to the Letter. The Subftance of it is, 
 " That the Letter and Book which was brought to the King the Day 
 " before, was writ by him ; but by the Advice and Help of Doftor 
 " Wakefield, who approved it, and was ready to defend every thing 
 *' in it, either in a Verbal Difputation, or in Writing. The King 
 " had told him, that fome of his Learned Counfellors had written to 
 *' him, that Deuteronomy abrogated Leviticus ; but that was certainly 
 " falfe : for the Title of that Book in Hebrew was the two firfl: Words 
 " of it : It is a Compend and Recapitulation of the Mofaical Law ; 
 " and that was all that was imported by the word Deuteronomy. He 
 " tells the King, that after he left him, Wakefield prayed him to let 
 " him know, if the King defired to know the Truth in that Matter, 
 " whether it flood for him or againll him. To whom P^T^^anfwe red, 
 " That the King defired nothing but what became a Noble and a 
 . " Vertuous Prince j fo he would do him a mofl acceptable thing, if 
 " he would fet the plain Truth before him. After that, Wakefield isk^, 
 "■ he would not meddle in the Matter, unlefs he were commanded by 
 " the King to do it j but that when he received his Commands, he 
 " would fet forth fuch things both for and againft him, that no other 
 " Perfon in his Kingdom could do the like. The Letter is dated from 
 Eion, but I have reafon to believe it was written in the Year 1527 ; 
 for this Wakefield (who feems to have been the firil Perfon of this 
 Nation, that was learned in the Oriental Tongues, not only in the 
 Hebreia, the Caldaick, and the Syriac, but in the Arabick) wrote a 
 Book for the Divorce : He was at iirft againft it, before he knew that 
 Prince Arthur's, Marriage with Queen Katherine was confummated : 
 But when he underftood what Grounds there were to believe that was 
 done, he changed his Mind, and wrote a Book on the Subieft : And 
 in his own Book, he with his own Hand inferts the Copy of his Let- 
 ter to King Henry, dated from Sion 1 527 ; which it feems was written 
 at the fame time that Pace wrote his : For thcfe are his Words (as the 
 Author of Ath. Oxon relates, (who fays he fawit) He ivill defend bis 
 Caufe cr Slueflion in all the Univerfities of Chrifte)ido7n : But adds, 
 " That if the People fliould know that he, Avho began to defend 
 " the Queen's Caufe, not knowing that flie v.'as carnally known of 
 " Prince Arthur, his Brother, fliould now write againft it, furely he 
 " fliould be ftoned of them to Death, or elfe have fuch a Slander 
 " and Obloquy raifed upon him, that he would die a thoufand times 
 *' rather than fuffer it. 
 
 He was prevailed on to Print his Book in Latin, with an Hcbreiv 
 (,7/tr 0. icii. 'p-j.jg . jj^ which he undertook to prove, that the Marrying the Bro- 
 ther's Wife, (lie being carnally knov/n of him, was contrary to the 
 Decixes of Holy Church, utterly unlawful, and forbidden both by 
 the Law of Nature, and the Law of God, the Laws of the Gofpel, 
 ainj the Cuftoms of the Catholick and Orthodox Church. 
 
 It
 
 Book I J. of the Church of \Lu<^'^nd. 37 
 
 It appears from the Letters writ in Anfwer to thofe that Knight 
 carried to Rome, that the Pope granted all that was defired. This 
 
 was never well underflood till Mr. Rymer in his diligent Search, found ^j-^j^r ^^^^^^ \ 
 
 the firfl: Original Bull, with the Seal in Lead hanging to it : He has Judge the I 
 
 printed it in his I4l;h Volume, p. 237. and therefore I fliall only give Carriage. ' 
 
 a ihort Abflracfh of it. It is direcfted to Cardinal JP'olfey, and bears I 
 
 Date the Ides of April, or the 13th Day, in the Year 1528. "It I 
 
 " empowers him, together with the Archbifliop oiCa?iterbury, or any I 
 
 " other EngliJJj'Q\([\o^, to hear, examine, pronounce and declarecon- -I 
 
 " cerning the Validity of the Marriage of King Henry and Queen ; 
 " Katkcrinc, and of the Efficacy and Validity of all Apoftolical Dil- 
 " penfations in that Matter ; and to declare the Marriage juft and 
 " lawful, or unjuft and unlawful, and to give a plenary Sentence 
 
 " upon the whole Matter ; with Licenfe to the Parties to Marry ; 
 
 " again, and to admit no Appeal from them : For which End he \ 
 
 " created Wclfey his Vicegerent, to do in the Premifes all that he him- i 
 
 " felf could do, with Power to declare the IlTue of the firfl as well as j 
 
 " of any fubfequent Marriage legitimate : All concludes with a Non \ 
 " obflante to all General Councils and Apoftolical Conftitutions. 
 
 This rare Difcovery was to us all a great Surprize, as foon as it was ic was not \ 
 known : But it does not yet appear how it came about, that no ufe '^'^^ "'^^ °f- \ 
 was ever made of it. I am not Lawyer enough to difcover whether - \ 
 It was, that fo full a Deputation was thought null of it felf; fince by ! 
 this the Pope determined nothing, but left all to IVolfey ; or whether i 
 Wolfcy having no Mind to carry the Load of the Judgment on him- 1 
 felf, made the King apprehend that it would bring a Difreputation on ; 
 his Caufe, if none but his own Subj efts judged it ; or whether it was ■ 
 that Wolfey would not adl in Conjunftion with Warham, or any un- \ 
 der the Degree of a Cardinal. I leave the Reafons of their not ma- 
 king ufe of the Bull, as a Secret, as great as the Bull it felf was, till j 
 it was found out by Rymer. Another Bull was after that defired and " j 
 obtained, which bears Date the 8th of 'Jime [bto Idus) from Viterbo. \ 
 This I take from the Licenfe granted under the Great Seal to the Le- jiymcr. \ 
 gates to execute the Commiflion of that Date ; but it feems they did 1 
 not think they had tlie Pope faft enough tied by this : And therefore \ 
 they obtained from him, on the 23d oijiily following, a folemn Pro- \ 
 mife, called in their Letters Policitatio, by which he promifed in the ^ 
 Word of a Pope, that he would never, neither at any Perfon's Defire, j 
 nor of his own Motion, inhibit or revoke the Commilfion he had ' 
 granted to the Legates to judge the Matter of the King's Marriage. 
 This I did not publifh in my former Work ; becaufe the Lord Herbert -. 
 had publi£hed it : But fince that Hiftory is like to be confined to our \ 
 own Nation, and this may probably go further, I put it in the Col- | 
 ledlion ; and the rather, becaufe the Lord Herbert taking it from a 
 Copy as I do, feems in fome doubt concerning it : But probably he 1 
 had not feen the Letter that Wolfey wrote to Gardiner, in which he ■' 
 mentions the Pollicitation that he had in his Hands, with feveral other 
 Letters that mention it, very frequently. The Copy that I publifh Coll. Nunib. s 
 was taken from a Tranfcript, attefted by a Notary, which is the Rea- 15. > 
 
 fon of the Oddnefs of the Subfcrlption. 
 
 I 
 
 Vol. m. L In j
 
 38 ^hc Hi [lory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 In the mean time Warham called fuch Bifliops as were in Town to 
 him, and propoled to them the King's Scruples; which being weighed 
 The iJifhopj ^y them, a Writing was drawn up to this purpofe : That having 
 King's Scru- heard the Grounds of the King's Scruples, relating to his Marriage, 
 plcsreafon- f^ev all made this Anfwer, That the Caufes which gave the King the 
 ^v^"^' prefent Agitation, and Difturbance of Confcience, were great and 
 
 wei'jhty ; and that it did leem neceffary to them all, tor him to con- 
 fult the Judgment of their Holy Father the Pope in that Matter. 
 This was figned by Warhatn, Tonftall, FijJ^^r^ and the Bifliops of Cat-- 
 1529. lifle, Eh\ St. JJhph, Lincoln and Bath on the Firll of Ji/Iy 1529. 
 Ukofif'o//\y. ^,^(-1 J incline to think, that this was the Paper of which Cavendijh, 
 whom I followed too implicitly in my former Work, gave a wrong 
 Account, as brought out when the Legates were fitting on the King's 
 Caufe. There is no Reafon to doubt of Fijher's figning this ; and 
 Cavcniiijh, who wrote upon Memory almoft 30 Years after, might be 
 miftaken in the Story ; for the falfe Account that he gives of the Bat- 
 tel of Paw fliews how little he is to be depended on. At this time 
 the Pope in a Letter to Wolfey offered to go in Perfon to Spairiy or to 
 any Place where an Interview Ihould be agreed on, to mediate a Ge- 
 Caitox Libr. ncral Peace. This Wolfey wrote over to the King's AmbafTadors at 
 /7/«//. B.ii. jiQ,fn,^ on the 19th of December; and in the fame Letter he orders 
 them to offer the Guard to the Pope in the Name of the Two Kings; 
 and adds, that Tiirenne Ihould Command that Part of it which was to 
 have their Pay fent from France ^ and Sir Gregory Cajfall that which 
 the King was to pay. 
 
 In profecuting the Hiffory of the Divorce, I muft add a great deal 
 out of fome French Authors. Bel/ay, the Sieur de Langey, has writ 
 Memoirs of that Time with great Judgment, and very fincerely. I 
 find alfo many Letters relating to thofe Tranfadions both in the Me- 
 langes Hiftoriqiies and in Le Grand'?, 3d Tome. Thefe I fliall follow 
 in the Series in which Things Avere tranfadted, which will be found 
 to give no fmall Confirmation, as well as large Additions to what I 
 formerly publiffied in my Hiftory. The firft of thefe was much em- 
 ployed in Embaffies, and was well inform'd of the Affairs of England, 
 both his Brothers being at different Times employed to negotiate Af- 
 fairs in that Court. yoZ)// in particular, then Bilhop of JS^jwzw, af- 
 „ „ terwards of Paris ; and Cardinal Le GrarnL as Lord Herbert had done 
 before, has given the Relation of the Anfwer that the Emperor gave 
 by Word of Mouth, and afterwards in Writing, to Clarencieiix, when 
 he came with a French King at Arms, to denounce War in the Name 
 27 Jan. 1528. of the Two Kings to the Emperor. 
 
 The Emper- Demand was made of great Debts, that the Emperor owed the 
 
 or's Anfwer to j^j^ig ; among thcfc, the Sum forfeited for his not Marrying the Prin- 
 
 cW;f"f«/ cefs Mary is one. To that the Emperor anfwered, That before he 
 
 Was Married, he required the King to fend her to him, which was 
 
 hot done : And by Letters that he intercepted, he faw that the King 
 
 was treating a Marriage for her with the King oi Scotlatid, long be- 
 
 .l^v ; :. . - if^j^e t}^g Emperor was Married. It was farther faid to that Herald, 
 
 ■ • ■ That a' Report went current, that the King defigned a Divorce, and 
 
 upon that to Marry another Wife, " The Emperor faid, he had in 
 
 " his Hands ample Difpenfations for the Marriage j nor Could the 
 
 -* " King
 
 Book II. of the Church of En^-2ind. 39 
 
 " King go on in that Defign, without ftriking at the Pope's Autho- 1529. 
 " rity J which would give great Scandal, and occafion much Dillur- '«— ^v~~-^ 
 " bance, and give the Emperor juft Caule of War. This would fliew 
 " what Faithj what Religion, what Confcience, and what Honour 
 " the King had before his Eyes. He had offered his Daughter to 
 " to him in Marriage, and was now going to get her declared a Ba- 
 " Jiard ; he afcribed all this to the ill Offices done by the Cardinal 
 " of Torky who was pufli'd on by his Ambition and Avarice, be- 
 ^' caufe he would not order his Army in Italy to force the Elefting 
 " him to the Popedom ; which he faid, both the King and the Car- 
 " dinal defir'd of him in Letters, that they wrote to him on that 
 " Occafion : And becaufe he had not in that fatisfied his Pride, he 
 " had boafted that he would fo embroil the Emperor's Affairs, tho' 
 " Engla?ni fliould be ruined by it, that he Hioidd repent his Ufmg 
 " him ^0. This feems to be much aggravated ; for it may be eafily 
 fuppofed, that the King and IVolfcy might, in the Letters that 
 they wrote to the Emperor at the laft Conclave, defire him to order 
 his Troops to draw near Rome, to keep all quiet, till, if he was cho- 
 fcn, he might get thither. Yet it is not probable, that they could de- 
 fire fobarefac'd a thing, as the Emperor here faftned on them. He 
 In that, perhaps, was no truer, than when he faid he had in his 
 Hands ample Difpenfations for the King's Marriage j tho' it appears 
 thefe were forged. For the Date of the Breve being the fame with 
 the Bull, both bearing Date the 26th of December 1503, it was 
 plainly falfe. For Rymer has printed One Atteffation from KomCy 
 that the Year in the Breves begins on Chrijlmafs-Day ; fo if it had 
 been a true Piece, it muff have had the Date of 1504. He has 
 likewife publifhed an Authentick Atteftation, figned by the Cardinal 
 Chamberlain, that in the Regifler of the Breves, there was none to 
 be found relating to the King's Difpenfation for his Marriage, but 
 one dated the 6th of July 1504, and another the 2 2d oi February 
 
 ^505- 
 
 The Bifhop of Bayrmne made a bold Propolition to Wclfey : He LeGrnvJ,'p.G\ 
 
 thought it might be a proper Method, to engage the Pope to depofe y""- 2. 
 the Emperor for fuch enormous Felony, as he had committed againft a Propolition 
 him ; which would fecure that See from all fuch Attempts for the '" Depofe the 
 future. The Cardinal, after a little Refleftion on it, fwore to him '^^^'^° ' 
 that he would purfue that Thought j but, it feems, it was let 
 fall. 
 
 When Gardiner and Fox were fent to Rome, they paffed thro' Le GranJ, 
 France, with Letters from Wolfey to Mo?7tmora}icy, for his Affifting P- '°^' 
 them. It feems, the People were exprefling their Uneafinefs upon 
 thefe Steps made in order to the Divorce ; of which the Bifliop of 
 Bayonne wrote to the Court of France ; which was, upon his Let- 
 ters, fo talked of at Paris, that Wolfey reprimanded him for it ; tho' 
 in his own Excufe he writes, that the Bifliop of Bath had faid it 
 more openly, than he had written it. 
 
 .",.rOn the 8th of yune, it feems,' Matters went not well at Rome; LeGranJ, 
 for Wolfey complained to the Bifliop of Bayonne of the Pope, for P- '29- 
 not doing them Juflice j who had ferved him fo well, both before 
 his Advancement, and ever fince. They alfo apprehended, that Cam- 
 3 peg'°>
 
 4© i[he H'tflory of the Reformation Part 111. 
 
 1529. fegio., then named to come over as Legate, who was fubjeft to the 
 w. — V— — ' Gout, would, by that Pretence, manage Matters fo, as to keep them 
 
 long in Sufpenfe. 
 le GramU At that time the Sweating-Sicknefs rao;ed fo, that the Court was 
 
 "^ jtne 30. '^^ dread of it. It broke out in the Legate's Houfe ; fome died of 
 it: He, upon that, ftole away privately, without giving Notice 
 whither he vvent. The King made his lafl; Will, and received all 
 the Sacraments. He confeffed himfelf every Day, and received the 
 Sacrament every Holy-Dav. The Queen did the fame ; and fo did 
 WoJJcy. 
 7- Grn:,^, Y\\ another Letter, without Date,5<7)WW(r gives anAccount of a Free 
 
 ^' ' Conference he had with /Fo^Q'; who told him, " he had done ma- 
 " ny Things againfl: the Opinion of all England; upon which, ma- 
 *' ny took Occafion to reproach him, as being wholly French ; fo he 
 " mufi: proceed warily : The French would feel their Lofs, if his 
 " Credit were leflened ; therefore it was neceffary, that the Bifliop 
 " fliould make the King, and his Council here, apprehend, that this 
 " Alliance was not to their Prejudice. The King had of late (as 
 " Bnyomic had from good Hands) faid fome terrible Words to the 
 ," Cardinal, apprehending that he was cold in his Matter. Wolfey 
 ." faid to him, that if God gave him the Grace once to fee the Ha- 
 " tred of the Two Nations extinguifhed, and a firm Friendfhip fet- 
 " tied between the two Kings j and that he could get the Laws 
 „" and Cufloms of the Nation a little changed, the Succeflion fecu- 
 •' red, and upon the King's Second Marriage an Heir Male born, he 
 " would immediately retire, and ferve God all the reft of his Life. 
 Here were many Things to be done before his Retirement : Yet the 
 Bifhop did believe he indeed intended, upon the firft good Occafi- 
 on, to retire from all Affairs; for he could not but fee, that his Cre- 
 dit muft lefTen upon the King's Second Marriagfe. He was alfo ma- 
 king Hafte to furnifh his Epifcopal Palaces, and to finifh his Col- 
 leges ; and he feemed to him to prepare for a Storm. Gardiner was 
 , at this time advancing the King's Bufinefs all that was poffible at 
 
 Rome. I did, in my Second Volume, publifli among the Records, 
 Vol. 2. Coll. a Letter of his that was written in yipril, after his Coming to 
 ^^^'^V^'^' Rome. The Subftance of it is; " He had acquainted the Pope with 
 
 • the Secret Meffage that the Princes oi Germany had fent the King, 
 
 • to fee if that would work on his Fears ; for he fays, the Pope was 
 ^ a Man of fuch a Nature, that he is never refolved in any Thing 
 
 ■ but as he is compelled by fome violent Affeftion . He aflures the 
 
 ■ King, the Pope will do nothing that may offend the Emperor ; 
 ' nor was it reafonable for him to do it, except he would remove 
 ' his See to fome other Place : For while he was at Rome, he was 
 ' in the Emperor's Power. By his Words and Manner, the Pope 
 ' feemed to Favour the King ; but he was confident he would do 
 ' nothing. He believed if theCaufe were determined by the Legates, 
 ' they at Ro?ne would be glad of it : And if the Emperor flaould be- 
 ' gin a Suit againft that, they would ferve him, as they now did 
 ' the King, and drive ofl'the Time by Delays : So he put the King 
 ' ongettingGzw/^'^/o to judge for him, which fhouldbe a fliortWork, 
 
 • and he affures hin|i nothing was to be expeded from Rome, but 
 
 V Delays. 
 
 ■26. p. 297.
 
 I 
 
 Book II. of the Church of England. 41 j 
 
 " Delays. They had put the King's Caufe, if it lliou Id be brought to 1529. ' 
 
 " Rome, in the Hands of Two Advocates, (the lame that pleaded for i-— "v ' 
 
 " theKing afterwards in the excufatory Plea.) The Pope would hear , 
 
 " no Difputation about his Power of Difpenfmg : But fo the Pope did ; 
 
 " notdecide upon thatGround, he would not care whether the King's j 
 
 " Caufe were decided upon it, or not : And he believed the Pope ■ 
 
 " was refolved to meddle no more in the King's Matter, but to leave ! 
 
 " it with the Legates. He defired his Letter might not be fliewed 
 
 " to either of the Legates. With that Bearer he fent over the Pope's 
 
 " Promife, in which he had got fome Words to be put, that he 
 
 " thought favoured the King's Caufe, as much, and more, than if 
 
 " the Decretal Commiffion, that was in Campcgioi Hands, fliould : 
 
 " be lliewed ; fo he thought the Pope ought to be no more moved 
 
 " in that Matter. The Words he mentions are, cian nos jufiitiain 1 
 
 ejus Caiija perpcndentes, we confidering the JuJIice of his Caufe. 
 
 Thefe are in the Promife, or Pollicitation, which I do now publifli, 
 
 and they prove this to be a true Copy, lince we have an Authentick \ 
 
 Proof of the very Words that feemed the greatefl Ground to doubt i 
 
 of its Truth. ; 
 
 About a Fortnight after this, Gardiner wrote another Letter to Coll. Nuab. ] 
 
 the Kins;, which will be found in the Collection. A Motion was 'S- ■ 
 
 then made at Rome for recalling the Powers fent to the Legates ; but i 
 
 he did not think it was made in earneft, but only to ftop the Ambaf- ' 
 
 fadors in their other Suits. The Pope told them that the Emperor \ 
 
 had advertlfed him that the Queen would do nothing in the Matter, \ 
 
 but as the King fliould command her ; therefore he would look after 
 the Caufe the more earneftly. This the Pope feemed to tell them, that 
 they fliould not enquire who was the Queen's Proiftor. The Am- 
 bafladors were amazed to fee by Campegio's Letters that were fliewed ! 
 
 them, that neither he, nor CampanuSy had made any Promife in the 
 Pope's Name to the King, but only in general Terms : confidering 
 that they had mentioned the Plenitude of the Popes Power, which \ 
 
 they trufted he would ufe in that Caufe. He writes he did not fucceed [ 
 
 in that which he was ordered to move, which he did indeed appre- 
 hend could not be- obtained : He lavs the Blame on the Pope, or fome i 
 other, but it became not him to faRen that on any (perhaps this 
 pointed at JVolfey) ; the reft relates to the Bulls, probably demanded 
 by the Cardinal for his Colleges : This was dated tlie 4th of May ; ■ 
 he had a Letter writ to him a Month before this, by j^/ine Bullen, j 
 in wMiich flie exprefles a great Senfe of the Sei'vice he was doing her : 
 It feems by it, that at his Firft coming to Rome, he had great Hopes ■ 
 of Succefs, but thefe were then much abated. 
 
 At this Time King Henry was writing every Day Letters full of King F^r/s • 
 
 Paflion to that Lady. Some way or other, they fell into the Hands ^,^))"^'°'^'"" ; 
 
 of thofe who carried them to Rome, where they lie in the Library 
 of the Vatican. I faw them there, and knew King Henry % Hand : 
 
 too well, not to be convinced at firft Sight, that they were writ by j 
 
 him. I did not think it fit for me to Copy them out, but I prevailed \ 
 
 with my Worthy Friend Dr. Fall to do it for me. They were very 
 ill writ, the Hand is fcarce legible, and the French feems faulty : But 
 fince our Travellers are encouraged to look on them, I gave a Copy j 
 
 Vol. in. M of !
 
 4 2. ^he Hiftory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1529. of them to the Printer, to be printed apart ; for I could not think it 
 ^—-^/--^ proper to put them in the Collection. Objedlions lay in my way, 
 even as to this ; they were trifling Letters ; fome Infinuations are not 
 very decent, and little Wit occurred in them, to feafon them in any 
 Jtort ; yet they carry the Charafter of an honourable Love, diredted 
 dl to Marriage : And they evidently fliew that there was nothing 
 amifs as to the main Point, in their Commerce : So fmcc thofe at 
 Rome make fo ill an Ufe of them, as to pretend that they are full of 
 7')cfilement, and in Derifion, call them the true Original of ourRe- 
 tormation ; all thefe Confiderations prevailed on me to fuffer them 
 to be printed apart, for I did not think it fitting that fuch Stuff ihould 
 be mixed with graver Matters. So I ordered them to be printed ex- 
 actly from the Copy, and to take no other Care about them, but to 
 give them as I had them. But fince I mention that Lady, I mult add 
 jE.>-m. ^'.G;^/. fome Paffages of a Relation made by a Son of Sir T/w/wJ IVyat'?,^ 
 P'V'- of his Father's Concerns, marked on the Back by a Hand very like Lord 
 
 Burlt'/gh's. He fliews how falfe that Story muft be, of hisFathcr's pre- 
 tending to KingHcmy that he had corrupted her. He was thenEfquire 
 of the Body,and did continue flill about his Perfon in that Poll:, except 
 when he was employed in Embaflies abroad. This fhews how incre- 
 dible that Fiftion of Sa?iders was ; fince if he had pretended to make 
 any fuch Difcovery, he muft have fallen either under the King's 
 Jealoufy, or the Queen's Po\yer ; or to avoid both, he would have 
 withdrawn himfelf : And probably he would have been afterwards 
 fet up a Witnefs to difgrace her at her Tryal. That Relation adds 
 that {he was fecretly tried in the Tower. Some of the Lords decla- 
 red that her Defence did fully clear her ; none of the Women that 
 ferved her, were brought to witnefs the leaft Circumflance againfl 
 her : And all the Evidence upon which flie was convifted was kept 
 fo fecret, that it was never known. This I know is put here out of 
 its Place, but the Thread of other Things led me into it : I iliall 
 have Occafion to mention this Paper again in Queen Mary's Reign. 
 Lf Grand, p. The Bifliopof 5^_)W7w writcs, that even after G?//7^^^Z(j came into 
 iU)g. 16 Oa. 'England^ both King and Queen did eat at one Table, and lodged in 
 oi'een fefmed °"^ ^^"^^ '^^^ Q^een put on fo good a Countenance, that to fee 
 to live well to- them together, one could difcern no Breach between them : He tells 
 geiher. jj-^ ^j-^g^j- Letter, that the Earl of Angus, who was married to the 
 
 Queen of Scotland, King Htmry's Siftpr, was come up, being baniili- 
 ed out of Scotland, becaufe the Queen had taken another Hulhand, 
 Le Grand p ^^''^^ '^^^ ^ handfomcrMan than he was, (phis beau Compagnon que luy), 
 175. 21 bci. In his next Letter he writes that JVolfey laid to him, that the Gene- 
 ral of the Cordeliers, that good Prophet, then a Cardinal, had capi- 
 tulated with the Pope in the Emperor's Name, when the Pope was 
 fet at Liberty. That Cordelier Cardinal was then to fail to Spain, he 
 wifhed the French would fet out fome Veflels to feize on him, and 
 draw from him the Particulars of that Treaty : For they knew that 
 in the Articles of that Treaty, the Reafon that obftruifed the King's 
 Matter, would appear. Upon this, after fome Expoftulation that 
 the King oi France did not help them in it as he might, Wo]fcs added, 
 that the firft Projedt of the Divorce, was fet on Foot by himfelf, 
 to create a perpetual Separation between England, and the Houfc of 
 
 Burgundy :
 
 Book II. of the Church 0/ England. 43 
 
 ■Burgmidy : And he had told the King's Mother at C(?w/»/rg-;z^, that 1529. j 
 
 if flie Uved a Year to an End, fhe would fee as great a Union with v— ---v—— ' | 
 
 them, and as great a Difunion from the other, as (lie could delire, and j 
 
 bid her lay that up in her Memory. I 
 
 In his next he writes, that both the Legates had been with the U Grand, p. j 
 
 King and Queen. In Crt?///'('^/(5's Speech to the King, he fet forth '^.^'j^^ j 
 
 his Merits upon the Apoftolick See with great Pomp. Fox anfwered go to the King , 
 
 him decently in the King's Name : The Queen anfwered them more an^i Queen. | 
 
 roundly : She fpoke with refpedt to Campegio, but faid, " She thank- \ 
 
 " ed the Cardinal of To7-k for the Trouble flie was put to : She had The Queen 1 
 
 " always wondered at his Pride and Vain-Glory 5 fhe abhorred his vm^fevef^,- 
 " Voluptuous Life, and abominable Lewdnefs, and little regarded his Vitellius, B. 
 " Power and Tyranny: All this rofe from his Malice to her Nephew, ^-■ 
 " the Emperor, whom he hated worfe than a Scorpion, becaufe he i 
 
 " would not fatisfy his Ambition, and make him Pope. She blamed ; 
 
 *' him, both for the War, in which the King was engaged, and for j 
 
 " the Trouble he put her to, by this new-found Doubt. The Car- I 
 
 dinal blulhed, and feemed confounded : Lie faid, " he was not the 
 " Beginner nor the Mover of the Doubt ; and that it was fore a- \ 
 
 " gainfl his Will, that the Marriage was brought into Queflion ; j 
 
 " but fince the Pope had deputed him as a Judge to hear the Caufc, I 
 
 " he fwore upon his Profeffioil, he would hear it inditferentlv. 
 
 On the firfl of November, the Bifliop writes that the Queen had Le Gra„.f, 
 chofen for her Council the Archbifliop oi Canterbury, the Bifliops of P' '9-- ' | 
 London, Bath, Rochejier, Ely, and Exeter, with the Dean of the 
 Chapel : But of thefe, the Bifliops of London and Roche fter, and ' 
 
 the Dean of the Chapel, were the only Perfons, that in their Opi- 
 nion were of the Queen's Side. She expedted an Advocate, a Procftor, 
 and a Councellor from Flanders. It was not allowed her to brine 
 any over from Spain -, for there was then War between England znA ■ 
 
 Spain, but the Netherlands had a Neutrality granted them. " The j 
 
 " Bifhop reckoned that the Marriage muft be condemned j for tho' j 
 
 " the Pope and all the Cardinals had approved it, they could not \ 
 
 " maintain it, if it was proved, as he was told it would be, that her \ 
 
 " form.er Marriage was confummated : For in that Cafe, God himfelf j 
 
 " had determiaed the Matter. j 
 
 On the 8th of November he writes, " that Wolfey had afked him l-e Grand, j 
 
 " if he could fiy nothing to invalidate the Pope's Difpenfation, and The E'ifhoD of i 
 
 " to prove theMarriage unlawful, fo that the Pope could notdifpenfe £«)W"»'3 6pi ; 
 
 " in that Cafe ; fince nothing could unite the Two Kings fo entirely, "'°" ^^ ^^. '\ 
 
 " as the carrying on the Divorce muft do : Lie heard he was a great penfation, i 
 
 " Divine, fo he prayed him to fpeak his Mind freely. The Bifliop 
 " excufed himfelf; but being very earneflly prefled, he put his j 
 
 " Thoughts in Writing, referring for thefe to his laft Letters : He \ 
 
 " fent over a Copy of it to Mojitmorancy., and defired he would i 
 
 " fliew it to the Bifliop of Bourges, who would explain it to him. , 
 
 " PFolfey defired that the King's Mother would write earneftly to i 
 
 " Campegio, in Favour of the King's Caufe. The Bifliop makes • 
 
 " great Excufes for giving his Opinion in the Matter ; he did not j 
 
 " fign it : And he gave it only as a private Perfon, and n^it as an [ 
 
 *' AmbafTador. 4 j 
 
 On !
 
 44 ^^^ Hiflory of the Reformat ion Part III. 
 
 1529. 
 
 hi Grand, 
 p. 209. 
 Apprchenfi- 
 ons of Difor- 
 derson the 
 Queen's Ac- 
 count. 
 
 he Crr.nd, 
 p. Z30. 
 
 Lc Gro.iid, 
 p. 245. 
 
 Lc Grand., 
 p. 259. 
 Endeavours to 
 gain Campe- 
 5< 
 
 Lt Grand, 
 p. 295. 
 IVolJ'eyi Cre- 
 dit is fhaken. 
 
 On the 27th of November, the Bifliop writes that he had been 
 with Campcgio, and had talked of the Pope's Difpenfation. Cmnpcgio 
 would not bear to have the Pope's Power brought into Debate : He 
 thought his Power had no Limits, and fo was unwilling to let that 
 be touched, but he was willing to hear it proved, that the Difpenfa- 
 tion was ill founded. He gives in that Letter a Relation of the 
 King's fending for the Lord Mayor of LoWo;?, to give the Citizens 
 an Account of the Scruples he had concerning his Marriage : And 
 he writes, that he had faid, the Bilhop of 'Tarbe was the Firft Per- 
 fon that made him entertain them ; nor does the Bifhop oi Bayonne 
 pretend to call the Truth of that in queftion. 
 
 The fame Bifhop in his Letter of the 9th of December, writes, 
 " That Aline BoUe\?i was then come to Court, and was more waited 
 " on than the Queen had been for fome Years : by this they prepared 
 " all People for what was to follow. The People were uneafy, and 
 " feemed difpofed to revolt. It was refolved to fend all the Strangers 
 " out of the Kingdom ; and it was reckoned there were above 15000 
 " Fltiiiiiigs in London. So the driving all thefe away would not be 
 " eafily brought about : Care was taken to Search for Arms, and to 
 " keep all quiet. ^o//t^ in a great Company, above an hundred Per- 
 " fons of Quality being prefent, reported that the Emperor had faid 
 " he would drive the King out of his* Kingdom by his own Subjefts ; 
 " one only of all that Company expreffed an Indignation at it : The 
 " Advocates that the Queen expected from Flanders were come, 
 " but had not yet their Audience. 
 
 In one of the 20th of December, the Bifliop writes, " That the 
 " King had ihewed him what Prefumptions there were of the Forgery 
 " of the Bteve, that they pretended was in Spain ; and upon that he 
 *' went through the whole Matter fo copioully with him, that he faw 
 " he underftood it well, and indeed needed no Advocate : He defi- 
 *' red that fome Opinions of learned Men in France might be got, and 
 " be figned by them, if it could be obtained. 
 
 By the Letter of the 25th of Dece-mber, it appears there was an 
 Argument of more Weight laid before Campegio, for he was offered 
 Durefme inilead of Salijbury. He faid to them who offered it, that 
 the Pope was about to give him a Biflioprick of that Value in Spain ; 
 but the Emperor would not confent to it. The Lawyers that came 
 from the Netherlands, had an Audience of the King, in which they 
 took great Liberties : For they faid to him. They wondered to fee 
 him forfake his ancient Friends, and to unite himfelf to his mortal 
 Enemies. They were anfwered very fharply. They applied them- 
 felves to Campegio, with refpecft, but negled'ed IVclfey ; and after that 
 they had lodged fuch Advices as were fent by them, with theQueen, 
 thev returned home. 
 
 On the 2 5i:h oi January tlie^'iiho^oi Bavo7ine \<'ntcs, "That the 
 " Courtapprehending the Pope was changing his Meafures with rela- 
 *' tion to the King's Affair, had fent Gardiner to Rome, to let the 
 " Pope know, That if he did not order Campegio to proceed in the 
 " Divorce, the King would withdraw himfelf from his Obedience r 
 " He perceived JVolfiy was in great Fear ; for he favv^, that if the 
 " thing was not done, the Blame would be caft wholly on him, and 
 -; " there
 
 Book ir. of the Church of England. 4^' \ 
 
 there it would end. Sir Thomas Cheyney had fome way offended 1529. j 
 
 him, and was for that difmiffed the Court ; but by Amie Boleyns ^< - "<*" - ^ j 
 
 means he was brought back ; and fhe had upon that occafion fent ; 
 
 Wolfey a fevere MefTage. The Bifhop had in a Letter fent him ^' "'^ 
 from Taris a Lift of the College of the Cardinals, by which they 
 reckoned Fifteen of them were Lfipcrialifts ; and Campcgio is rec- 1 
 
 koned among thefe : Eighteen was of the contrary Party : Three ; 
 
 had not declared themfelves, but might be gained to either fidcj ; 
 
 and Six were abfent. This Canvafing was occafioned by the Pope's 1 
 
 Sicknefs, and it was writ as News from France, that an EngliJ}?man \ 
 
 paffing through, and going to Spain, had reported with Joyj that 
 there would be no Divorce : That Campcgio ferved the Pope well j - 
 
 that this was very acceptable to all the Great Men of England -, 
 and that the Blame of all was laid on Wolfey, whofe Credit with 1 
 
 the King was linking : That he was not at the Feaft of St. George, 
 for which the King had chid him feverely, he being the Chancel- 1 
 
 lor of the Order* \ 
 
 In a Letter of the 126. of May he writes, "That TVolfey was p. 3,^, I 
 
 extreme uneafy. The Dukes of Norjolk and Suffolk, and others, Tlie Dukes of 1 
 
 made the king believe, that he did not advance his Affair fo ^'^''/'if^^\^ ' 
 
 much as he could : He wiflies, that the King of France and his nemies. ^ 
 
 Mother would make the Duke of Suffolk defift j for he did not ^ 
 
 believe, that He, or the other Duke, could be able to manage the i 
 
 King as Wolfey had done. They at Court Were alarmed at the lafl I 
 
 News from Ro?ne, for the Pope feemed inclined to recall the Com- | 
 
 million : Upon which, Beiiet was fent thither, to ufe either Pro- 
 mifes or Threatnings, as he fhould fee Caufe. They preffed the j 
 
 Pope to declare the Breve frorti Spain Null ; but he refufed to do 
 it. He adds, that in the Breve lay one of the moft important j 
 
 Points of the whole Matter: (Probably that was, that the Con- ] 
 
 fummation of the former Marriage, was exprefsly affirmed in it.) 
 Wolfey had preffed the Bifliop very earneftly, to move his Mafter 
 to concur zealoufly to promote the King's Caufe ; upon which 
 he preffed on Montmorancy, that the King of France Ihould fend 
 One to the Pope, to let him know, that he believed the King's \ 
 
 Caufe was juft, and that both Kingdoms would withdraw from 1 
 
 his Obedience, if Juftice was denied on this Occafion. To this ' 
 
 were to be added, all forts of Promifes when it fliould be done ; 
 which Wolfey protefted, fuch was his Love to the King, he would i 
 
 value much more, than if they made him Pope. The Point ' 
 
 then to be infifted on, was to hinder the Recalling the Commif- 
 fion. 
 
 By Letters of the 30th of yune, it appears that Gardiner was p ^,^ 
 return'd from Rome, with the Proofs of the Breve's being a For- | 
 
 gery. Campegio was then forced to delay the Matter no longer. \ 
 
 The Bifliop of Bayonne had preffed Campegio to it, by Authority \ 
 
 from the Court of France. On the 13th of ^Jidy, Caffali wrote 
 from Rome, that the Pope had recalled the King's Caufe, at the Em- ! 
 
 peror's Suit. • i 
 
 But I come now to give an Account of the Proceedings of the 
 Two Legates ; in which I muft correft the Errors of all the 1 
 
 Vol. IIL N Writers
 
 46 T'he Hiflory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 Legates. 
 
 I rag Writers of that Time, whom I had too implicitly followed. I 
 v^iv-— ^ g-o upon fare Grounds -, for I have before me the Original Regifter 
 of their Proceedings, made up with fuch Exadinefs, that, at the End, 
 the Reo^ifter and Clerk of the Court do not only attelt it with their 
 Handstand Marks, but reckon up the Number of the Leaves, with 
 the Interlinings that are in every Page ; and every Leaf is likewife 
 fio-ned by the'Clej-k, all in Parchment. This Noble Record was lent 
 me, by my Reverend and Learned Brother, Dr. More, Biihop of 
 £/)', who has gather'd together a moft invaluable Treafure, both of 
 Printed Books and Manufcripts, beyond what one can think that 
 the Life and Labour of one Man could have compaffed, and which 
 he is as ready to Communicate, as he has been careful to Col- 
 
 left it. 
 The Proceed- The Legates fat in a Room called the Farliament Chamber, near 
 ',"^!„?L*^ the Church of the Black Friars. Their Firft Seffion v/as on the 
 oift of ik&t)'. The BifliopofL/;/co/« prefented to them the Bull, 
 by which the Pope empowered them to Try and Judge the Caufe 
 concerning the King and Queen's Marriage, whether it was good or 
 not, and whether the IfTue by it was Legitimate or not. The Le- 
 gates, after the Reading of the Bull, took it into their Hands, and 
 faw it was a true and untouched Bull, fo they took upon them to 
 execute it : And they ordered the King and Queen to be cited to 
 appear before them on the 1 8th of June j and appointed, that the 
 Bifhop of Lincoln flaould Cite the King, and the Biihop of Bath and 
 IFells the Queen. 
 
 On the 1 8th the Form of the Citation was brought before them, 
 in which the Bull was inferted at full length, and the Two Billiops 
 certified, that they had ferved the Citation both on the King and 
 Queen on the 1 5th ; and Sampfon, Dean of the Chapel, and Dr. 
 Bell appeared, with a Proxy from the King in due Form : But the 
 Queen appeared perfonally, and read an Inftrument, by which She 
 declined the Legates, as not competent Judges, and adhered to an Ap- 
 peal ihe had made to the Pope : Upon Reading this She withdrew ; 
 and tho' fhe was required to return, She had no regard to it. Up- 
 on which they pronounced her contumacious ; and on the aifl: of 
 Jtme, they order'd the Bifliop of Bath and JVells to ferve her with 
 a Monition and a peremptory Citation, certifying, that if She did 
 not appear, they would proceed in the Caufe. And on the 25th of 
 yzme, the Bifliop certified upon Oath, that he had ferved the Citati- 
 on ; but that the Queen adhered to her Proteilation, fo She was 
 again judged contumacious : And as She never came more into the 
 Court, fo the King was never in it. And from this it is clear, that 
 the Speeches that the Hiflorians have made for them, are all plain 
 Falfities. 
 
 The next Step made, was, that the Legates exhibited 1 2 Articles, 
 fetting forth the whole Progrefs of the Queen's Firfi: and Second 
 Marriage, and of the Difpenlations obtained from Rome, all ground- 
 ed vipon publick Fame ; and the Queen was ordered to be cited 
 again on the 28th of ynne. The Bifliop certified upon Oath, that 
 he had ferved the Queen with the Citation ; but She not appear- 
 ing, was again judged contumacious, and WitnefTes were fworn to 
 
 prove
 
 .* . 
 
 Book 11. of the Church of ¥un^2ind. 47 
 
 prove the Articles. The King's Anfwer to the Articles was laid he- 1529. 
 fore them ; in ^^■hich, by his Anfwer to the 7th, it appeared,, that 
 he was Married to the Queen, by Virtue of a Papal Difpenfa- 
 tion. 
 
 On the 5th of July, the King's Prodors brought the Bull of Pope 
 'Julius^ Difpenfing with the Impediments in the Marriage, as like- 
 wife the Copy ot the Breve, of which the Original was in Spain, 
 but attefted very folemnly from thence. The Legates ordered more 
 Witneffes to be fworn on the 9th of yidy. In another Seffion, Ad- 
 ditional Articles were offered ; in which it was fet forth, that Impe- 
 diments lay againfi: the Marriage, as being prohibited both by the 
 Divine and the Ecclefiaftical Laws j fo that it could not be main- 
 tained by the Difpenfations, and that they were of no Force, but 
 were Null and Void. Then they fet forth all the Objections for- 
 merly made agalnfl the Bull ; by which it appeared, that the Pope 
 was furprized by the falfe Suggeliions made to him, on which he 
 had granted it ; and in particular, that there was no War, nor Ap- 
 pearance of War, betw^een ILngland and Spain, at that Time. 
 They did alfo fet forth the Prefumptions, on which they concluded 
 that the Breve was not a Genuine, but a Forged Piece. On the 
 1 2th of "July-, Commifllon was given to Examine the Witnelles. 
 On the 14th, Additional Articles were brought in ; and on the 
 1 6th of 'July, the King's Prod:ors were required to bring all Inftru- 
 ments whatsoever, relating to the Articles, before the Legates ; and 
 another Commiffion was given, to Examine fome abfent Wit- 
 neffes. 
 
 On the 1 9th of yuly. Publication was made of the Depofitions 
 of the Witneffes : By which it appears, that Warham in his Exami- 
 nation faid. He referred the Matter of the Lawfulnefs of the King's 
 Marriage, to Divines ; but that he himfelf believed, that it was con- 
 trary both to the Laws of God, and to the Ecclefiaflical Laws ; 
 and that otherwife, there was no need of a Difpenfation from the 
 Pope. He confeffes, there were great Murmurings againft the Mar- 
 riage ; for nothing of that Sort had ever been heard of in this 
 Kingdom before ; and that he himfelf murmured againfi it, and 
 thought it deteftable and unnatural ; and that he had expoflulated 
 with the Bifliop of Winchejler for his Advifing it, but he acquiefced 
 when the Pope's Difpenfation was obtained. The Bifliop of Ely 
 depofed, that he doubted concerning the Confummation of the 
 Queen's Marriage with Prince Arthur ; for the Queen had often, 
 upon her Confcience, denied it to him : Yet many Witneffes were 
 brought to prove the Confummation ; Some, becaufe the Prince and 
 the Queen conilantly lodged in the fime Bed ; and that Prince Ar- 
 thur continued in a State of good Health, till the Beginning of 
 Lent : Some inferred it, from what they themfelves had done, 
 when they were of his Age. Some fwore to Words that he fpake 
 next Morning after his Marriage, not decent enough to be repeated^ 
 Other Witneffes were brought to prove, that there was no War be- 
 tween E?!gland and Spain, when the Difpenfation was granted ; 
 but that a Free Intercourfe had been kept up between thefe Nati- 
 ons for many Years. It was likewife proved, that the Matter fet 
 
 forth
 
 48 T^he Hiflory of the Reformation Part 111. 
 
 I C20. forth in the Preamble of the Bull, was flUfe ; and that the Breve 
 u- — r—^ was a Forgery. On the 21ft, the Proteftation the King had made, 
 that he did not intend to Marry the Queen, was read and proved. 
 With that, the King's Council clofed their Evidence, and demanded 
 a Final Sentence : So the 23d of ^z/^ was afligned for Concluding 
 the Caufe. 
 
 On that Day, the King's Proftor moved, that Judgment fliould 
 be given ; but Cardinal Campegio did affirm, on the Faith of a true 
 Prelate, that the Harveft Vacation was then begun in Rome ; and 
 that they were bound to follow the Practice of the Confiftory j fo 
 he adjourned the Court to the 28fh of September. 
 
 At the End of every Seffion, fome of the Men of Quality then 
 prefent are named ; and at this Time, the Duke of Norfolk, and the 
 Bifhop oi Ely, are only named ; which feems to contradid: what is 
 commonly reported of the Duke of Suffolk's being there, and of 
 what paffed between him and Cardinal Wolfey. This Record is at- 
 tefted by Clayberg the Regifter, and Watkim the Clerk of the Court. 
 And Foufi Years after that, on the ift of OBober, Anno 1533, it is 
 % - alfo attefted by Dr. Wootton ; which, he fays, he does, being re- 
 quired to atteft it by Clayberg and JVatkins. How this came to be 
 defired, or done at that Time, is that of which I can give no other 
 Account, but that this is affixed to the Regifter. By this Extradt 
 that I have made of this great Record, it appears, that Campegio 
 carried on this Caufe with fuch a trifling Slownefs, that if the King 
 had not thought he was fure of him, he could never have fuffer- 
 ed fuch Delays to be made > by which the Cardinal had a Co- 
 lour from the Vacation, then begun in the Confiff;ory in Roine., to put 
 off the Caufe, on the Day in which a prefent Sentence was expedled. 
 It is very Natural to think, that as the King was much furprized, fo 
 he was offended out of Meafure, when he found he was treated with 
 fo much Scorn and Falfehood. 
 P. 1 36. On the 23d of Aiigujl a fad Embroilment happened upon the Duke 
 
 oi Siffolk'i, returning from France. Wolfey complained to the King that 
 he had done him ill Offices at that Court. Suffolk denied it ; the 
 Cardinal faid he knew it by the Biffiop of Bayon7ie : Upon which 
 Siffolk came and challenged him : The Bifliop denied he had faid it. 
 Siffolk confeffed indeed he had faid fome Things to his Difadvantage; 
 but the Biffiop prayed him that the Matter might be carried no fur- 
 ther : Yet he offered to deny in Wolfey % Prefence, that which was 
 charged on him. But he faw the Duke of aS^/;^//^ intended to oblige 
 him to deny it in the King's Prefence. The Biffiop apprehending 
 the ill Effects this might have, refolved to keep out of the King's Way 
 for fome Time, and he hoped to avoid the being further quelHone'd 
 in the Matter : He found both the King and Wolfey defired that he 
 might make a Journey to Paris, to get the Opinions of the Learned 
 Men in the King's Caufe : He would not undertake it, 'till he knew 
 whether the King oi Fra?jce approved of it or not : He defired an 
 Anfwer might be quickly fent him -, adding, that if it was not agreed 
 to by France, it would increafe the Jealoufies the King had of that 
 Court. He faw they defigned to hold a Parliament in England, and 
 they hoped by that to make the Pope feel the EfFeds of his Injuflice. 
 
 4 By
 
 Book II of the Church of England. 49 
 
 By the BiHiop's Letter of the i8th of September., \\. appears that 1529. 
 Campegio having got his Revocation, " refolved to go to Court that v.^-^^ — 
 he might have his Audience of Leave ; where it was thought befl ^- 354- 
 to difmifs him civilly : In the mean while, Wolfey, who feemed 
 full of Fear, preffed the Bifhop to get the Matter to be examin'd 
 by the Divines : And though he difguifed his Fears, yet he could 
 not quite cover them. Some had left him whom he had raifed ; 
 probably this was Gardiner : For he united himfelf to the Duke- 
 of Norfolk in all Things. The Bifhop of Bayonne defired Leave 
 to go over, on the Pretence of his Father's Old Age and Weak- 
 nefs ; but really to know the Senfe of the French Divines ; and 
 alfo defired, that his Brother, William de Bellay, might be fent 
 to the Court of Engla^id, during his Abfence. 
 
 " On the 4th of OSlober, he writes, that he fav/ the Parliament p. ,5 ,, 
 was fet to ruin Wolfey. Campegio was well treated by the King, 
 and had good Prefents at Parting ; and the King defired that they 
 would ufe him well, as he pafied thro' France; and particularly, 
 that they would fuffer him to refign an Abbey he had there, in 
 Favour of his Son. He was ftopt at Dover ; for it was fufpedled 
 that he was carrying over Wolfey % Treafure. 
 
 On the 17th of OSiober, he defcribes the Cardinal's Fall : " The p. 370. 
 Bifhop thought it was the greateft Example of Fortune that '^^f ^l'^'- 
 could be feen : Both Heart and Voice failed him ; he wept, and gr^ce. 
 prayed that the King of France and his Mother would pity him, 
 if they found that he had been true in all that he had promifed 
 to them : His Vifage was quite altered j and the Difgrace was fo 
 fudden and heavy, that even his Enemies pitied him : The Bifliop 
 faw he would be hotly purfued, and that nothing but Intercef- 
 fion from France could fave him : He did not pretend to continue 
 either Legate or Chancellor ; he feemed ready to quit all to his 
 Shirt, fo he might recover the King's Favour again. He was ca- 
 pable of no Comfort. He propofed, that the French King and his 
 Mother fliould write to the King, to this Purpofe ; That they 
 heard of his Difgrace, aad of the Defign to ruirf him : That they 
 pray'd him not to proceed too fuddenly : He had been a good 
 Inflrument between them ; if there was jufl Caufe for it, his 
 Power might be lefi"ened j but that they prayed, the King would 
 not carry Things to Extremity. The Biihop lays this before 
 Montmorancy, without preluming to give Advice in it ; only he 
 thought this could do no hurt. Whatfoever was done, muft feem 
 to be of their own Motion, and not as coming from a Defire of 
 the Cardinal ; for that would precipitate his Ruin. It feems, he 
 had received great Prefents from the King's Mother, of which he 
 hoped She would fay nothing, that might hurt him. It was in- 
 tended, as he thought, on his Ruin, to deftroy the State of the 
 Church, and feize on their Lands, which had been openly talk'd 
 at fome Tables. If the King of Fraiice intended to interpofe in 
 his Favour, no Time was to be loft. Anne Boleyn, as it was be- 
 lieved, had got a Promife of the King, that he would not ad- 
 mit him to a private Audience, left that might beget fome Pity in 
 him. 
 Vol. III. O On
 
 ^o T^he Hift or y of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1529. " On the 2 2d of OBober, he wrote, that all his Goods were 
 
 v-""^- "« ' " feized on, and that his Spirit was quite funk. It was not known 
 
 P- 377- " who {liould have the Great Seal ; it was believed it would no 
 
 fcized^on!*" ^ " more be put into a Prieft's Hands ; but he faw, Gardiner was like 
 
 " to have a great Share in Affairs. The Cardinal's Goods that were 
 
 P. 379. " feized on, were valued at 500000 Crowns. More, who had been 
 
 " Chancellor of the Dutchy of Lancafier, was made Lord Chaiv- 
 
 *' cellor. The See of Tork was to be left in his Hands ; and fome 
 
 " of his Goods were to be fent hack to him. The Bifliop did ap- 
 
 " prehend, that if the new Miniftry did not agree, which he be- 
 
 " lieved they would not do long, he might be brought back to 
 
 " Court again. 
 
 I have given the Relation of this great Tranfadlion more particu* 
 larly than was perhaps neceffary ; but finding fo clear a Thread in 
 thofe Letters, I thought it not improper to follow them clofely ; the 
 rather, to fliew, that none of the Papers that Mr. Le Grafid has pub- 
 lifhed, do in the leaft contradid:, but rather eflablifh all that I had 
 written : And fo pun<5lual a Relation being laid before me, by thofe 
 who bore no good Will to me, nor to my Work, feemed an Invi- 
 tation to me to enlarge further than perhaps was neceffary. I will 
 end therefore all that relates to Cardinal Wolfey, at once. 
 ^"^/s good Upon his going to York, he behaved himfelf much better than he 
 Diocefe. ' ^^'^ done in the former Parts of his Life. In a Book that was print- 
 ed in the Year 1536, entit\td. A Remedy for Sedition, writ by One 
 that was no Friend to Popery, this Charadter is given of the laft 
 Part of Wolfey's Life. " None was better beloved than he, after 
 ** he had been there a while. He gave Bifhops a good Example, 
 " how they might win Mens Hearts. There were few Holy-Days, 
 " but he would ride Five or Six Miles from his Houfe ; now to 
 ** this Parifh-Church, now to that ; and there, caufe one of his 
 " Doctors to make a Sermon unto the People : He fat among them, 
 *' and faid Mafs before all the Parifh. He faw why Churches were 
 " made, and began to reftore them to their right and proper Ufe. 
 " If our Bifliops had done fo, we fhould have ittn, that Preach- 
 " ing the Gofpel is not the Caufe of Sedition, but rather Lack 
 " of Preaching it. He brought his Dinner with him, and bad di- 
 " vers of the Parifh to it. He enquired if there was any De- 
 " bate, or Grudge between any of them ; if there were, after Din- 
 " ner, he fent for the Parties to the Church, and made them all 
 " one, 
 
 I had, in my Work, mentioned the concluding Chara<5tef that 
 I found CavendiJ?:) gave him, that was left out in the Printed 
 Editions; which made me vouch the Manufcript, from which I had 
 it : But the laft Edition agreeing with that Copy, I need fay no 
 more to juftify my Quotation, for it will be found in it. 
 
 It may feem ftrange, that when the Bifhop of Bayonne firft fug- 
 gefted to Wolfey, that if the King's Marriage was againft the Law of 
 God, the Pope's Difpenfation could be of no Force ; yet no Inferen- 
 ces were made from this. All our Writers give Cramner the Honour 
 of having ftarted that firff ; and they make that the Foundation of 
 his Advancement. I can fee no other Way to reconcile all this, but 
 
 that
 
 Book II. of the Church of Kn^'Biud, ^x 
 
 that it may be fuppofed JVolfey as true to the Intereft of the Papacy, 1529. 
 was unwilling to let it be moved in Publickj and that he kept this be- ^— •^v"— J 
 tween the Bifliop of Bayomie and himfelf, without communicating 
 it to the King. Now the Caufe was called away to Ro7ne, and fo a 
 newProcefs followed with a very flow Progrefs : Delays upon Delays 
 were granted, and yet all was precipitated in Concluiion, 
 
 In the mean while, the King fent his Queftion to the Faculties of The King 
 Law and Divinity, in the feveral Univerfities oi Europe : And under- udvlrfuks 
 ftanding that Martin de Bellay, the Elder Brother of the Bifliop of 
 Bayo7ine, diftinguiflied by the Title of Sieur de Langey, had great 
 Credit in the Univerfities, both in France, Italy and Germafiy ; he 
 engaged him to procure their Opinions upon the Point of the Un- Man. de Btl- 
 lawfulnefs of his Marriage : Who in the View of this Service, pre- ^"^^'^ ^^' 
 vailed with the King, to lend the King of Fra/ice 150000 Crowns, '"°"^^' ^' 
 being to be advanced as a Part of the Two Millions , that he was to 
 pay for the Redemption of his Sons j which was to be repaid to King 
 Henry in Five Years. Befides, he afTigned over to him the For- 
 feiture due by the Emperor, for not Marrying his Daughter : And 
 he fent in a Prefent to his Godfon Henry, afterwards King of France, 
 a Jewel, with fome of that which was believed to be the True Crofs, 
 that had been left in Pawn with the King, by Philip, Charles's, Fa- 
 ther, for 50000 Crowns : So ready was the King to engage the King 
 of France into his Interefl, at no fmall Charge to himfelf. 
 
 I come next to open the Tranfadlions in the Convocation that was Proceedings in 
 fummoned to meet on the 5th oi No'vember 1529, Two Days after Convocation. 
 the opening of the Parliament. At their Firft Meeting, a Reforma- 
 tion of Abufes was propofed : And with that an Enquiry was made 
 concerning Heretical Books. A Committee of Bifhops was appointed 
 with relation to Hereticks. On the 19th of December Secrefy was 
 enjoined, and that was again a Second Time enjoined under the 
 Pain of Excommunication : Then the Prolocutor came up, and had 
 fecret Conference with theUpper-Houfe. They remitted to the King 
 the Loan that they had made him ; and they put an End to that Work 
 on Chrijl})2afs-E.ve, a Week after the Parliament was rifen. 
 
 The Bifhops were much offended at the Tranflations of the New ^^^y 24- 
 Teftament by "Tindall, Joyce, and others ; and proceeded feverely the^ Scriptures 
 againft thofe who read them : Yet it was not eafy to put a Stop to condemned. 
 the Curiofity and Zeal of the People. The King came to the Star- 
 Chamber, and conferred with the Bifhops and other learned Men on 
 this Subjed : The Bifhops faid thefe Tranflations were not true, and 
 complained of the Prologues fet before them. So the King com- 
 manded by a Proclamation, ifTued and printed in Jime 1530, that 
 thefe Tranflations fhould be called in, and promifed that a New 
 One fliould be made. On this Occafion it is not unfit to men- 
 tion what Dodlor Fulk writes, that he heard Miles Coverdale fay 
 in a Sermon he preached at St. Patd's, Crofs. After he had finifhed 
 his Tranflation, fome cenfured it : Upon which King Henry ordered 
 divers Bifhops to perufe it : After they had it long in their Hands, 
 he afked their Judgment of it ; they faid there were many Faults in 
 it : But he afked upon that, if there were any Herefles in it j they 
 faid they found none ; Then faid the King, In God's Name, let it go 
 
 abroad
 
 52 l%e Hiftory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 I r?o. abroad among my People. The Time is not marked when this 
 was faid, therefore I infert it here : For in the beginning of the fol- 
 lowing Year, the King ordered a Bible of the largeil Volume to be 
 had in every Church, but it does not appear to me by whom it was 
 tranflated. 
 
 On the \(^\\\oi September 1530, another Proclamation was made,, 
 againft all who fliould purchafe any Thing from the Court of Rome^ 
 contrary to the King's Prerogative, or to hinder his intended Purpofes. 
 The Convocation was again brought together, about the 7th of "Ja- 
 nuary J their greateft Bufinefs was to purchafe their Pardon ; for as 
 the Cardinal had fallen under a Premunire, by the Aft of the 1 6th 
 oi Richard the lid; fo they were generally involved, more or lefs, 
 in the fame Guilt : The Sum was foon agreed to, with the Confent 
 of the Lower-Houfe, One Hundred Thoufand Pound was to be 
 their Ranfom. 
 The Steps in On the 7th o{ February, fome of the King's Councellors and Judges 
 carrying the ^ame and Conferred with them about fome Words that were propofed 
 declaredHefd to be put in the Preamble of the Bill of Sublidy, which were thefe, 
 of theChurch. 'fhe King who is the ProteBor, and the only Supreme Head of the 
 Church and Clergy 0/' England. Upon this the Prolocutor and Cler- 
 gy were called up to confer about it : The Lord Chief Juftice with 
 others, came into the Convocation, and conferred with the Arch- 
 bifhop and his Brethren : The next Day the Prolocutor defired a fur- 
 ther "Time, and the Archbifliop affigned them One a Clock : Then 
 theArchbifhop.had fome Difcourfe with them concerning theKing-'s 
 Pardon : Some of the Judges came and communicated to them a 
 Copy of the Exceptions in the Adl of Grace : This was in the 23d 
 Seffion : In the 24th SefTion, there was yet further Talk about the 
 King's Supremacy. 
 
 The Judges came and afked them whether they were agreed upon 
 the Exceptions ; and added, that the King would admit of no Qua- 
 lifications : When thefe were gone, the Prolocutor came up and 
 afked yet more Time ; the Archbifliop appointed Two a Clock the 
 fame Day: A long Debate followed. The next Day the Archbifliop 
 had a fecret Conference with the Bifliops, and Crw/zw^// came and 
 had fome Difcourfe with him ; when he went away, the Bifhops 
 refolved to fend the Bifhops of Lincohi and Exeter to the King j it 
 feems, to foften him : But they came back, , and reported that the 
 King would not fpeak with them. The Judges told them, they had 
 no Orders to fettle the King's Pardon, till they did agree to the Supre- 
 macy. They were prorogued till the Afternoon, and then there 
 was fo great a Variety of Opinions, that no Agreement was like to 
 follow. The Lord Rochford, Anne Bulletiz Father, was fent by the 
 King with fome Expedients : The Archbifliop directed them to con- 
 fider of thefe, and that when they were come to a Refolution upon 
 them, that they fliould fend Three or Four of each Houfe to treat 
 with the King's Council and the Judges : But the King would 
 admit of no Treaty, and afked a clear Anfwer. It was put ofFa Day 
 longer, and on the nth oi February, the Article was thus conceived 
 R^,„(r. iri Latin, Fcckfice & Cleri Anglicani fmgularem Frotedlorem & wti- 
 
 cum & Supremim Dominwn, & quantmn per Chrijli lege?n licet, etiam 
 I Supremum
 
 Book II. of the Church of ^.^^^^2^^^, 53 
 
 Supremum Caput, ipfius Majejlatan Recognofcimiis. In Engli/h thus, 1530. 
 
 M^e Recognize the King's Maje/iy to be our only Sovereign Lord, the ^-""v"" "^ 1 
 jingular ProteSior of the Church and Clergy of England, and as far 
 its is to be allomued by the Law of Chrijl, likeivife our SUPREME 
 HEAD. 
 
 The Form being thus agreed on, the Archbifliop offered it to the The Limita- \ 
 Whole Body : All were filent ; upon which he faid, whofover is fi- j°" ""^"^^^ ^^ 
 lent feems to confent : To this one anfwered, then we are all filent. 
 
 The Meeting was put off till the Afternoon ; and then after a long j 
 
 Conference, all of the Upper-Houfe agreed to it, none excepted : j 
 
 Fijher is exprefsly named as prefent ; And in the Evening the Prolo- \ 
 
 cutor came and fignified to the Archbifhop, that the Lower-Houfe i 
 had alfo confented to it : And thus the Bill of Subfidy was prepared 
 and offered to the King on the Firfl o^ April. Thus this Matter was 
 carried, by adding this Limitation, which all Parties underflood, 
 
 according to their different Notions. '; 
 
 Though thefe Words of Limitation had not been added, the Na- ' 
 
 ture of Things required that they fliould have been fuppofed ; lince '■ 
 
 among Chriftians, all Authority muft be underflood to be limited by . 
 
 the Laws that Chrift has given : But thofe who adhered to their for- ■ 
 
 mer Notions, understood this Headfip to be only a Temporal Autho- { 
 
 rity, in Temporal Matters : And they thought that by the Laws of i 
 
 Chrift, the Secular Authority ought not to meddle in Ecclefiaftical j 
 
 Matters -, whereas others of the New Learning, as it was then called, ' 
 
 thought that the Magiflrate had a full Authority, even in Ecclefia- ; 
 
 ftical Matters : But that the Adminiftration of this, was fo limited i 
 
 to the Law of the Gofpel, that it did not warrant him to command j 
 
 any Thing, but what was conform to thefe. So that thefe Words i 
 
 were Equivocal, and differently underftood by thofe who fubfcrib- I 
 
 ed, and afterwards fwore them. : 
 
 It feems the King thought it was of great Advantage to him, to And accepted i 
 
 have this Matter fettled with any Limitation : For that in Time by the King. 1 
 
 would be dropt and forgotten, as indeed it was : This, no doubt, 1 
 
 was intended to terrify the Court of Rojne ; fince it was publifhed j 
 
 ever all Europe, that it went Unanimoufly in the Convocation of this ] 
 
 Province. \ 
 
 'Ton/iall was now tranflated to Durefme ; and being a Man of great \ 
 Probity, he could not at firft approve of a Thing in which he faw .' 
 a fraudulent Management, and an ill Defign ; fo he protefted againft 1 
 it : He acknowledged the King's Headfhip in Temporal Matters, but 
 did not allow it in Spiritual : But the King who had a particular \ 
 Friendfliip for him, wrote him a Letter, which from the printed 
 Title to it, I too haftily thought was directed to the Convocation at ; 
 York ; but it was writ only to Tonfall ; and it feems it fo far fatif- i 
 fied him, that he took the Oath afterwards, without any Limita- 
 tion. I 
 
 I fhall now go through the reft of the Abftract of that Convocation, l^he Proceed- 1 
 
 by which it will appear what was the Spirit that prevailed among cierg^y againft \ 
 
 them. In the 49th Seffion, after all had agreed to the Preamble of Hercticks. 1 
 the Bill of Subfidy, the Bifliop of London laid before them a Libel 
 
 againfl: the Clergy : In the next Seffion, Crome, Lati?ncr and Bihiey, \ 
 
 ■ Vol. III. P were I
 
 54 ^''^^^ Hiftory of the Reformation Part III, 
 
 i53<^- 
 
 Complaints o 
 'Tracy's Telia 
 rnent. 
 
 P. 399. 
 
 The King's 
 Proceedings 
 at Rome. 
 
 P. 399. 
 
 were ex^amined upon fome Articles: It does not appear whether the 
 Libel was laid to their Charge, or not j only their Examination fol- 
 lowing the other Motion fo luon, gives ground to apprehend that it 
 might be the Matter under Examination. In the 55th Seffion, the 
 King's Pardon was read to them ; and it feems Exceptions being 
 taken to fome Things in it, in the 58th SefTion, the Emendations that 
 the King's Council had made, were read to them, in which it feem» 
 they acquiefced, for we hear no more of it. 
 f After that, there was a long Conference, with Relation to Crome'S' 
 Errors : But the Matter was referred to the Prolocutor and the Clergy. 
 The Prolocutor had in the 45th Seffion, complained of Tracv's Tella- 
 riient, but no Anfwer being made, he renewed his Comphint in the 
 62d Seffion, and defired that it might be condemned, and that Crome 
 flaoul4 be' proceeded agairjll ; as alfo that BUney and Latifuer might 
 be cited : But for fome Reafons not exprefled, the Archbiiliop thought 
 fit to delay it. In the 64th Seffion, the Prolocutor repeated his 
 Motion for condemning 'Tracy i, Teftament ; fo in the 66th Seffion,' 
 en the 23d of March, the Archbiffiop gave Judgment againft it. 
 Tracy ■:> Son was Examined about it ; Ele faid it was all written in his 
 father's own Hand ; and that he had never given a Copy of it to any 
 Perfoit, except to one only. In the 69th Seffion, the Archbilhop 
 examined Lambert, (alias Nicolfon, who was afterwards burnt) be- 
 fore Two Notaries ; and in the 70th Seffion, the Sentence condemn- 
 ifig Tracy s. Teftament was publickly read } and, after Two other 
 Selfions, the Convocation was prorogued to 06tober. 
 i.', It appears from all this, that the Convocation was made up of 
 Men violently fet againft our Reformation. But I turn now to ano- 
 ther Scene. The King feeing no Hope left of fucceeding in his Suit 
 at the Court of Rome, refolved to try the Faculties of Divinity in 
 the feveral Univerfities : His chief Reliance was upon France, an<| 
 on thofe Three Brothers formerly mentioned : He began to fufped: 
 there was fome fecret Negotiation between the Court ot Rome, and 
 thfe King of Frmice ; yet though he opened this to the Biftiop of 
 Bayomie, he did on all other Occafions exprefs an entire Confidence 
 ih that King : And the New Miniftry feemed Zealous in the Intercfty 
 of France, and ftudied to remove all the Jealoufies. that they appre- 
 hended Wolfey might have given of them. 
 
 At this Time the Bifliop of Tarbe, then Cardinal Grcndimont , was 
 with the Pope, and had a particular Charge fent to him to.affift the 
 Englijh Anibaffadors : He wrote to the French King on the 27th of 
 March, " that he had ferved Bidle/i, then Lord Rochfort, all he 
 " could ; that he had preffed the Pope to fliew the Regard he had 
 ". to the King of France, as well as to the King of England: He 
 .writ-es that the Pope had Three feveral Times faid to him in fecret, 
 that he wifh'd that the Marriage had been already made m England, 
 either by the Legate's Difpenfation, or otherwiie, provided it was 
 
 C( 
 
 hot done by him, nor in diminution of his Authority, under the 
 Prctience of the Laws of God. He alfo wrote that the Emperor 
 -jiad preffed the Pope to create fome New Cardinals upon his Re- 
 commendation : But that the Pope complained, that when he was 
 a Prifoner, he had made fome Cardinals who were a Difgrace to 
 
 " the
 
 Book U. t)f the Church of England. t^\^ 
 
 *' tl>e College : The Emperor fald, he was forry for it ; but it was 1530- ! 
 
 " not by his Order. The Pope faid, he knew the contrary ; for he * — -y~~-J I 
 '' faw the Inllruftions fent to the Cardinal CorJelier, figned by the 
 
 " Emperor, in which they were named ; So the Pope refufed to I 
 
 " give the Two Caps that he defired. ! 
 
 There was then an //tfAV/zz, yoiicbi m Sieur de Fecmx, at the Court P- 4"- i 
 of Engl(j?id, v/ho was an Agent of France : He, in a Letter to the made'to^D^ 
 
 King of Fra?ict\ March the 15th, writes, That the King thought, vines and ' : 
 
 that by his Means he might have the Opinion of the Faculty at ^^p ^^^^g j 
 Paris, in his Caufe. On the 4th of yipril he writes, that the King 
 
 expefted no good fi-oni the Pope, and fcemed refolved to fettle his , { 
 
 Matter at Home, with the Advice of his Council and Parliament. ; 
 He looked on the Pope as Simoniacal, and as an Ignorant Man, and 
 not fit to be the Univerfal Paftor ; and refolved not to fuffer the 
 
 Court of Ro}?ic to have any Advantage from the Benefices in his j 
 
 Kingdom, but to Govern it by a Provincial Authority, and by a Pa- ; 
 
 triarch ; and he hoped other Kingdoms would do the fame. i 
 
 After fome Interval, the Biihop of E^row^f's Letters are again An Opinion | 
 
 continued. In one of the 29th oi December, ht writes, " That ?| p^^'^f/p""^ I 
 
 " the King was marveloufly well pleafed with the Account his Am- 4zi. ! 
 
 " bafladors wrote to him, of what the Divines of Paris hzA donej ] 
 
 " tho' he underilands there is one Beda, a dangerous Perfon among : 
 *' them. That Declaration which their Divines had made, Avas 
 
 " fuch, that all other Things were forgiven, in Confideration ; 
 
 [' of it. ; 
 
 The next Letter is from his Brother William ; who v/rites, " That ; 
 
 ** the good Anfwer that came from the Dodiors and Univerfities of - 
 
 " Italy, made the King wonder that thofe of Paris were fo back- ; 
 " ward. It was fufped:ed in Rngland, that the King oi France, or 
 
 " his Counfellors, had not recommended the Matter efi*e6lually to -| 
 *' them. He had a Letter from one Gervais, a Dodlor there, who 
 
 " had much advanced the King's Affairs, for which Montmorancy \ 
 
 " had made him great Acknowledgments. He fhew'd this Letter 1 
 
 " to King Henry ; who, upon that, carried him to his Clofet where I 
 
 " his Books lay, and there he entertain'd him Four Hours : He told I 
 
 " him, he was in fuch Perplexity, that it was not poflible for him ; 
 " to live longer in it. 
 
 T\\\?, de Bellay was to go to Paris, to talk with the Dodlors 3 Biniop of^^Ty- 1 
 therefore he prayed Montmorancy, that he might find a Letter from ^'J^y/"' '" 
 the King, empowering him fo to do ; that fo he might not feem to 
 
 adl without his Orders : And he promifed to manage the Matter with \ 
 
 Difcretion. .; 
 
 In a Letter that the Bifliop o^ Bayonne wrote from Luftgnon, o^ P-4-7' ; 
 the 13th of April, where he was then with the French King, he 
 
 writes, That the Matter of the Divorce was entirely difpatch'd at i 
 Paris, as it had been before thai done at Orleans, by his Brother's 
 Means. But he adds, Some reorefented to the Kino;, vhat he had 
 
 fliewed too much Diligence in Procuring it, as if he was Serving \ 
 
 Two Mailers. "Joachim had before that, on the 1 5th of February, P. 442. j 
 
 written to the King, that King Henry thanked him for his Com- J 
 
 inands to the Dodors in Paris in his Matter, which he laid to Heart 1 
 
 X more '
 
 56 T^he Htftory of the Reformation Part III, 
 
 1530. more than all other Things ; and defu-'d they would give their Opi- 
 *— *^v^~— ' nions in Writing, that they might be laid before the Pope. 
 Cardinal cvyV- It does not appear, that the Pope took any other Pains to be well 
 l^a'iniuC""" i'^for^i'-'tl in the Matter, but by confulting Cardinal Cajetan, who 
 king. was then juflly efteemed the Learnedefl A4an of the College. He, 
 
 ^^ when he wrote Commentaries upon Tl.mnas^ Summ, tho' that Father 
 
 Quxil. 159! of the Schoolmen thought, that the Laws in Z,i"i;/V/(r;«, concerning 
 Art. 9. the Degrees of Marriage that are prohibited, were Moral, and of E- 
 
 ternal Obligation ; Cajctaii, In his C'ommentary, declares himfelf to 
 be of another Mind, but takes a very odd Method to prove it : For 
 inrtcad of any Argument to evince it, he goes only on this Ground j 
 That they cannot be Moral, fince the Popes difpenfed with them j 
 whereas they cannot difpenfe with a Moral Law. And for that he 
 gives an Liftance of the Marriage of the VJmg o? Portugal ; to which 
 he add?, The prefent Queen of E/ighwJ had likewife confummated 
 her Marriage, with the late Brother of the King of Fj/g/afu/ her Huf- 
 band. By which, as it appears that they took it then for granted 
 at Ro/m; that her firil Marriage with Prince Arihii?- was confumma- 
 ted, fo he departed only from Aquinas % Opinion, becaufe the Pope's 
 Praiftice of Difpenfing in fuch Cafes, could not be juflified, unlefs 
 he had forfaken his Mafler in that Particular. And here he offers 
 neither Rcafon nor Authority, to maintain his Opinion, but only 
 the PratSlice of the Court of Rome. Which is, in plain Words to 
 fay, that what Opinion foever is contrary to the Pracflice of the 
 J*opes, mufl for that Reafon be laid afide : For he offers no other 
 Argument, but Three modern Inftances, of which this of the Queen 
 of Ef/g/afi J h one, of Popes Difpenfing with thofe Laws. But now 
 being required by the Pope to conlider the prefent Cafe more parti- 
 cularly, he, on the 13th of ]\Iarch this Year, gave his Opinion in 
 ly['u,n"''^^°' Writing to him. Rayiialdus has inferted it in his Annals. In it, 
 after he had compared the Laws in Leviticus and Deuteronomy toge- 
 ther, he concludes, " That the Marrying a Brother's Wife was fim- 
 " ply unlawful ; but that in fome Circumllances it might have been 
 " good, if a much greater Good Ihould follow on fuch a Marriage, 
 " than that provided for in Deuterotwmy, of continuing the Name of 
 " a Brother dead without Children. Now he argues, that the Rea- 
 " (oy\ of a Provifion made in a private Cafe, would be much 
 " ftronger in a Cafe of a publick Nature : So that a Marriage be- 
 " ing made to keep Peace between Two Nations, mull be held 
 " Lawful, fince a Difpenfation was obtained for it. This ^vas not 
 " only good in it felf, but it was warranted In' the Apoftolical Autho- 
 " rity. He confeffes, that the Pope cannot in the leaft alter or de- 
 " rogate from the Laws of God, or of Nature, But in doubtful 
 " Cafes, he may determine with Relation to the Laws of God, and 
 " of Nature. He infifls chiefly upon Eugbufs being deliver'd 
 " from a War by the Marriage. He acknowledges that both Coun- 
 " cils. Popes, and Holy Doftors, have condemned fuch Marriages, 
 " as contrary to the Laws of God and of Nature i but they do not 
 " condemn them, when other Circumftances accompany them, 
 " when it is for the Good of both Parties, and for a common 
 " Good ; and therefore he iuftifies Pope Julius's Difpenfation. 
 
 ■ ' «' Who,
 
 Book ir. of the Church of England. ^7 
 
 Who, as the {■xvc^z Raynaldus tells us, did it with the View of the 1530. 
 Advantages that Spain and England would have ; but chiefly, be- *-— -v-— > 
 caufe it was hoped, that by this Conjunftion of Force, they would ^ ^^^ '^°-^ 
 be able to deprefs the French, 
 
 This Opinion of fo Great a Man, was fent over to King Henry 
 iigned by himfelf, bearing Date the 27th of Januarv 1534 ; but CottonUhr. 
 this Date is perhaps only the Date of his Signing that Copy. It ^"^^^- ^- '''■• 
 had not the Eife(fl they expedled from it; efpecially becaufe it was 
 defective in that way of Writing, that was then the nioft cried up 
 againft Hereticks. For he brought no Authority from any Ancient- 
 er Writer, to confirm his Opinion : So that he argued, from his pri- 
 vate way of Commenting on Scripture, againft the Streams of Tra- 
 dition ; which was called the Hereticks Way of Writing. 
 
 The Pope made a new Step on the 7th of March ; for he fent a The Popes 
 Breve to the King, fetting forth a Complaint made by Queen Kathe- '^. ^^^'^^y 
 rine, " that King Henry intended to proceed to a Second Marriage ; voae. 
 " he therefore prohibited that, under the Pain of the fevereft Cen- 
 " fures, threatning to put the whole Kingdom under an Interdidl ; 
 *' and charged the King, in the folemneft manner, to live with the 
 " Queen as formerly. This was granted at Bolog7ie, upon the Em-' 
 peror's preffing Inftances. This had been attempted before, but was 
 afterwards difowned by the Pope. For when the Avocation was 
 fent over to E?tgland, there was fent w^ith it an Inhibition, to pro- Rjmcr, 
 eeed further in the Matter ; threatning Cenfures and Punifliments, Vol. XIV. 
 in Cafe of Difobedience. But Complaint being made of this, the' 
 Pope did by a Bull, dated the 5th of OBober 1529, declare, that 
 the Cenfures threatned in the Inhibition, were added againft his 
 Mind, fo he annuls them, and fufpends the Caufe to the 25th oi De- 
 cember. 
 
 In a Letter that the Cardinal Grandmont wrote to Montmorancy, p_ ,^. 
 he tells him, that the Emperor faid he would have the Matter of the 
 Marriage carry'd thro' : If it was judged unlawful, he would not' 
 fupport his Aunt ; but if otherwife, he would fupport Her. And' 
 when Boleyn once offer'd to anfvver him, he ftopc him, and faid. He' 
 was a Party, and ought not to fpcak in the Matter. The Cardinal 
 told Bokyn, he had Orders from the King of France to follicit that 
 Matter as if it was his own ; but Bokyn thought it was beft to look 
 on for fome time, to fee how Matters went ; for if the Pope and the 
 Emperor fliould fall into new Quarrels, then they might hope to be 
 better heard. 
 
 On the 1 2th of ynne, Bellay wrote to the King a long Account of P- 45^- 
 liis Proceedings with the Doctors of the Sorbonne ; by which, it i„„5 ^f ^^^^ 
 feems, what is formerly mentioned of their giving Opinion in the s-,rbor.,ie. 
 King's Favour, was only as Private Doctors, and not in a Body, as 
 a Faculty. " The young Princes of France were yet detained in 
 '* Spain ; fo it was neceflary to proceed with fuch Caution, as not 
 " to irritate the Emperor. He had dtlay'd nioving in it for fome Days; 
 " but the £»^///6 Ambailadors were impatient. He complains, that' 
 " there were few Honcft Men in the Faculty, but apprehending the 
 " Inconvenience of Delaying the Matter any longer, he preltnted 
 " the King's Letters to them. The AiTi niblv wasgrcat ; the Bilhop 
 
 Vol.. in. ca^ ' of
 
 58 The Hijlory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1530. " of Senlis, feveral Abbots' lt)d Dedhs, the Guardians of the Four 
 '-"'^v'"^^ " Mendicant Orders, and many others, were prefent; fo that of a 
 " great while there had not been fo Numerous an AiTembly. The 
 " Propofition was made on King //ifwj's "Part, with great Advan- 
 " tage : An exprefs Law in the Scripture was quoted j the Four 
 " Great Doftors of the Church, Eight Councils, and as many Fa- 
 " culties or Univerfities were of his Side : So, in Refpedl to them, 
 " the King defired they would determine the Matter in the Dodlri- 
 " nal way. The Emperor, on the other Hand, who was likewife 
 " the King's Ally, oppofed the Divorce ; the Queen of Englmni be- 
 " ing his Aunt : For he thought himfelf bound to interpofe on her 
 " Account. So the King being prcll'ed by Two Allies, who both 
 " were refolved to be govern'd by the Laws of God, and of Right 
 " Reafon, laid the whole Matter before them, who were now aflem- 
 " bled in an extraordinary manner, and enjoined them to recom- 
 *' mend themfelves to God, and, after a Mafs of the Holy Ghoft, 
 " to confider that which was to be laid out to them, without Fear 
 " or Favour ; and after full Confideration, to determine it, as God 
 " fhould infpire their Confciences. This was the Subftance of B^l- 
 " lily's Speech. BeJa fpoke next : He faid, They all knew how 
 " much the King ftudied to pleafe the King of England. Many 
 " Strangers that were of the Faculty feemed to applaud this. Bel- 
 " lay replied. There was certainly a great Friendlhip between the 
 " Two Kings : The Emperor was likewife the King's Ally. But 
 " they ought to have God only before their Eyes, and to fearch for; 
 " the Truth. And having faid that, he withdrew. 
 Great Heat in " Thofe who fpoke firft, thought the King's Defire was reafona- 
 their Debates, cc ^jg^ ^nd that therefore they ought to Examine the Matter : This 
 " could not be refufed, ifafked on the behalf of the meaneft Per- 
 " fon. Others faid, the Faculty was fubjed: to the Pope, from whom 
 " they had their Privileges : And fmce this Queftion related to his 
 " Power, they ought not to fpeak to it, till they fent to know his 
 " Mind ; or at leaft, till they fent to know how the King appro- 
 " ved of it, and if he would afk the Pope's Leave, to fuffer them 
 " to debate about it. Another Party moved, that while their 
 " Letters were difpatched to that Purpofe, they fliould proceed 
 " to Examine the Queftion, but fufpend the coming to a final Re- 
 " folution, till an Anfv/er was brought them. They faid, they 
 " thought, that they had their Privileges from the King, as well as 
 " from the Pope ; and that it was a Refleftion on the Pope to ima- 
 " gine he would be offended, if they fliould examine a Cafe, in 
 " which the Confcience of a Chriftian v/as difquieted ; and that even 
 " an Order from the Pope to the contrary, ought not to reftrain 
 " them from Examining the Matter. Upon thefe different Opini- 
 " ons, the Beadle began to gather their Votes , whether they ought 
 " to proceed to Examine the Queftion, or not. But One of the 
 " Dodlors rofe from his Place, and plucked the Scroll out of the 
 " Beadle's Hands, and tore it in pieces : And fo they all rofe up in 
 " a Tumult, crying out, that nothing ought to be done, without 
 " writing firft to the King and to the Pope. Thus the Meeting 
 " broke up in Confufion. The EngliJ)) Ambaffadors were near enough 
 
 to
 
 Book II. of the Church of Eu<^2ind. 59 j 
 
 " to fee and hear all this. They faid, they knew this was laid by jBt'irt 1530. | 
 
 '' and his Party : Bellay did not then think fo, and prevailed with *-.--v-*->» ; 
 
 " them not to write to England till he tried what might be done. ] 
 
 " He went to Lizet, the Firft Prefident of the Court of Parliament, ] 
 
 " to whom the King in efpecial Manner, had recommended the Ma- \ 
 
 " naging that Aifair. Lizet fent for Beda, and other his Com- ; 
 " plices, and prevailed with them to meet again the next Day, and 
 " to proceed according to the Third Opinion ; which was, to difcufs 
 
 " the Quefl;ion provifionally, and to Seal up their Conclufion, and , 
 
 " fend it to the King : So next Morning they met, and appointed to ■ 
 
 " begin the Monday following, to examine the Queftion. : 
 
 " This did not fatisfy the Englijh AmbafTadors ; they thought this '^^""J^^^^^^J^ '\ 
 " was only an Artifice to gain Time ; and indeed they had juft °j- ^p^^„°'^^ 
 " ground of Sufpicion from what feveral of the Doftors did openly 
 " talk. Bellay therefore defired the King would write to the Dean, 
 " that he would cut off impertinent Digreffions, and bring the Mat- 
 
 " ter to as fpeedy a Conclufion as was poffible ; for fome faid they , 
 " would make it laft a Year. Beda did give it out that he knew 
 
 " that what he did was for the King's Service : Of this he made no ! 
 
 " Secret. Bellay complaining of this to Lizet, he fent for Be(la, and ! 
 
 •' fpake fo earneftly to him, that he fwore very pofitively he would i 
 
 " be fo far from hindring the Doftors from Obeying the King's Com- \ 
 
 " mands, that he would employ himfelf, as if it were for the faving ' 
 
 " of his Life, to get the Matter to pafs without Noife or Scandal i 1 
 
 " But Bellay faw that the Prefident trufted him, fo he did acquiefce, - j 
 
 " though he knew that by the Noife he had already made, he had \ 
 
 " broke a Promife which he had made to Montmore?icy. TheBifhopof ■ 
 
 «' Senlis was very fenfible of the Diforder of that Body : It appearing '■ 
 
 *' that the Englijh AmbafTadors did fufpeft the Court of France was I 
 
 " dealing doubly in the Matter ; the Bifliop of Senlis was refolved , 
 
 " to go the King, and to let him fee how Matters were managed i 
 
 « in that Faculty, and to fhew him the Neceffity of reforming ! 
 
 " them. - 
 
 At this Time the Duke of Norfolk wrote to Montmoreticy, that Y.i,-]\. 
 they wondred to find the Faculty was fo much altered, that before Upon_the^^^ 
 this Time 56 Dodors were in their Opinion on the King's fide, and of^^^g^pt. \ 
 there were only Seven againfi: him : But that in the late Congrega- nions. j 
 tion, 36 were againft it, and 22 only were for it. The King of Eng- ■ 
 /^Whad reafon upon this, to fufpecfl fome underhand DeaUng ; there- 
 fore he hoped they would fo manage the Matter, as to clear all \ 
 Sufpicions. : 
 The next Letters of de Bellay did certainly give the Progrefs of the p. 473. . 
 Deliberations of the Sorbonne ; but we find nothing of that in Le - 
 Grand's Colleftion. It is fome what Arrange, and may be liable toi , 
 Sufpicion, that after fo clofe a Series of Letters concerning that AflFair, . i 
 no Letter is produced from the 1 2th of Jime to the 1 5th of ^uguji : \ 
 Thus we have no Account given us of the Deliberations of the Sor- ' 
 Sonne, and yet it is not to be doubted, but that a very particular Re- 
 lation was written to the Court of every Step that was made in it. j 
 The producing no Letters for thefe Two Months, muft leave a very| > 
 heavy Sufpicion of unfair Dealing fomewhere ; for the Firft Lettef 
 T of
 
 6o 'The Hijlory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 I oo. of de Bellays, that is publiflied by him, after that of the 12th of 
 «..-— V— ' June, is of the 1 5th of Aiigiift. 
 n^L r^ T Rxmer has published the Original Decifion of the Eorbonne, on the 
 
 1 he Decihon -^ ^ ,^ , '' i i i i m r -ii r i i i 
 
 oftheiV- 2d of July 1530, but he tLaas avulfo Jigillo ; yet atter that, he pub- 
 bonne. hflies an Atteftation of the Notaries of the Court of Pn7-is [Curia Pa- 
 
 rijienfis) of the Authenticalnefs of this Original Decifion. The At- 
 Rymer. teftation of the Notaries, dated the i6thof y«/y, mentions both Seal 
 
 Vol. 14. ^^^ Subfcription, free from all blemidi, and liable to no Sufpicion. 
 It is probable this Precaution was thought neceffary, in cafe the Mef- 
 fenger that was to carry it to England, had fallen into the Hands of 
 any of the Emperor's Parties in their way to Calais, who, no doubt 
 would have deftroyed this Inftrument : But this Notorial Attefta- 
 tion would have been a full Proof of it ; for the Difficulties in ob- 
 taining it, might make thofe who had conducfled the Matter, think 
 it would be no eafy Thing to procure a New Inflrument from the 
 Sorbo?me it felf. How it came that the Seal was pulled from the 
 Inflrument it felf, mufl be left to Conjedlure, perhaps it was pulled 
 from it in Queen Mary?, Time, 
 irzf/ the Pre- " Bellay in this Letter of the 15th of Auguji, writes, that he 
 fident.feemed « j^^^ moved Lizet to fend for Beda, and to let him know the 
 gainft it. " King's Intentions : Beda talked as a Fool, he would not fay as an 
 " ill Man: But the Prefident was pofTefTed with agood Opinion of him: 
 " The King of France had, at the Earl of WilffJjire's Defire, order- 
 " ed an Examination to be made of his Behaviour : He had alfo or- 
 ',' dered the Prefident to demand of the Beadle an Authentick Copy 
 " of an Adt that J5f^^ had once figned; but then wiflied he had not 
 *' figned it : But Lizet would not command the Beadle to do this, 
 " till he had the Confent of the Faculty to give it, though he had 
 *' an Order from the King to require it. So Bellay having got the 
 " King's Letter, went to the Prefident and delivered it to him : He 
 *' promifed he would execute it, and get the Authentick Copy into 
 " his Hands : Towards the Evening he went to the Prefident to fee 
 *• what he had done : He faid the Beadle told him, he could not 
 " give it without the Confent of the Faculty : Upon which, Bellay 
 " faid, that might be a Rule, in cafe a private Perfon afked it -, but 
 " when the Prince demanded it, he thought it was no iufi: Excufe. 
 *< The Ad: which was demanded, was approved by the Faculty, by 
 *' the Dean, and the Students, and by all concerned in it : The Bea- 
 *' die pretended that it might be faid, that he had falfified the Aft : 
 *' Bellay anfwered, that was the Reafon, why they defired the Aft : 
 " He was prefent when it pafled, and had minuted it : But fmce 
 " Beda and his Complices repented that they had figned it, and thai 
 " the Minute they had figned was in fome Places daflied and inter- 
 *' lined, they might make new Dafhings and Interliniations, there- 
 " fore he prayed the Prefident to command the Beadle to bring him 
 *' the Minute, that he faid was conform to the Original : For 
 ■*' an Hour together, the Prefident would do no more but defire the 
 " Beadle to do it ; at lafl he commanded him, but fo mildly, that 
 " the Beadle did not think fit to obey him ; upon which Bellay 
 . " faid to him, if he fuffered himfelf to be fo treated, he was unwor- 
 thy of the Charafter that he bore : This quickened Lizet fo, that 
 
 4 he 
 
 i<
 
 Book II. of the Church of England. 6i j 
 
 " commanded the Beadle, all Excufes fet afide, to obey him. The 1530. I 
 
 " Ad: was brought and read, and he promifed to bring him a Copy ' v— -^ 
 
 " of it by the next Morning: The Prefident thought that S^'/At)' had 
 
 " fpoken too boldly to him, and he would not let him have it, but ] 
 
 " lent it diredly to the King : Lizet had that Efteem for Bcda^ that j 
 
 " he thought him a Saint, and he would not believe him capable of 
 
 " theJFaults that he faw him guilty of, which were fuch, that Bellay j 
 
 " wrote, that if he had been to be charged with them, and had a ' 
 
 " dozen of Heads, he had deferved to lofe them all. He writes that 
 
 " Beda was not the only bad Man of the Faculty, he had many 
 
 " Companions, who feemed to defire an Occafion toprovokethe King 
 
 " to do that to them, which would make them pafs for Martyrs ! 
 
 " among the People. He had often heard of their wicked Defigns, j 
 
 " under the Hypocritical Difguife of Sincerity, but could not have .! 
 
 " beUeved the Tenth Part, if he had not feen it. j 
 
 Next to this we have in Le Gi-a7id\ Colieftion, the Letter that p. ^go. 
 hizct wrote to Mo7itmcre7icy of the fame Date, " mentioning, that ^'^ f;^"^[ °^ j 
 
 " according to the King's Letters to him, he had procured the Copy Matter, ' 
 
 " of the Aft, which the King of £;zg-/«/2^ defired : for though the I 
 
 *' Bifhop oi Bavcnne afked it of him, that he might carry it to that «; 
 
 " King, yet that not being ordered in the King's Letters to him, 
 " he therefore thought it his Duty to fend it direftly to the King 
 " himfelf : And as touching the Examination that the King, had 
 " ordered to be made of the Conduft of that Matter ; he defired it 
 *' may be delayed, till he was heard give an Account of it : For 
 " that Information would perhaps be a Prejudice, rather than a Scr- \ 
 
 *' vice to the King of Rngland : In it he defires to know the King's \ 
 
 ** Pleafure, that he might follow it as carefully, as was poffible. I 
 
 The Bifl:iop of Bayonne gives a further Account of this Matter : A Defign to ) 
 
 and writes, " That after the Aflembly of the Sorbonne was dif- ^J'^Decjee!" ! 
 
 *' miffed by the Dean, and that the Bifhop of Senlis, with 
 " many Abbots, and Nine or Ten, either Generals, Provincials, 
 *' Guardians, or Priors of the chief Convents of the Kingdom, and 
 " others of great Rank and Credit were gone, Beda and his Com- | 
 
 " plices did by their own private Authority meet, and ftudy to over- j 
 
 " turn that which had been fettled in fo great an Affembly. He j 
 
 *' writes that this Difeafe was of a long continuance, andwasftill 
 " increafing. This Company pretending they were a Capitular j 
 
 " Congregation, fent an Order to the Bifhop of Senlis, who was I 
 
 " gone into his Diocefe, and had carried the Original Aft of the 
 " Determination with him, requiring him under the Pain of Dif- ! 
 
 " obedience, to fend it to them : He wrote in Anfwer to them, that 
 " he had Orders to deliver it to none but to the King ; he was re- ; 
 
 " folvedtoObey the King's Orders, and advifed them todo the fame: I 
 
 " Upon which, they moved to deprive him as a Rebel to the Faculty: i 
 
 " He was not fright'ned with this, but wrote to them, that he was 
 " bound to obey the Faculty as his Mother, but to obey the King ; 
 
 " as his Father : Yet they refolved to proceed further after the Feafls. i 
 
 " In this Letter he tells what Pains his Brother had taken to prevent . | 
 
 " the Scandal that fuch Proceedings would give, which were better \ 
 
 " hindred than punifhed : But he complains that thofe who had 
 
 Vol. III. R " Authority ^
 
 6z ithe Hiflory of the Refonnatio?i Part III. 
 
 1530. " Authority to refijrain fuch Infolencies, did fecretly encourage 
 ^--''V"""^ " them. By which it is clear, he means Z/Z2:r/. The Date of this Let- 
 ter is printed the 14th oi Aiigufi: But it is more probable it was the 
 14th oi July, fome Days after the Determination was made : For 
 this Matter has no Relation to the Buiinefs of the former Letter, that 
 was written by his Brother a Day after this, if it is the true Date. 
 
 It is plain from this, that there were Two Inftruments : The 
 One was the Ad: of the Determination, which at the Time of the 
 Writing this Letter, was in the Bilhop of Senlis Hands : The other 
 was a Minute figned by them all ; to which the former Letter re- 
 lates, and that might have had Rafures and Gloffes in it, which are 
 not to be imagined could be in the Authentick Adt : It feems the 
 EtigliJJj Ambafladors defired both. 
 r. soc. There is another Letter on the 1 5th of Aiigiiji, of the Bifliop of 
 
 Bayofine'^ to Montmorency ; in which, " he complains that the Fadldon 
 " was going to make a Determination contrary to the Former ; and 
 " had made an Order that none of the Faculty might iign againft the 
 " Marriage, but left it free for any to fign for it. But that the 
 " King had ordered that the Determination already made fhould re- 
 " main entire. The Bifhop had prelfed the Prefident to obey the 
 " King's Orders : He had promifed him to do it ; but BeJa pro- 
 " mifed the contrary to his Party. Be/lay feared the King of Eng- 
 " landwould fufpeil that theKing did not adt iincerely. Heconfefled 
 " that from the Appearances of Things, he fhould do fo himfelf, if 
 " he had not (een the Concern that the King was in, upon this Oc-' 
 " cafion. When he prefled Lizef to obey the King's Orders, he' 
 " fpoke Two or Three Hours to him in bad Latin (he calls it the , 
 " Latin oi Ativergne) but he could not underftand what he meant.' 
 " He fays the Beadle pretended there was One little Fault in the A<ft, 
 " upon which he might be accufed of Forgery. Upon this the Bi- 
 " fhop fufpefted Beda's Prad:ice more than he had done, and he 
 " had required the Prefident to Obey the King's Orders, otherwife 
 " he would Proteft, if he did not : And he fecretly told him, he 
 " did fay that, to juftify him at their Hands, whom he faw he was 
 " refolved not to offend. The Prefident then promifed him the Adt 
 " that Night; but then delayed it 'till next Morning atFive : When 
 " he fent for it, fometimes the Gate was not opened, and the Key' 
 " was loft ; fometimes the Prefident was afleep ; and then it was faid 
 " that he had taken Phyfick, and that the Bifhop mufl have Patience :' 
 " But he understood that he had gone out by a Back-Door, to the 
 " Abbey of St. Gcrmains ; thither he followed him, and aflced for 
 " the Adt : But he faid he had fent it to the King. He reckons 
 " many other Impertinencies,.:.tiaat gave a ' mean Gharadler of 
 " Lizet. . .;.', • . '. '^v .1^: 
 
 P. 307. But while this Matter was tranfadted thus at Paris, though the 
 
 ^'d^The'uni. Univcrfity of Angicrs had determined againft the Marriage, yet the 
 verfity for the Faculty of Divinity there did on the 7th of iVfov 1530, determine 
 Divorce, and tc j]^^j \^ ^^g Lawful for a Chriftian to marry his Brother's Widow, 
 galnft'it!""* " he dying without Children ; but having confummated the Mar- 
 " riage, that fuch Marriage was not contrary to the Law of God, 
 " and of Nature, and therefore the Pope might upon reafonable 
 
 " Giounds
 
 Book 11. of the Church of England. 63 
 
 " Grounds difpenfe in that Cafe. This was the Judgment of the 150s* 
 Faculty ; but that Univerfity did, in a Body, on that fame Day, de- ^— — \r--J 
 cree the quite contrary, without any mention of this Opinion of the P. 508. 
 Divines ; fo, it feems, that was kept fecret. 
 
 Thus I have fully opened all that Mr. he Gratid has thought fit 
 to publifli concerning the Divines of France. By the Relation gi- 
 ven of the Proceedings in the Sorbomie^ it appears, that in the Opi- 
 nion of the Bifliop oi Bayotme, and his Brother, that Body was then 
 much corrupted ; that a few Incendiaries influenced many there, fo 
 that it was far from deferving the High Chara<fler that it had in the 
 World. It is highly probable, they apprehended, that the carrying 
 on the Divorce, might open a Door to let in that which they called 
 Herefy into England ; which, confidering the Heat of that Time, 
 was enough to biafs them in all their Deliberations. 
 
 I turn next Homeward, to give a more particular Account of the ^'"''- ^"mh. 
 Proceedings both in Cambridge and Oxford. I begin with the for- -j-ie King's 
 mer, becaufe it was firft ended there : and I have a fure Ground to Letters to the 
 go on. A worthy Perfon found among the Manufcripts of Bennet- Uniyerfity of 
 College, a Manufcript of Dr. Buckma/ltr, then the Vicechancellor ; 
 in which there is a very particular Relation of that Affair. It was 
 procured to that Houfe in Queen Jilizabeth'% Reign, by Dr. "Jegon, 
 then Head of that Houfe, aud was by him given to that College : 
 For there is nothing remaining in the Regifters of the Univerfity re- 
 lating to it, as that Learned Perfon has informed me. 
 
 The Vicechancellor was then a Fellow of Peterhoufe, of which 
 Dr. Edmonds was Head, who -was then a Vicar and Prebendary in 
 the Diocefe and Cathedral-Church oi Salijbury. The whole will be Coll. Numb. 
 found in the CoUedtion. " It begins with a fhort Introdudtory Speech ''^' 
 " of the Vicechancellor's, upon which he read the King's Letter to 
 " them. It fet forth, That many of the greateft Clerks in Chriften- 
 " dom, both within and without the Realms, had affirmed in Wri- 
 '* ting. That the Marrying the Brother's Wife, he dying without 
 " Children, was forbidden both by the Law of God, and by the 
 " Natural Law : The King therefore being defirous to have their 
 " Minds, to whom he had fhewed a Benevolent Affeftion, did not 
 " doubt but they would declare the Truth, in a Cafe of fuch Im- 
 " portance, both to himfelf, and to the whole Kingdom. For this 
 " End, he fent Gardiner and Fox, to inform them particularly of 
 " the Circumflances of the Matter ; and he expefted their Anfwer, 
 " under the Seal of the Univerfity. The King's Letter is dated the 
 1 6th of February. 
 
 " After this was read, the Vicechancellor told them, they faw 
 " what the King defired of them. They were Men of free and 
 " ingenuous Tempers ; every one of their Confciences would diftate 
 " to them what was moft expedient. After this, follows the Form 
 " of the Grace that was propofed and granted, that the Vicechan- 
 " cellor and Ten Doctors, and the two Prodlors with Seventeen 
 " Mafters of Arts, fliould have full Authority to determine the 
 " Queftion propofed, and to anfwer it in the Name of the whole 
 " Univerfity. And whatfoever Two Parts in Three of thefe Per- 
 " fons fhould agree in, that, without any New Order, fhould be re- 
 
 " turn*
 
 64 "^be Htjlory of the Reformation Part 1:1. 
 
 irTo. " turned to the King, as the Anfwer of the Univerfity : Only the 
 V— --v~*->«' ' " Queftion was to be dilputed publickly ; and the Determination 
 " that they lliould make, was to be read in the Hearing of the Uni- 
 " veriity, 
 
 " On the 9th of March^ at a Meeting of the Univerfity, the 
 " Vicechancellor told them, that the Perfons deputed by them, had 
 " with great Care and Diligence examined the Queflion, and had 
 " confidered both the PafTages in the Scriptures, and the Opinions of 
 " the Interpreters ; upon which they had a Publick Difputation, 
 *' which was well known to them all : So now, after great Labours, 
 " and all poffible Induftry, they came to the Determmation then to 
 " be read to them. Then follows the Determination ; in which 
 " they add to the Queftion propofed to them, thefe Words, after 
 " Brothers Wife, She being Carnally hioiv7i by her jormer Hiijhand : 
 So, after above a Fortnight's Study or Practice, this was obtained 
 of them. The Vicechancellor came to Windjhr, and on the Se- 
 " cond Sunday of Lent, after Vefpers, he deliver'd it to the King, 
 " Of this he gave an Account to Dr. Edmonds., in a Letter ; in 
 " which he tells him, Hecame to Court whileZ.(3/)'Wfr was Preaching: 
 " The King gave him great Thanks for the Determination; and was 
 " much pleafed with the Method in which they had managed it with 
 " fuch Quietnefs. The King praifed Latymers Sermon ; and he 
 " was order'd to wait on the King the next Day. Dr. Butts brought 
 " 20 Nobles from the King to him, and 5 Marks to the Junior 
 " Proftor that came with him : fcarce enough to bear their Charges. 
 and far from the Price of Corruption ; and gave him Leave to go 
 when he pleafed. But after Dinner, the King came to the Gallery, 
 where Gardiner and Fox, with the Vicechancellor, Latymer, and the 
 Prodtor were, and no more ; and talked fome Hours with them. He 
 was not pleafed with Gardiner and Fox, becaufe the other Queftion, 
 Whether the Pope had Power to difpenfe with fuch a Marriage ? was 
 not likewife determined. But the Vicechancellor faid, He believed 
 that could not have been obtained. But the- King faid, He would 
 have that determined after Eafter. It appears by his Letter, that 
 there was a great Outcry raifed againft Cajnbridge, for that which 
 they had done. The Vicechancellor was particularly cenfured for 
 it ; and he had loft a Benefice, that the Patron had promifed him, 
 but had upon this changed his Mind. Thofe who did not like 
 Latymer, were not pleafed with his Preaching. 
 
 He heard, thofe of Ox/or^ had appointed a feledl Number to de- 
 termine the King's Queftion j and that Fox, when he was there, 
 was in great Danger. But a more particular Account of the Pro- 
 ceedings in that Univerfity, I take from three of King Henrys Let- 
 ters to them, communicated to me by my Learned Friend, Dr. 
 Coliea.Numb. Kennet ; which, fince they have not yet been printed, will be found 
 '7- in the Colleftion. 
 
 In the firft Letter that the King wrote to the Univerfity, he fets 
 forth, " That upon certain Confiderations moving his Conference, 
 " he had already confulted many learned Men, both within the 
 " Kingdom, and without it ; but he defired to feel the Minds of 
 " thofe among them, who were learned in Divinity, to fee how 
 I ' " thev
 
 Book II. of the Church o/' England. 65 
 
 " they agreed with others : Therefore he hoped, they would fin- 1530. 
 
 *' cerely and truly declare their Conlciences in that Matter, and not 
 
 *' give Credit to ]\lifreports. He requires them, as their Sovereign 
 
 " Lord, to declare their true and juft Learning in that Caufe : 
 
 " Therefore, in a great Variety of Expreflions, mixing Threatnings 
 
 " with Promifes, if they fliould not uprightly, according to Divine 
 
 " Learning, handle themfelves, he leaves the declaring the Parti- 
 
 " culars to the Biflaop of Lincoln.^ his ConfefTor, to whom they were 
 
 " to give entire Credit. 
 
 " By the Second Letter, the King tells them, he underftood that 
 " a great Part of the Youth of the Univerfity, did in a Faftious Man- 
 " ner combine together, in Oppolition to the Wife and Learned Men 
 *' of that Body, to have a great Number of Regents and Non-Re- 
 " gents to be joined in a Committee of the Doftors, Proftors, and 
 " Batchelors of Divinity, for the Determination of the King's 
 " Queftion : This he believed had not been often feen, that fuch a 
 " Number of Men of fmall Learning, fliould be joined with fo Fa- 
 " mous a Sort, to Hay their Seniors in fo weighty a Caufe. The 
 " King took that in very ill Part, fince they fhewed themfelves 
 " more unkind and wilful than all other Univerfities had done ; 
 " He hoped they would bring thofe young Men into better Order, 
 " otherwife they fhould feel what it was to provoke him fo hei- 
 ** noufly. 
 
 " By his Third Letter, he complains, that they delay'd to fend 
 " him their Determination. He tells them, the Univerfity of Cam- 
 *' bridge had in a much fhorter Time agreed upon the Manner 
 *' of Sending their Anfwer ; and had fent their Anfwer under their 
 *' Common Seal. He would have more eafily born with a Delay in 
 " making the Anfwer, if they had fo far obey'd him, as to put the 
 " Matter in a Method. He therefore being unwilling to proceed to 
 " Extremities, had fent his Counfellor, Fox^ to them ; hoping that 
 *' the Heads and Rulers would confider their Duty, in Granting his 
 " Requeft ; which was only, that they would fearch the Truths 
 " in a Caufe that fo nearly concern'd both Himfelf, and his People. 
 " And therefore he defired, that the Numbers of private Suffrages 
 *' might not prevail againfl their Heads, their Rulers, and Sage Fa- 
 " thers; but that they would fo try the Opinions of the Multitude, as 
 *' the Importance of the Matter did require. Hoping that their Con- 
 " flitution was fuch, that there were Ways left to efchew fuch Incon- 
 *' veniences, when they fliould happen : as he trufted they would 
 " not fail to do, and fo to redeem the Errors and Delays that were 
 " pafl. In Conclulion, the Matter was brought into the Method fet 
 forth in my Hiflory. 
 
 Here is no Threatning them, by Reafon of any Determination, 
 fhey might give ; but on the contrary, all the Vehemence in thofe 
 Letters, is only with Relation to the Method of Proceeding ; And 
 it was certainly a very irregular one, to join a great Number of Per- 
 fons, who had not fludied Divinity, with Men of the ProfefHon, 
 who could only by a Majority carry the Point againfl Reafon and 
 Argument. 
 
 Vol. Ill, S Here
 
 6 6 The Hiflory of the Reformation Part II!. 
 
 Here I fhall infert fome Marginal Notes, that Dr. Creech wrote in 
 his own Book of my Hiftory, which is now in my Hands. He 
 fays, that in the Determination of Oxford^ they added the Words 
 of the Brother's Wife, ( ab eadem carnaliter cognitam ) that the 
 jirji Marriage was co7iftimmated j tho' this was not in the Quefli- 
 on fent to the Univerfity, by their Chancellor, Archbifhop JVa?'- 
 ham. He fays further, that they mention the King's Letters, in 
 which it was written, that an Anfwer was already made by the Uni- 
 verfities of Faris and Cambridge. This of Paris, tho' not in the 
 King's Letter, might have been written to them by their Chancel- 
 lor ; for it has has appear'd, from the Letters publifhed by Le 
 Grand, that tho' the Decifion of the Sorbonne w^as not made till 
 "July, yet feveral Months before, the Doftors of Pa?"is had gi- 
 ven their Opinions for the Divorce. He alfo writes, that a Let- 
 ter came from their Chancellor Warham, to remove all the Maf- 
 ters of Arts out of the Convocation, as unfit to determine fo 
 weighty a Queftion. Warham alfo, as he fays, made the Propofal 
 I of Chufing 30, to whom the Queftion might be referred. In ano- 
 ther Place, he quotes the Book that was publiflied for the Divorce j. 
 which affirms, that the Determinations of the Univerfities were 
 made, without any Corruption. The Queftions were not propofed 
 to all the Univerfities in the fame Terms : For to fome, as to the 
 Faculty of the Canon-Law at Paris, and to thofe Angiers and 
 Bourgcs, the Confummation of the Marriage is exprefsly aflert- 
 ed in it. And in the Book, in which the Determinations of the Uni- 
 verfities are printed, thofe of the Univerfities in iLngland are ho^ 
 mentioned. Thefe are all the Striftures he wrote on this Fart of 
 my Hiftory. 
 Tom. XIV. Some more Particulars are given us by Rymer, concerning the De- 
 TheDecjfion terminations of the Foreign Univerfities. A Copy of that rnad^ gt 
 ^ra^*^"' Bologna, was carried to the Governor: Upon which, Five Doc- 
 tors fwore before Crook, that they had not carried it to him ; and, 
 that they had kept no Copy of it. This is attefted by a Notary ; 
 and the Clerks and Notaries fwore the fame, and that they did not 
 know who carried it. By this, it feems, Crook had engaged them 
 to Secrefy ; and that the Matter coming fome way to the Gover- 
 nor's Knowledge, they took thefe Oaths to afTure him, that they had 
 not broken their Word to him. 
 kvA^\.?adua. The Decree in Padua was made "Jiily the ift, and was attefled 
 by the Podejia, and afterwards, by the Doge of Venice, on the 20th 
 of Scpte?nber ; who affirm, that Eleven Dodlors were prefent ; and 
 that the Determination was made with the Unanimous Confent of 
 the whole Body. And this is attefted by Notaries. 
 
 But now the Scene muft be removed to Ro7?2e for fome Time. 
 The Pope had order'd a Citation to be made of the King, to 
 appear before him, to hear his Caufe judged. The King would 
 not fuffer any fuch Citation to be intimated to him j fo it was 
 affixed at fome Churches in Flanders, at Tournay and Bruges. The 
 King treated this with Contempt ; while the Emperor, and his Mi- 
 nifters, were preffing the Pope to proceed to Cenfures. The King 
 of France interpofed, to obtain Delays ; in Confideration of whom, 
 
 feve-
 
 Book II. of the Church of England. 6*] 
 
 feveral Delays were granted, and the Pope faid if King Henry would 1530. 
 proceed no further in the Matter of the Supremacy, he would yet 
 grant a further Delay : And whereas the French King prefTed for a 
 Delay of Four Months, the Pope faid if the King of England would 
 own him as his Judge, he would give not only the Time that was 
 afked, but a Year, on more. 
 
 Here I fliall give an Account of a long Letter that the King wrote 
 to the Pope j there is no Date put to it in the Copy from which I j 
 
 took it, but the Subflance of it makes me conclude, it was writ about j 
 
 this Time. It will be found in the CoUedion. i 
 
 " In it he complains that no Regard was had neither to his juft Co//. Ar««j. 
 " Defires, nor to the Interceflion of theMoft Chriftian King: That ^^^^^„ jf , 
 " the Prayers of his Nobility were not only defpifed, but laughed mer\ M3S. \ 
 
 " at. All this was far contrary to what he expected j and was in- ^^^ ^*"S i 
 
 " deed fo ftrange, that hecould fcarce think the Pope was capable of ^"he Pope. ' 
 
 " doing fuch Things, as he certainly knew he was doing. The Pope, \ 
 
 " againft what all Men thought juft, refufed to fend Judges to come 
 " to the Place where the Caufe lay. The Holy Councils of old had j 
 
 " decreed, that all Caufes fhould be determined there where they 
 " had their Beginning : For this he quotes St. Cyprian among the ; 
 
 " Antients, and St. Bernard among Moderns -, who were of that i 
 
 " Mind. The Truth would be both fooner, and more certainly 
 " found out, if examined on the Place, than could poffibly be at a -i 
 
 " Diftance. The Pope had once fent Legates to £??§-A7;z^, and what ; 
 
 " Reafon could be given why this fhould not be done again ? But ; 
 
 " he faw the Pope was fo devoted to the Emperor, that every thing ] 
 
 " was done as he didlated. The Queen's Allegation, that England ' 
 
 ** was a Place fo fufpefted by her, that Ihe could not exped: to have I 
 
 " Juftice done her in it, muft be believed, againft the cleareft Evi- ' 
 
 *' dence poiTible to the contrary. The King bore with the Liberties I 
 
 " that many took who efpoufed her Caufe, more than was fitting ; ■ 
 
 " nor did he threaten any, or grow lefs kind than formerly, to thofe I 
 
 " who declared for the Marriage -, and yet the Pope pretended he : 
 
 " muft give Credit to this, and he offered no other Reafon for his 
 " not fending Judges to England. This was to faften a bafe Refledtion 
 " upon the King, andanlnjuftice, which he muft look on as a great 
 " Indignity done him. \ 
 
 " He further complains, that the Pope took all poffible Methods to i 
 
 *' hinder Learned Men from delivering their Opinion in his Caufe j | 
 
 " and tho' after long and earneft Applications, he did give leave by . 
 
 " his Breves to all Perfons to give their Opinion in it ; yet his own 
 " Magiftrates did, in his Name^ threaten thofe that were againft the j 
 
 " Power of Difpenfing with the Laws of God : This was particu- - I 
 
 *' larly done at Bologna. The Emperor's Minifters every where, in i 
 
 " Contempt of the Permiflion granted by the Pope, terrified all | 
 
 " who gave their Opinion for the King ; at which the Pope conni- i| 
 
 " ved, if he did not confent to it. The Pope's Nuntio did in France \ 
 
 " openly, and to the King himfelf, declare againft the King's Caufe ; 
 " as being founded neither on Juftice nor on Reafon : He ftill j 
 
 " expeded, that the Pope would have regard to the Prerogative of - | 
 
 " his Crown, and to the Laws of England, which are as Ancient as 
 
 " the
 
 68 The Hiftory of the Reformation Part III 
 
 1530. " the Pope's Laws are ; and that he will not cite him to anfwer ov.'; 
 
 *— ■^v-~-' " of his Kingdom, nor lend any Inhibitions into it : For he w;l 
 
 " fuffer no Breach to be made on the Laws, during his Reign. Ke 
 
 " was refolved to maintain that which was his own, as he would 
 
 " not invade that which belonged to another : He did not deiire 
 
 " Contention, he knew the ill efFedts fuch Difputes would have : 
 
 " Upon all which , he exped:ed the Pope's Anfwer. This had no 
 
 Effed: on the Pope, fo far from it, that upon a Reprefentation made 
 
 to him in Queen Katherines Nanje, that King Hetiry feemed refolved 
 
 to proceed to a fecond Marriage, the Pope fent out a Second Bre've 
 
 The Pope's on the 5th oi 'January 1 53 1 , declaring any fuch Marriage to be Null, 
 
 againft the^^^ ^"^ ^^^ Iffue by it to be Illegitimate, denouncing the fevereft Cen- 
 
 King's marry- fures poffible, againft all that fliould be any ways AfTifting in it;. 
 
 Vir/"°'^" and requiring the King to live with the Queen in all conjugal Af-> 
 
 fedlion, 'till the Suit was brought to a Conclulion. 
 Pleadings by Something was to be doue to ftop Proceedings at Rojne ; or upon 
 an Excufator. this an immediate Rupture muft follow. This brought on the fend- 
 ing an 'Excufator in the Name of the King and Kingdom, to ftiew 
 that the King was not bound to appear upon the Citation ; nor yet 
 to fend a Proftor to appear in his Name. Sigifmund Dojidabis, and 
 Michael de CoJtrades, Two Eminent Advocates, were brought to 
 Rome, to maintain the Plea of the Excufator. They fent over the 
 Subftance of their Pleadings, which was printed at London by Ber- 
 thelet. The Sum of it was, Capijucki, Dean of the Rota, had cited the 
 King to Rome to anfwer to the Queen's Appeal : The Chief Inftrud;i- 
 ons fent by Cam, were to iniift on the Indignity done the King, to 
 cite him to come out of his Kingdom : But it feems that was a Point 
 that the Advocates thought fit to leave to the Ambafladors ; they 
 thought it not fafe for them to debate it, fo they pleaded on other 
 Heads. 
 
 They infifted much on that [de loco tuto) that no Man ought ta 
 be cited to a Place where he was not in full Safety. It could not be 
 fafe neither for the King, nor the Kingdom, that he fliould go fo far 
 from it. They fliewed likewife, that to make a Place fafe, all the 
 intermediate Places through which one muft pafs to it, muft be like- 
 wife fafe. The Pope therefore ought to fend Delegates to a fafe Place, 
 either (in partibus) where the Caufe lay, or in the Neighbourhood 
 of it. It was faid againft them, that a Caufe once received in the 
 Conxioi Ro?7ie, could never be fent out of it : But they replied, the 
 Pope had once fent Delegates into England in this Caufe, and upon 
 the fame Reafon, he might do it again : Indeed the Caufe was ne- 
 ver in the Court, nor the King was never in it. But it was faid the 
 King might appear by a Prodlor : They anfwered, he was not bound to. 
 fend a Proxy, where he was not bound to appear in Perfon, but was 
 hindred by a juft Impediment: Nor was the Place fafe for a Proxy. 
 In a Matter of Confcience, fuch as Marriage was, he could not con- 
 ftitute a Prodlor; for by the Forms, he was to impower him fully, 
 and to be bound by all that he fhould do in his Name. It is true, in 
 a perpetual Impediment, a Prod:or muft be made j but this was not 
 perpetual : For the Pope might fend Delegates. 
 
 I An
 
 Book II. of the Church of England. 69 
 
 An Excufator was to be admitted in the Name of the King, and 1530. 
 Kingdom, when the Impediment was clear and lafliing : They con- ^— ■n/""-""^ 
 fefTed if it was only Probable, a Prodlor mud be conftituted. There 
 was no Danger to be apprehended in the King's Dominions : The 
 Queen's Oath was offered, that fhe could not expedl Juftice in that . 
 Cafe. They fhewed this ought not to be taken, and could not be 
 well grounded ; but was only the Effed: of weak Fear : It appearing 
 evidently, that not only the Queen her felf, but that all who de- 
 clared for her, were fafe in England. They did not infill on this, 
 that the Court ought to fit (in fartibus) in the Place where the Caufe 
 lay : It feems they found that would not be born at Roim : But they 
 infilled on a Court being to lit in the Neighbourhood, They ihew- 
 ed, that though the Exa/Jator's Powers were not fo full, as to make 
 him a Proxy ; yet they were not defeftive in that which was neceflary 
 for excufing the King's Appearance, and for-offering the jufl Impe- 
 diments, in order to the remanding of the Matter. The Book is 
 full of the Subtilties of the Canon Law, and of Quotations from 
 Canonills. 
 
 Thus this Matter was pleaded, and by a Succefiion of many De- The Frf,u-i> 
 lays, was kept on Foot in the Court of Rome above Three Years; ^g^^ "^[.^3"!, 
 chiefly by the Interpofition of Francis : For Langey tell us, that the P. 319. 
 King of France wrote once or twice a Week to Ro?ney not to Mdange mji. 
 precipitate Matters. That Court on the other Hand, preffed him to '^p'"^ " °''' 
 prevail with King Henry not to give New Provocations. He wrote 
 to Rome from Arques in the beginning of 'June 153 1, and complain- 
 ed of citing the King to Rome : He faid Learned Perfons had alTured 
 him that this was contrary to Law, and to the Privilege of Kings, 
 who could not be obliged to leave their Kingdom ; adding, that he 
 would take all that was done for or againll King Henry, as done to 
 hlmfelf. 
 
 There is a Letter writ from the Cardinal of Toitr?ion to King p.g. 
 Francis, but without a Date, by which it appears, " that the Mo- 
 " tion of an Interview between the Pope, and the King of Fra?!ce, 
 " was then fet on foot : And he allures the King, that the Pope was 
 " refolved to fatisfy him at their Meeting ; that he would condud; 
 " King He>2ry's Affair fo dextroully, that nothing lliould be fpoiled : 
 " He mull in point of Form, give way to fome Things that would 
 " not be acceptable to him, that fo he might not feem too partial to 
 " King Henry ; for whom out of the Love that he bore to King 
 " Francis, he would do all that was in his Power, but defired that 
 " might not be talked of. 
 
 On the 4th of M^^ he wrote to him, that the Emperor threat'ned, 
 that if King Henry went on to do that Injury to his Aunt, he would 
 make War on him by the King of Scotlafid: But they believed he 
 would neither employ his Purfe, nor draw his Sword in the Quarrel. 
 Langey reports the Subllance of King Henry % Letters to Francis ; he 
 complained of the Pope's citing him to anfwer at Rome, or to fend 
 a Proxy thither. In all former Times upon fuch Occafions, Judges 
 were lent . to the Place where the Caufe lay. Kings could not be 
 required to go out of their Dominions : He alfo complained of the 
 Papal Exadlions. 
 
 Vol. III. X Now
 
 yo l^he Hiftory of the Rejormation Part III. 
 
 1530. Now there were Two Interviews fet on Foot, in hopes to 
 ^--'V-— ' make up this Matter, that feemed very near a Breach'. Francis 
 had fecretly begun a Negotiation with the Pope for the Marriage 
 of the Duice of Orleans, afterwards King Hetiry the Second, and 
 the Famous Katherine de Medicis : Francis, whofe Heart was fet on 
 getting the Dutchy of Milan above all other Things, hoped by this 
 means to compafs it for his Second Son. He likewife pretended 
 that by gaining the Pope entirely to his Interefts, he fhould be able 
 to make up all Matters between King Henry and Him. But to lay 
 all this Matter the better, the Two Kings were to have an Interview 
 firft, in the Neighbourhood oiCalais, which the Bifhop of Bayonne, 
 Le Grand. who was uow again in E}iglaiid, was concerting. King He?i7'y 
 P- SS3- prefled the doing it fo, that he might come back by All-Saints, to 
 hold his Parliament. The Bifhop faw King He?vy would be much 
 pleafed, if Francis would defire him to bring A?me Bnllen over with 
 him, and if he would bring on his Part the Queen of Na-varre. The 
 Queen oi France was a Spaniard, fo it was defired Ihe might not come; 
 he alfo defir'd that the King of France would bring his Sons with him, 
 and that no Itnperialijis might be brought, nor any of the Raillieurs 
 (Gaudifeurs) for the Nation hated that fort of People. Bayonne 
 writes he had fworn not to tell from whom he had this hint oi Anne 
 Bullen : It was no hard Thing to engage Francis into any Thing 
 that looked like Gallantry ; for he had writ to her a Letter in his 
 An Interview own Hand, which Montmorency had fent over. At the Interview 
 between the of the Two Kings, a perpetual Friendlliip was vowed between them : 
 Two Kings. ^^ J King Henry afterwards reproached Francis, for Killing the Pope's 
 Foot at Marfeilies, which, he affirms, he promifed not to do ; nor 
 to proceed to marry his Son to the Pope's Niece, 'till he gave the 
 King of England full Satisfadlion ; and added, that he promifed, 
 that if the Pope did proceed to final Cenfures againft Hen7'y, he 
 would likewife withdraw himfelf from his Obedience ; and that both 
 the Kings would join in an Appeal to a General Council. 
 The King Soon after, that the King return'd from this Interview, He married 
 
 ^u'lkT '^""^ ^""^ Boleyn ; but fo fecretly, that none were prefent at it, but her 
 Father and Mother, and her Brother, with the Duke of Norfolk. 
 It went generally among our Hiftorians, that Cranmer was prefent 
 at the Marriage ; and I reported it fo in my Hiftory : But Mr. Strype 
 faw a Letter of Cran77ier\, to Hawkins, then the King's Ambalfador 
 at the Emperor's Court 3 in which he writes, Notwithflanding it 
 hath been reported throughout a great Fart of the Realm, that I ?nar- 
 ried Her, avhich was plainly falfe ; for I my fclf kneiv not thereof a 
 Fortnight after it was done : And many other Things be reported of 
 tne, which be mere Lyes and Tales. In the fame Letter, he lays it 
 was about St. PWs Day. This confirms »S/ow's Relation. But to 
 write with the Impartial Freedom of an Hiftorian : It feems, the- 
 Day of the Marriage was given out wrong on Defign. The Ac- 
 count that Cranmer gives of it, cannot be called in Queftion. But 
 Queen Elizabeth was born, not, as I put it, on the 7th, but as Cran- 
 mer writes m another Letter to Hawkins, on the 13th or 14th of 
 September : So there not being full Eight Months between the Mar- 
 riage and that Birth ; which would have opened a Scene of Raillery 
 to the Court of Rome-, it feems, the Day of the Marriage was 
 
 4 tlie»
 
 Book II. of the Church <?/' England. 71 
 
 thenfaid to he in Novemi>er. And in a Matter that was fo fecret- 1530. 
 ly managed, it was no hard thing, to oblige thofe who were in the *— •"V**^ 
 Secret to Silence. This feems to be the only way to Reconcile 
 Cranmer'h Letter, to the Reports commonly given out of the Day 
 of the Marriage. 
 
 The News of this was foon carried to Rome. Cardinal Ghin- Cotton Libr. 
 7jticcius wrote to the King, " That he had a long Converfa- f^iteil. B 14. 
 " tion with the Pope, when the News was firft brought thither. 
 " The Pope refolved to take no Notice of it ; but he did not know 
 " howhefliouldbeable to refift the Inftances that the Emperor would 
 " make. He confider'd well the EfFefts that his Cenfures would 
 " probably have. He faw, the Emperor intended to put Things pall 
 " Reconciliation ; but it was not reafonable for the Pope to pafs 
 " Cenfures, when it did not appear how they could, be executed. 
 " He could not do any thing prejudicial to the King, unlefs he re- 
 " folved to lay out a vafl Sum of Money ; which he believed he 
 " would not do, the Succefs being fo doubtful. And he concludes, 
 " That they might depend upon it, that the Emperor could not 
 " eafily bring the Pope to pafs thofe Cenfures that he defired. 
 
 At this Time, the Third Breve was publilhed againft the King, 
 on the 1 5th of November : But, it feems, it was for fome Time fup- 
 preifed ; for it has a Second Date added to it, of the 23d of Decef/i- 
 berm the Year 1532 : "In which, after along Expoftulation upon 
 *' his Taking An?ie as his Wife, and his Putting away the Queen, 
 " while the Suit was yet depending j the Pope exhorts him, to 
 " bring back the Queen, and to put Anne away, within a Month 
 •' after this was brought to him ; otherwife he Excommunicates 
 *' both Him, and Ajine : But the Execution of this was fufpend- 
 ed. Soon after this, Bejiet wrote a Letter to the King, all in Cy- 
 pher; but the Deciphering is interlined. He writes, " The Pope 
 " did approve the King's Caufe as juft and good ; and did it 
 " in a manner openly. For that Reafon, he did not deliver the 
 " fevere Letter, that the King wrote upon this Breve, left that ihould 
 " too much provoke him. The Emperor was then at Bologna, 
 " and prefled for the fpeedy Calling a General Council ; and among 
 *' other Reafons, he gave the Proceeding againft the King, for one. 
 " The King's Amballadors urged the Decree of the Council of Nice, 
 " that the Bifliops of the Province fliould fettle all Things that be- 
 " longed to it ; fo by this, he faid, the Pope might put the Matter 
 " out of his Hands. But the Pope would not hear of that. He 
 " writes further. That an Old and Famous Man who died lately, 
 " had left his Opinion in Writing, for the King's Caufe, with 
 " his Nephew, who was in High Favour with the Pope. The Em- 
 " peror was taking Pains to engage him in his Interefts, and had of- 
 " fer'd him a Biflioprick of 6000 Ducats a Year, likely foon to be 
 " void. The King's AmbafTadors had promifed him, on the other 
 " Hand, a great Sum from the King : They, upon that, alk Or- 
 " ders about it fpeedily, left too long a Delay might alienate him 
 " from the King. 
 
 There is alfo a long Letter, but without a Date, written by one 
 vyho WAS born in Rome, but was employed to SoUicit the King s 
 
 Caufe.
 
 72 The Hiflory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 153^' 
 
 iLnngfy, 
 P. 338. 
 
 Rymer, 
 June 22. 
 1531. 
 
 Junexi,. 
 
 1531. 
 ^ug. 19. 
 
 1531. 
 
 K. Henry op 
 pofes the In- 
 terview with 
 the Pope in 
 vain. 
 Eynifr, MS. 
 
 Caufe. He told the Pope, and was willing to declare it to all the 
 Cardinals in the Confiltory, " That if they proceeded further in 
 " the King's Caufe, it would prove fatal to the See. They had al- 
 " ready loft the Hungarians, with a great Part of Germany ; and 
 " would they now venture to lofe England., and perhaps France 
 " with it ? The King thought his Marriage with Queen Antte was 
 " Firm and Holy, and was refolv'd to profecute his Caufe in that 
 " Court no more. The King faid, He was fatisfied in his own Con- 
 " fcience ; but yet, if the Pope would judge for his prefent Mar- 
 " riage, both He and his Minifters faid, it would be agreeable to 
 " him. 
 
 The Cardinals of France preffed the King of Fi-atice, to ufe all 
 Endeavours, to bring King Henry with hini to the Interview 2LtMar- 
 feilles, or one fully empower'd to put an End to the Matter of the 
 Divorce. Langey was fent to propofe it to King Hen7y ; but that 
 King told him, fince he fav/ fuch a Train of Diilimulation in the 
 Pope's Proceedings, and Delays upon Delays, that had quite dif- 
 gufted him. He had now obtained a Sentence in England, of the 
 Nullity of his Marriage, in which he acquiefced : And upon that 
 He was Married, tho' fecretly. He was refolv'd to keep it Se- 
 cret, till he faw what Effefts the Interview had : If the Pope would 
 not do Him Juftice, He would deliver the Nation from that Ser- 
 vitude. 
 
 He had obtained the Judgment of fome Univerfities, concerning 
 the Citation to Rome. The Univerfity of Orleans gave their Opi- 
 nion, That He was not bound to appear at Rome, neither in Perfon 
 nor by Proxy ; and that the Citation was Null ; but that there 
 ought to be a Delegation of Judges, in the Place where the Caufe 
 lay. Many Advocates in the Court of Parliament of Paris, gave 
 their Opinions to the fame Purpofe. The Canonifts in Paris thought, 
 that the King could not be cited to go to Rome ; but that Judges 
 ought to be fent to determine the Matter, in fome fafe Place. 
 
 King Henry wrote to his Ambafladors with the King df Fratice', 
 to divert him from the Interview with the Pope, as a Thing too 
 much to the Pope's Honour. And whereas the King of France 
 wrote, that his Chief Delign in it was to ferve the King : He wrote 
 upon it, That He was fo fure of his Nobility and Commons, that 
 he had no Apprehenfion of any Thing the Pope could do. He 
 therefore defired him to write to the Cardinals oi'Fonrnon and Gran- 
 dimont, and to his Ambafladors at Rome, to prefs the admitting the 
 Excufator's Plea ; for that was a Point, in which all Princes were 
 concerned. 
 
 King Francis pretended, that the Breaking off the Projeft of the 
 Interview could not be done : It had now gone too far, and his Ho- 
 nour was engaged. He was very forry that the Excufator's Plea was 
 rejected ; yet he did not defpair, but that all Things might be yet 
 fet right; which made him ftillmore earneft for the Interview. And 
 he was confident, if the King would come to the Meeting, all 
 would be happily made up : But fince he faw no Hope of Prevail-- 
 ing with the King for that, he defired tjiat the Xiy^^^i Norfolk might 
 
 be
 
 Book II. of the Church of KT\<^2ind. y^ 
 
 be fent over, with fome Learned Perfons, who fliould fee the good 1531. 
 
 Offices he would do. u-^v^-^j ■ 
 
 The Duke of Norfolk was fent over upon this, and he found the The Duke of 1 
 
 King of France at Montpelier in the End of Aiiguft, but told him, ^"'/''^'^fentto ■ 
 that upon the laft Sentence that was given at Rofne, the King looked '^'' ' ' -1 
 
 on the Pope as his Enemy, and he would refent his Ufage of him by i 
 
 all poffible Methods. He ftudied to divert the Interview, otherwife ^ 
 
 he faid he muft return immediately. King Francis anfwered, that \ 
 
 the Sentence was not definitive ; but though he could not break : 
 the Interview, that was concerted by King Henrys own Confent, 
 
 he promifed he would efpoufe the King's Affair as his own. He ; 
 prefled the Duke of Norfolk fo earneftly to go along with him, that 
 once he feemed convinced, that it might be of good Ufe in the King's 
 
 Caufe, and a Memorial was given him of the Method of fettling it : | 
 
 He upon this fent the Lord Rocbford to the King, to fee if he would I 
 change the Orders he had given him ; and he flayed only a few 
 Days after he had difpatched him. But he faid his Orders for his 
 
 Return were pofitive : If a Change of Orders (hould come, he would • 
 
 quickly return ; if not, he would get fome Learned Men to be fent to - 
 
 fee what might be devifed at Marfeilles. j 
 
 The King of France wrote to his Ambalfador with King Henry, But foon xz< 
 that if the Duke of Norfolk could have been allowed to go with him "^*='*- 
 
 to Marfeilles, much might have been done ; and he fent with that, . 
 
 a Part of the Cardinal of Toiir?ions laft Letter to him of the 1 7th of ) 
 
 Augiift, in which he wrote, " that he had fpoke fully to the Pope, as i 
 
 *' the King had ordered him, about the King of Efigland's Affair : 1 
 *' The Pope complained that King Henry had not only proceeded to 
 
 *' marry contrary to the Breve he had received, but that he was ftill j 
 
 " publifhing Laws in Contempt of his See; and that Cr^ww/- had ' 
 
 " pronounced the Sentence of Divorce as Legate. This gave the | 
 
 " Cardinals fuch Diftafte, that they would have been highly offended ■ 
 " with the Pope, if he had done nothing upon it : He therefore ^ * 
 
 " advifed the King to carry the Duke of Norfolk with him to Mar- '. 
 
 " feilles : For if King Henry would but feem to repair the Steps he { 
 
 " had made in the Attentates, as they called them, and do that j 
 
 *' which might fave the Pope's Honour, he affured him fuch was | 
 *' his Love to him, that for his fake he would do all that was de- • j 
 
 " fired, with all his Heart. But he feared Expedients would not be I 
 
 " readily found, if the Duke of Norfolk went not to Marfeilles. ' 
 
 The King of France fent fuch MefTages to King Henry by the Duke The King of 
 of Notforlk, and fuch Compliments to Queen A?ine, as highly pleafed ^'■'"""^ was to 
 
 them: For his Ambaflador wrote to him, that fince the Duke of codfathTrif i 
 Norfolk'?, coming, King He?iry expreffed his Confidence and Friend- Queen j^mie ' ■ 
 
 fhip for him in a very particular Manner : King Henry had afked him ^^g brought ^ 
 
 if he had no Order to ftand Godfather in the King of Fr^wr/s Name, ' ' 
 
 in Cafe the Queen fliould be delivered of a Son : He anfwered he j 
 
 had none, but he would write to the King upon the Subjedl : The ] 
 Duke of Norfolk faid, he had fpoke to the King of France about it, 
 who agreed to it, that either the Ambaffador, or fome other fent 
 Exprefs, fhould do it. The Child's Name was to be Edward or 
 Henry (but the Birth proving a Daughter, this went no further). He 
 
 Vi5l. III. U adds i
 
 T'he Hiflory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 I C3 1- adds in his Letter, that Gardiner then Bifliop of Winchejler, was fent 
 .u-.'V---'' to MarjVillcs. The King of Frajue fent from Arks on the 17th of 
 
 of September, aji Order for the Chrifl'ning. 
 The Inter- ^ut now thb hext Scene is at Marfeilles : Where after the Cere- 
 view at Mar- nionics were over, the King oi France fet himfelf, as he writes, with 
 /:il!es. g^.g^j 2;eal to bring the Pope to be eafy in the King's Matter : He 
 
 protefted he minded no Bufinefs of his own, 'till he Ihould fee what 
 could be done in the Matter of the King's Divorce. The Pope faid 
 Mel Bill ^^ ^^^^ ^^^^ Procefs at Rotne, fo that nothing could be done in it. The 
 y'.\\z. ' French Ambaffador wrote to his Mafler, that King He/rry charged 
 him with this, that he himfelf brought over Inftruftions, with Pro- 
 mifes xh^X. Francis would not proceed to the Marriage of his Son, 
 'till the King's Matter was done : The Ambaffador denied this, and 
 offered to fhew his Inflrudlions, that it might appear that no fuch 
 Article was in them. King Henry infifted that the French King had 
 promifed it both to himfelf, and to the Queen ; and if he failed him 
 in this, he could depend no more on his Friendfliip. When the Am- 
 baflador told the Duke of Norfolk how uneafy this would be to the 
 King of France, who had the King's Concerns fo much at Heart, 
 and that all the Interefl: that he could gain in the Pope, would be 
 employed in the King's Service ; for if he fliould break with the 
 Pope, that muft throw him entirely into the Emperor's Hands : The 
 Duke of Norfolk confefTed all that was true : But faid that the King's 
 Head was fo embroiled with this Matter, that he trufted no living 
 Man, and that both He and the Queen fufpefted himfelf. 
 Mel. Uift. The Bifhop oi Aiixerre, the French Ambaffador, had wrote from 
 
 P. •74- Ro}?ie, " that the Pope would do all that they afked, and. more if he 
 mifefmadeby " '^"^^ °^ could : But he was fo preffed by the Emperor's People, 
 the Pope. " that though it was againft God and Reafon, and the Opinion, even 
 *' of fome of the Imperial Cardinals, he was forced to do whatfoever 
 " Cardinal Dofne demanded. In a Letter to Cardinal Tournon, the 
 Blfhop of ^//AYrr^ complains, that the King of Eng//ind w3iS ill ufed j 
 and in a Letter to the Pope's Legate in France, he writes, " That 
 " the Pope was difpofed to grant King Henry's Defire, yet he was fo 
 " preffed by the Imperialijis, that he expedled no good from him, 
 " unlcfs in the way of Diffembling : He firmly believed be would 
 *' do well if he durft : His Anfwer to the Kin? of France was as good 
 " as could be wiflied for, he hoped the Effedls would agree to it : 
 " Cardinal Farmfe, the Antienteft Cardinal (afterwards Pope Paul 
 " the Third) was wholly for them : The Cardinal of Ancona, next 
 " to him in Seniority, was wholly Imperialiji : He Avrites that the 
 " Ambaffadors had an Audience of Three Hours of the Pope, when 
 " they delivered the King of Frances Letters on the King of Fng- 
 Mci. Hill. " land's Behalf: The Pope faid he was forry that he muff determine 
 P. 175. " the Matter ; for he fliould have fmall Thanks on both Sides. The 
 " Thing had been now Four Years in his Hands, he had yet done 
 " nothing, if he could do as he wllhed, he wilhed as they all wiined : 
 " and he fpake this in fuch a Manner, that they were much miftaken 
 " if he fpoke not as he thought. The Pope aiked them what made 
 " the King of France to be fo earneft in this Matter ; they anfwered, 
 " that the Two Kings were fo united^ that they were both more 
 
 " touched
 
 12, 
 
 — ■ ■'■"■ - ■■ — — . - --- -- 
 
 Book If, of the Church of England. 7^ 
 
 " touched with the Affairs each of the other, than with their 1531. 
 " own. U-.-V— ^ 
 
 In another Letter to MontmorMicy^ he writes, " That there was 
 " a new Delay granted for four Months. The Pope, upon his 
 " granting it, preffed him to write to the King, to prevail with 
 " King Henry to fend a Proxy. He anfwered. He believed that 
 " would not be done, unlefs Affurance was given, that the Caufe 
 " fhould be remitted. If the Matter had been then put to the Vote, 
 " the Ancient and Learned Cardinals would have judged for the 
 " King of 'England; but they were few, and the Number of the 
 " others was great ; fo that the Caufe would have been quite 
 " loft. 
 
 At the fame Time, the Cardinal of Ancona propofed to Bennef, Cotton Libr. 
 and to Cajfali, that if a Proxy were fent to Rome, they fl:iould havep"*i{- ^• 
 not only Juftice, but all manner of Favour : For both the Pope and upon Cardi- 
 the Cardinals did very pofitively promife, that a Commiffion Ihould nah. 
 be made to Delegates, to hear the Witneffes in England, referving 
 only the Final Sentence to the Pope. Cajfali was, upon this, fent 
 to Ejigland ; but his Negotiation had no Effedt : Only he feems to 
 have known well the fecret Method of Prad:iling with the Cardi- 
 nals. For, upon his Return, he met the King of France at Com- 
 piegne, with whom he had much Difcourfe about Managing the Car- 
 dinals ; particularly Cardinal de Monte (afterwards Pope 'Julius the 
 Third). The King of France had fent 40000 Crowns to be diftri^, 
 buted in the Court of Rome; upon which, he offers fome very pru-,. 
 dent Suggeftions. The Letter to the King from thence, ie^vncdCoUea. Kimby 
 fo conliderable, that I have put it in the Collediion. '5- 
 
 Thefe were the Preparations on all Hands for the Meeting at^^ 
 Marfeilles ; where Francis protefted that he fet himfelffo earneftly, 
 to get Satisfaction to be given to Henry, that he minded no Bufmefs. 
 of his own, till he lliould fee what could be done in that. The 
 Pope faid indeed, that he had left the Procefs at Rome ; but they 
 wrote over, that they knew this was falfe : Yet, by that, they faw 
 the Pope intended to do nothing in it. Francis indeed complained, 
 that there was no Proxy from the King fent to Marfeilles : If there 
 had been one, he faid, the Bufmefs had been ended. It was alfo Mel. mji. 
 reported, that the King of France had faid to the Duke of No7-- ^' '9- 
 folk, he would be the King's Proxy ; (Here, in the Margin, it is 
 fet down, The Duke of '^oxio^k. denies be faid this ; ) but the King 
 of France knew, that the King would never Conftitute a Proxy, 
 that being contrary to the Laws of his Kingdom. The Pope con- 
 feffed that his Caufe was juft : All the Lawyers in France were 
 of that Mind. But the Pope complained of the Injuries done the 
 ^ee by King Henry. Francis anfwered, The Pope begun doing 
 Injuries : But King Henry moved, that fetting afide what was paft, 
 without afking Reparation of cither Side, Juftice might be done 
 him ; and if it was not done, he would trouble himfelf no more 
 about it. 
 
 He afterwards charged King Francis, " That in feveral Particu- Ibii. 
 " lars he had not kept his Promifes to him. He believed, that 
 " if he had preffed the Pope more, he would have yielded. It was 
 
 4 " faid,
 
 76 Tihe Hiftory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1531" 
 
 21. 
 
 The Convo- 
 cation meets. 
 
 They treat 
 concerning 
 Refidence. 
 
 faid, King Henry was governed by his Council ; whereas, he faid. 
 He governed Them, and not they Him. Upon this Audience, 
 " the Duke of Norfolk feemed troubled that the King was fo Paf- 
 " fionate : He had advifed the King, but in vain, to let the Annats 
 " go ftill to Rome. This is put in the Margin. 
 
 In another Memorial fet next to the former, and, as it feems, 
 writ foon after it, it is faid, That the Emperor had fent word to 
 the Queen and her Daughter, not to come to Spain, till he had firft 
 got Right to be done them : And that the People were in a Difpo- 
 fition to join with any Prince that would efpoufe their Quarrel. 
 This is faid to be the general Inclination of all Sorts of People : 
 For they apprehended a Change of Religion, and a War that would 
 cut off their Trade with the Netherlands ; fo that the New Queen 
 was little beloved. 
 
 But now I mufl: return, and fet out the Progrefs of Matters, that 
 provoked the Pope and Court of Rome fo much. I fhall give firfl 
 the feveral Proceedings of the Convocation. 
 
 The Parliament had complained of the Oath ex Officio, by which 
 the Ordinaries obliged Perfons to anfwer to fuch Accufations as were 
 laid to their Charge, upon Oath : And as they anfwered, charging 
 themfelves, they were obliged either to Abjure, or to Burn. To 
 this they added fome other Grievances. When they prefented them 
 to the King, He told them he could give no Anfwer, till he heard 
 what the Clergy would fay to them. They alfo paffed A(5ls, about 
 fome Points that the Clergy thought belonged to them ; as Mortua- 
 ries, Plurality of Benefices, and Clergymen taking Farms. 
 
 The firft Motion made by the Lower-Houfe, was, concerning 
 *Tracys Teftament ; who had left his Soul to God thro' Jefus Chrift, 
 to whofe Interceffion alone he trufted, without the Help of any 
 other Saint : Therefore he left no Part of his Goods to any that 
 fhould Pray for his Soul. This touching the Clergy very fenfibly, 
 they begun with it j and a Commiflion was given for the Raifing his 
 Body. 
 
 In a following Seflion, the Prolocutor complained of another 
 Teftament, made by one Brown of Brijiol, in the fame Strain. So, 
 to prevent the<6preading of fuch an Example, it was ordered, that 
 Tracy% Body fliould be dug up, and burnt. In the 84th Seflion, the 
 Houfe being thin, an Order was made, that all the Members fhould 
 attend, for fome Conftitutions were at that time ^0 be treated 
 of. 
 
 In the 91ft Seflion, which was in the End oi February, the Pro- 
 locutor came up with a Motion, that thofe who were prefented to 
 Ecclefiaftical Benefices, fhould not be obliged by their Bifhops, to 
 give any Bond obliging them under Temporal Punifhment to Refi- 
 dence : But to this no Anfwer was given, nor was any Rule made 
 againft it. There had been Complaints made, of Clerks Non-Refi- 
 dents in the former Seffion of Parliament j and it feems, fome 
 Bifhops thought the fureft way to ftop that Clamour was, to take 
 Bonds of Refidence, And tho' this Complaint fhews the 111 Tem- 
 per of the Lower-Houfe, fince they did not offer any other better 
 
 Reme-
 
 Book II. of the Church of England. 77 ; 
 
 Remedy; yet the Upper-Houfe oitering no Anfwer to it, feems to 1531. 
 imply their approving of it. '— — v""'-«' 
 
 In the 93d Seflion, Latymer, who had been thrice required to ' 
 
 Subfcribe fome Articles, refufed to do it : He was Excommunicated, 
 and appointed to be kept in Safe Cullody in Lambeth. Seflion 96, 
 it was refolved, that if Latymer would fubicribe fome of the Arti- 
 cles, he Ihould be abfolved. Upon that he fubmitted, confelled his j 
 Error, and fubfcribed all the Articles except Two. 
 
 In the 97th Seffion, on the 12th of ^r/Y, 1532, the Archbifliop An Anfwer to \ 
 
 propofed to them the Preparing an Anfwer to the Complaints that ''^sCom- I 
 
 the Commons had made to the King, againft the Proceedings in Commons. 
 their Courts. 
 
 In the 98th Seffion, the Preamble of that Complaint was read 
 by Gardiner, with .an Anfwer that he had prepared to it. Then the 1 
 
 Two Ciaufes of the Firft Article, with Anfwers to them, were alfo 4 
 
 read and agreed to, and fent dawn to the Lower-Houfe. Latymer 
 was alfo brought again before them, upon Complaint of a Letter ' 
 
 that he had written to one Green'wood, in Cambridge. \ 
 
 In the 99th Seffion, an Anfwer to the Complaint of the Com- 
 mons was read and agreed to, and ordered to be laid before the Kingj I 
 with which He was not fatisfied. Latymer being called to anfwer I 
 upon Oath, he appealed to the King, and faid, he would fland to ! 
 his Appeal. I 
 
 Feyto and Eljlon, Two Brethren of the Houfe of the Obfervants rroceedmga 
 in Greenwich., accufed Dr. Curren, for a Sermon preached there .: ^oj''"''^ iiere- : 
 
 But the Archbiiliop ordered tliem to be kept in Cuftody, with the ' ; 
 
 Biffiop of St. Afaph, till they ffiould be difmifled. . . 
 
 In the 1 00th Seffion, the King fent a Meffage by Gardiner, inti-^ ' 
 
 liiating, that he remitted Latyfner to the ArchbiJhop : And upon his . j 
 
 Submiffion, he was received to the Sacraments. This was done at \ 
 
 the King's Defire : But fome Bilhops protefted; becaufe this Sub- | 
 
 miffion did not import a Renunciation ufual in fuch Cafes. After j 
 
 this. Four Seffions were employed, in a further Confideration of the , ' - ] 
 
 Anfwer to the Complaints of the Houfe of Commons. \ 
 
 In the 105th Seffion, the Prolocutor brought up Four Draughts, 1 
 
 concerning the Ecclefiaftical Authority, for making Laws in order to 
 the Suppreffihg of Flerefy ; but declared, that he did not bring '; 
 
 them up as approved by tlie Floufe ; he only offered them to the 
 Bifliops, as Draughts prepared by Learned Men. He delired they 
 would read them, and chufe what was true out of them : But ad- ] 
 
 ded, that he prayed, that if they prepared any thing on the Sub- j 
 
 ied:, it ini,q;ht be communicated to the Lov/er-Houfe. Some o^ Rights sf an 
 thefe are printed : I fhall therefore only infert one in m.y Colledli- ^"^|,',„, "''' 
 on, becaufe it is the fliorteft of them, and yet does fully fet forth Coll. Num. 
 their Delign. It was formed in the Upper-Houfe, and a2:reed to in ?,?„.. \ 
 
 ^ . . C^ . ^ The Petition 
 
 the Lower, v/ith Two Alterations. In it they promife the King, that ^^ the King. i 
 
 " for the future, fuch was the Truft that they put in his Wif- 
 
 '.' dom, Goodnefs and Zeal, and his Incomparable Learning, far 
 
 " exceeding jJie Learning of all other Princes that they had 
 
 " read of, thS during his Natural Life, they fliould not en- * ^ 
 
 " adl, promulge, or put in Execution, any ^Conflitution to 
 
 Vol. IIL X "be - 1 
 
 ■i
 
 yS I'he Hiflory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 ir3r, "be made by them, unlels the King by his Royal AfTent did 
 *— -v~— ' " licenfe them fo to do. And as for the Conftitutions ah-eady 
 " made, of which the Commons complained, they would readily 
 " fubmit the Confideration of thele to the Kiiig oiily : And fuch of 
 " thefe, as the King Ihould judge prejudicial and burthenlbme, they 
 " offered to moderate or annul them according to his Judgment. Sa- 
 " vins to themfelves all the Inununities and Liberties p-ranted to the 
 " Church, by the King and his Progenitors, with all fuch Provincial 
 " Conftitutions as Hand with the Laws of God, and Holy Church, 
 " and of the Realm, which they pray'd the King to ratify : Provi- 
 " ding that till the King's Pleafure fhould be made known to them, 
 " all Ordinaries might go on to execute their Jurifdiftion as formerly. 
 This did not pafs eafily ; there was great debating upon it : But upon 
 adding the Words, during the Kings natural Life, which made it a 
 Temporary Law ; and by adding the Words, Holy Church, after the 
 Laws of God, which had a great Extent, this Form was agreed to : 
 But what Effedl this had, or whether it was offered to the King, does 
 not appear. The Alterations, that were aftewards made will appear 
 to any who compares this with the SubmilTion ; of which a parti- 
 cular Account will be found in my Hiflory. 
 
 The Bifhop of hondon, prefiding in the'Abfence of the Archbifliop, 
 told them, that the Duke of Norfolk had fignified to him, that the 
 Houfe of Commons had granted the King a Fifteenth to be raifed in 
 Two Years ; fo he advifcd the Clergy to be as ready as the Laity had 
 been to fupply the King. The Prolocutor was fent down with this 
 Intimation ; he immediately returned back, and propofed that they 
 fhould confider of an Anfwer to be made to the King, concerning 
 the Ecclefiaflical Authority ; and that fome might be fent to the King, 
 to pray him that he would maintain the Liberties of the Church, 
 which he and his Progenitors had comfirmed to them : And they 
 delired, that the Bilhops oi London ■a.wd^ Li?icoln, with fome Abbots, 
 the Dean of the King's Chapel, and Fox his Almoner, would inter- 
 cede in Behalf of the Clergy ; which they undertook to do. 
 TheSubmiffi- I'l the io6th Seflion, which was on the loth oi May, the Arch- 
 on made to bifliop appointed a Committee to go and treat with the Bifhop of 
 Sft^po^n'ly"^ i?(?cM^r at his Houfe upon that Matter. In the 107th Seffion, the 
 diilenting. 13th of May, the Archbifliop appointed the Chancellbr oiWorcefier 
 to raifc Tracy ^ Body : Then they agreed to the Anfwer they were to 
 make to the King. In the io8th Seflion, on the 15th of May, the 
 Writ for Proroguing the Convocation was brought to the Archbifhop: 
 At the fame time, the Duke of Norfolk, the Marquis of Exeter, the 
 Earl of Oxford, the Lord Sands, Lord Chamberlain, and the Lord 
 Bullen, and Lord Rochford, were in a fecret Conference with the 
 Archbifliop and Bifhops for the Space of an Hour ; when they with- 
 drew, the Prolocutor and Clergy came up. The Archbifliop asked, 
 how they had agreed to the Schedule, which, as appears, was the 
 Form of the Submiflion. The Prolocutor told him, how many 
 were for the Affirmative, how many for the Negative, and how ma- 
 ny were for putting off the Three Articles (of the Submiffion.) 
 The Archbifhop faid, he expefted thofe Lords would come back to 
 him from the King, and lb fent thqni back to their Houfe. Thefe 
 3 Lords
 
 Book IL oftJoe Church ^^/^ England. 79 
 
 Lords came back, to the Chapter-Houfe, and after fome Dif- 153 
 
 courfe with the Bifhops, they retired. After Dinner, the Schedule 
 
 was read in Englijh ; and the Archbilhop afked, if they agreed to it ; 
 
 they ail anfwered they did agree to it, only the Biiliop of Bath dif- 
 
 fented. Then he fent it down by his Chancellor, to propofe it to the 
 
 Lower-Houfe. After that, on the 15th of Mrt)', it feems, the Sche- J 
 
 dule was fent back by the Lower-Houfe, tho' that is not mentioned < 
 
 in the Abftraft that we have remaining. For that Day the Convo- \ 
 
 cation was Prorogued, and the next Day the Archbifliop delivered ] 
 
 it to the King, as enadled and concluded by himfelf and others. i 
 
 The Convocation was Prorogued to the 5 th of November. .\ 
 
 And thus this great Tranfaftion was brought about, in little more 
 than a Month's Time : The firft Motion towards it being made on ' 
 
 the 1 2th of April, and it was concluded on the 15th of May. It j 
 
 appears by their Heat againft Tracy's Te/lament, and againft Latimer, \ 
 
 that they who managed the Oppofition that was made to it, were ! 
 
 Enemies to every thing that looked towards a Reformation. It feems, 
 Fijher did not proteft ; for tho' by their fending a Committee to his 
 Houfe, it may be fuppofed he was lick at that time ; yet he might ; 
 
 have fent a Proxy, and ordered a Diflent to be entred in his Name : 
 And that not being done, gives ground to fuppofe that he did not ve- I 
 
 hemently oppofe this Submiflion. By it, all the Oppofition that the ^ 
 
 Convocations would probably have given to every Step that was i 
 
 made afterwards in the Reformation, was fo entirely reftrained, that 1 
 
 the quiet Progrefs of that Work was owing chiefly to the Reftraint 
 under which the Clergy put themfelves by their Submiflion : And ■ 
 
 in this the whole Body of this Reformed Church has chearfuUy ac- 
 quiefced, till within thefe few Years, that great Endeavours have \ 
 
 been ufed to blacken and difgrace it. i 
 
 I have ic^w no particular Account, how this Matter went in the 1 
 
 Convocation at York., nor how Matters went there ; fave only that 
 it was agreed, to give a Tenth. I have feen a Letter oi Magfius, one j 
 
 of the King's Chaplains, who was required by Cro?>iweI to go thither, I 
 
 where Dr. Lee was to meet him. There is no Year added in the The Proceed- i 
 
 Date of the Letter ; but flnce he mentions the laft Convocation, that >"Ss at Tori. ', 
 
 had given a great Sum of Money, and owned the King to be the | 
 
 Supreme, that fixes it to this Seflion, He dates it from Marybone the 
 2ift of April, as it will be feen in the CoUeftion. " He was then in ■ - 
 
 " an ill State of Health, but promifes to be at York foon after the Co//, t^umh. \ 
 
 " Beginning of their Convocation. He complains, that he had no *'" 
 *' Afliftance at the laft Meeting ; and that the Books, which the King 
 *' had promifed fliould be fent after him, were not fent: Which 
 " made the King's Caufe to be the longer in treating, before it came 
 " to a good Conclufion. The Prelates and Clergy there, would not . 
 
 ' ' believe any Report of the Adl paffed at London, unlefs they were i 
 
 " fliewed them Authentically, either under Seal, or by the King's 
 " Letters. He hopes both thefe things which had been negledted 
 " formerly, would be now done ; otherwife the Clergy in thofe Parts 
 " would not proceed to any flrange Ads : So he warns him that all 
 " things may be put in Order. 
 
 What-
 
 8o l^he Hiftcry of the Reformation Part HI. 
 
 J 5: 
 
 Whatfofever it was thatpaileJ either in the one or the other Con- 
 vocation, the King kept it within himfelf for Two Years i For,- fo 
 
 long 
 
 Coll. Numb. 
 
 22. 
 
 Proceedings 
 during the 
 Vacancy of 
 Cmitei burj. 
 
 cone 
 
 he was in treating Terms with Rome : And if that'had 
 
 on, all this mufl have been given up : But when the final Breach 
 
 came on, which was after Two Years, it was ratified in Parliament. 
 
 Before the next Meeting, JVarhr.m died. Ke had all along con- 
 curred in the King's Proceedings, and had promoted them in Convo- 
 cation ; yet in the laft Year of his Life, fix Months before his 
 Death, on the 9th of February 1531, he made a Proteftation of a 
 Angular Nature, not in the Houfe of Lords, but at Lambeth ; and 
 fo fecretly, that Mention is only made of Three Notaries raid Four 
 WitnelTes prefeat at the making it. It is to this Effed ; That ivhat 
 Statutes fcevcr bad paffed., ^ of- were to pafs hi this prejent Parliameni, 
 to the Prrjiidice. of the Pope, or the Apoftolick See, or that derogated 
 Jrom, or kjj'encd the Ecclefiajircal Authority, or the Liberties of his 
 £ee 0/^ Canterbury, he did ?iot confent to thetn ; but did difcivn and 
 difent from them. This was found in tlfe Longue^oille Library, and 
 was communicated to me by Dr. Wake, the prefent Bifliop oi Lincoln. 
 I. leave it with the Reader, to confider what Conflruftion can be 
 made upon this ; v.'hether it was, in the Decline of his Life, put on 
 him bv his Confefitir about the Time of Lent, as a Penance for whsEt 
 he had done ; or if he mufl be looked on as a deceitful Man, that 
 while he fcerned openly to concur in thofe things, he protefted againft 
 them fecretly. The Inftrument will be found in the CoUeftion. 
 Upon his Death, the Prior and Convent of CJjriJf-Church of Can- 
 terbury, deputed the Bifliop of St. Afapb to prefide in the Convo- 
 cation. On the 20th of jR.^/^rw/7r)', in the 4th Seflion, the Bifliop of 
 London moved, that the Two Univerfities fliould be exempted from 
 paying any Part of the Subfidy : The fame was alfo defired for fome 
 Religious Orders, and it was agreed to, Gardiner only difienting, as to 
 the Exemption of the Religious Orders. It may reafonably be fup- 
 pofed, that his oppofing this was in Compliance with the King, vvho 
 began to fiiew an Averfion both to the Monks and Friars; feeing they 
 were generally in the Interefls of Queen Katharine ; and Gardiner 
 was the moft forward in his Compliances of all the Clergy, Boner, 
 only excepted, tho' the old Leaven of Popery was deep in them 
 both. 
 
 In the iiitli Sefhon, on the 26th oi March, Latimer was again 
 
 brought before them: And it was laid to his Charge, that he had 
 
 preached, contrary to his Promife. Gardiner inveighed feverely 
 
 againfl: him ; and to him all the refl agreed. When the Prolocutor 
 
 came up, the Prefident fpoke to him of the Sublidy : Then the 
 
 Matter of the King's Marriage was brought before them. Gardiner 
 
 ; produced fome Inflrurnents, which he defired them to read : They 
 
 .were the Judgments of feveral Univerlkies. Some doubted, if it 
 
 : was fafe to debate a Matter that was then depending before the Pope : 
 
 . But the Prefident put an Eni to that Fear, by producing a Breve of 
 
 the Pope's, in which all were allowed to deliver their Opinions freely 
 
 .in that Matter : So he exhorted them to examine the Queflions to 
 
 be put to them carefully, that they might be prepared to give their 
 
 Opinions about them. 
 
 . ' In
 
 Book II. of the ChidfxJo of England. 8i 
 
 In the 1 1 2th Seffion, the Preiident produced the Original Inflru- 1 2;3 i. 
 
 ment of the Univeriities oi Paris, Oi'kam, Bologna, Padi/a, Bonrges, ^— — v -' 
 
 znd Tbculou/'e, (Anglers ^nd Ferrara zrt not named j) and after j,2tfon fudges 
 much Difputing, they were dcfired to deliver their Opinions, as to againft the 
 the Confummation of the Marriage. Becaufe it was a difficult ^j^S'^ Marri- 
 Cafe, they asked more Time. They had till Four a Clock given * ' 
 them ; then there were yet more Dilputings : la Conclufion, they 
 agreed with the Univerfities. This was firfl: put to them ; tho' in 
 the Inftrument made upon it, it is mentioned after that which was 
 oiFered to them in the next Seffion. 
 
 • On the Second of April, 1533, 0't7/7;;/^r being now Confecrated, /?>»;«•. 
 and prefent, Two Queftions were propofed, and put to the Vote. 
 The Firfl was. Whether the Prohibition to Marry the Brother's Wife, 
 the former Marriage being Confiimmaied, laas difpenfble by the Pope '4 
 Or, as it is in the Minutes, Whether it was Lawful to Marry the 
 Wife of a Brother dying without Ijjiie ; but hoscijig Cotifummated the 
 Marriage ? And if the Prohibition offuch a Marriage was gt'oiinded 
 on a Divine Law, with which the Pope could difpeiife, or not ? There 
 were prefent Sixty-fix Divines, v/ith the Proxies of 197 abfent Bi- 
 fhops, Abbots, and others : All agreed to the Affirmative, except 
 only Nineteen. 
 
 The Second Queftion was. Whether the Confummation of Prince 
 Arthur^ Marriage was fifjiciently proved ? This belonged to the 
 Canonifts ; fo it was referred to the Biffiops and Clergy of that Pro- 
 feffion, being Forty-four in all, of whom One had the Proxy of 
 Three Bifliops : All thefe, except Five or Six, affirmed it : Of thefe, 
 the Bifliop of Bath and Wells was one. Of all this, a Publick In- 
 Ih'ument was made. 
 
 In the Account I formerly gave of this Matter, I offi:red a Conje- 
 d:ure concerning the Conftitution of the Two Houfes, that Deans 
 and Archdeacons, who fat in their own Right, were then of the 
 Upper-Houfe ; which, I fee, was without any good Ground. I 
 likev.'ife committed another Error, thro' Inadvertence : For I faid, 
 the Opinions of Nineteen Univerfities were read ; whereas, only 
 Six were read. And the Nineteen, which I added to the Number 
 of the Univerfities, was the Number of thofe who did not agree to 
 the Vote. 
 
 Thefe Qiiefi:ions were next fent to the Convocation of the Pro- The Archbi* 
 vince of Tbr-^ ; where there were prefent Twenty-feven Divines, -"P' g'^^^^^^g 
 who had the Proxies of Twenty-four, who were abfent : And all agamft it. 
 thefe. Two only excepted, agreed to the Firft Queftion. There were 
 likewife Forty-four Canonifiis prefent, with the Proxies of Five or 
 Six : To them the Second Quefi:ion was put ; and all thefe were for 
 the Affirmative, Two only excepted. The whole Reprefentative of 
 the Church of England, in the Convocation of the Two Provinces of 
 Canterbury and Tork, did in this manner give their Anfwer to the 
 Two Quefi:ions put to them ; upon which Cranmer wrote to the 
 King on the i ith of April, complaining, that the Great Caufe of his 
 Matrimony had depended long ; and upon that, he defired his Li- 
 cence to judge it : Which the King readily granted. So he gave 
 Sentence, condemning it on the 23d of May : And then the King 
 
 Vol. III. Y openly
 
 8 1 T'/je Hip or y of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 I CT I. openly owned his Second Marnage j for the New Queen's Big Belly 
 v-»— v"— — ' could be no longer concealed. 
 
 With that the r^j^j^ ^^^ highly refented at Rome^ as an open Attempt upon the 
 was highly of- Pope's Authority ; and thefe Steps, in their Stile, were called the 
 fendeti. jittentates : So conlidering the Blind SubmilTion to the Popes, in 
 
 Nvhich tlie World had been kept for fo many Ages, it was no v/on- 
 der to find the Imperialifis call upon the Pope, almoft in a tumultu- 
 ary Manner, to exert his Authority to the full, when he faw it fo 
 openly affronted. And it is very probable, that if the Pope had not 
 with that violent Paffion, that Italians have for the Advanc-'ng their 
 Families, run into the Propofition for marrying his Niece to the 
 Duke oi Orleans, he would have fulminated upon this Occafion: But 
 he finding that might be broke off, if he had proceeded to the ut- 
 mofi: Extremities with King Henry, was therefore refolved to pro- 
 long the Time, and to delay the final Sentence ; otherwife the Matter 
 would have been ended much fooner than it was. 
 
 Gard'mer, Bryan, and Bennet, were fent as Ambafiadors. to the 
 
 King of France, to Marfeillcs. Bojier was alfo fent thither on a 
 
 more defperate Service ; for he was ordered to go and read the 
 
 King's Appeal from the Pope, to a General Council, in the Pope's 
 
 own Prefence, at fuch Time, and in fuch a Manner, as the King;'s 
 
 J, T-, Ambafiadors fhould dired. Of the Execution of this, he gave the 
 
 yue/i. B. 14. King a very particular Account, in a Letter to him, bearing Date at 
 
 Coll. Marfeilks, the 13th oi November, 1533. Which the Reader will 
 
 Numb. 23. ^^^^ j^^ ^^^ CoUeftion, copied from the Original : In it he tells the 
 
 King, 
 
 Moner inti- " That being commanded by his Ambaffadors, to intimate to the 
 
 mates the cc Popg jn Perfon, the Provocations and Appeals that he had made ta 
 
 toTheVope!^ " a General Council ; he carried one Pennijlon, who it feems was a 
 
 " Notary, with him, to make an A<ft concerning it. They came to 
 
 " the Pope's Palace on the 17th oi November, in the Morning. Ke 
 
 *' found fome Difiiculty in getting Accefs : For he was told that the 
 
 " Pope was going to hold a Confiftory ; fo that no other Bufinefs 
 
 " was to interpofe : Yet he got into the Pope's Chamber, where the 
 
 " Pope was with the two Cardinals de Medicis and Lorrain : The 
 
 *' Pope being apparalled in his Stole, to go to the Confifi:ory : The 
 
 " Pope quickly obferved Boner, for he had prayed the Datary to let 
 
 " the Pope know he defired to fpeak with him : The Datary faid it 
 
 " was not'a proper Time} but 5o«^r was refolved to go immediately 
 
 " to him ; fo he told the Pope of it : Who upon that difmiffed the 
 
 " Cardinals, and going to a Window, he called him to him ; upon 
 
 " that Bofier told him the Mefiage he had from the King to read be- 
 
 *' fore him ; making fuch Apology firll: in the King's Name, and then 
 
 •' in his own, as was neceffary to prepare him for it. The Pope 
 
 " cringed in the Italian way, but faid, he had pot time then to hear 
 
 " thofe Papers ; but bad him come again in the Afternoon, and he 
 
 " would give him a full Audience. When he came again, he was,. 
 
 " after fome othershad their Audience, called in; Pennijhn io\\ow-< 
 
 " ing him, whom the Pope had not obferved in the Morning. So Bonef 
 
 " told him, that it was he who had brought over his Commiflion 
 
 " and Orders ; upon that the Pope called for his Datary, and for St'^ 
 
 1 ^^ monetta
 
 Book II. ' of the Church o/' England. ^'i, 
 
 *' monetta and Capifuchi. Till they came in, the Pope, in Difcourfe, 153 !• 
 
 *' afked both ioxGardincr and Brian., feeniingly not to know that they ^-»-v~~J 
 
 *' were ■\\.AIarfcilks; and he lamented the Death oiBxmnet: He com- 
 
 " plained of the King's ufing him as he did. Boner., on the other 
 
 " Hand, complained of his unkind Ufage of the King j and that he 
 
 *' had, contrary to his Promife, avocated the Caufe, when it was 
 
 " brought to the Point of giving Sentence ; and had now retained the 
 
 " Caufe to Rotne, whither the King could not come perfonally, nor 
 
 " was he bound to fend a Proftor : And he urged the Matter very 
 
 " clofe upon the Pope. He alfo complained, that the King's Caufe 
 
 " being juft, and efteemed fo by the beil Learned Men in Chriften- 
 
 " dom,ye.t the Pope kept it fo long in his Hands: The Pope anfwered^ 
 
 " that had not the Queen refufed the Judges as fufpedl, and taken 
 
 " an Oath, that flie expedied no Juftice in the King's Dominions, he 
 
 *' would not have avocated the Caufe : But in that Cafe, notwith- 
 
 " {landing his Promife, he was bound to do it ; and the Delay of 
 
 " the Matter lay wholly at the King's Door, who did not fend a 
 
 " Prod:or. While Boner was replying, the Datary came in, and the 
 
 " Pope cut him fhort ; and commanded the Datary to read the Com- 
 
 " milTion : Which he did : The Pope often interrupted the reading 
 
 " it, with Words that expreffed a high Difpleafure : And when the 
 
 " Appeal was read to the next lawful General Council to be held in a 
 
 " proper Place, he expreffed with fome Rage, his Indignation ; but 
 
 ** reflrained himfelf, and faid, All that came from the King was wel- 
 
 " come to him ; But by his Gefture and Manner, it appeared he was 
 
 *' much difcompofed. Yet after that, he fhewed how willing he was 
 
 " to call a Council, but that the King feemed to put it off 3 he or- 
 
 *' dered the Datary to read it quite through ; in the End mention be- 
 
 *' ing made of the Archbifliop of Canterbury s Sentence, he fpake of 
 
 " that with great Contempt. Pie alfo obferved that the King in 
 
 *' Words exprefl'ed Rei'ped: to the Church, and to the Apoflolick See, 
 
 " yet he expreffed none to his Perfon. While they were thus in Dif- 
 
 " courfe, the King of France came to fee the Pope, who met him at 
 
 *' the Door. That King feemed to know nothing of the Bufinefs, the' 
 
 " Boner believed he did know it : The Pope told him what they 
 
 *' were about ; they Two continued in private Difcourfe about three 
 
 " quarters of an Hour, and feemed very chearful : Then that King 
 
 " v/ent away, the Pope conduced him to the Door of the Anticham-^ 
 
 *' ber. When the Pope came back, he ordered the Datary to read out 
 
 " all that remained : The Pope often interrupting him as he read. 
 
 " V/hen the firfl Inflrument was read to an End, Bofier offered the 
 
 ** two Appeals, that the King had made to a General Council ; thefe 
 
 " the Pope delivered to the Datary, that he might read them. 
 
 " When all was read, the Pope faid he would confider with the •g^lJ'^^^^^ 
 *' Cardinals what Anfwer was to be given them; and feemed to think Pope. 
 " that the Writings were to remain with him : But Boner prefTing to 
 *' have them again ; he faid he would confider what Anfwer he was 
 " to give to that. So the Pope difmiffed him, after an Audience that 
 " lafted three Hours. The Datary told Boner, there was to be a 
 " Confiflory next Day ; after that he might come to receive his An- 
 ^ fwer. On the loth a Confiflory was held ; Jn the Afternoon, the 
 
 " Pope
 
 84 Tb^ Hiflcry of the Rejormatlon Part 111 
 
 1 53 I. " Pope was long taken up with the Blefling of Beads, and admitting 
 v-^^Y^— -" " Perlbns of Quality, of both Sexes, to kifs his Foot. When that 
 " was over, he called Bone?- in, and the Pope began to exprefs his 
 " Mind towards the King, that it was to do him all Juftice, and to 
 " pleafe him all he could; and though it had not been fo taken, yet 
 " he intended to continue in the fame ?/Iind : But according to aCon- 
 " ftitution of Pope Fim, that condemned all fuch Appeals, he rejeil- 
 " ed the King's Appeal to a General Council, as frivolous and unlaw- 
 " ful. As for a General Council, he would ufe all his Diligence to 
 " have it meet, as he had formerly done : But the calling it belonged 
 " wholly to him : He faid he would not reftore the Inflruments j 
 " and told BoraT, that the Datary fhould give him his Anfv/er in 
 " Writing. Boner went to the Datary's Chamber, where he found 
 " the Anfwer already written, but not figned by him : Next Day he 
 " ligned it ; adding the faho of anfwering it more fully and more 
 " particularly, if it ihould be thought meet. 
 
 " The Pope left Mcrjhlles the next Day, and went towards Roif^e. 
 " Bojicr concludes that the French knew of their Defign, and were 
 *' willing it flaouldbe done, two or three Days before the Pope's De- 
 " parture ; yet when it was done, they faid it had fpoiled all their 
 " Matters, and the King's likev.'ife". He fays nothing of any threat- 
 ning of bad Ufage to himfelf. The King of France indeed when 
 he expoftulated upon the Affront done the Pope, while in his 
 Houfe, faid, That he durft not have done that in any other Place : 
 This makes it probable that the Pope told him how he would have 
 ufed BoJier, if he had ferved him with that Appeal in his own Terri- 
 tories. So whether this came to be known afterwards from the Court 
 of France, or whether Boner might have fpread it in England at 
 his Return, to raife the Value of that Piece of Service, which he 
 was capable of doing, cannot be determined. It is certain it was re- 
 Aitifar.d:rm. ported in England io, that in the Anfwer to Sanders it is fet down ; 
 and from him I took it : But I will leave it with the Reader, to con- 
 lider what Credit may be due to it. 
 
 At the fan:ie Time Cranmer hearing the Pope defigned to proceed 
 againft him, did by the King's Order appeal likewife to a General 
 Council, and fent the Inflrument wich a Warrant to execute it, to 
 Crotnivell, that it might be fent to the Bifliop oiWincheJler, to get it 
 to be intimated to the Pope, in the befl Manner that could be thought 
 of: He therefore by the King's Command, fent this to him in a Let- 
 Co//. Numh. ter dated the 22d oi November, which will be found in theColledion, 
 24- but it does not appear to me what was done upon it. 
 
 LcGr.p. 571. I fnall in the next Place give an Account of the Inflruftions that 
 Bclhy fent the King of France fent by BeHay, then tranflated from Bayonne to 
 Kins, by King P^^J^i whom he difpatched immediately after he came back from 
 Francis. Marfeilks, as the Perfon in the Kingdom that wag the moft acceptable 
 
 to the King. The Subilance of them is, " That Francis had at the 
 " Interview ftudied nothing fo much as to advance Henrys Matters : 
 " Yet he heard that he complained of him as having done lefs than 
 " he expefted, which he took much amifs. It was agreed by the 
 " Two Kings, that a Proportion fliould be fet on Foot for the Duke 
 ." of Orleans marrying, the Pope's Niece ; which had not been be- 
 
 " fore
 
 Book II. of the Church ^t^ England. 85 
 
 " fore thought of. The Matter was fo far advanced, and the Inter- 153 1. 
 " view fo fettled, that Francis CQ\Adt. not afterwards put it off with 
 " Honour; all being done purfuant to their firft Agreement at Calais. 
 " The Pope promifed to make no new Step in King Henry's Matter, 
 " if he would do the fame. But King Henry did innovate in many 
 " Particulars, yet contrary to all Men's Expe<ftations, he had ef- 
 " feftually retrained the Pope from fliewing his Refentments upon 
 " it : And he was in a fair way to have engaged the Pope againft the 
 " Emperor, if King Henry would have given him any Handle for it. 
 " Once Francis hoped to have brought Henry to Marfeilles ; but he 
 " judged that was not fit for him, and promifed to fend the Duke of 
 " Norfolk in his Stead: For notwithffanding the Sentence paffed at 
 " Ro)ne, a Remedy was propofed, if a Perfon was fent with full 
 " Powers, as was expedled. When Gan^iner czme to Marfeii/es, he 
 " faid he had Orders to do whatfoever Francis fliould dired: him, 
 " but indeed he brought no fuch Powers. The Pope was refolved to 
 " do all that he could advile him for Henry s Satisfaiflion : And Fran- 
 " cis would enter upon none of his own Affairs, till that was firft 
 " fettled : He ftill waited for Powers from England, but none were 
 " fent. This might have provoked Francis to have been lefs zealous, 
 " but it did not : Inftead of fending what Francis expefted, there 
 " was an Appeal made from the Pope to a General Council, which fo 
 " highly provoked the Pope, that what he had been labouring to do 
 " a whole Week, was pulled down in one Hour. It was alfo an In-^ 
 *' jury to Francis to ufe the Pope ill without his Knowledge, when 
 " he was in his Houfe, doing that there which they durft not have 
 " done any where elfe. This gave great Joy to the SpafiiarJs, and 
 " though the Pope offered to put Leghorn, Parma and Placentia, with 
 " other Places of greater Importance, into Francis s Hand, yet upon 
 " the Rupture with Hetiry, he would treat of nothing, fo he con- 
 " eluded the Marriage, with no Advantage to himfelf from it 5 and 
 " yet for all this Zeal and Friendfliip that he had expreffed to King 
 " Hetiry, he had no Thanks, but only Complaints. He faw he was 
 *' difpofed to fufpe<ft him in every Thing, as in particularfor his treat- 
 " ing with the King of Scotland, though by fo doing, he had taken 
 " him wholly out of the Emperor's Hands, He propofes of new to 
 " King Henry, the fame Means that were propofed at Marfeilles, in 
 " order to the reconciling him to the Pope, with fome other Mo- 
 " tions, which he will fee are good and reafonable, and upon that all 
 " that paffed would be eafily repaired : He perceived plainly at Mar- 
 *' feilles, that the King's Ambaffadors had no Intentions to bring 
 " Matters to an Agreement; and when he told them that he faw there 
 " was no Intention to inake up Matters, they only fmiled. It touch- 
 " ed the King of France very fenfibly, to fee all his Friendfliip and 
 " good Offices to be fo little underftood and fo ill requited. He was 
 " offered the Dutchy of M/Az?;, if he would fuffer the Emperor and 
 *■ the Pope to proceed againft the King oi England. But he was now 
 " to offer to King Henry, if he would reconcile himfelf to the Pope, 
 *' a League between the Pope and the Two Kings Offenfive and De- 
 " fenfive. But if King Henry would come into no fuch Agreement, 
 " yet he was to affure him that he would ftill continue in a firm and 
 Vol. III. Z " bro-
 
 S6 The Hiftory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 15: 
 
 CoMunLibr. 
 AVro B. 6 . 
 A Reprefen- 
 tation made 
 to the Empe- 
 ror. 
 
 brotherly Friendfliip with him ; . and if by Realbn of his Marriage, 
 and the Cenfures that might be paffed on that Account, any Prince 
 " Ihould make War upon him, that he would aflifl him according to 
 '= their Treaties : And that he would fo manage the King oi Scot- 
 " land-, that he would engage him into a defeniive League with him. 
 " In Conclufion, he deftred that fome other better Inftruments than 
 " theBifliop of Winchejier might be employed, for he thought he had 
 " no good Intentions, neither to the one nor the other of them. 
 
 There is fome Reafon to fufpeft that thefe Inftrudlions are not fully 
 fet forth by he Grand : For the beft Argument to perfuade the King 
 to come to Terms of Reconciliation, was to tell him what the Pope 
 had faid to him of the Juftice of his Caufe. It is certain that Fran- 
 cis owned that on other Occafions ; this makes it highly probable 
 that it was fet forth in thefe Inftrudlions ; fo that I cannot help 
 fufpefting, that fome Part of them is fuppreffed. 
 
 At this Time, the King in a Letter to his Amdaflador that was at 
 the Emperor's Court, after he had ordered him to lay open the Falf- 
 hood of the Reports that had been carried to the Emperor, of Queen 
 Kntherines being ill ufed ; and to complain of her obilinate Tem- 
 per, and of her infixing on her Appeal to the Pope, after the Law 
 was paffed againft all fuch Appeals : He adds, that as he had told the 
 Emperor's Ambaffador at his Court, the Pope had to the French King 
 confeffed that his Caufe was juft and lawful ; and that he had pro- 
 mifed to him at Marfeilles, that if the King would fend a Proxy, he 
 would give Sentence for him in his principal Caufe : Which the King 
 refufed to do, looking on that as a Derogation from his Royal Digni- 
 ty. The Pope it feems looked on his refuling to do this as a Con- 
 tempt, and pronounced Sentence againfl him, notwithftanding his 
 Appeal to a General Council, that had been perfonally intimated to 
 him. This the King imputed to his Malice, and his Defign to fup- 
 port his ufurped Authority. 
 
 The Bifliop of Paris coming to London, had very long and earneft 
 
 Conferences with the King : In Conclufion the King promifed, that 
 
 if the Pope would fuperfede his Sentence, the King would likewife 
 
 fuperfede the feparating himfelf entirely from his Obedience : Upon 
 
 that, tho' it was in Winter, he went immediately Port to Rome. At 
 
 the fame time the King fent a Letter to his Ambaffadors at Rome ■: He 
 
 tells them, " That after the Interview at Marfeilles, he had heard both 
 
 " by Boner and Sir Gregory, that the Pope had in a lively Manner 
 
 " fpoken to the Emperor in Favour of the King's Caufe, and feemed 
 
 *' more Inclined than formerly to do him Juftice. He had propofed 
 
 " that the King fliould fend a Mandate defiring his Caufe might be 
 
 " tried in an indifferent Place : Upon which he would fend a Legate 
 
 " and two Auditors to form the Procefs : Referving the Judgment to 
 
 " himfelf : Or, that the King oi France and he would concur to pro- 
 
 " cure a General Council, by concluding a Truce for three or four 
 
 " Years, upon which he would call one, and leave the King's Caufe 
 
 " to be judged in it. The fame Overtures were made to the King 
 
 " by the Pope's Nuntio. He pretended that Sir Gregory had made 
 
 " them to the Pope in the King's Name; and that the Pope had 
 
 " agreed to them : Yet the King had never fent any fuch Orders 
 
 4 " to
 
 Book II. of the Church of England. ^'j 
 
 " to Sir Gregory, but rather to the contrary. Yet fince the Pope in 153 !• 
 " thefe Overtures fhewed better Inclinations than formerly, which' 
 " indeed he was out of Hope of, he ordered Thanks to be given 
 " him in his Name : The King afked nothing in Return for all the 
 " Service he had done him and the See, but Juflice according to the 
 " Laws of God, and the Ordinances of the Holy Councils; which if 
 " he would now do fpeedily, fetting afide all Delays, he might befure 
 *' that he and his Kingdom would be as loving to him and his See, as 
 '^^ they had been formerly accuftomed to be: But for the Truce, 
 " how defirous foever he was of outward Quiet, yet he could not 
 " fet himfelf to procure it, till he had firfl Peace in his own Confci- 
 " ence, which the Pope might give him ; and then he would ufe his 
 " beft Endeavours for a general Peace with the King of France ; 
 " from whom he would never feparate himfelf. Hetherefore charges 
 " them to prefs the Pope to remit the Fadl, to be tried within the 
 " Kingdom, according to the old Sanations of General Councils. If 
 " the Pope would grant his Defire, he would difpofe all his Allies to 
 " concur in the Sei'vice of that See. He could not confent to let 
 " his Caufe be tried out of the Realm : It was contrary both to his 
 " Prerogative, and to the Laws of his Kingdom : And by his Coro- 
 " nation Oath, he was bound to maintain thofe. So without the 
 " Confent of his Parliament, he could not agree to it; and he was fure 
 " they would never confent to that. He hoped the Pope would not 
 " compel him to do Things prejudicial to the Papal Dignity, as it 
 " was then exercifed, which unlefs he were forced to it, by the Pope's 
 " Condudl towards him, he had no Mind to do. The Pope had 
 " faid to Sir Gregory , that by their Laws, the Pope could not dif- 
 " penfe in fuch a Marriage, unlefs there was an urgent Caufe prefling 
 " it : And the clearing this Point, he thought would more certainly 
 " advance the King's Caufe, than the Opinion of Lawyers and Di- 
 *' vines, that the Pope could not difpenfe with it. The Emperor 
 " had faid to the Pope, that there was an extreme bloody War at 
 "that Time, betv/een E^ngland^ivA Spain; for the pacifying which, 
 *' the Difpenfation allowing the Marriage was granted : Whereas in 
 " the League figned by his Father , and by Ferdinand and IfabeUa,\x^on 
 " which the Difpenfation was obtained, no fuch Thing was pretend- 
 " ed ; the Marriage was agreed to for the Continuance and Augmen- 
 *' tation of their Amity ; and upon the Account of the good Quali- 
 " ties of the Queen : It was alfo plainly exprefled in that League, 
 <' that her former Marriage wasconfummated. So the Difpenfation 
 " was granted without any urgent Caufe. And therefore by the 
 ** Pope's own Conceffion, it could not be valid : He fent to Rotne an 
 " attefted Tranfcript of that League : So if the Pope would refer 
 *' the judging in this Matter, to the Church of England^ and ratify 
 " the Sentence given in it, he will not only acquire the Obedience of 
 ** us and of our People, but pacify theDifputes that have been raifed, 
 " to the Quiet of all Chrijleridom. He concludes, that if the Pope 
 " feemed difpofed to be benevolent to the King, they were not to 
 «' declare all this, as his final Anfwer, but to aiTure him that he would 
 " ftudy by all honourable Ways to concur with the Pope's towardly 
 " Mind, if he will earneftly apply himfelf and perfevere in fuch O- 
 
 " pinion
 
 88 The Hi/lory of the Reformation Part lil. 
 
 153 I. " pinion as may be for the Acceleration of the faid Caufe". This 
 *— "^V";-- ' is all that I can find of the Submiffion that he offered ; but how 
 much further his Promifes fent by the Bifliop of Faris went, does 
 not appear to me. 
 D of Norfolk's '^° quicken the Court of France to interpofe efFedtually with the 
 Letter to Pope, to bring this Matter to the Conclufion that all the Papifts of 
 Montmorancy. £;2^/^;z^ labour'd eameflly for ; the Duke of iVw/o/^ wrote on the 
 27th of 'January, a very full Letter on the Subjedt to Moyitimr an- 
 te Grand, p. cy. " He was glad that the Bifliop of Faris was fent to Rofne, 
 5^8. «< with Inftru(5lions exprelfing the entire Union that was between 
 
 " the Two Kings. He willied he might fucceed : For if the Pope 
 " would perfift in his Obflinacy to favour the Emperor, and to op- 
 " prefs the King in his moft Juft Caufe, an Oppofition to his Au- 
 " thority would be unavoidable : And it would give Occafions to 
 " many Queflions, greatly to his Prejudice, and againft his U- 
 " furpations. It began to be believed, that the Pope had no Au- 
 " thority out of Rome., any more than any other Bifliop has out 
 " of his Diocefe: And that this Ufurped Authority grew by the 
 " Permiflion of Princes, blinded by Popes ; who, contrary to the 
 " Laws of God, and the Good of the Church, had maintained 
 " it. To fupport this, many clear Texts of Scripture were brought, 
 " with Reafons founded on them ; And many Hiilories were al- 
 " ledged, to prove, that Popes themfelves were made by the Empe- 
 " rors ; and that their Authority was only fuffered, but not grant- 
 " ed, nor confirmed by Emperors or Kings. Of all this, the Bi- 
 " {hops, and other Dodlors, had made fuch Difcoyeries, that he 
 " himfelfand other Noblemen, as well as the Body of the People, 
 " were fo convinced of it, that if the King would give way to it, 
 " (which, if no Interpofition faves it, probably he will do) this 
 " prefent Parliament will withdraw from the Pope's Obedience ; and 
 " then every thing that depends on it, will be hated and abhorred 
 " by the whole Nation : And other States and Kingdoms may from 
 " thence be moved to do the fame. He, out of the Friendfliip that 
 " was between them, gave him this Advertifement. He apprehend- 
 " ed fome ill Effedls, from the Readinefs the King of France had 
 " exprefled to favour the Pope, even to the Prejudice of his own 
 " Authority. For he had taken a Bull, to do Juflice in his own 
 *' Kingdom ; as if he had not full Authority to do that without a 
 *' Bull. The Pope, and his Succeflbrs, might make this a Prece- 
 " dent for Ufurping on the Royal Authority. He alfo complains, 
 " that tho' their King had promifed to the Earl of Rochford, that 
 " Beda, who had calumniated the King fo much, and was his Enemy 
 " in his juft Caufe, fliould be baniflied not only from Faris, but 
 " out of his Kingdom j yet He was now fuddenly recalled. He 
 " wifhes thefe Things may be confidered in Time : He does not 
 *' propofe that the King of France fliould turn the Pope's Enemy ; 
 " but if there came a Rupture between the King and the Pope, 
 " that he would not fo favour the Pope,- as to give him more Bold- 
 " nefs in Executing his Malice againfl the King, or his Subjecfis : 
 " And that they might not be deceived by hisPromifes, as if he would 
 
 " ena-
 
 Book II. of the Church of England. 89 
 
 " enable Francis to recover his Dominions in Italy, if he fliould be 1531. 
 " thereby engaged to lofe tlie Friendlhip of the King, and his u — v-*«-' 
 " Allies. 
 
 This came in time, to quicken the Court of France : For, by a Cotton Libr. 
 Letter writ from Rome on the 20th of February, it appears, that the f^'^''^ ^ '•*• 
 Pope was at that Time in great Anxiety. He was prefled hard by i^ great^^n-^^ 
 the ImpcriaUJh, on the one Hand j and he faw the Danger of Lo- xiety. 
 fing England, on the other Hand. To fome about him, he expref- 
 fed a great Inclination to be reconciled to the King : He fent fecret- 
 ly for fome great Lawyers ; they were pofitive that the King's 
 Caufe was juft, and that his Second Marriage was good. But now 
 the Matter being brought to a Crifis, I fliall give it in the Words of 
 du Bellay, who, no doubt, bad his Information from his Brother. Mem. i/a 5^/- 
 " Kiiig Henry, upon the Remonftrances that the Bilhop of Pa-is l"y- 
 " made to him, condefcended, that if the Pope would fuperfede the .^^^' '''"^' 
 " Sentence, till he fent Judges to hear his Matter, he would fuper- 
 " fede the Executing that which he was refolved to do ; which was, 
 " to feparate himfelf entirely from Obedience to the See of Rome. 
 " And the Bifliop of Paris offering to undertake the Journey to 
 " Rome, he afiured him, that when he obtained that which he went 
 '' to demand there, he would immediately fend him fufficient Pow- 
 " ers to confirm that which he had promifed ; trulting in him, 
 " by reafon of the great Friendfliip that he had for fo long a Time 
 " born him ; for he had been Ambaffador in his Court for Two 
 " Years. 
 
 " It was a very fevere Winter ; but the BIfhop thought the Trou- 5^% was to 
 *' ble was fmall, fo he might accomplifh that which he went upon. Z°^°Rome,m 
 *' So he came in good Time to Rome, before any Thing was done; up^he Brea^ch! 
 " and in an Audience in the Confiftory, he gave an account of 
 " that which he had obtained of the King of England, for the 
 " Good of the Church. The Propofition was judged reafonable, 
 " and a Time was affigned him for getting the King's Anfwer : So 
 " he difpatched a Courier to the King, with a Charge to ufe fuch 
 " Diligence, that he might return within the Time limited. 
 
 *' The Day that was fet for the Return of the Meffenger being The final Sen- 
 " come, and the Courier not come back, the Imperialifts preffed in '^"^^ gj^^" "* 
 " Confiftory, that the Pope fliould give Sentence. The Bifhop, on 
 " the other Hand, prefled both the Pope in particular, and all the 
 " Cardinals, that they would continue the Time only for Six Days j 
 " alledging, that fome Accident might have happen'd to the Cou- 
 " rier : The Sea might not be pafl'able, or the Wind contrary ; fo 
 " that either in Going, or Coming, the Courier might be delay- 
 " ed : And fince the King had Patience for Six Years, they might 
 " well grant him a Delay for Six Days. He made thefe Remon- 
 " ftrances in full Confiftory; to which many of thofe who faw 
 " the Cleareft, and judged the beft of Things, condefcended : But 
 " the greater Number prevailed over the leffer Number of thofe, 
 " who confidered well the Prejudice that was like to happen to 
 " the Church by it ; and they went on with that Precipitation, 
 " that they did in One Confiftory, that which could not be done in 
 " Three Confiftories ; and fo the Sentence was fulminated. 
 
 Vol. in. A a " Two
 
 90 ^he Hiflory of the Reformation Part Hi. 
 
 j..j_ <t Two Days had not pafled, when the Courier came with the 
 
 V.--V— -J " Powers and Declarations from the King of England ; of which 
 
 The Courier " the Bilhop had affured them. This did much confound thofe 
 
 came Two " who had been for the Precipitating the Matter, They met often, 
 
 Days too late. ,, ^^ ^^^ jf ^^^ zoxx\^ redrefs that which they had fpoiled ; but they 
 
 " found no Remedy. The King of Englatui kt'mg with what In- 
 
 " dignity he was ufed, and that they fhewed as little Regard to him, 
 
 " as if he had been the meanefl: Perfon in Chrijleiidom^ did immedi- 
 
 " ately withdraw himfelf, and his Kingdom, from the Obedience of 
 
 " the Church of Rome ; and declared himfelf to be, under God, 
 
 " the Head of the Church 0/ England. 
 
 We have a further Account of this Tranfiidtion, in the Letters 
 that Mr. he Grand has publiflied. On the 2 2d of February, Raince^ 
 Le Grand, p. ^j^^ Prench Ambaffador, wrote from Rome a Letter full of good 
 Further^' Hopcs : And it feems the Biiliop 0/ Par/s wrote in the fame Strain ; 
 Proofs of this ]-)u J ^g Letter of the 23d of A/^rc/6 is very different from that : It 
 ^^"^'^' was on the fame Day that the Confiftory was held. " There were 
 " Two and Twenty Cardinals prefent, when Sentence was given j 
 " by which King Hrnry's Marriage with Queen Kathennewas decla- 
 " red good and valid, and the Iffue by it lawful. Upon hearing the 
 *« News of this, he went and afked the Pope about it, who told him 
 « it was true , but that tho' fome would have had iCmmedlately in- 
 " timated, he had delayed the ordering that till after Eajler. He 
 " with the other French Ambaffadors made no Anfwer to the Pope, 
 *< only the Bifliop of Paris told him, he had no other Bufinefs there j 
 *' fo he muft return home again. They did not put the Pope in mind 
 «' of the Promifes and Aflurances he had given them to the contrary 
 " when they faw it was to no Purpofe ; and it was not eafy tofay 
 *' fuch things as the Occafion required : But the Bifhop intended to 
 *' fpeak more plainly to the Pope, when he fhould take his Leave of 
 " him, which would be within three or four Days. He adds, that 
 *' for fome Reafons, which he would tell the French King, they were 
 " in doubt, whether that which was done, was not conform toafe- 
 " cret Intention of the King's, that was not made known to them. 
 " He apprehended, if he fta) ed longer there, it might give the King 
 " of England Caufe of Sufpicion : For he had by his laft Letters to 
 " him given him Aflurances, upon which perhaps he had difmilTed 
 " his Parliament ; for which he would be much difpleafed with the 
 " Bifhop. He defires the King will give Advice of this with all Di- 
 *' ligence to King Henry : And then all the World would fee, that 
 " the King had done all that was pofhble for him to do, both toferve 
 " his Friend, and to prevent the great Mifchief that might follow to 
 " the Church, and to all Chrijlendom : For there was not any one 
 " thing omitted, that could have been done. The hnpcrialijts were 
 " running about the Streets in great Bodies, crying, Empire and Spain, 
 " as if they had got a Vidtory ; and had Bonefires and Difcharges of 
 " Cannon upon it. The Cardinals Trevulce, Rodolphe, and Rrianr, 
 " were not of that Number j others had not behaved themfelves fo 
 " well as was expedled. Raifice, one of the AmbafTadors, faid. He 
 " would give himfelf to the Devil, if the Pope lliould not 
 " find a way to fet all right, that is now fpoiled : He prelTed 
 
 " the
 
 • ———'—^ — — , 
 
 Book II. of the Church of England. oi 
 
 " the other AmbafTadors to go again to the Pope for that End, it ic-Ji. i 
 
 '• being a Maxim in the Canon Law, that Matrimonial Caufes are \— — v~— ' i 
 
 " never lb finally judged, but that they may be reviewed : They ! 
 
 " were aflured that the Pope was furprized in this, as well as he \ 
 
 " had been in the firfl; Sentence palTed in this Matter, The Pope | 
 
 " had been all that Night advifing with his Dodors, how to find a ] 
 
 " Remedy, and was in great Pain about it ; upon the Knowledge of 
 
 " this they were refolved to go to him, and fee if any thing was to 
 
 " be expedled. In a Poflfcript, he tells the King that he ought not 
 
 " to think it ftrange, if in their lafl: Letters they gave other Hopes ' 
 
 *' of the Opinions of the Cardinals, than appeared now by their 
 
 " Votes: They took what they wrote to him from what they faid, -^/^z. Hift. p. 
 
 " which they heard, and not from their Thoughts, which they "7- | 
 
 *' could not know. By a Letter that Pomf^one 'Treviike wrote from ' 
 
 Lyons, to the Billiop of Auxerre, it appears, that the Bifhop of 
 
 Fai-is pafs'd through Lyons, in his Return on the 14th, Two ' 
 
 Days before : *' In it he gave him the fame Account of the final Sen- ' 
 
 *' tence, that was formerly related : The Bifliop faid to him it was \ 
 
 " not the Pope's Fault, for he was for a Delay, and if they had 
 
 " granted a Delay of Six Days, the King of England would have ! 
 
 " returned to the Obedience of the Apoftolick See ; and left his • 
 
 " Caufe to be proceeded in, according to Juftice ; but the Imperia- ' 
 
 " lijis and their Party in the Confiftory, preffed the Matter fo, that i 
 
 " they would admit of no Delay : but when after a Day the Courier ■ 
 
 *' came, the Imperjalifls themfelves were confounded : He adds one i 
 
 *' Thing that the Bifliop told him of his Brother the Cardinal, that j 
 
 ** he preffed the Delay fo earneftly, that he was reproached for it, 
 
 *' and called a Frenchman : He avowed that he was. a Servant to the j 
 
 " moft Chriftian King, and that the King of France, and his Prede- ; 
 
 *' ceflbrs, had never done any thing but Good to the Apoftolick > 
 
 " See. \ 
 
 And now I have laid together all the Proceedings in the Matters Refleftions on ' 
 
 relating to the King's Divorce, and his Breach with the Court of this Breach. 
 
 Rome. In opening all this, 1 have had a great deal of Light given 
 
 me, by the Papers that Mr. Le Grand has publiflied, and by the 
 
 Book that he gave me ; for which, whatever other Differences I may 
 
 have with him, I return him, in this publick way, my hearty 
 
 Thanks. There appears to have been a fignal Train of Providence j 
 
 in the whole Progreis of this Matter, that thus ended in a total j 
 
 Rupture. The Court of Rome being over-awed by the Emperor, ! 
 
 engaged it felf far at Firfl : But when the Pope and the King of j 
 
 France were fo entirely united as they knew they v/ere, it feems they 
 
 were under an In Situation from God, to carry their Authority fo far 
 
 at a Time in which they faw the King of England had a Parliament \ 
 
 inclined to fupport him in his Breach with Rome. It was but too \ 
 
 vifible that the King would have given all up, if the Pope would , 
 
 have done him but Common Juilice. But when the Matter was i 
 
 brought fo near a total Union, an entire Breach followed, in the 1 
 
 very Time in which it was thought all was made up : Thofe .who ] 
 
 favoured the Reformation, faw all their Hopes as it feemed blafted j 1 
 
 hut of a fudden all was revived again. This was an amazing Tranf- \ 
 
 adiion : 1 
 
 \ 
 1
 
 92 T'he Hijlory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 153 r. a(9"ion ; and how little Honour foever, this full Difcovery of all the 
 '— "^^^^^ Steps made in it, does to the Memory of King Henry, who retained 
 his Inclinations to a great deal of Popery, to the End of his Life ; 
 yet it is much to the Glory of God's Providence, that made the 
 Perfons mofl concerned to prevent and hinder the Breach, to be the 
 vefy Perfons that brought it on, and in a manner forced it. 
 
 The Sentence was given at Rome on the 23d of March, on the 
 fame Day in which the Aft of the Succellion to the Crown of England 
 did pafs here in England : And certainly the Parliament was ended, 
 before it was poflible to have had the News from Rome, of what paft 
 in the Confiftory on the 23d of March: For it was Prorogued on 
 the 30th of March. So that if King Hairy's Word had been taken 
 by the Pope and the Confiftory, he feems to have put it out of his 
 Power to have made it good, fince it is fcarce poflible to think, that 
 a Parliament that had gone fo far in the Breach with Rome, could 
 have been prevailed on, to undo all that they had been doing for 
 Four Years together. 
 AWmEng/mt.'i Nothing material paffed in Convocation before the 3 (l of March, 
 nounce'thr' ^"^ '^^'^" ^^^ ABiiary exhibited the Anfvv'er of the Lower-Houfe to 
 Pope'sAutho- t^'is Queflion, Whether the Bijliop of Rome has ajiy greater jurijdic- 
 I'ty- tion given hiin by God in the Holy Scriptures, 'within the Kingdom of 
 
 England, thafi any other Foreign Bifopf There were 32 for the 
 Negative, 4 for the Affirmative, and One doubted. It was a thin 
 Houfe, and no doubt many abfented themfelves on defign : But it 
 does not appear how this paft in the Upper-Houfe, or whether it 
 was at all debated there : For the Prelates had by their Votes in the' 
 Houfe of Lords, given their Opinions already in the Point. The 
 Convocation at York had the fame Pofition, no more made a ^eftiotiy 
 put to them on the 5th of May : there the Archbiiliop's Prcfidents, 
 were deputed by him to confirm and fortify this. After they had 
 examined it carefully, they did all unanimoufly, without a contrary 
 Vote, agree to- it ; upon which an Inftrument was made by the 
 Coll. Numb. Archbifhop, and fent to the King, which will be found in the Col- 
 ledion, as it was taken out of the Regifler of Tork. 
 
 The King fent the famiC Qiieflion to the Univerfity of Oxford, 
 and had their Anfwer. That Part of the King's Letter that relates 
 to this Matter, and the Univerfity's Anfwer were fent me, taken 
 Coll. Numb, from the Archives there, by the learned Mr. Bingham, which will 
 27- be found in the Colleftion. The King required them to examine 
 
 the Queflion fent by him to them, concerning the Power and Pri- 
 macy of the Bifliop of Rome, and return their Anfwer under the 
 Common Seal, with convenient Speed ; according to the fincere 
 Truth, Dated from Greenwich the 18th Day of A%\ The An- 
 fwer is diredled to all the Sons of their Mother Church, and 
 is made in the Name of the Bifliop of Lincoln their Chancellor, and 
 the whole Convocation of all Dodlors, and Mailers Regents, and 
 Non-Regents. " It fets forth, that whereas the King had received 
 " the Complaints and Petitions of his Parliament, againfl fome 
 " intolerable Foreign Exadlions ; and fome Controverlies being 
 " raifed concerning the Power, and Authority of the Bifliop of 
 " Rome, the King, that he might fatisfy his People, but not break in 
 
 " upon
 
 Book II. of the Church of England. 93 
 
 " upon any Thing declared in the Scriptures, (which he will be 1531- 
 
 *' always moft ready to defend with his Blood ) had fent this Que- ^— '-'>'— - ^ 
 
 " ftion to them, (fettingit down in the Terms in which it was pro- 
 
 " pofed to the Convocation.) They upon this, to make all the Re- 
 
 " turns of Duty and Obedience to the King, had brought together 
 
 " the whole Faculty of Divinity : And for many Days, they had 
 
 " fearched the Scriptures, and the moft approvedCommentators ; and 
 
 " had collated them diligently, and had held Publick Difputations 
 
 " on the Matter : And at laft they had all unanimoully agreed, 
 
 " that the Bifliop oi Rome has no greater Jurifdiftion given him by 
 
 " God in the Holy Scriptures, in this Kingdom of F^ngland., 
 
 " than any other Foreign Bifhop. This Determination made ac- 
 
 " cording to the Statutes of their Univerfity, they affirm and teftify 
 
 " as true, certain, and agreeing to the Holy Scriptures : Dated on 
 
 " the 27th of yime 1534. Here was a long Deliberation : It lafted 
 
 above Five Weeks after the King's Letter, and was a very full and 
 
 clear Determination of the Point. 
 
 To this I fliall add the fuUeft of all the Subfcriptions, Inftruments, 
 and Oaths that was made, purfuant to thefe Laws and Decrees of 
 Convocation. I have {een feveral others to the fame Purpofe : Of 
 which Rymer has publiflied many Inftruments, all from Page 487 to 
 Page 527, of EcclcJiaJiickSy Regulars as well as Seculars, MendicanfSy 
 and Carthujians : But that from the Prior and Chapter of Worcefter 
 being much the fiilleft of them all, I fhall only infert it in my Col- Coll. Nmi. 
 lecflion, and leave out all the reft, that I may not weary the Reader ^ ' 
 with a heavy Repetition of the various Forms, in which fome ex- 
 patiated copioufly ; to fhew their Zeal for the King's Authority, and 
 againft the Papacy : Which was looked on then as the diftinguifhing 
 Charatfler of thofe who deligned to fet on a further Reformation j 
 whereas thofe that did adhere to their former Opinions, thought it 
 enough barely to fign the Propofitions, and to take the Oath pre- 
 fcribed by Law. 
 
 There was likewife an Order publiflied, but how foon it does not -^^ Order for 
 appear to me: Strype fays m June 1534; it was before Qu5en ^/p ' '"^^^ . 
 Anne's Tragical Fall, direcfting the bidding Prayers for the King, Preaching, 
 as the only and Supreme Head of this Catholick Church of England, 
 then for Queen A?me, and then for the Lady Elizabeth, Daughter 
 to them both, our Princefs : And no further in the Prefence of the 
 King and Queen : But in all other Places they were to pray for all 
 Archbiftiops and Biftiops, and for the whole Clergy, and fuch as 
 iTiall pleafe the Preacher to name of his Devotion ; then for all the 
 Nobility, and fuch as the Preacher ftiould name ; then for the Souls 
 of them that were dead, and fuch of them as the Preacher fhall name. 
 Every Preacher was ordered to preach once, in the greateft Audi- 
 ence, againft the ufurped Authority of the Church oi Rome ; and he 
 was left after that to his Liberty : No Preachers were in the Pulpit 
 to inveigh againft, or to deprave one another : If they had Occafion 
 to complain, they were to do it to the King, or the Bilhop of the 
 Diocefe. They were not to preach for or againft Purgatory, the ho- 
 nouring of Saints, that Faith only juftifieth, to go on Pilgrimages, 
 or to fupport Miracles : Thefe Things had occafioned great Diflen- 
 
 VoL. III. B b tions}
 
 94 T'he Hiftory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 ir3i. tions; but thofe were then well pacified ; they were to preach the 
 
 V-— \ ' Words of Chrift, and not mix with them Mens Inftitutions, or to 
 
 make God's Laws and Mens Laws of equal Authority ; or to teach 
 that any Man had Power to difpenfe with God's Law. It feems 
 there was a Sentence of Excommunication with relation to the Laws 
 and Liberties of the Church publilhed once a Year, againft all fuch 
 as broke them; this was to be no more publifhed. The CoUecfts 
 for the King and Queen by Name were to be faid in all High Maffes j 
 they were likewife to juftify to the People the King's laft Marriage, 
 and to declare how ill the King had been ufed by the Pope, in all 
 that Matter, with the Proofs of the Unlawfulnefs of his former 
 Marriage ; and a long Deduftion was made of the Procefs at Rome^ 
 and of all the Artifices ufed by the Pope, to get the King to fubjedt 
 himfelf to him, which I need not relate : It contains the Subftance 
 Coll. Numb, of the whole Caufe, and the Order of the Procefs formerly fet forth: 
 ^9- I have put it in the CoUeftion . All that is particular in it, is, that the King 
 
 affirms, that a Decretal Bull was fent over, decreeing, that if the 
 former Marriage was proved, and if it did appear, that as far as Pre- 
 fumptions can prove it, that it was confummated, that Marriage was 
 to be held unlawful, ^nd null. This Bull, after it was feen by th^ 
 King, was, by the Bifhop of Rome?, Commandment, embezzled by 
 the Cardinals. He adds another Particular, which I find no where 
 but here ; that the Pope gave out a Sentence in the Manner of an 
 Excommunication, and Interdidlion of him and his Realm ; of 
 which Complaint being made, as being contrary to all Law and 
 Right, the Fault was laid on a new Officer lately come to the Court j 
 who ought to have been punifhed for it ; and the Procefs was to 
 ceafe ; but tho' this was promifed to the King's Agents, yet it went 
 on, and was fet up in Flanders. Perhaps the Words in the Bifhop 
 of Paris s laft Letter, that the Pope was furprized in the laft Sen- 
 tence, as he had been in the firft, are to be explained and applied to 
 this. He alfo mentions the Declarations that the Pope had made to 
 the French King and his Council, of what he would gladly do for the 
 King, allowing the Juftnefs of his Caufe ; and that he durft not do 
 it at Rome, for fear of the Emperor, but that he would come and 
 do it at Ma7-f'illes ; and there he promifed to that King to give Judg- 
 ment for the King ; fo he would fend a Proxy, which he knew be- 
 fore, that he would not do, nor was he bound to do it. 
 
 Thus the King took Care to have his Caufe to be fully fet forth 
 to all his own Subje<fls : His next Care was to have it rightly under- 
 ftood by all the Princes of Europe. I have found the Original In- 
 ftrudlions that he gave to Paget, then one of the Clerks of the Sig- 
 net, whom he fent to the King of Poland, and the Dukes of Pome~ 
 rania and PruJJia, and to the Cities of Dajitzick, Stetin, and Con- 
 ingjburg : And it is to be fuppofed that others were fent to other 
 Princes and Cities with the like Inftrudlions, tho' they have not come 
 Coll. Numb, in j-ny way. I have put them in the Collecftion. By thefe 
 Inftruftions " Their old Friendfhip was defircd to be renewed ; the rather be-. 
 gwen to Paget" caufc the King faw they were fetting themfelves to find out the 
 fent to fome c. Truth of God's Word, and the Juftice of his Laws ; and the Ex- 
 Courts, " tirpation of fuch corrupt Errors and Abufes, by which the World 
 
 I " has
 
 Book II. of the Church of England. p^ 
 
 " has been kept Slaves under the Yoke of the Bilhop o£Rome, more i 531 
 " than the yews were under the Ceremonies o£ Mofes's Law. The 
 " KingordersP^^f^ to let themunderftand his great Defire to promote, 
 " not only a Friendfliip with them, but the Common Good of all 
 ** Chrijiendom : He orders him to give them an Account of the whole 
 " Progrefs of his Caufe of Matrimony, with the intolerable Injuries 
 " done him by the Bifhop of Rome, and the State in which that 
 " Matter then flood. He was firfi: to (liew them the Juftice of the 
 " King's Caufe, then to open the Steps in which it had been carried 
 *' on. Here all the Arguments againft his Marriage are ftated, to 
 " make it appear to be contrary both to the Laws of God, of Na- 
 " ture, and of Men, In this the King did not follow his own pri- 
 " vate Opinion, nor that of the whole Clergy of his Realm ; but 
 " that of the mofl Famous Univerfities of Chrijiendom : And there- 
 " fore, by the Confent of his whole Parliament, and by the Sentence 
 " of the Archbifhop of Ctf;?/(?r^?/r_)', he has, for the Difcharge of his 
 " own Confcience, and the good of his People, and that he might 
 " have a lawful Succeflbr to rule over them, feparated himfelf from 
 " the Princefs Dowager, and was then married to Queen ^nne ; of 
 " whom follows a very exalted Charafter, fetting forth the Purity of 
 " her Life, her conftant Virginity, her Maidenly and Womanly 
 " Pudicity, her Sobernefs, her Chaflnefs, her Meeknefs, her Wif- 
 " dom, her Defcent of Noble Parentage, her Education in all good 
 " and lawful Shews and Manners, her Aptnefs to Procreation of 
 " Children, with her other infinite good Qualities, which were more 
 " to be efteem'd than" only Progeny. If any fhould obje(3: to this 
 " Second Marriage, as contrary to the Pope's Laws ; he afferts, that 
 *' every Man's private Confcience is to him the Supreme Court for 
 *' Judgment : So the King was fatisfied in his own Confcience ; that, 
 *' being enlightned by the Spirit of God, and afterwards by the 
 " Means formerly fet forth, he was judged to be at Liberty from his 
 " former Marriage, and free to contradt a new one. The King alfo 
 " took great Pains to fatisfy the World, by long Travel and Study, 
 " with ineftimable Coft and Charges, tho' he had no Fruit from it all. 
 *' Upon this Head, Pagef was to fet forth the Pope's ungodly De- 
 " meanor, in the whole Progrefs of the King's Caufe ; keeping him 
 *' off by Delays for Seven Years and more. At firfl the Pope, in- 
 " ftead of judging the Matter himfelf, fent a Commiflion toEfigland, 
 " to try it, with full Powers, pretending that it could not be judged 
 *' at Rofne. He gave with thefe a Decretal Bull, in which he pro- 
 *-' nounced Sentence, that the King might (convolare ad Secundas 
 *' Nuptias) Marry another Wife ; yet he gave the Legate fecret Di- 
 *' regions not to proceed by Vertue of the Decretal Bull, nor to 
 *' ffive Sentence. He wrote a Letter to the King; with his own 
 *' Hand, in which he approved of the King's C^ufe, and promifed 
 " to the King, on the Word of the Pope, that he would not Avocate 
 " the Caufe, but leave it in its due Courfe ; yet afterwards, contrary 
 " to his Confcience and Knowledge, he decreed feveral Citations 
 " againfl the King to appear at Rome, to the Subverlion of the 
 " Royal Dignity -, or to fend a Proxy, which cannot be juflified by 
 " any Colour of Reafon. He cites the Councils of Nice, Africk, 
 
 " and
 
 96 l!he Hiftory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1 53 1. " and Milevi, againft Appeals to remote Places. It was not reafon- 
 able to fend Original Inftruments, and other Documents to a di- 
 ftant Place ; nor in a Matter of Confcience, could a Man give 
 fuch a Power to a Proxy, by which he was bound to ftand to that 
 which he fliould agree to : It was fit that all Princes fliould 
 confider what an Attempt this made upon their Dignity, for the 
 Pope to pretend that he could oblige them to abandon their King- 
 doms, and come and appear before him ; by which he might De- 
 pofe Kings, or Rule them according to his own Pleafure. So that 
 all this was not only unjuft, but null of it felf. Dr. Karn being 
 then at Rome, as the King's Subje<ft, he offered a Plea Excufatory, 
 yet this was not regarded by the Dean of the Rota, who in that 
 adled as he was direfted by the Pope : Pretending he had no 
 Powers from the King, which by Law was not necellary for an 
 Excufator. Karn had appealed to the Pope : To this Capifucchi 
 gave an ambiguous Anfwer, promifing to give a more determinate 
 one afterwards, which yet he never did ; but upon a Second Ap- 
 peal, the Caufe was brought into the Confiftory, and there it was 
 judged that Karti could not be heard, unlefs he had a Proxy from 
 the King : And when Karn objefted that fuch Proceeding was 
 againft Law ; the Pope anfwered that he might Judge all Things 
 according to his own Confcience : And fo they refolved to pro- 
 ceed in the main Caufe. At that Time the King's Ambaffadors 
 at Rome {hewed the Pope the Determination of the Univerfities of 
 Paris and Orleans, with the Opinions of the moft Leai-ned Men 
 in France and Italy, condemning the Pope's Proceedings as unjuft 
 = and null ; the Words of their Opinion being inferted in the In- 
 
 ■ ftrudlions : Yet the Pope ftill went on, and fent out flanderous 
 
 ■ Breves againft the King, and defigned to Excommunicate him. To 
 ' prevent that the King did order a Provocation and Appeal to be 
 ' made from the Pope to a General Council, and caufed it to be in- 
 ' timated to the Pope, but he would not admit it, and pretended 
 ' that by a Bull of Pope Pius\, that was condemned : And that he 
 ' was Superior to all General Councils. He rejedled it arrogantly, 
 ' faying they were Hereticks and Traytors to his Perfon, who would 
 ' Appeal from him to any General Council. It appeared evidently 
 ' that the Pope for the Defence of his own Glory and Ambition, 
 ' regarded not what Injuries he did to Chriftian Princes : So they 
 ' were all obliged now to be on their Guard, againft fuch Invalions 
 ' of their Authority. For thefe Reafons the King was refolved to 
 ' reduce that Exorbitant Power which the Pope had alfumed, with- 
 ' in due Limits : So that in his Dominions he fliall Exercife no 
 ' other Jurifdicftion than what is granted to him by exprefs Words 
 ' of Scripture. Paget was to open all thefe Things to thofe Princes 
 •' and States, defiring that they would adhere to the King in this 
 •' Matter, 'till it fliould come to be treated of in a General Council : 
 •' And in the mean time to give him their beft Affiftance and Advice, 
 ■' efpecially in fome Articles, of which a Schedule was to be given 
 " him figned with the King's Hand, which he was to communicate 
 =' to them as he fliould find it convenient. They related to fome 
 " Abufes and Cuftoms which feemed neceffaryto be reformed : And 
 
 "if
 
 Book IL of the Church <?/' England. (^7 
 
 " if they would propofe any other, Paget was to receive their 1534. i 
 
 " Mind, and to altlire them, that the King, as he delired their Af- ^---v'- — * \ 
 
 " fiftance in his Caufes and Quarrels, fo he would kindly admit of 
 
 " whatfoever they fliould propofe ; and would endeavour to extif- 
 
 " pate all Abufes againft God's Word and Laws : And to do all that 
 
 ,"■ lay in him, for the Reformation thereof, for the Maintenance of 
 
 '.', God's Word, the Faith of Chrift, and the Weltare of C/^r/y/f/z- i 
 
 " i^om. • I 
 
 But becaufe the King did not know what the Mind of thofe Prin- 
 ces might be, nor how far they were devoted to the Pope : Paget ; 
 was to try to find out their Inclinations, before he fliould deliver ' 
 the King's Letters to them ; and fo to proceed according to his Dif- ' 
 cretion, to deliver, or not to deliver his Letters, or to lliew his In- ] 
 ftruftions to them. What followed upon this, and how it was exe- . 
 cuted, does not appear. i 
 
 The Judicious and Diligent Sechendorf^ in his Hiftory of Luthe- L. 3 §. 6, i 
 
 ranifm, gives an Account of a Neeotiation of Pa^efs, 2 Years before {f'"' '■ :■ * I 
 
 this. Cranmer', who was then the King's Ambaffador at the Empe- in Germa/iy. 
 
 ror's Court, met with yohi Frederick, JLle^ior of Saxony, at Norem^ i 
 
 ierg, who had fecretly left the Diet of P^afis/'on j and there he de- j 
 liver'd Letters from the King, both to the Eied;or, to the Duke of 
 
 Lwienberg, and to the Prince of Anhalt ; which contained only a j 
 General Offer of Friendfliip. Cranmer came the next Day to the 
 
 Elecflor, who had Two of his Minifters about him ; and alked him ' 
 
 many Queftions concerning their Agreement with the State of Re- ■ 
 
 ligion, the Tu7-kiJJ:} War, and the Church-Lands, which (as they \ 
 
 heard) they had feized on. He faid Great Things of the King, \ 
 and of the Aid he had offered the Emperor againfl: the Turk, in 
 Conjundlion with the French ¥Jmg. He afked where Paget was; 
 
 whom the King had fent to the Eledlor. General Anfwers were j 
 
 made to all his Queftions ; and for Paget, He had been with \ 
 
 the Elector the former Year. This pafled on to the 1 5th of July ; 
 
 1532. Four Days after this, he came privately to Spalatin, one of \ 
 
 the Elecftor's Secretaries ; and affured him, that both the King, and j 
 
 the French King, would affift the Eledlor and his Allies, in the Mat- j 
 
 ter of Religion. In Aiiguft after that, Paget came to the Eledlor ; : 
 
 who propofed many Things to him concerning Religion : But the I 
 
 Princes had then come to an Agreement with the Emperor ; fo they ' 
 could enter into no Treaty at that Time. Only "John Frederick did, 
 
 in a Writing under his own Hand, offer the Scheme of that which ' 
 was afterwards propofed in their Name to the King. 
 
 All thefe Negotiations were fet on Foot, purfuant to a Paper of AJvicesofFer- j 
 
 Advices offered to the King by Cromwell ; in which there are divers ^ ^^^ '"^" 1 
 
 Marginal Notes writ in the King's own Hand, which will be found ColI. Nimb. 1 
 
 in the Colledlion. " Firft;, All the Bifliops were to be fent for, 31. ' 
 
 " efpecially thofe neareft the Court ; to examine them. Whether ; 
 
 " they can prove, that the Pope is above the General Council, or i 
 
 " the Council above him ? And whether, by the Law of God, He 'j 
 " has any Authority in England? Next, They are to be charged to 
 
 " Preach this to the People ; and to fliew. That the Pope's Autho- ' 
 
 " rity was an Ufurpation, grown up by the Sufferance of Princes. 1 
 Vol. III. Co " This
 
 98 "7 he Hiflory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 IK"' 4,. " This ought to be preached continually at P<w/'s Crofs ; and the 
 
 «— — «/--—' " Bifhop of Lot^/w was to fuffer none to preach there, but thofe 
 
 " who will fet this forth. The fame Order was to be given to all 
 
 " other BiHiops, and to the Rulers of the Four Orders of Friars, 
 
 " particularly to the Friar Obfervants, and to all Abbots and Priors. 
 
 " The King's x'Vppeal was alfo to be fet up on every Church-Door in 
 
 " England, that fo none may pretend Ignorance ; as alfo the Aft 
 
 " againll Appeals to Rome. It was alfo propofed, that Copies' of 
 
 " the King's Appeal might be fent to other Realms, particularly to 
 
 " Flanders. A Letter was alfo propofed, complaining of all the In- 
 
 *' juries done the King by the Pope ; to be written to him by all 
 
 " tiie Lords Spiritual and Temporal. The King writes on the Mar- 
 
 " gin, Not yet done ; nor can it ivell be done before the Parliament. 
 
 " To fend Spies into Scotland, to fee what Practices were there : 
 
 " On the Margin the King's Orders ; Letters to be loritten to the 
 
 " Lord Dacres, the Duke of Norfolk, and Sir Thomas Clifi'ord. 
 
 " To fend to the Kings of Poland and Hungary, the Dukes of 
 
 *' Saxony and Bavaria, the Landgrave of He[]'e, and the Three Ec- 
 
 " clefiaftical Eled:ors. On the Margin the King writes. /;/ the King's 
 
 " y^rbitrement. This, it feems, gave the Occalion of Sending P^- 
 
 " get. The like propofed for the Hans Towns : On the Margin, in 
 
 " the King's Hand, To know this of the King. To remember the Mer- 
 
 *' chant- Adventurers, chiefly thofe of Brabant. On the Margin, Tin's 
 
 *' is already done. Then it is propofed, that an Order be given for 
 
 " Eftablifhing the Princefs Dowager's Houfe, and the Lady Marys, 
 
 " and for my Lady Princefs's Houfe : This was Elizabeth's. To 
 
 " this, on the Margin, it is written by the King, The Order is 
 
 *' taken. 
 
 Coll. Nmnb. Injtme, in the Year 1535, after the Parliament had fettled every 
 
 32- Thing demanded of them, the King publifhed a Circular Letter, 
 
 riie^K'ng°5^to which will be found in the CoUecflion, taken from the Original. 
 
 thejuftices, to " In which, after he had fet forth that both Clergy and Temporalty 
 
 obferve the <.c ^^d abolifhed the Bilhop of Ro/nes Ufurpations, and had united 
 
 the Clei-oy. " to the Crown the Dignity of Supreme Head in Earth of the 
 
 " Church of England ; which was al'fo approved in Convocation, 
 
 " and confirmed by their Oaths and Subfcriptions : He adds, that 
 
 " confidering what Quiet would follow in the Nation, if the Bi- 
 
 " lliops and Clergy would fincerely, and without Diflimulation, 
 
 " publifh the many and great Abufes of the Pope's Ufurpatioa ; he 
 
 *' had fent Letters to all Bifliops, charging them not only in their 
 
 " own Perfons, but by their Chaplains, to preach the true and fin- 
 
 " cere Word of God to the People, and to give Warning to all'Ec- 
 
 " clefiaftical Perfons to do the fame ; and to caufe the Pope's Name 
 
 " to be rafed out of the Books of Divine Service. He had al- 
 
 " fo required the Juftices of Peace, to examine whether the Biflaops 
 
 " and Clergy did this fincerely ; or whether they did it coldly, or 
 
 " feignedly ; or ufed any Addition, or Glofs to it. Upon all this, 
 
 " the King requires them, at their Affizes and Sefiions, to make di- 
 
 *' ligent Search, whether the Bifliops and Clergy do their Duty fin- 
 
 *' cerely. Likewife, at their Meetings, they were to fetthe fame 
 
 " foyth to the People ; and alfo declare' the Trcafons committed by 
 
 " the
 
 Book II. of the Church of Kn^dind. 99 
 
 " the Bifliop 0^ Rochc/icr and Sir Thofnas More, who by diverfe IC-??. 
 
 *' Secret Praftices, intended to breed among the People moflMilchie- ^——V"—' ' 
 
 " vous Opinions ; for which they, with ibme others, had fuffered ! 
 
 " as they deferved. He requires them if they found any Fault, or j 
 
 " Diffimulation in any Perfon, that they (hould immediately fignify ^ 
 
 " it to the King and his Council : As that which wac of the great- j 
 
 " eft Moment to the Quiet of the Kingdom, threatningfuch Punilh- j 
 
 " ment of thofe who were negligent in this, as would make them | 
 
 " Examples to all others : And he charges them upon their AUe- 1 
 
 " giance to obey all this punftually. \ 
 
 But it feems this had not the Effedt that was expe(5led, therefore Coll. Numb. 
 in April, after this, a New Letter, or Proclamation, was writ to 33- 
 fome of the Nobility, fetting forth that he had heard that fome, 
 both Regulars and Seculars, did fecretly extol the Authority of the 
 
 Bifliop of R&me, praying for him in the Pulpit, and making him a j 
 
 God, preferring his Power and Laws to God's moft Holy Laws : | 
 
 The King therefore out of his Deiire to maintain Lenity and Quiet I 
 
 among his People, and to bring them to the Knowledge of the Truth, : 
 
 and to be no more blinded with Superftition and falle Dodlrine, '. 
 
 required them that wherefoever they found any Perfon fpreading | 
 
 fuch pernicious Doctrines to the Exaltation of the Bifliop of Rowe, I 
 
 to Caufe them to be apprehended and put in Prifoa without Bail or 1 
 
 Mainprife. j 
 
 Among the Bifliops all were not equally Iloneft, nor Zealous. The Archbi- \ 
 
 Lee Archbifliop of 2ork, and Gardifier, were thofe in whom the Old ^°^{°[^ll\o j 
 
 Leaven had the deepeft Root : So the ICing being informed that favour the i 
 
 Lee, though he had given in his Profeflion, fubfcribed and fealed by Bope. | 
 
 him, yet did not his Duty in his Diocefe and Province, neither in ; 
 Teaching himfelf, nor caufing others to Teach the People, conform 
 to what was fettled, both in Convocation and Parliament, fent him ~ j 
 
 Orders both to preach thefe Things, and to order all other Eccle- i 
 fiaftical Perfons in his Province to do the fame : Upon this he wrote 
 a long Vindication of himfelf in June 1535, which will be found Cs//. Numb. 
 
 in the CoUedlion. 34- : 
 
 " He fets forth in it the Complaints that the King fignified had He juftifies 
 
 " been made of him, with the Orders that he had received from the '^'"^^'^"* ; 
 " King, and then fets out his ownCondudf. He acknowledges he had 
 
 *' received at the End of the laft ParUament, a Book fent from the ■ 
 
 " Archbifliop of Canterbury, as a Book of Orders for Preaching : j 
 
 " (Probably that which is the 28th Paper in the CoUecftion.) Upon I 
 
 -** his receiving it, he went on Stmday next to Tork, and there he ! 
 
 " fet forth tlie Caufe of the King's Marriage, and the rejecting the ' 
 
 " Pope's Authority very fully : And that this m'ight be done the j 
 
 " more publickly, he had caufed it to be publiflied at 2~crk the Sim- \ 
 " day before that he would be there, and fo took care to have a full 
 " Audience. So that there was a great Multitude there. His 
 
 " Text was, I have Married a Wife, and therefore I catinot come : \ 
 
 " And he fo declared the King's Matters, that all feemedfatisfied. It is ■ 
 
 " true he did not touch the Title of the King as the Sicpretne Head, ■ 
 
 " for there was no Order given as to that, for it was thus only or- , 
 " dered to have it named in the Praver. It is true he did not ufe 
 
 '4 " to
 
 loo ^'he Hiflory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1535. " to bid Prayers, for the greater Hafle to utter his Matter. But up- 
 on the receipt of that Book, he commanded his Officers to make 
 out a great Number of them, to be fent to every Preacher in his 
 Diocefe : And by all that he ever heard, every one of his Curates 
 foUowred that Book, and has done their Duty in every Particular 
 enjoined in it : He took care that all who preached in their 
 Churches fliould follow the Rules prefcribed in it. He alfo fent 
 a Book to every Houfe of Fryars. And for the Religious, when 
 any fuch Perfon came to him, naming particularly the Carthu/ians, 
 and the Obfervants, for Counfel, he told them what he had done 
 himfelf, and advifed them to do the fame. On Good-Friday lafi:, 
 he had ordered the CoUeft for the Pope to be left out ; and alfo 
 the mentioning him in other Parts of the Service : He defired the 
 King would examine thefe Things, and he would find he was not 
 fo inuch in Fault as he imputed it to him. He had been hitherto 
 open and plain, and had never deceived the King. He had alfo 
 fent Letters to the Bilhops of Diirefiiie and Carlijle, purfuant to 
 the Letters that he had from the King : And had charged his Arch- 
 deacons to fee that all Obedience might be given to the King's Or- 
 ders. He had fince he received the King's laft Letters, on the 
 Sunday following, declared to the People every Thing comprifed 
 in them. He refers himfelf to Magnus and Laivfon, Two of 
 the King's Chaplains, who heard him, to make Report of what 
 they thought of it. Whatever he promifed to the King he would 
 fulfil it ; and he had done every Thing as the King commanded, 
 and would ftill do it, fo God were not offended by it. He be- 
 fought the King not to believe any Complaints of him till he have 
 heard his Anfwer. Some thought it was a high Sacrifice, when 
 they could bring fuch a poor Prieft as he was, under the King's 
 Difpleafure : But he trufted God would continue in him a Gra- 
 cious Mind to his Priefts and Chaplains, and that he would give 
 their Enemies, who ftudied to provoke him againfl them, better 
 Minds for the future. 
 Of ih «; fF ^ have no Particulars to add to the Relation I gave of the Sufferings 
 ingi oi Fijher oiFiper and More. There are heavy Things laid to their Charge ; 
 and More. but except Fijhers being too much concerned in the Bufinefs of the 
 Nun of Kent, which was without doubt managed with a Defign to 
 raife a Rebellion in the Nation ; I do not find any other Thing laid 
 to his Charge : And it does not at all appear that More gave any 
 Credit or Countenance to that Matter. Yet I have feen that often 
 affirmed. In our own Days, when things have happened both to- 
 gether, though the one did not by any fort of Proof appear to be 
 connedled with 'the other, yet they have been reprefented as done 
 in Concert : So the Confpiracy of the Nun, and thofe who managed 
 that Impofture, was given out both at home and abroad, as having 
 its Rife from F//Zvr, who indeed knew of it, and feemed to give 
 Credit to it ; and from More, though he had no fliare at all in it. 
 
 The King oi France was not fatisfied with this way of Proceeding : 
 He thought it too violent, and that it did put Things paft all poffi- 
 bility of a Reconciliation. He had anfwered for the King to the 
 Pope at Marfeilks, and he was in fuch a CQUcerA for him, that the 
 
 wrong
 
 Book II. of the Church of England. loi 
 
 wrong Steps he made refledled on himfelf. He told the King's Am- 1535. '■ 
 
 bafiador that he advifed the Banifhing of all fuch Offenders, rather C— -y-"-J ; 
 
 than the putting them to Death. That Kiog confeffed there had ; 
 
 been extreme Executions andCruelty lately exercifed in his ownKing- ■ 
 dom : But he was now putting a flop to it, and refolved to call Home 
 all thofe that had fled out of his Kingdom. He had feen a Relation 
 
 of Mores Sufferings, by which it appeared that he exhorted his '• 
 
 Daughter to all Duty and Refpeft to the King, which made the Pro- j 
 
 ceedings againfl fuch a Man to be the more cenfured. ] 
 
 The Ambaffadors wrote this to the King foon after Mores, Death. Rymer MSS. \ 
 
 The King wrote on the 23d of Auguji an Anfwer, from Thornbury, ^^. Expoftu- 1 
 to this Purpofe, " If the King of Frajice had anfwered for the King, the Court of 
 
 " and had Juftified his Caufe, he had done what was Jufl and Suit- Frame. 1 
 
 " able to their Friendfliip : The Confpiracies of Fijher and More to ^°^^'f- ^"'"- \ 
 
 " fow Sedition, and to raife Wars, both within and without the ', 
 
 " Kingdom, were manifeftly proved to their Face : So that they i 
 
 " could not avoid, nor deny it. The Relation he had feen concern- \ 
 
 " ing Mores Talk with his Daughter at his Death, was a forged ; 
 
 " Story: The King took it in ill Part that King iv-^7?/m fliould fo 1 
 
 " lightly give Ear and Credit to fuch vain Tales. This ungrateful \ 
 *' Behaviour ihewed that the King oi France had not that Integrity 
 " of Heart, that the King deferved and might expeft from him. 
 " Then follows a Vindication of the Laws lately made, which in- 
 
 *' deed were only Old Laws revived. The Baniffiing of Traytors J 
 
 *' was no ways Convenient : That was to fend them in Places where i 
 " they might more fafely and conveniently execute their Confpira- 
 
 *' cies. Upon all which the Ambaffador was ordered to expoftulate j 
 
 *' plainly, but difcreetly, both with the King, and with the Great \ 
 *' Mailer. There appears a Strain of Coldnefs in the whole In- . ; 
 
 ** tercourfe between the Two Courts of France and Etigla?id, \ 
 
 " ever from the Interview at Marfeilles to this Time. ! 
 
 Pope Clement was now Dead, with whom the King of France The King oF j 
 
 was more clofely united : And he found the King's Friendfliip was ^'''"'"^^' \ 
 
 yet fo neceffary to him, that he refolved to remove all Jealoufies : So fo^ldhere'to ■ 
 
 to give the King a full Affurance of hisFirmnefs to him, he fent him and defend the "; 
 
 a Solemn Engagement to adhere to him. It is true, I have feen only ^'"1^"^'^ . ] 
 a Copy of this ; but it is minuted on the Back by Cromwers Hand, riage. 
 
 and is fairly writ out. There is no Date fet to it, but it was during ' 
 Queen Amies Life, and after Pope Clement's Death, fo probably it 
 
 was fent over about this Time. It will be found in the Col- CoiUa. Num. \ 
 
 iedion. 36- - i 
 
 It begins thus, " That both Friendfliip and Piety did require that \ 
 
 *' he fliould employ his whole Strength and Authority to maintain i 
 " the Juftice of his Dearefl: Friend. The King oi England, Defender 
 
 " of the Faith, Lord of Irelattd, and, under God, Supreme Head of i 
 
 *' the Church of England, had by a Difpenfation, granted by Pope j 
 
 *' fidius, contradled a Marriage in Fadl with Katherine of Spain, ' 
 " Relidt of the King's elder Brother Arthur, and had one Daughter 
 
 " yet living, of that Marriage : That King upon Great and Weighty | 
 
 *' Reafons well known to King Francis, had withdrawn himfelf J 
 
 *' from that Marriage ; and had Lawfully and Rightfully Married \ 
 Vol. III. " D d Ajine
 
 I02 7he Hijicry of the Reformation Part III 
 
 J r-, r " Anne now his Queen, ot whom he hath lifue the Princefs Eliza- 
 " bcth : And a Debate had arifen concerning the Difpenlation, and 
 " the Firft Marriage, and the Legitimacy of the Iffue by it : In 
 " which, King Francis by many Arguments did perceive, that the 
 " Pope himfelf had not a due Regard to Equity : And that what by 
 " the Iniquity of the Times, what by ill Praftice againft all Law 
 " and Right, many Things were done. The King therefore con- 
 ■' fulted the Men of the greatell; Integrity in his Kingdom, and the 
 ■' mod Learned both in Divinity, and in the Laws of the Church ; 
 " whom he charged to make a Report to him according to their 
 " Confciences, as in the Sight of God, having firll conferred among 
 •' themfelves fully upon the whole Matter : He does therefore upon 
 ■' all their unanimous Opinion, clearly perceive that the Difpenfa- 
 ■' tion granted by the Pope, was in it iclf Null, both by Reafon of 
 ' the Surprize put on him by the Grounds pretended in it, for ob- 
 ' taining it ; but chiefly becaufe the Pope could not difpenfe in 
 ' that Cafe : Since fuch Marriages are contrary to the Laws of God 
 ' and of Nature : For the Pope has no Authority to difpenfe in that 
 ' Cafe J fo that the Marriage between King Henry and Queen Kathe- 
 ' rine was Incciluous and Null : As contrary to the Laws of God 
 ' and Man : And by confequence the Lady Mary, born of that 
 ' Marriage, was Illegitimate. And further, that the Marriage the 
 ' King has contradled with Aine, now his Queen, was Holy, Law- 
 ' ful, and Good : And that Elizabeth, born of that Marriage, and 
 '■ all the other IfTue that might come of it, was Lawful, and ought 
 
 • fo to be efteemed. He adds, that many of the Cardinals, naming 
 ' particularly the late Cardinal of Ancona, and even the late Pope 
 
 • Clement himfelf, did declare their own politive .Opinion to himfelf 
 
 ■ perfonally at Marfeilles., and frequently to his Amballadors, that 
 
 ■ the Difpenfation granted by Pope Julius, upon which the firfl 
 
 ■ Marriage was made, was null and void : And the Pope would 
 
 • have declared this by a Final and Definitive Sentence, if Private 
 
 ■ AfFeftions, and Human Regards had not flood in his way. All 
 
 ■ which that King did folemnly declare. He therefore looking on 
 
 ■ that Difpenfation as null and void, and by Confequence on the 
 
 ■ Marriage contrafted by that Authority, as Unlawful and Inceftu- 
 
 ■ ous ; and on the Lady Mary as incapable to fucceed, being born , 
 in it, did judge and affirm that the Marriage with Queen Anne^ 
 and the Iffue come, or to come from it, was Lawful and Valid ^ 
 
 ' and that the juft Right of fucceeding to the Crown, was vefted 
 in the Iffue of that Marriage : And that all Judgments and Cenfures 
 ' either by the late Pope Clement, or by any other Judge, that 
 ' were made and publilhed, or that might hereafter be made or pub- 
 liflied, were and are null and void, unjuft and unlawful : And 
 he promifed on the Word and Faith of a King, and under the 
 Forfeiture of all his Goods, and of all the Goods of his Subjefts, in 
 the Form of aContradl of Guaranty, both for Himfelf and his Heirs . 
 Succeffors, that he, at all Times, and in all Places, particularly 
 in all Synods, or General Councils, and before all Perfons, and 
 
 ■ againft all Men whatfoever that fliould oppofe it, of what Rank 
 or Condition foever they might be, he would both by him- 
 
 " felf,
 
 Book II. of the Church of England. 103 
 
 " felf, and by his Subjeds, maintain and defend it, and (if need 1535. 
 " were) juflify itj by a ftrong Hand, and with all his Forces. Nor *— "v^*-* 
 " would he ever, for the future, publickly or privately, direftly or 
 " indiredtly, go again ft it, or fo much as attempt it, nor fufferitto 
 " be attempted by any other, as much as in him lay. 
 
 Here was as pofitive an Aflurance, as could be put in Words. From which 
 And tho' Princes have, in former Times, as well as in our own par"gd" ' 
 Days, made bold with their Promifes and Treaties ; and have very 
 eafily thrown them off, or broke thro' them, without any Appear- 
 ance of great Remorfe or Shame j Yet it muft be confefled, that Fran- 
 cis did never, even in the War that he afterwards had with King 
 Henry t depart from, or f^ilfify this Engagement. 
 
 BOOK
 
 104 ^h^ Hijlory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1535- 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 Of what happen" d during the T'tme comprehended 
 in the Third Book of the Hijlory of the Re- 
 formation-^ from the Tear 1535, to King 
 Hcnry^s Deathy Anno 1547. 
 
 The King 
 was much 
 pleafed with 
 the Title of 
 Supreme 
 Head. 
 
 The Archbi- 
 ftiopofCa«/.'s 
 Title chang- 
 ed. 
 
 Craiimer and 
 Gardiner op- 
 
 pofe one ano- 
 ther. 
 
 I N G Henry feemed not a little pleafed with his Title of 
 the Supreme Head of the Church of England; of 
 which it was enadled, in the Seffion of Parliament 
 that fat after the Breach was made with Rome, that it 
 fhould be for ever joined to the other Titles of the 
 Crown, and be reckoned one of them. He ordered an Office for 
 all Ecclefiaflical Matters, and a Seal to be cut ; which, in an Inhi- 
 bition fent to the Archbifliop, in order to a Royal Vifitation of the 
 whole Clergy of all England, is, for ought I know, firfl mention- 
 ed. It is dated the \%^oi September 1535 j and, at the End, thefe 
 Words are added j ' Under our Seal, that we ufe in Ecclefiaftical 
 ' Matters, which we have ordered to be hereunto appended. 
 
 The Archbifhop of Canterbury^ Title was alfo in Convocation or- 
 dered to be altered : Inftead of the Title of Legate of the Apofto- 
 lick See, he was to be defigned Metropolitan, and Pritnate. This 
 laft was one of his Ancient Titles. In that Seffion, there was fome 
 Difcourfe concerning Herefy, and of fome E?igUJ}i Books ; in par- 
 ticular, of TindaFs Books. And there was a Book laid before them, 
 with the Title of a Primer ; of which there is no other Account 
 given, but that from the Kubricks of it, they fufpedled it was a Book 
 not fit to be publilhed. This, it feems, produced a Petition to the 
 King, that he would command all Heretical Books to be called in, 
 within a Time limited ; and that he would appoint the Scripture to 
 be tranflated in the Vulgar Tongue ; but that tho' the Laity might 
 read it, yet they were to be required not to difpute .gcncerning the 
 Catholick Faith. 
 
 It is very probable, that a Breach was upon this Occafion begun 
 between Cranmer and Gardiner. The Sharpnefs againft Herefy was 
 probably fupported by Gardiner ; as the Motion for the Tranllation 
 of the Bible, was by Cranmer. But when Cranmer, in order to an 
 Archiepifcopal Vifitation of the whole Province, having obtained 
 the King's Licence for it on the 28th of April, fent out his Inhibiti- 
 on, according to Form, to the Ordinaries during the Vifitation ; up- 
 on this, Gardiner complained to the King of it, for Two Reafons. 
 He thought, the Title of Primate of England, did derogate from 
 the King's Power. The other was, That fince his Diocefe had been 
 
 Vifit-
 
 Book III. of the Church of England. loc 
 
 Vifited within Five Years laft paft, and was now to Pay for ever 1535. 
 Tenths to the King, it ought not to be charged with this Vifitation. '•^ — /'^— ' 
 Of this Cro/wwt'// gave C/'^^/WfT Notice. He, on the 12th oi May^ 
 wrote a Vindication of himfelf j which will be found in the Col- Coll. Numb. 
 lediion. 37- 
 
 " He believed that Gardiner (who wanted neither Law, Inven- Cranmcr vln- 
 " tion nor Craft, to fet out his Matters to the beft Advantage,) ftu- jl'^^^tes him- 
 " died-to value himfelf upon his Zeal for the King's Supremacy, that 
 " fo he might feem more concerned for that, than for himfelf. 
 " Cranmcr laid himfelf, and all his Titles, at the King's Feet : But 
 " he wrote. Why did not Gardiner move this fooner ? For he had 
 " received his Monition on the 20th of April. The Pope did not 
 " think it lefTen'd his Supremacy ; that he had many Primates un- 
 " der him : No more did his Title lefTen the King's Supremacy. 
 " Gardiner knew well, that if the Pope had thought thofe Subaltern 
 " Dignities had weakened his Supreme one, he would have got all 
 " the Bifliops to be put on the Level ; there being m.any Conten- 
 " tions concerning Jurifdidtion in the Court of Rome. But if all the 
 " Bifliops of the Kingdom fet no higher Value on their Stiles and 
 " Tides than he did, the King fliould do in thofe Matters what he 
 " pleafed : For if he thought that his Stile was in any Sort againft 
 " the King's Authority, he would beg Leave to lay it down. He ' 
 
 ' ' felt in his Heart, that he had no Sort of Regard to his Stile or 
 " Title, further than as it was for the Setting forth of God's Word ; 
 
 " and Will ; but he would not leave any jufl: Thing at the Pleafure ' 
 
 " of the Bifliop of Winchejier., he being no otherwife affeftionate ! 
 
 " to him than he was. In the Apoftles Days, there was a Diofrephes, 
 " who loved the Pre-eminence j and he had more Succeflbrs than ; 
 
 " all the other Apoftles j from whom all Glorious Titles, and \ 
 
 " much Pomp was come into the Church. He wiflied, that he, 
 " and all his Brethren, might leave all their Stiles, and call them- I 
 
 " felves only the Apoftles of Jefus Chrijl ; fo, that they took not ' 
 
 " the Name vainly, but were fuch indeed ; and did order their i 
 
 " Diocefes, fo that not Parchment, Lead or Wax, but the Conver- I 
 
 " fation of their People, might be the Seals of their Office ; as St. ] 
 
 " Paul faid, the Corinthians were to him. He anfwers the other 1 
 
 Part very fully ; but that will be found in the Letter it felf j it not ! 
 
 being of that Importance, to deferve that any Abftrad: fliould be 
 made of it. 
 
 It was foon obferved, that there was a great Fadtion formed againft Bi(},ops pro- ' 
 
 any Reformation, in Dodlrine or Worfliip ; and that thofe who fa- ceed againft 1 
 
 vour'd or promoted it, were ill ufed by the greater Part of the Bi- ''^?!^ ^^^° f^*' i 
 
 fhops : Of which I fliall give One Inft:ance, and by it one may judge mation. \ 
 
 of the reft ; for I have feen many Complaints to the fame Purpofe. 
 Barlow was, by Queen Anne'% Favour, made Prior of Hai'erford 
 Wejl, in Pembrokejlnre. He fet himfelf to preach the Pure Gofpel 
 there, and found many were very delirous to hear it ; but he was 
 in danger of his Life daily by reafon of it ; And an Accufation be- j 
 
 ing brought againft him by a Black Friar there ; fet on by Rawlins, j 
 
 then Bifliop of St. David's, who both rewarded him for it, and re- ' 
 
 commended him to the Arches : For Barlow had appealed to the : 
 
 Vol. III. E e King. !
 
 io6 "The Hiflory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 Coll. Numb. 
 
 ir'^c. King. He owns, that by Cro77iweir% Favour, their Defign againft 
 ■ him was defeated : But he having fent a Servant home about Bulineis, 
 the Biflaop's Officers cited him to their Courts, and ranfacked his 
 Houfe ; where they found an Efiglijh Teftament, with an Expofitioa 
 of the Sermon on the Mount, and of fome other Parts of the New 
 Teftament. Upon this, they clamoured againft him as a Heretick 
 for it. They charged the Mayor of the Town, to put hira and fome 
 others into Prifon, feeking by all Means to find Witnefles againft 
 them ; but none appearing, they were forced to let them go, but va- 
 lued themfelves upon this their Zeal againft Herefy. He fets forth 
 the Danger that all were in, who defired to live according to the 
 Laws of God, as became faithful Subjeds : For in that Multitude of 
 Monks, Friars, and Secular Priefts, that was then in thofe Parts, 
 there was not one that fincerely preached the Word of God, and 
 very few that favoured it. He complains of the Enormous Vices, 
 Fradulent Exacflions, and Heathenilh Idolatry, that was fliamefuUy 
 fupported under the Clergy's Jurifdidion ; of which he offered to 
 make full Proof, if it {hould be demanded and received : But that 
 being done, he defired Leave to remove from thence ; for he could 
 neither go home, nor ftay there fafely, without a fpecial Protedion. 
 This Letter will be found in the CoUedion. 
 38"' "" '"' Barlow was that Year made Bifliop of St. Afaph, aiid the Year 
 after was tranflated to St. David's ; and was after that removed to 
 IFel/s, but driven out by Queen Mary ; and was made Bifhop of 
 Chichejler by Queen Elizabeth, in which he lived Ten Years. 
 The Archbi- The fecret Oppofition that the Bifliops gave to the Steps made to- 
 fho^oiTork -^vards a Reformation, obliged Crowicv// to fend many Agents, in 
 TOuch fufpea- ^^^^ he trufted, up and down the Nation, to obferve all Mens 
 Tempers and Behaviour. Legh, among others, being fent to Torky 
 did (in January) enjoin the Archbifhop, by an Order from the 
 King, to preach the Word of God, and to fet forth the King's Pre- 
 rogative. He alfo enjoined him, to bring up to the King all the 
 Foundations of his See, and all Commiflions granted to it. In thefe-, 
 he did not doubt, but they would find many Things fit to be re- 
 formed : And he advifed, that every Bifl:iop might be fo ordered, that 
 their Diocefes might be better inftruded and edified. That would 
 eftablilh them in their Fidelity to the King, and to his Succeflion : 
 But the Jurifdidions might be augmented, or diminiflied, as Ihould 
 Coll. Numb, feem convenient. This Letter, which will be found in the Collec- 
 39* tion, opens a Defign that I find often mention'd, of CaUing in all the 
 
 Pope's Bulls, and all the Charters belonging to the feveral Sees, and 
 Regulating them all. But, perhaps, the firft Defign being the Sup- 
 prefling the Monafteries, it was not thought fit to alarm tlie Secular 
 Clergy, till that was once done : Yet the Order for Sending up all 
 Bulls, was at the fame time generally executed. There is a Letter 
 Coil, Numb, of "Tonftall's, writ foon after this to CronnvcU, put in the Colledion, 
 ^°' in which he mentions the King's Letters to all the Bifliops, to come 
 
 up immediately after the Feaft of the Purification, with all the Bulls 
 they had obtained from Rome, at any Time. But the King confider- 
 ing that Tonjiall had gone down but late, ordered Dr. Layton to write 
 to him, that he needed not come up i but advifed, that he fhould write 
 
 to
 
 Book III. of thg Church of England. 107 
 
 to the King that he was ready to do as other Bifliops did, and to de- i ^'J C. 
 liver up all fuch Bulls as the King defired of him, Layton wrote to Vp-^-v"^*"' 
 him that Cromwell, as his Friend, had aflured the King that he 
 would do it. 
 
 In anfwer to this, Tonftall thank'd him for his Kindnefs on that, 
 and on many other Occafions. " He did not underftand to what 
 " Intent thefe Bulls were called for, (and it feems he apprehended it 
 " was to have all the Bifliops give up their Right to their Bifhopricks) 
 " yet he had fent them all up to be delivered at the King's Pleafure : 
 " He adds, that he hoped by this Demand, the King did not intend 
 " to make him leave his Biflioprick, and both to turn him out of his 
 " Living, and to Ruin all his Servants, that had their Living only 
 " by him ; in which he wrote he could not be thought, either Am- 
 " bitious, or Unreafonable : So he defired to know what the King's 
 " Pleafure was, not doubting but that the King would ufe him as 
 " well as he ufed the other Bilhops in the Kingdom, fince as he had 
 "" obtained thefe Bulls by him, he had renounced every Thing in them 
 " that was contrary to his Prerogative. He had but Five Bulls, for 
 *' the refl: were delivered to thofe to whom they were addrefled : So 
 " he commits himfelf to the King's Goodnefs, and to CromweW% 
 " Favour. Dating his Letter from ^«^/^W the 2 oth of JatiuarxK n . tu 
 
 1-1 /I 1 • 1 17- < ^ ^ -^ Cotton hxDT. 
 
 which mult be m the Year 153^. cUaf. E. 4. 
 
 'Tonftall might be under more than ordinary Apprehenfions of fome 
 EfFe(ft of the King's Difpleafure ; for as he had oppofed the declaring 
 him to be the Supreme Head., in the Convocation of York ; fo he had 
 iluck firmly to the afferting the Lawfulnefs of the King's Marriage 
 to Queen Katberim. Before the Meeting of the Parliament, in which 
 that Matter was determined ; he with the Proxy that he fent to the 
 Bilhop of £/>>, wrote him a Letter, of which Mr. Richard yoncs faw 
 the Original, which he has inferted in his Voluminous Colledlions, 
 that are in the Bodleia?i Library ; in which thefe Words are, after 
 he had told him that he had given him full Power to Confent or Dif- 
 fent from every Thing that was to be propofed : He adds, 
 
 *' Yet neverthelefs, I befeech you, if any Thing Harmful or Pre- 
 " judicial in any Point, to the Marriage between the King's Highnefs 
 " and the Queen's Grace fliall be propofed, wherein our Voices Ihall 
 " be demanded ; in your own Name fay what you will, and what 
 " God putteth in your Mind : But I defire you, and on God's Be- 
 " half I require you, never in my Name to Confent to any fuch 
 " Thing propofed, either Harmful, or Prejudicial to the Marriage 
 " aforefaid ; but exprefsly to Diflent unto the fame : And for your 
 *' Difcharge on that Behalf, ye may fliew, when you think it requi* 
 *' fite, this my particular Declaration of my Mind, made unto you 
 *' therein : And what I have willed and required you to do in my 
 " Name in this Point, praying your Lordlhip not to do otherwife ill 
 " my Name, as my fingular Trufi: is in you, that ye will not. Dated 
 from Aukland in January, but neither Day nor Year are men- 
 tioned. 
 
 The Sefilon of Parliament in which the Adl of the Succeflion 
 pafTed, by which the King's Marriage with Queen Katherine was 
 condemned, meeting in January^ this Letter feems to be written 
 
 before
 
 io8 Ihe Hiftory of the Reformation Part HI. 
 
 before that Seffion j and yet no Oppofition was made to that Aft 
 in the Houfe of Lords, either by the Bifhop of £/)-, or by the 
 Bilhop of Bath, whom he had made his Second Proxy as appears by 
 the fame Letter, in which he is alfo named : The Adlpaffed fo foon 
 that it was read the Firft Time on the 20th of March, and pafled on 
 I the 23d in the Houfe of Lords, without either DifTent or Protcft. 
 
 It is alfo certain that TonftaU afterwards took the Oath enjoined by 
 that Aft. But how thefe Bifhops came to be fo filent upon that Oc- 
 cafion, being fo folemnly required to do otherwife by Ton/tall ; and 
 how he himfelf came to change, and to take the Oath, is that 
 of which I can give no Account. It is certain King Henry had a 
 very particular Regard for him ; but yet by this Letter it appears, 
 that he had fome Fears of a Severity aimed at himfelf: But 
 Cotton Libr. ^^le was afterwards in all Things very compliant, even to the End of 
 Chop. E. 4. King Edward's Reign. 
 
 Complaints of xhere came up from all Parts of the Kingdom, many Complaints 
 Fryars" '^" of the ill Behaviour and bad Praftices of the Monks and Fryars : Of 
 the laft chiefly, for the Mendicant Order being always abroad Beg- 
 ging, they had many more Occafions to fhew themfelves : And the' 
 the Monks had not thofe Occafions to be in all Publick Places, yet 
 it was very vifible that they were fecretly difpofing the People to a 
 Revolt. So it was refolved to proceed againft them all by degrees : 
 And after the Vifitations and Injundlions, which had no great Effed:, 
 they began with the fmaller Houfes, that were not above 200/. a 
 Year : This fwept away at once all the Mendicants, who were the 
 moft Induftrious, and by Confequence the moll: Dangerous. 
 ThcArchbi- The Archbifhop of York was much fufpedted ; and if many Apo- 
 fliop of York lories look like Intimations of fome Guilt, he had a great deal ; for 
 clears himfelf. j^^ ^^^^ ^^^^ Occafions to juftify himfelf. Upon the Aft for taking 
 all the Leifer Monafteries into the King's Hands, he exprefled great 
 Coll N h ^^^^ ^" ferving the King, which appears in a Letter of his to Cromwell 
 41." * in Jlpril 1536. He gave a ftrift Commandment to his Archdeacons 
 to warn all in the Monafteries within the Aft, not to embezzle, or 
 convey away any Thing belonging to the Houfe : And if they had 
 done any fuch Thing, to reftore it. He ordered them to give warn- 
 ing to all others not to meddle with any fuch Goods. He had alfo 
 warned the Mayor of Tork and his Brethren, and the Mafter of the 
 Mint there, to receive none of the Goods or Plate of thefe Monafte- 
 ries : Having thus exprefled his Care in that Matter ; he made an 
 earneft Suit for Two Places that were of the Patronage of his See. 
 The One was 5. Ofwalds, which was a Free Chapel ; the Prior waS 
 removeable at the Archbifliop's Pleafure, and he might put Secular 
 Priefts in it if he Pleafed. The other was Hexham upon the Bor- 
 ders of Scotland, which was once an Epifcopal See ; and there not 
 being a Houfe between Scotland and that Lordfliip, if that Houfe 
 fhould go down, there would be a great Wafte that would run far into 
 the Country : Whether he obtained thefe Suits or not, does not appear 
 to me : After that he adds, that he had given Order that no Prea- 
 chers fhould be fuffered that preached Novelties, and did fow Seeds 
 of Difl'ention : Some after that they were forbid to preach, did go 
 Qn,,,arid preach ftill : He had ordered Procefs againfl them ; fome of 
 - . v. J I them
 
 Book III. of the Church of Kn^lznd. 109 
 
 them faid they would get the King's Licence , if that were done, he 1536. 
 muft be filent, but he hoped Cj'om%veU would hinder that, and give >— — v~— ^ 
 him Notice if they had obtained the King's Licence : Some faid they 
 had the Archbilhop of Canterbury i Licence ; but none of thefe 
 fliQuld be obeyed there, none but the King's Licences, and his. 
 
 Upon the many Complaints of Preachers of all Sorts, King Henry Reg. Htref. ^ 
 wrote a Circular Letter to all the Bifliops on the 1 2th of Jn/y, let- ^"j^' J°'- ^: ^ 
 ting them know, that confidering theDiverfity of Opinion in Matters is for fome'"° 
 of Religion ; he had appointed the Convocation to fet forth certain f ™e prohi- 
 Articles of Religion, mofl Catholick : But to prevent all Diftraftion^"^'^" 
 in the Minds of his People, he ordered that till that was publiflied, no 
 Sermons fhould be preached till Michnelnias ; unlefs by the Bifliop, 
 or in his Prefence, or in his Cathedral, where he is to take care to 
 furnifli fuch as he can anfwer for : Every Bifliop is therefore re- 
 quired to call in all his Licences for Preaching, and to publifh this 
 in the King's Name. He is alfo required to imprifon all thofe who 
 adled againil this Order ; and not to fuffer any private Conventicles 
 or Difputations about thefe Matters : To this is added a Diredlion 
 for the bidding of Prayers ; that they fhould pray for departed Souls, 
 that God would grant them the Fruition of his Prefence : And a 
 ftridt Charge is laid on Curates, that when the Articles of Religion 
 fhall be fent them, they fliould read them to their People, without 
 adding or diminifliing ; excepting only fuch to whom he fhall under 
 his Seal give Power to explain them. 
 
 The blind Bifhop oi Norwich, Nix, was condemned in a Premunire 
 and put out of the King's Protedlion, for breaking through a Cuftom 
 that the Town of Tbctford had enjoyed pafl all Memory, that no 
 Inhabitant of that Town could be brought into any Ecclefiaflical 
 Court, but before the Dean of that Town : Yet that Old and Vicious 
 Bifhop cited the Mayor before him, and charged him under the Pain of 
 Excommunication not to admit of that Cuflom. Upon this, Judg- 
 ment was given in the Temporal Courts agalnfl the Bifhop : But he 
 was now received into the King's Proteftion : In the Pardon men- 
 tion is made of his being convidled upon the Statute of Provifors. 
 Stokcjly Bifhop of London was charged with the Breach of the fame 
 Statute, for which he took out a Pardon. 
 
 During thefe Years, Cromwell carried no higher Characfter, than ^y'"^''- 
 that of Secretary of State : But all Applications were made to him in 
 Ecclefiaflical Matters ; fo whether this was only by Reafon of his 
 Credit with the King, or if he was then made Vicar General, does 
 not appear to me. But as the King took care to keep all Things 
 quiet at Home, fo he fet himfelf to cultivate a particular Friendfliip 
 with the Princes of the Empire of the An (burgh ConfefTion ; hoping 
 by their Means to be able to give the Emperor a Powerful Diverfion, 
 if he fliould go about to execute the Pope's Cenfures. The King of ^Tr^'y with 
 France had been for fome Time endeavouring to beget a Confidence Prince"! "^'"' 
 of himfelf in the Minds of thofe Princes ; pretending that he was 
 neither for the Divine, nor the Unbounded Authority that the Popes 
 had affumed, but only he thought it was reafonable to allow them a 
 Primacy in the Church, and to fet Limits to that. Langey was the 
 Perfon mofc employ'd in the managing of this Matter. But when the 
 Vol. IIL F f King
 
 no l^he Hiflory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 King came to underftand that the King of France had fent for Me- 
 lanchtbon, being then at La/igky. He ordered the Duke of Norfolk and 
 the Lord Rocbford to write to Cromivcll, commanding him to difpatch 
 Barnes immediately to Germany ; and to ufe fuch DiUgence, that if 
 it was pollible, he might meet Melanchthon before he was gone into 
 France., and to diffuade his going thither, lince the French King was 
 then perfecuting thofe who did not fubmit to the Pope's ufurped 
 Authority : He was to ufe all poffible Arguments to divert him frorri 
 going, and to perfuade him all he could to come over to England ; 
 fhewing him the Conformity of the King's Opinions with his own, 
 and fetting forth the King's Noble and Generous Temper : But if he 
 was gone into France, Barnes was to go on to the Princes of Germanv, 
 and Cromwell was to fend a Meffenger with him to be fent back with 
 an Account of the State of Matters amon? them. He was to en^a^e 
 the Prhices to continue firm in the Denial of the Pope's Authority; 
 in which their Honour was deeply concerned : And they might de- 
 pend upon the King in that Matter, who had proceeded in it with 
 the Advice of the moft Part of the Great and Famous Clarks in 
 Chrljlendom, from which he would never vary, nor alter his Pro- 
 ceedings. Barnes was to carry over a Book written on that Subjed:, 
 and fome Sermons of the Bifliops, and to put the Princes on their 
 Guard, as to the French King ; for he allured them, that both he 
 and his Council were altogether Papifts. 
 Barnes kiit to j5^r«^i was like wife diredled to fend i7^/;?j (afterwards Dean of 
 ' ^"" Exeter) and Chriftopher Mount (an Honeft German, who Avas long 
 
 employed by the Crown of England) to Sir John Wallop the King's 
 AmbafTador in France, on Pretence that they went as his Friends to 
 Vifit him. If Melanchthon was in France, they were to go fecretly 
 to him, to diiTuade his Stay long there ; or his altering his Opinion 
 in any Particular. Some Copies of the Book, and the Sermons, 
 were to be carried by them to France. If it is true, that the King 
 of France was fo fet to maintain the Pope's Supremacy, Wallop was 
 to reprefent to him, how contrary that was to his Honour, to Sub- 
 jedl himfelf to the Pope, and to perfuade others to do the fame ; and 
 to charge him that he would remember his Promife to maintain the 
 King's Caufe and Proceedings ; and fince the King did not move the 
 Subjefts of any other Prince, why fhould the French King fludy to 
 draw the Germans from their Opinion in that Matter : Which the 
 King thought himfelf much concerned in, fince it was fo muchagainft 
 the King's Intereft and his own Promife. Wallop was to ufe all 
 Means to incline him rather to be of the King's Opinion. They al- 
 fo ordered O-onnvell to write to the Bifhop oi Aberdeen, that the King 
 took it very unkindly, that his Nephew the King of Scotland was 
 fuing to marry the Duke of Ve7idome\ Daughter without his Advice : 
 He had propofed it to him before, and then he would not hearken 
 to it. This Negligence the King imputed to that Bifliop, and to the 
 reft of the Scottijh Council : The Letter concludes, that Barnes 
 fhould not be ftayed for further Inftrudlions from the Bifliop of 
 Canterbury. Thefe fhould be fent afterwards by the Almoner (Fox), 
 Coiha. This Letter will be found in the Collection. 
 
 Numb. 42. 
 
 This
 
 Book III. of the Church of England. ii i 
 
 This came foon enough to flop Mf/(-/7?<:/j//'w/s Journey to France. 1536. 
 The 'Great Mafter, and the Admiral of France^ did not think of v— --v— *-* 
 any thino; with Relation to Germany^ but of a Civil League, to em- ■^^^^'""'*'*™'* 
 broil the Emperor's Affairs. They were againft meddling in Points |vl"L pre- 
 of Relipion ; and fo were againft Mela?7chtho}is Cominp- to France, vented- 
 They were afraid, that the French Divines and he would not agree ; papr-Offia, 
 and that might alienate the German Princes yet more from the Court 
 oi France. Hains and Mount wrote this over from Rbeinis, on the 
 8th of Auguft 1535. It is true, Langey was fent to bring him, 
 hoping to meet him at Wirtcmhcrg: But He was not come thither ; 
 only the Heads of their Doftrine were fent to him. With thefe he 
 came back to France. The King's Divines made fome Emendations ; 
 which Langey faid to Mount, he believed the Gcrtnans would fubmit 
 to : And fo he was fent back v/ith a Gold Chain, and Letters to 
 bring Mclanchihon, and Six other Eminent German Divines with 
 him. Of this, Mount ^■xvt the King Advice, t\\z yth. o^ September, 
 in that Year. 
 
 This whole Matter came to nothing : For Francis ■& Sifter, the The Fr. King 
 Queen of Navarre, was the Perfon who preffed him chiefly to it ; ^"'^"^^^2. 
 hoping by this, once to engage him in fome Point of Dodfrine, 
 which, as She hoped, might draw on a Rupture with Rome : But 
 his Miniftcrs diverted him from all Thoughts of Engaging in Do- 
 (ftrinal Matters •, and they put him on Entring into a League with 
 the Princes of the Empire, only with Relation to their Temporal 
 Concerns. Nor were the German Princes willing to depart in a Tit- 
 tle from the Augjbiirg Confeflion, or enter upon new Treaties about 
 Points that were fettled already among them ; which might give Oc- 
 cafion to new Diviftons among themfelves. And no doubt, the King's 
 Interpofing in the Matter with fuch Earneftnefs, had great Weight 
 with them ; fo he was delivered from the Alarm that this gave him. 
 But to go on with our King's Affairs in Germa^iy. 
 
 Fox With Heath (on whom Melanchthon fet a high Value) was 5f.',5. 1.3. §13, 
 fent foon after Barnes, to Negotiate with the Germans. He had P^""- 39- 
 many Conferences with fome of their Divines, and entred into a ctmany. 
 large Treaty about feveral Articles of Religion, with thofe of fFit- 
 temberg, which lafted three Months, to the Eledlor's great Charge, 
 and the Uneafinefs of the Germans. 
 
 Melanchthon had dedicated his Comrnentary on the Epiftles to the 
 King ; who fent him (upon it) a prefentof 200 Crowns, and wrote 
 a Letter to him full of particular Expreifions of Efteem, and Affu- 
 rances that he would always affift him in thofe his Pious Labours j 
 dated from IFinche/kr the ift of 0^/ober 1535. Fox feemed to af- 
 fure them, that the King had already aboliflied the Popifti Superfti^ 
 tions, which he called the B a by Ion iJJj Tyranny ; calling the Pope An- 
 tichrift. They of Wittefnberg infifted on the Abufes of the Mafs, 
 and on the Marriage of the Clergy ; and took notice, that the King 
 had only taken away fome fmallei- Abufes, while the greateft were 
 liill kept up. So that Melanchthon wrote on the Margin of their Pa- 
 per, at this Part of it, in Greek, Nothing Soimd. All this was fent 
 over to the King ; but did not at all pleafe him. For, in an Anfwer 
 
 writ-
 
 112 The Hi]} ory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1^06. written hy Cromrjell, theie Words area Part of it. " The King 
 knowing himfelf tobe the I..earnedefl Prince in Europe, he thought 
 " it became not him to fubmit to them ; but He expelled they 
 " fliould fubmit to him. They, on the other Hand, flw/ the great 
 Advantage of his Protedtion and Affiflance ; fo that tliey brought 
 Luther to make an humble Submiffion to him, asking him Pardon 
 for the Manner of his Writing againft him ; which I find intima- 
 ted, tho' it never came in my way. They fludied alfo to gain both 
 upon his Vanity, offering him the Title of the Defender, or Pro- 
 testor of their League ; and his Intereft, by Entring into a Clofe 
 Confederacy with him. 
 
 It was an Opinion common enough in that Time, that the Em- 
 peror was the Sovereign of Germany. Gardiner, in feveral of his Let- 
 ters, feems to be of that Mind: And upon that Account, he en- 
 deavoured to poffefs the King with a Prejudice againft his Treating 
 with them, that it was to animate Subjeifts, to revolt againft their 
 Prince : Whereas, by the Conftitution and Laws of the Empire, 
 the Princes had fecured to themfelves the Right of Coining, Fortify- 
 ing, Arming, and Entring into Treaties, not only with one another, 
 but with Foreign Princes, for their Defence. A Homage was in- 
 deed due to the Emperor ; and a much greater Submiffion was due 
 to the Diet of the Empire : But the Princes were Sovereigns in 
 their own Territories, as the Hanfe Towns were Free States. Fox 
 preffed them to approve of all that the King had done in the Mat- 
 ter of his Divorce, and of his Second Marriage. To v.hich they 
 gave the Anfwer that I had inferted in my Hlftory, among the 
 Tranfadiions of the Year 1530: But the Noble (S'^c^'iWc;^ fliews, 
 that it was fent in the Year 1536. In their Anfwer, as they excu- 
 fed themfelves from giving their Opinion in that Matter, till they 
 were better informed ; they added, (which, it feems, was fup- 
 preffed by Fox) " Tho' we do agree with the Ambaffadors, that 
 " the Law againft Marrying the Brother's Wife ought to be kept ; 
 " yet we are in doubt, whether a Difpenfation might not take 
 " place in this Cafe; which the Ambaffadors denied. For that Law 
 " cannot oblige us more ftricftly, than it did the Jeivs : And if a 
 " Difpenfation was admitted to them, we think the Bond of Matri- 
 " mony is ftironger. Luther was vehemently againft the Infamy 
 put on the Iffue of the Marriage. He thought, the Lady Mary was 
 cruelly dealt with, when ftie was declared a Baftard. Upon Queen 
 Katherinei, Death, they earneftly preffed the Reftoring her to her 
 former Honour. So true were they to that which was their Princi- 
 ple, without regarding the great Advantage they fav/ might come 
 to them, from the Protection of ^fo great a King'. 
 
 His Ambaffadors, at that Time, gave thefe Princes an Advertife- 
 ment of great Importance to them, that was written over to the King 
 by Wiat, then his Ambaffador in Spain ; That the Emperor had, 
 in a paffionate Difcourfe with him, called both the Elector and the 
 Landgrave, his E?jemies, and Rebels. The Truth was, the Eleftor 
 did not entirely depend on all that Fox faid to him. He thought the 
 King had only a Political Defign in all this Negotiation ; intending 
 to bring them into a Dependance on himfelf, without any fmcere 
 
 Inten-
 
 Book III. of the Church of Kn<^?ind. 113 
 
 Intentions with Relation to Religion. So he being refolved to ad- 
 here firmly to the Augsburg Confeffion, and feeing no Appearance 
 of the King's agreeing to it, he was very cold in the Profecution of 
 this Negotiation. But the Princes and States of that Confeffion, met 
 at this time at Stnalcald, and fettled the Famous St)7alcaldick League j 
 of which the King's Ambafladors fent him an Authentick Copy, 
 with a Tranflation of it in EngliJIo ; which the Reader will find in Coll. Numb. 
 the Collecflion. 4j. 
 
 " By it, Jolm Fredei-'ick, Eleftor of Saxony, with his Brother 
 " Erncfi ; Philip, Eniej}, and Francis, Dukes of Brunfwick ; Ulric 
 " Duke of Wirtemberg, Philip Landgrave of Heffe, the Dukes of 
 " Pomeren ; Four Brothers, Princes of Anhalt ; Two Brothers, 
 " Counts of Mansfield ; the Deputies of 2 1 Free Towns ; which 
 are not named in any Order, for Hamburg and Lubeck are the laft 
 fave one ; but, to avoid Difputes, they were named in the Order in 
 which they came, and produced their Powers. " Allthefedid, on 
 " Behalf of themfelves and their Heirs, feeing the Dangers of that 
 " Time, and that many went about to difturb thofe, who fufi^ered 
 " the fincere Dodlrine of the Gofpel to be preached in their Terri- 
 " tories ; and who, abolifliing all Abufes, fettled fuch Ceremonies 
 " as were agreeable to the Word of God : From which their Ene- 
 " mies ftudied to divert them by Force and Violence. And fince it 
 " was the Magiftrate's Duty, to fuffer the fincere Word of God to 
 " be preached to his Subjecfls, and to provide that they be not vio- 
 " lently deprived of it j therefore, that they might provide for the 
 " Defence of themfelves and their People, which is permitted to 
 " every Man, not only by the Law of Nature, but alfo by the 
 " written Laws, they entred into a Chriftian, Lawful, and Friend- 
 " ly League : By which they bound themfelves to favour all of 
 *' their Body, and to warn them of any imminent Danger ; and not 
 " to give their Enemies Pafi^age thro' their Territories. This was 
 " only for their own Defence, and not to move any War. So if 
 " any of them fliould be violently affaulted for the Caufe of Reli- 
 " gion, or on any Pretence, in which the reft fhould judge that Re- 
 " ligion was the true Motive ; the reft of the Confederacy were 
 " bound, with all their Force and Power, to defend him who was 
 " fo affaulted, in fuch a manner, as for the Circumftances of the 
 " Time fhall be adjudged : And none of them might make any A- 
 " greement, or Truce, without the Confent of the reft. And that 
 " it might not be underftood that this was any Prejudice to the Em- 
 " peror their Lord, or to any Part of the Empire ; they declare, 
 *' that it was only intended to withftand wrongful Violence. They 
 *' alfo refolved to receive all into this Confederacy, who received 
 " tlie Augsburg Confeffion, and defired to be joined to it. And 
 " whereas the Confederacy made Six Years before, was to deter- 
 " mine on the Sunday Invocavit of the following Year ; in which 
 " the Princes of Wirtemberg, Pomeren, and Anhalt, and Six of the 
 " Cities were not comprehended ; they received them into this Con- 
 " federacy ; which was to laft for Ten Years after the Sunday Invo- 
 " ca'vit : And if any War fhould be begun, but not finifhed with- 
 " in thefe Ten Years, yet it fliall be continued till the War is 
 Vol. in. G g " brought
 
 114 ^he Hijlory of the Reformation Part I i 1 . 
 
 " broucrht to an End : But at the End of the Ten Years, it fhall be 
 " Lawful to the Confederates to prolong it further. And they gave 
 " their Faith to one another, to obferve this Religioufly, and fet 
 " their Seals to it. 
 
 On the fame Day, the King's Anfwer was offered to the Demands 
 the Princes had made : Both which are in the Paper-Office ; and 
 Coll. Nu»ib. both will be found in the CoUedtion. Their Demands were, " That 
 44- " the Kino- would fet forth the true Doftrine of Chrifl:, according 
 
 " to the Augjburgh ConfefTion ; and that he would defend that 
 " Do6lrine at the next General Council j if it be Pious, Catho- 
 " lick, Free, and truly Chriflian : And that neither the King, nor 
 " the Princes and States of that Union, lliould, without mutual 
 " Confent, agree to any Indiftion of a General Council made by 
 " the Bifhop of Rome ; but that if fuch a Council fliould be called, 
 " as they had defired in their Anfwer to Vergerius, the Pope's Am- 
 " baffador, it fliould not be refufed : And that if a Council fliall 
 " be celebrated, to which the King and thefe Princes do not agree, 
 " they fliall (to their Power) oppofe it : And, that they will 
 " make Proteflations againit it ; that they will not obey any Con- 
 " ftitution made in it, nor fufter any Decrees made in it to be obey- 
 " ed ; but will efteem them Null and Void, and will make their 
 " Bilhops and Preachers declare that to their People. That the 
 " Kino- will affociate himfelf to the League, and accept the Name 
 " of the Defender, or Prcte6ior of it. That they will never fuffer 
 " the Monarchy of the Bifliop of Rome to take place ; nor grant 
 " that it is expedient, that he Ihould have Pre-eminence before all 
 " other Bifhops, or have any Jurifdidion in the Dominions of the 
 " King, and of the Princes. That upon thefe Grounds, they En- 
 " ter into a League with one another. And in Cafe of any War, 
 " either for the Caufe of Religion, or any other Caufe whatfoever, 
 " that they fliould not affift thofe who begin any fuch War. 
 " That the King fhall lay down a Hundred Thoufand Crowns j 
 " which it fhall be Lawful to the Confederates to make ufe of, as 
 " a Moiety of that which they themfelves fliall contribute : And 
 " if need be, in any Caufe of urgent NecelTity, to contribute Two 
 " Hundred Thoufand Crowns ; they joining as much of their own 
 " Money to it. And if the War fliall end fooner, than that all 
 " the Money is employed in it, what remains fhall be reflored to 
 " the King. And they aflured him, that they fliould not convert 
 " this Money to any other Ufe, but to the Defence of the Caufe of 
 " Religion, together with their own Money. And fince the King's 
 " Ambafladors were to remain fome Time in Germany ; difpu- 
 " ting with their Learned Men about fome Points ; they de- 
 " fire, that they may know the King's Mind ; and that he will fig- 
 " nify it to the Eledtor of Snxofiy, and the Landgrave of Hejfe. 
 " And then the Princes will fend their AmbafTadors, and a Learned 
 " Man with them, to Confer with the King, about the Articles of 
 " Dodlrine, and the Ceremonies of the Church. 
 
 To thefe the King fent Two different Anfwers one after another. 
 
 Coll. Numb. " The Firfl, that will be found in the Colleftion, was, That theKing 
 
 4S' « intended to fet forth the True Doftrine of Chrifl, which he was 
 
 " ready to defend with Life and Goods : But that he being reckon - 
 
 " ed
 
 Book III. of the Church of Kn<^2ind. u^ 
 
 " ed fomewhat Learned, and having many Learned Men in his 1536. 
 
 " Kingdom, he could not think it meet to accept at any Creatures \— — V"*' 
 
 " Hand what ihould be his Faith, or his Kingdoms ; The only 
 
 *' Ground of which was in Scripture ; with which he defired they 
 
 " would not be grieved : But that they would fend over fome of 
 
 " their Learned Men to confer with him, and his Learned Men, to 
 
 " the Intent that they might have a perfeft Union in Faith : He 
 
 " would alfo join with them in all General Councils, that were Ca- 
 
 " tholick. Free, and held in a Safe Place, for the Defence of the 
 
 " True Doftrine of the Gofpel : And as for Ceremonies, there may 
 
 " be fuch a Diverfity in thefe ufed thro' the Whole World, that he 
 
 " thought that ought to be left to the Governors of the feveral Do- 
 
 " minions, who know befl what is convenient for themfelves : He 
 
 " agreed that neither he, nor they, rtiould accept of the Lidicftion of 
 
 " a General Council, but by all their Mutual Confent ; but that if 
 
 " fuch a Free Council may be held in a Safe Place, it fliall not be re- 
 
 *' fufed. The King did not think fit to accept the Title offered by 
 
 " them till firft they fliould be thoroughly agreed upon the Articles 
 
 " of Doftrine : But that being once done, he would thankfully ac- 
 
 " cept of it. To that of a Defenlive League, he added One Claufe, 
 
 " that they fhould not fufler any of their Subjefts to ferve thofe who 
 
 " fet on them in any fuch War : He thought it not reafonable that 
 
 " he fliould bear any Share of the Wars already paft, (which it feems 
 
 " was fecretly mentioned, though not exprelTed in their Demands) 
 
 " but for the future, he was willing to contribute 1 00000 Crowns as 
 
 " they defire. Upon further confidering their Demands, the King 
 
 " fent a Second and fuller Anfwer, which will be likewife found in ^°^^- ^'"''' 
 
 " the Colleftion. ^ - 
 
 " It begins with very tender Expreffions of the Senfe the King had 
 " of their Benevolence to him, and of their Conftancy in adhering 
 *' to the Truth of the Gofpel : He acknowledges the Goodnefs of 
 *' God in giving them fuch Stedfaftnef's and Strength. Their won- 
 " drous Vertues had fo raviflied the King, that he was determined to 
 " continue in a Correfpondence of Love with them on all Occafions. 
 Then follow fome Explanations of the former Memorial, but not 
 very important, nor differing much from it : Only he lets them know, 
 " That it was not for any private NecefTity of his own, that he was 
 " moved to join in League with them : For by the Death of a Wo- 
 " man, all Calumnies were extindl (this is meant of Queen Amie) 
 ■" fo that neither the Pope nor the Emperor, nor any other Prince, 
 *' had then any Quarrel with him : Yet that they might know his 
 " good Affediion to them, he would contribute the Sum they defired, 
 " and upon the Terms they propofed : Only on his Part he demand- 
 " ed of them that in Cafe any Prince Invaded his Dominions on the 
 " Account of Religion, that they would furnifli him, at their Ex- 
 *' pence, with c^oo Horfemen compleatly armed, or 10 Ships well 
 '" arrayed for War, to ferve for Four Months : And that it fhould 
 " be at the King's Choice whether Horfe, or Ships : And that they 
 " fliould retain at the King's Charge fuch a Number of Horfe and 
 *' Foot as the King fhould need, not exceeding the Number ot 200 
 "" Horfe, and 5000 Foot : Or inflead of the Foot, 12 Ships in Or- 
 " der, with ail Things neceflary : Which the King might keep in 
 
 I " his
 
 ii6 T^he Htflory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 I r36. " his Service, as long as he pleafed : And laft of all, that the Con- 
 '-—-V""—' " federates will promife in all Councils, and every where elfe, to 
 " promote and defend the Opinion that Dr. Martin (fo they named 
 " Luther) Jujius 'Jonas., Cruciger, Pcfieran, and Mclanchton had of 
 " his Marriage. This Negotiation funk to a great Degree upon 
 Queen A?i?ie^ Tragical Fall : And as the King thought they were no 
 more neceflary to him, fo they faw his Intradable Humour, and 
 had no hope of fucceeding with him, unlefs they would have al- 
 lowed him a Didlatorfhip in Matters of Religion j yet to end all this 
 Negotiation at once. 
 
 The Eleftor of Saxony, and the Landgrave of Hcjfc wrote a Let- 
 Coll. Numb, ter to the King, which will be found in the Collection, taken from 
 +7- " the Original, occafioned by Pope Paul the Illd's fummoning a 
 
 " General Council to meet at Ma?itua on the 23d oi May, upon 
 " which the Emperor had fent MefTengers to them, to give them 
 " Notice of it, and to require them to come to it, either in Perfon, 
 " or by their Proftors : But though they had always defired a Coun- 
 " cil for the Reforming of thofe Abufes, that had continued fo long, 
 " by the Negligence, or Corruption of Popes and Prelates ; yet in 
 " this Bull, the Pope clearly infinuates that he will not fuffer the 
 " reftoring of True Docftrine, or the correfting of Abufes, to be 
 " treated of, but that their Doftrine without any Examination was 
 *' to be condemned with Infamy : He alfo endeavoured to oblige all 
 " by the receiving of his Bull, without taking Cognizance of the 
 " Matter, to extirpate and deftroy the Dodlrine they profeffed : So 
 " that if they had accepted the Bull, they had feemed to be invol- 
 " ved in that Defign. They therefore told the Emperor's Minifter, 
 " that they looked on that Bull as Unjuft and Pernicious ; and they 
 " defired he would let the Emperor know that they could not ac- 
 " cept of it. They did not doubt but the Pope, or his Party, about 
 " the King, would upon this Occafion pretend, that the Pope had 
 " done his Duty, and would ftudy to load them with ill Charadlers : 
 " So they thought it neceffary to juftify themfelves to the King, and 
 " other Princes on this Occafion. 
 
 " They fent over with this a full Vindication of their Proceedings, 
 " which they defired the King would read, and that he would con- 
 " fider not only the prefent Danger of the Gfrw.wwj, but theCom- 
 " mon Concern of the Whole Church, in which it was vifible that 
 " all good Difcipline was loft, and that Great and Worthy Men had 
 " wifhed and defired that fome received Abufes, that could not be 
 " denied, might be amended : Therefore they recommend the Caufe 
 " of the Church, and their own Caufe to his Care. This is dated 
 the 25th of March 1537. 
 
 I have in my other Work given an Account of the Ambaffadors 
 whom they fent into England, of the Reprefentations they made, 
 and of a full Paper that they offered to the King : To all which I 
 have nothing now to add, but that I have found a Letter oiCranmers 
 Coll. Numb, to Cromwell, which I have put in the Colleftion, in which he 
 ^' complains of the backwardnefs of the Bifliops. The Ambaffadors 
 
 had been defired to tarry one Month, that their Book might be con- 
 fidered ; but though he moved them to treat about it, as they had 
 done upon other Articles j they anfwered him they knew the King 
 
 had
 
 Book III. of the Chun Jo of England. 1 1 7 
 
 had taken it on himfelf to anfvver them ; and that a Book to that 1536. 
 End was already deviled by him : Therefore they would not meddle v-— -v— - 
 with the Abufes complained of. The Bifliops defired that the Arch- 
 bifliop would go on to treat ©f the Sacraments of Matrimony, Orders, 
 Confirmation, and Extream Undtion, in which they knew certainly 
 that the Gennatts would not agree with them, exxept only in Matri- 
 mony. " He faw the Bifliops were feeking an Occafion to break the 
 " Concord : And that nothing would be done, unlefs there came a 
 '' fpecial Command from the King. They faw they could not defend 
 " the Abufes, and yet they would not yield that Point: He com- 
 *• plains likewife that the Ambafllidors were very ill lodged : Mul- 
 *' titudes of Rats were running in their Chambers Day and Night, 
 " and their Kitchen was fo near their Parlour, that the Smell was 
 " offenfive to all that came to them. He wiQies that a more con- 
 " venient Houfe might be offered them. 
 
 It is true the King ufed them with a particular Civility, and fpoke 
 to them before all his Court in a mofl obliging Manner : And 
 often wiflied that Melanchton might be fent over to him, Cranmer 
 and Crovnvdl ufed them with all poflible Kindnefs. Cranmer wrote 
 often by them to the Eledtor, exhorting him to continue firm and 
 zealous for the Truth and Purity of the Gofpel : But under all the 
 Shews of the King's Favour, they underftood that his Heart was 
 turned from them. He wrote, when he difmiffed them, to the Eledlor, 
 in Terms full ofEfleem for their AmbafFadors : " Not doubting but 
 " good EfFedlis would follow on this Beginning of Conferences 
 *' with them : But the Matter being of the greateft Importance, it 
 *' ought to be very maturely confidered. He again defired that Me- ,, , , 
 " lanchtcn might be fent over to him, that he might treat with /^r! 66.^* 
 *' him, promifing that he would apply himfelf wholly to what became 
 " a Chriftian Prince to purfue. Dated the Firfi: of 05'o^^r, 1538. 
 During this EmbafTy there was an Anabaptift feized by the Land- 
 grave oi Hejfc; in whofe Papers they found that he had fome Fol- 
 lowers in England; that he had Hopes of great Succefs there j and 
 was defigning to go thither, but he faid he was forbidden by the 
 Spirit. Upon this they wrote an Account of all they found to the 
 King, and gave him a Defcription of the Anabaptills of Germany. 
 They were much fpread through Frifia and Wejlpbalia, and in the 
 Netherlands; chiefly in thofe Places where none of their Preachers 
 were tolerated. The not baptizing Infants was the known Cha- 
 radler of the Party ; but with this, they were for a Community of 
 ■Goods : They condemned all Magiflracy, and all punifhing of 
 Crimes, which they thought was a Revenge forbidden by Chrift: 
 They condemned all Oaths, and were againft all Order and Govern- 
 ment. They feemed to be Manicheans in Religion : They defpifed 
 the Scriptures, and pretended to particular Illuminations ; and al- 
 lowed both Poligamy and Divorce at a Man's Pleafure : And where- 
 foever their Numbers increafed, they broke out into Sedition and 
 Rebellion They wrote all this to the King in a Letter, that by the 
 Stile is believed to be penned by Melanchton^ both to let him fee 
 Jiow far they themfelves were from favouring fuch Corruptions, and 
 ,to put the King on his Guard againft them. '» '-■ 
 
 Here ends this Negotiation j for I find no Mark of any further 
 Vol. III. Hh Com-
 
 ii8 T^he Hi ft or y of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 Commerce between them : And though this run out far beyond the 
 Year 1535, in which it was began, yet I thought it befl to lay it all 
 together, and fo to difmifs it. The unlooked for Accidents that hap- 
 pened in England^ had wrought much. on the King's Temper ; his 
 own Inchnations were ftill byafling him to adhere to the Old Opini- 
 ons and Pradices ; and the Popifh Party watched and improved all Ad- 
 vantages, of which a very fignal one happ'ned foon to their great Joy. 
 Cott. Libr. Queen Katherine, or as flie was called the IViiiccfs Dowager, died 
 
 Otho. C. 10. pii-ft. I have nothing to add concerning her, but that 1 fell on a 
 Report of a Converfation that Sir Edmond Bedingjicld, and Mr. "Tyrrel, 
 had with her; in which flie folemnly protefted to them, that Prince 
 Arthur never knew her Carnally, and infifted much on it ; and faid 
 many others were aflured of it. But on the contrary, Bedingfield 
 urged very fully all the Probabilities that were to the contrary : And 
 faid, that whatever flie faid on that Subjcdl, it was little believed, and 
 it feemed not credible. The Tragedy of Queen Anne followed foon 
 after this: It broke out on the Firft oi May 1536, but it feems it 
 was concerted before ; for a Parliament was fummoned, at leall: the 
 Writs were tefted the 27th oi April before. 
 MeterenHift There is a long Account of her Sufferings given by Meteren, in 
 des Pays has that Excellent Hiftory that he wrote of the Wars in the Netherlands^ 
 L. I. F, 20. ^vhich he took from a full Relation of it, given by a FreiKh Gentle- 
 man, Crifpin, who was then in London, and as Meteren relates the 
 Matter, wrote without Partiality, He begins it thus. " There 
 " was a Gentleman who blamed his Sifter for fome Lightnefs that 
 " appeared in her Behaviour : She faid the Queen did more than fhe 
 " did J for fhe admitted fome of her Court to come into her Chamber 
 " at undue Hours: And named the Lord Rochford, Norris, Wefion^ 
 " Brereton, and Smeton the Mufician : And (he faid to her Brother, 
 " that 5/«f/o« could tell much more : All this was carried to the King. 
 When the Matter broke out on the Firft of May, the King who 
 loved Norris, fent for him, and faid, if he would confefs thofe 
 Things with which the Queen was charged, he fhould neither fuf- 
 fer in his Perfon, nor his Eftate j nor fo much as be put in Prifon : 
 But if he did not confefs, and were found Guilty, he fhould, fuffer 
 the Extremity of the Law. Norris anfwcred, he would much ra- 
 ther Die than be guilty of fuch Falftiood : That it was all Falfe, 
 which he was ready to juftify in a Combat againft any Perfon what- 
 foever : So he was fent with the reft to the 'Tower : The ConfefBon 
 of Smeton was all that was brought againft the Queen : He, as was 
 believ'd, was prevailed on to accufe her : Yet he was condemned 
 contrary to the Promife that had been made him : But it was pre- 
 tended that his Crime was, that he had told his Sufpicions to others, 
 and not to the King: and when it was alledg'd that one Witnefs was 
 •not fufficient, it was anfwered that it was fnfficient. He adds that 
 the Queen was try'd in the Tower ; and that fhe defended her Honour, 
 and Modefty, in fuch a way, ,as to foften the King (for flie knew 
 his Temper) by fuch Humble Deportment, to Favour her Daughter. 
 She was brought to her Trial without having any Advocate allow'd 
 her ; having none but her Maids about her. A Chair was fet for 
 her, and fhe looked to all her Judges with a chearful Countenance, 
 as fhe made her Curtfies to them, without any Fear : She behaved 
 
 .; . ,. her
 
 Book III. of the Church of England. iio 
 
 her felf as if flie had been ftill Queen : She fpoke not much in her 1536. 
 own Defence ; but the Modefly of her Countenance pleaded her In- 
 nocence, much more than the Defence that She made ; fo that all 
 who law or heard her, believed her Innocent. Both the Magiflrates 
 oi London, and feveral others who were there, faid, they faw no 
 Evidence againfhher j only it appear'd, that they were refolv'd to be 
 rid of her. 
 
 She was made to lay afide all the Charafters of her Dignity : 
 Which She did willingly; but ftill protefted her Innocence. When 
 She heard the Sentence, that She was to be beheaded, or burnt, She 
 was not terrified ; but lifted up her Hands to God, and faid , " O 
 " Father! O Creator! Thou, who art the Way, the Truth, and 
 " the Life ; thou knoweft that I have not deferved this Death. 
 And turning her felf to her Judges, (her Uncle, the Duke of Nor- 
 folk, being the Lord High Steward) She faid, " My Lords, I will 
 " not {liy that your Sentence is urjufl: ; nor prcfume, that my Opi- 
 " nion ought to be preferred to the Judgment of you all. I believe 
 " you have Reafons, and Occafions of Sufpicion and Jealoufy, upon 
 " which you have condemned me: But they muft be other, than 
 '' thofe that have been produced here in Court ; for I am entirely 
 " innnocent of all thele Accufations ; fo that I cannot afk Pardon 
 *' of God for them. 1 have been always a Faithful and Loyal Wife 
 " to the King. I have not, perhaps, at all times fliewed him that 
 " Humility and Reverence, that his Goodnefs to me, and the Honour 
 " to which he raifed me, did deferve. I confefs, I have had Fan- 
 «' cies and Sufpicions of him, which I had not Strength nor Dif- 
 " cretion enough to manage : But God knows, and is my Witnefs, 
 *' that I never failed otherwife towards him : And I fhalL never con- 
 " fefs any other, at the Hour of my Death. Do not think that 
 *' I fay this, on Defign to prolong my Life: God has taught me 
 " to know how to Die ; and he will fortify my Faith. Do not 
 «' think that I am fo carried in my Mind, as not to lay the Honour 
 " of my Chaftity to Heart; of which I fliould make fmall Account 
 " nov/ in my Extremity, if I had not maintained it my whole Life 
 *' long, as much as ever Queen did, I know, thefe my laft Words 
 " will fignify nothing, but to juftifie my Honour and my Chafti- 
 ** ty. As for my Brother, and thofe others, who are unjuftly con- 
 " demned, I would willingly fuffer many Deaths, to deliver them: 
 " But fince I fee it fo pleafes the King, I mufl willingly bear 
 " with their Death, and flrall accompany them in Death, with thiS 
 " AfTurance, that I fhall lead an Endlefs Life with them in Peace. 
 She faid all this, and a great deal more : And then, with a modeft 
 Air, She rofe up, and took Leave of them all. Her Brother, and 
 the other Gentlemen, were executed firfl:. " He exhorted thofe 
 " who fuffered with him, to Die without Fear; and faid to thofe 
 " that were about him, that he came to Die, fince it was the 
 " King's Pleafure that it fliould be fo. He exhorted all Perfons, 
 ** not to truft to Courts, States and Kings, but in God only. He 
 " had deferved a heavier Punifhment for his other Sins ; but not 
 " from the King, whom he had never offended. Yet he prayed 
 " God to give him a Ions;, and a good Life. With him, all the refl 
 
 " fufFer'd
 
 I20 The Hifiory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1536. " fuffer'd a Death, which they had no way deferved. Mark Stnefcn 
 *— "V— -* " only confefTed, he had deferved well to die : Which gave Occafion 
 " to many Refledtions. 
 
 " When the Queen heard, how her Brother and the other Gentle- 
 " men had fiiffered, and had fealed her Innocence with their own 
 " Blood; but that Mark had confefs'd, he deferved to die; She broke 
 " out into fome Paflion, and faid, has he not then clear'd me of 
 " that publick Shame he has brought me to ? Alas! I fear, his Soul 
 " fufFers for it, and that he is now puniHied for his falfe Accufa- 
 " tion. But for my Brother, and thofe others, I doubt not, but 
 " they are now in the Prefencf of that Great King, before whom I 
 *' am to be To-morrow. 
 
 It feems, that Gentleman knew nothing of the Judgment, that 
 pafled at Lambeth^ Annulling the Marriage : For it was tranfafted 
 fecretly. It could have no Foundation, or Colour, but from that 
 Story mentioned in Cavendij}:i' % Life of Wolpy, of the Lord Per- 
 cy's Addreffes to her. He was now examined upon that : But it will 
 appear from his Letter to Cromwell, that he folemnly purged both 
 Himfelf and Her, from any Precontradl ; being examined upon Oath 
 by the Two Archbifliops : And that he received the Sacrament upon 
 it, before the Duke of Norfolk, and fome of the King's Council that 
 were learned in the Spiritual Law ; alTuring them by his Oath, and 
 by the Sacrament that he had received, and intended to receive, that 
 there was never any Contradl, or Promife of Marriage, between 
 Coll. Num. -^^^ ^"'^ Him. This he wrote on the 1 3th of May, Four Days 
 49. before the Queen's Execution ; which will be found in the Col- 
 
 ledlion. 
 
 This fhews plainly, that She was prevailed on, between Fear and 
 Hope, to confefs a Precontradl, the Perfon not being named. 
 
 The French Gentleman gives the fame Account of the Manner of 
 her Death, and of her Speech, that all the other Writers of that 
 Time do. " When She was brought to the Place of Execution, with*. 
 " in the Tower, he fays, her Looks were Chearful ; and She never ap- 
 " peared more Beautiful, than at that Time. She faid to thofe about 
 " her, Be not forry to fee me die thus ; but pardon me from your 
 " Hearts, that I have not exprefled to all about me, that Mildnefs 
 " that became me ; and that I have not done that Good, that was 
 " in my Power to do. She prayed for thofe who were the Pro- 
 " curers of her Death. Then, with the Aid of her Maids, She Ixn*- 
 " dreffed her Neck with great Courage, and fo ended her Days. 
 
 This long Recital I have tranflated out of Meteren ; for I do not 
 find it taken Notice of by any of our Writers. I leave it thus, 
 without any other Refledions upon it, but that it feems all over cre- 
 dible. — 
 Thevet, a Fra7icifcan Fryar, who, for 17 or 18 Years, had wan^ 
 dered up and down Europe, to prepare Materials for his Cofmogra- 
 Co/k9g.i:.\6. phy, (which hepublilhed in the Year 1563,) fays, that many E7ig- 
 lijh Gentlemen allured him, that King Henry exprefled great Repen- 
 tance of his Sins, being at the Point of Death ; and, among other 
 Things, of the Injury and the Crime committed againfl Queen 
 Anne BuUen^ who was falfly accufed, and convicted of that which 
 
 was
 
 Book 111. of the Church of England. 121 ! 
 
 . i 
 
 was laid to her Charge. It is true, Thuanus has very much difgraced 1536. 
 that Writer, as a vain and ignorant Plagiary : But he having been of <- — » — -* 
 the Order that lufFered fo much for their Adhering to Queen Ka- 
 th'erinc, is not to be fufpefted of Partiality for Queen Aime. We 
 muft leave thofe Secrets to the Great Day. 
 
 It may be eafily believed, that both the Pope and the Emperor, as j 
 
 they were glad to be freed from the Obligation they feemed to be 
 under to proteft Queen Katherme, fo Queen Anne\ Fall, gave them ! 
 
 ii great deal of ill-natured Joy. The Pope, upon the firft News of I 
 
 her Difgrace, fent for CaJJ'ali, expreffing a great deal of Pleafure up- 
 on the Queen's Imprifonment ; and, at the fame time, fpoke very ; 
 honourably of the King. " He hoped, upon thefe Emergents, all \ 
 " Matters would be brought to a good Agreement ; and that the \ 
 " King would reconcile himfelf to the See, by which he would be- j 
 " come the Arbiter of all Europe. He told CaJJ'ali, that he knew 
 " how good an Inftrument he was in Pope Cle?ne?it'% Time ; and 
 " what Pains he took, both with the Pope and the Emperor, to pre- 
 " vent the Breach. He added, that the Naming of Fijher to be a 
 " Cardinal, was fo preffed on him, that he could not decline it. 
 " He defired, Caffali would try, how any Meflenger that he might ' 
 *' fend to the King, would be received : For, as foon as he knew \ 
 " that, he would fend one immediately. Of all this, CaJJ'ali wrote \ 
 an Account to the King. 
 
 At the fame Time, Pace gave him an Account of a long Conver- Cotton Libr. i 
 
 fation he had with the Emperor on the fame Subjedl : For he was ^'^''^- ^- H- ! 
 
 then the King's AmbafTador in that Court. " The Emperor excufed j 
 
 " his Adhering to his x^unt, whom he could not in Honour for- ! 
 
 *' fake : But at the fame time, he faid, he abhorred the Pope's Bull, i 
 
 " for Depofing the King ; and he was fo far from any Thoughts of 
 *' Executing it, that he commanded it to be fuppreffed in his Domi- 1 
 
 " nions : Nor did he encourage, as was fufpedled, the King of Scot- 
 " land to undertake to execute it. He imputed the Breach that I 
 
 " had been made between him and the King, to the F?-e?tch King ; I 
 
 " who, he faid, was like an Eel in a Man's Hand, ready to forfake 
 *' him, and eve7i to renounce God, who, he believed, had given him over I 
 
 ^^ to a Reprobate Mi fid. He was refolved now to return to his Old \ 
 
 *' Friendfliip with the King, and he would not hearken to Intima- 
 *' tions given him by the Agent of France, that the King had poi- \ 
 
 " foned his Aunt. He preffed him to Legitimate the Princefs Mary. 
 *' He might do that, without Owning the Lawfulnefs of the Mar- 
 •' riage ; which was a Point, in which he would ftir no more. She 
 " was born in a Marriage in Faifl, and bo7ia Jide ; and in many 
 " Cafes, in which Marriages had been diflblved, yet the Legitimacy I 
 
 " of the IfTue was often fecured. 
 
 Of all this Face gave the King an Account ; and preffed, with Cotton Libr. j 
 
 fome Vehemence, the Legitimating the Princefs. The Emperor ^''^^''' ^-^"f \ 
 
 was then going to Fotne ; fo King Henry intended to join CaJJali 1 
 
 with Pace, in his Embaffy to the Emperor. Pace begged that might j 
 
 not be done ; expreffing a great Averfion to him, as being a bafe ; 
 
 and a perverfe Man. It is plain. Pace preffed the King much, to 
 think of being reconciled to the Pope. Cardinal Ghinucci offered 
 
 Vol. m. li his
 
 122 T^he Hi ft or y of the Reformation Part HI. 
 
 I <;'^6. his Service again to the King with Expreffions full of Zeal. Grandvill 
 V— -vr— ' alfo entered with Cajfali upon the fame Subjeft : But Cafnli wrote 
 to the King, that he did not at all meddle in that Matter. The Em- 
 Paper-Office. peror Went to Rome, and Puce followed him thither. The King fent 
 ColL Numb, a Difpatch to Pace, which will be found in the Colledion : Telling 
 5°' him of the Motion that the Emperor's Ambaflador made to him for 
 
 returning to the old Friendfhip with their Mafter : They alfo made 
 him fome Overtures in order to it. Firft, The Emperor would be a 
 Mean to reconcile him to the Bifhop of Rof/?e : He alfo hoped that 
 the King would contribute towards the War againft the Ti/rk ; and 
 that fince there was an old Defeniive League between them, and 
 fmce it feemed that the French King intended to invade the Dutchy 
 of Milan, he expedted the King would affifl: him according to that 
 League. 
 The King an- To all this the King anfwered, " That the Interruption of their 
 fwered that <' Friendfliip proceeded from the Emperor, who had made him ill 
 •oldiy. tt Rgfm-ns for the Services he had done him. For he pretends he 
 
 " made him firft King of Spain, and then Emperor : When the Em- 
 " pire was at his Difpofition, he had furniflied him with Money ; fo 
 " that he ought to thank the King only for all the Honour he was 
 ** advanced to : But in lieu of that, he had fhewed great Ingratitude 
 " to the King, and had not only contemned his Friendfliip, but had 
 " fet on all the ill Ufage he had met with from the Bifhop of Rome ; 
 " which, as he underfTood, he owed chiefly to him : Yet fuch was 
 " the icing's Zeal for Concord among Chriftian Princes, and fuch 
 *' was his Nature, that he could continue his Difpleafure againft no 
 " Man, when the Caufe of it was once removed : So if the Emperor 
 *' would delire him to forget all that was pafTed, and would purge 
 " himfelf of all particular Unkindnefs to him, he would be willing 
 ** to return to their old Friendfhip : But he having received the Inju- 
 *' ries, would not fue for a Reconciliation, nor treat upon the Foot 
 " of the old Leagues between them, till the Reconciliation fhould 
 " be firft made, and that without any Conditions : When that was 
 " done, he would anfwer all his reafonable Defires. 
 Herefufesany «' But as for the Bifhop of Rome, he had not proceeded on fuch 
 Treaty with « flight Grounds, that he could in any fort depart from what he had 
 " done : having founded himfelf on the Laws of God, of Nature, 
 " and Honefty, with the Concurrence of his Parliament. There 
 *' was a Motion made to him from that Bifhop for a Reconciliation, 
 " which he had not yet embraced, nor would he fuffer it tobe com- 
 " pafTed by any other Means : And therefore he would not take it in 
 *' good part, if the Emperor would infift in that Matter, for the S^- 
 " tisfadlion of the Bifliop of Rome, that was his Enemy ; or move 
 " him to alter that, which was already determined againft his Au- 
 " thority. When there was a General Peace among Chriftian Prin- 
 " ces, he would not be wanting to give an Aid againft the 7'urk j 
 *' but till the Friendfhip between the Emperor and him was quite 
 *' made up, he would treat of nothing with Relation to the King of 
 " France : when that was done, he would be a Mediator between 
 " them. This was the Anfwer given to the Emperor's Ambafladorj 
 
 " which
 
 Book III. of the Church of England. 123 
 
 " which was communicated to Pace, that in Cafe he had any Dif- 1536. 
 " courfe with the Emperor on the Subjedl, he lliould leem only to »—"•*•• " ■* 
 " have a General Knov/ledge of the Matter, but fhould talk with 
 *' him fuitably to thefe Grounds j encouraging the Emperor to pur- 
 " fue what he had begun, and extolling the King's Nature and Cou- 
 " rage, with his Inclination to fatisfy his Friends, when he was 
 " not too much preffed : That would hurt and flop good Purpofes ; 
 " And he Orders him to fpeak with Grandvel of it, of whom it 
 " feems he had a good Opinion, and that he fliould Reprefent to the 
 " Emperor the Advantage that would follov/, on the Renewing their 
 " Old Friendfhip, but not to Clog it with Conditions ; for what- 
 " ever the King might be afterv/ards brought to upon their Friend- 
 " fliip, when made up, the King would not fuffer it to be loaded 
 " with them : For the King had fuffered the Injury : But he was 
 " ordered to lay all this, as of himfelf, and Pace was ordered to go 
 " to Court and put himfelf in Gr^WWs way, that he might have 
 *' Occafion to enter upon thefe Subjecfls with him. Thus that Mat- 
 ter was put in a Method ; fo that in a httle Time, the Friendiliip 
 feemed to be entirely made up. 
 
 The King would never hearken to a Reconciliation with the Pope. Proceedings 
 On the contrary, he went on in his Defign of Reforming Matters in '[^ Convoca- 
 England. In the Convocation, in the Year 1536, Cromwell catnc 
 and demanded a Place as the King's Vicar-General ; the Archbifliop 
 affigned him the Place next above himfelf: On the 21ft of Jime, the 
 Archbiihop laid before the Houfe the Sentence Definitive of the Nul- 
 lity of the King's Marriage with Queen Anne, which Cromwell de- 
 fired they would approve : It was approv'd in the Upper-Houfe, and 
 fent down to the Lower, in which it was alfo approved. On the 
 23d of June, the Prolocutor with the Clergy, offered a Book to the 
 Upper-Houfe, in which they fet forth a Collection of many ill Doc- 
 trines that were publickly preached within the Province : On the 
 28th of June, the Confirmation of the Decree concerning the King's 
 lafl Marriage was fubfcribed by both Houfes. On the i ith of July, 
 the Book concerning the Articles of Faith, and the Ceremonies, was 
 brought in by the Bilhop of Hereford, and was figned by both Houfes. 
 Thefe were alfo figned by the Archbifhop of Tork, and tlie Bifhop 
 of Durefme. On the 20th of July, the Bifliop of Hereford brought 
 another Book, containing the Reafons why the King ought not to ap- 
 pear in a Council, fummoned by the Pope to meet at Mantua : This 
 was likewife agreed to, and fubfcribed by both Houfes. I have no- 
 thing New to add to the Account I have given in my Hiflory of the 
 other Proceedings in Matters of Religion this Year ; in which no 
 Convocation fate at Tork. There are feveral Draughts of thefe Ar- 
 ticles that are in feveral Places corrected by the King's own Hand : 
 Some of the Corredlions are very long and very material : Of thefe 
 only it was that I meant, and not of the engrofled, and figned Ar- 
 ticles themfelves, when I faid they were corredled by the King ; as I 
 have been mifunderftood. 
 
 By thefe Steps it appearing clearly, that the King had no Thoughts P'l' made a 
 of a Reconciliation with Rome, the Pope on his part refolved to ^^ '"* ' 
 create him as much Trouble as he could. Pole had been fent over 
 
 from
 
 1 24 ^^^ Hiftory of the Reformation Part 111. 
 
 I c-36. from EnglandX-O Paris, while the Suit of Divorce was in dependance: 
 He was particularly recommended by the Bifliop of Bayonne, in one 
 of his Letters to Montmorency, as a Perfon of great Hopes, and much 
 favoured by the King : He came after that to Efigland : For he tells 
 himfelf that he was in England, while the Point of the Supreme Head- 
 n?ip was in Debate. He fays he was then abfent, which fliews that 
 at that Time he was contented to be filent in his Opinion, and that 
 he did not think fit to oppofe what was doing. He was afterwards 
 fuffered to go and fettle at Padua, where the Gravity of his Deport- 
 ment, that was above his Age, and the Sweetnefs of his Temper, 
 made him be very much confidered. He was flill fupported from 
 England, whether only out of his Deanry of Exeter, or by any far- ' 
 ther fpecial Bounty of the King's, is not certain. In fever al Letters 
 from Padua, he acknowledges the King's Bounty and Favour to him, 
 and in one he defires a farther Supply. He being commanded by 
 the King to do it, wrote over his Opinion concerning his Marriage : 
 The King fent it to Cranmcr before his being fent out of Ejtgland : 
 For that Faithful and Diligent Searcher into the Tranfaftions of thofe 
 Times, Mr. Strype, has publillied the Letter that he wrote upon it ; 
 the Year is not added, but the Date being the 1 3th of June, it muft 
 be before he was fent out of Etigland, this being writ before he was 
 confecrated ; for he fubfcribes Cranmer, and upon his Return he was 
 confecrated long before Ju?ie. It is Written to the Earl of Wiltpire: 
 He mentions Pole% Book, and commends both the Wit and Eloquence 
 of it very highly : He thinks if it fhould come abroad, it would not 
 be poffible to ftand againft it. Pole\ chief Defign in it, was to per- 
 fuade the King to fubmit the Matter wholly to the Pope. In it, '^J 
 " He fet forth the Trouble that might follow upon the Diverfity 
 " of Titles to the Crown, of which the Wars upon the Titles of 
 Lancafter and York, had given them a fad Warning. All that, was 
 now healed, and therefore Care fhould be taken not to return to 
 the like Mifery. He could never agree to the Divorce, which 
 muft deftroy the Princefs's Title, and accufe the King of Living fo 
 lono- in a Courfe of Inceft, againft the Law of God and of Nature. 
 This would increafe the Hatred the People began to bear to Priefts, 
 if it fhould appear that they had fo long approved that which is 
 found now to be unlawful. As for the Opinions of the Univer- 
 fities, it was known that they were often led by Affeftions : And 
 that they were brought over with great Difficulty to declare for the 
 King : But he fets in Oppofition to them, the King's Father and 
 his Council, the Queen's Father and his Council, and the Pope 
 and his Council : It could not be expedled that the Pope would 
 condemn the Adl of his Predeceflbr, or confent to the Abridging 
 his own Power, and do that which would raife Sedition in many- 
 Kingdoms, particularly in Portugal. He next Ihews the Empe- 
 ror's Power, and the Weaknefs of France, that the prohibiting our 
 Trade to the Netherlands would be very ruinous, and that the 
 French were never to be trufted : They never kept their Leagues 
 with us : For neither do they Love us, nor do we Love them : 
 And if they find their Aid necefiary to England, they will charge 
 it with intolerable Conditions. This is the Subftance of that Let- 
 ter. 
 
 He Wrote 
 Firft againft 
 the Divorce.
 
 Book III. of the Church (j/' England. ii; 
 
 ter. So that at this Time Pole wrote only to perfuade the King by 1536. 
 Political Confuierations to fubmit wholly to the Pope's Judgment. V..--V— — ' - j 
 
 The Matter rerted thus for Ibme Time : But when the Breach was ] 
 
 made, and all was palt reconciling, then Cromivcll wrote to him by j 
 
 the King's Order, to declare his Opinion with relation to the King's | 
 
 Proceedings. Upon this Reafon only he wrote his Book, as he fet ' 
 forth in a Paper of Inftrudions given to one to be (hewed to the 
 
 King, which will be found in the CoUedlion. In which he writes, Coll. Numh. ! 
 
 " That he tliinks if it had not been for that, he had never meddled 5>- i 
 
 " in the Matter, feeing fo little hope of Succefs ; and that he had j 
 
 ** Reafon to think that what he fliould write, would not be acceptable. | 
 
 " They had fent unto him from England the Books Written on the < 
 
 " contrary Part : But he faid he found many Things fupprelTed in sendsoneto \ 
 
 " thefe; and all the Colours that could be invented were fet upon the King with J 
 " untrue Opinions. Befides, what had followed was grievous, both 
 
 " in the Sight of God, and in the Judgment of the Reft of Cbrillen- . 
 
 " dom : And he apprehending yet worfe Effeds, both with Relation j 
 
 " to the King's Honour, and the Quiet of his Realm, did upon that \ 
 
 " refolve to employ all the Wit and Learning that God had given \ 
 
 *' him, to fet forth the Truth, and to fhew theConfequences oftnofe ] 
 
 " ill Opinions. He hoped that what he wrote on the Subjed would I 
 
 " fully fatisfy all that would Examine it. This he did, in hopes | 
 
 " that the King, whom God had fuffered to be carried away from • 
 " thofe Opinions that he had the Honour formerly to maintain, 
 " would yet by the Goodnefs of God, be recovered out of the Evil 
 
 " Way he was then in. - j 
 
 " There we; e great Inftances of fuch Cafes in Scripture, in the j 
 
 " Stories of Doscid and Solomon ; the laft particularly, who not- \ 
 " withftanding the Gift of Wifdom, that he had from God, yef fell 
 
 " into Idolatry. So though the King was not fallen from the true j 
 
 " Dodrine of Chrifl, yet as David, when in a State of Sin, was by ,' 
 
 " a Prophet fent to him from God, brought to true Repentance, and j 
 " reftored to the Favour of God, he hoped he might by the Grace 
 
 <' of God, bean Inftrument to bring the King to a better Senfe of 1 
 " Things. Therefore as he fet himfelf to ftudy the Matter, fo he 
 
 " prayed earneftly to God to manifelt the Truth to him: In which ] 
 
 " he hoped God liad heard his Prayer ; io he looked for good Succefs : j 
 " And that lie iiMght make the King apprehend the Danger he was in, 
 *' both from his own People, who hated Innovations in Religion, 
 
 " and from other Princes, to whofe Plonour it belongs to defend the 1 
 " Laws of the Church againft all other Princes who impugn them ; 
 
 " andtomake theKing moreapprehenfive ofthis, he hadasin hisown i 
 
 " Perfon brought out all fuch Reafons as might provoke People, or '. 
 
 " Princes againft him, fince he was departing from the Courfe in , 
 
 " which he had begun. Thefe Reafons, if' read a-part, without j 
 
 " confidering the Purpofc he propofed, of reprefenting to the King j 
 
 " the Danger to which he was expofing himlelf, might make one ; 
 
 *' think, from his Vehemence of Style in that Argument, that he J 
 
 " was the King's greateft Enemy ; but the Reading tlie whole Book \ 
 
 " will ftievv what his Intent in it all was. The Book was too long | 
 
 *' for the King to read: He defired therefore that he would order * 
 Vol. III. K k " fome
 
 126 l^he Hiftory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1536. " fome Learned and Grave Man to read it, and to declare his Judg- 
 <— — V — —' " ment upon it, he being bound with an Oath of Fidelity, firft to 
 " God, and then to the king, to do it without AfFedion on either 
 " Part. He named particularly Tonjhll Biihop of Durelme, whom 
 " he efteemed both for Learning and Fidelity to the King, above any 
 " other he knew. After Tonjlail had firft examined it, the King 
 " may refer the further Examination of it, to fuch other Perfons 
 " as he may think fit ; he waslikewife refolved that his Bock fliould 
 " never come abroad, till the King had ittn it. 
 
 *' In thefe Inftruftions, he mentions that he had fent another Book 
 " to the King concerning his Marriage : But in that he was difap- 
 " pointed of his Intent, as the Bearer might inform him, who knew 
 " the whole Matter. And fince God had detefted her, who had 
 " been the Occafion of all the Errors the King had been led into ; 
 " it was the Hope of all who loved him, that he would now come 
 " to himfelf, and take that Difcovery as a fivourable Admonition 
 " of God, to confider better the Opinion of thofe who diflented 
 " from that Marriage, as feeing the great Diflionour and Danger 
 '•' like to follow on it : He wifhed the King would look on that, as 
 " a Warning to return to the Unity of the Church : H e was fenfible 
 " nothing but the Hand of God could work a Change in the King's 
 " Mind ; and when that fhould be done, it would be one of the 
 " greateft Miracles that the World had feen for fome Ages ; with 
 " the moft fignal Charadlers of God's Favour to him, which would 
 " deliver him out of thofe very great Dangers, that muft follow upon 
 *' the Meeting of a General Council : Whereas, if he fliould Return 
 " to the Unity of the Church, no Prince would appear in that Af- 
 " fembly with more Honour, than would be paid to him, if he 
 " fliould return : Even his Fall would prove a great Bkffing to the 
 " Church, and tend to the Reformation of the Whole, and to the 
 " Manifeftation of the Honour of God. It would then appear that 
 *' God had fuffered him to Fall, to make him Rife with more Honour, 
 " to the greater Wealth, not only of his own Realm, but of the 
 " Whole Church be fides : With thefe Infirudlions he fent a private 
 " Letter to T'onftall from Venice^ dated Co7-pus Chrijii Eve. 
 
 When his Book againft the Divorce came hrft to England-, he was 
 written to in the King's Name, to come over and explain fome Things 
 in it : But he excufed himfelf; he pretended the Love of Retirement, 
 and of the Noble Company with whom he lived, in an eafy and 
 learned Friendlliip there. Eloquence feem.s to be that which he 
 turned his Mind moft to ; for in every thing he wrote, there is much 
 more of Declamation than of Argument. 
 
 Tonfiall being thus provoked by Pole^ and cotrimanded by the 
 
 King, wrote a full and folid Anfwer to him, on the 13th of 
 
 Coll. Numb. July 1 536, whicli will be found in the Colledion. " He acknow- 
 
 5** " ledged he had received his Letter, as the King has received his 
 
 " Boole ; in which he defired that the Reading of it, might be firft 
 
 " put upon him : He had read both his Letter and his long Book, 
 
 " and was truly grieved as he read it : Seeing both the Vehemence 
 
 " of his Stile, and that he mifreprefcnted the whole Matter, as if the 
 
 To^ijiailvjTkes ,c j^j,-,g ^^.^g feparated froii) the Cliurch. He wiflied he had rather 
 
 Copiouily to o •' 
 
 him. " written
 
 (C 
 
 Book III. of the Church of England. 127 
 
 " written his Opinion privately, in a Letter to the King, which i «;36 
 " might have been read by himfelf, and not have enlarged hitn- 
 " felfinto io great a Book, wliich muft be communicated and feen 
 ♦' of others. VVliat Stupidity was it, to fend fo long a Book fo great 
 " a Way, by one who might have mifcarried in it ; and fo the Book 
 " might have fallen into the Hands of thofe, who would have pub- 
 " liflied it to the Slander of the King and the Kingdom ; but moH: 
 " of all to his own; for his Ingratitude to the King, who had 
 " bred him up to that Learning, which was now iifed againft him ; 
 " in whofe Defence he ought to have fpent both Life and Learn- 
 " ing ; headvifed him to burn all that he had written on that Subjecfl. 
 There appeared a Strain of Bitternefs in his whole Book, that was 
 very unbecoming him. He then com.es to the Argument, to ihew 
 that the King, by the Title of the Supreme Head, did not feparate 
 hinifelf, nor his Church, from the Unity of the whole Body. 
 The King did not take upon him the Office belonging to Spi- 
 ritual Men, the Cure of Souls ; nor that which belongs to 
 the Priefthood, to Preach the Word of God, and to Minifter tlie 
 Sacraments. He knew what belonged to his own Office as King, 
 and what belonged to the Prieft's Office : No Prince efteemed Spi- 
 ritual Men, that were given to Learning and Virtue, more than he 
 did. His only Defign was, to fee the Laws of God fincerely 
 preached, and ChrilVs Faith (without Blot) obferved in his King- 
 dom ; and to reduce his Church out of the Captivity of Foreign 
 Powers, (formerly ufurped) into the State in which all the 
 Churches of God were at the Beginning ; and to put away all the 
 Ufurpations, that the BiHiops of Rome had, by undue Means, ftill 
 increafed, to their own Gain, but to the Impoverifliing of the 
 Kingdom. By this he only reduced things to the State that is 
 moft conformable to the Antient Decrees of the Church, which 
 the Bifhops of Rome folemnly promife to obferve at their Creation; 
 naming the Eight General Councils ; and yet any one, who confi- 
 ders to what a State the Bifhop oi Rome hath brought this Church, 
 would foon fee the Diverfity between the one and the. other. At 
 Vejiice he might fee thefe in Greek, and they were already publifh- 
 ed in Latin : By which it appears, that the Bifhop of Rome had 
 then no fuch Monarchy, as they have ufurped of late. 
 " If the Places of Scripture which he quoted did prove it, then 
 the Council of Nice did err, which decreed the contrary ; as the 
 Canons of the Apoflles did appoint, that the Ordinations of Priefts 
 and Bifhops, fliould be made in the Dlocefe, or at mod in the 
 Province where the Parties dwelt. Thefe Canons Damafce?i reck- 
 oned Holy Scriptures. Nor can it be thought, that the Four Ge- 
 neral Councils would have a(5led as they did, if they had under- 
 ftood tiiofe PalTages of Scripture as he did : For above a Thou- 
 fand Years after Chrift, the Cuftoms were very contrary to thofe 
 now ufed by the Bifhop of Rome : When the Blood of Chrift and of 
 the Martyrs were yet frefh, the Scriptures were then beft under- 
 ftood, and the Cuftoms then ufed in the Church muft be better, 
 than thofe that thro' Ambition and Covetoufnefs had crept in fince. 
 Light and Darknefs may be as well reconciled, as the worldly Au- 
 
 " thority 
 
 (( 
 
 (C
 
 128 T^he Hiflory of the Reformation Part I IT. 
 
 1^36. " thority in Temporal Things now ufurped can be proved from 
 St. Peter's Primacy, in preaching the Word of God. He refers 
 
 ■ him to Cardinal Cnjai Second Book, in which he will find this 
 ' well opened. 
 
 " The King going to reform his Realm, and to reduce Things to 
 
 • the State in which they were fome Ages ago, did not change, but 
 ' eftablifh thofe Laws, which the Pope profeffes to obferve. If 
 ' other Princes did not follow him in this, that ought not to hinder 
 ' him from doing his Duty : Of which he did not doubt to be able 
 ' to convince him, if he had but one Day's Difcourle with him, 
 ' unlefs he were totally addicted to the contrary Opinion. Pole 
 
 ■ wrote in his Letter, that he thought the King's Subjedls were of- 
 
 ■ fended at the Abolifliing the Pope's Ufurpations : but Tcnftall af- 
 ' fured him, that in this he was deceived : For they all perceived 
 
 the Profit that the Kingdom had by it ; fince the Money that vs^as 
 
 ■ before carried over to Rome, was now kept within tlie Kingdom. 
 That was become a very heavy Burden, and was daily incrcafing: 
 
 • So that if the King would go about to rcfl:ore that aboliflicd Au- 
 ' thority, he would find it more difficult to bring it about, than any 
 
 Thing he had ever yet attempted in his Parliament. Pole had in 
 
 ■ his Letter blamed Tonjiall, for Fainting in his Heart, and not Dy- 
 
 • ing for the Authority of the Bifliop of Rome. He afllires him, 
 ' that from the Time that he underftood the Progrefs of Chrift's 
 
 ■ Church from the Beginning, and had read Ecclefiaftical Hiftory, 
 he never thought to fhed one Drop of Blood in that Caufe. None 
 of thofe who had Advantage by that Authority, would have loft 
 One Penny of it, to have favcdhis Lite: He would do what in 
 
 ' him lay, to cool that Indignation, which his Book had raifed in 
 the King. He defired him, not to fancy (from what he faw in 
 Italy, or in other Places) that it was fo from the Beginning. The 
 Councils would fhew him, how that Dignity was given to the Bi- 
 fliops of Rome. The Emperors called thofe Councils; and the 
 Dignity that was given him, was, bccaufe he was Biihop of the 
 Chief City of the Empire, and not for the Sake of Peter and 
 Paul, The Second Place was given to the Patriarchs of Conftan- 
 titi-ple J becaufe it was called New Rome, and fo was preferred to 
 Antioch, where St. Peter was Bifliop, and where the Name Chri- 
 Jiian firft began ; and it was fet before Alexandria^ and likewife 
 before Jerufaletti, where Chrift himfelf preached, and the whole 
 College of the Apoftles after him, and whitrc James ithe Bro- 
 ther of our Lord ) was the Firft Bifliop. That Church was called 
 the Mother of all the Churches. It was ahb fet belbre Ephefus, 
 where St. John wrote his Gofpel, and died. To all thefe, Co72ftan- 
 •t'mople was preferred : And yet this was fully fettled in the Coun- 
 cil of C/i^/rd'fl'o;?, where 6 ^o Bifliops met. If he read the Greek 
 Fathers, Bafil^ Nazianzen, ChryJofto?ne, and Damafcen, he would 
 find no mention of the Monarchy of the Bishop of Rome. He 
 defired him to fearch further into this Matter, and he would find, 
 that the Old Fathers knew nothing of the Pope's late Pretenfions 
 and Ufurpations. He wifhed therefore, that he would examine 
 thefe Matters more carefully, which had been fearched to the Bot- 
 
 " torn
 
 Book III. of the Church of England. 129 
 
 *' torn in R-ngland. The Learned Men here thought, they werti ^Sl^- 
 
 " happily deUvered from that Captivity, to which he endeavours to v— -v-— i' 
 
 " bring them back. He tells him, how much all his Family and 
 
 " Kindred would be troubled, to fee him fo much engaged againft 
 
 " his King and his Country ; whom he might comfort, if he would 
 
 " follow the Eftablifliment of the whole Church of God from the 
 
 " Beginning, and leave the fupportingof thofe Ufurpations. He 
 
 " refers him to Gregory the Great, who wrote againil the Bilhop of 
 
 " Conftantinople, pretending to the like Monarchy. St. Cypriivi 
 
 *' writes, that all the Apofdcs were of equal Dignity and Authori- 
 
 " ty ; which is aif) aflunied by the Third Council of Epl\fiis. He 
 
 " begged him, not to truil too much to himfclf, but to fearch fur- 
 
 *' ther, and not to fancy he had found out the Matter already. ■ He 
 
 " prayed him to burn all his Papers ; and then he hoped, he fliould 
 
 " prevail with the King, to keep that which he had fent him, fe- 
 
 " cret. He concludes all, with fome very kind Exprellions, 
 
 This I have abftrafted the more fully, for the Honour of JonJialPs 
 Memory ; who was a Generous and Good-natured, as well as a very 
 Learned Man. PoA , who was then a Cardinal, wrote no Anfwer 
 to this, that I could find ; but he wrote a long Letter, either to 
 Tonjhill, or to Cromwell y in May 1537, which will be found in the Co!/. Nu^i. 
 Colleftion. 53- 
 
 " He begins it with Proteflations of his Affeiflion to the King, Cardinal 
 " tho' the King had taken fuch Methods to deftroy him, as the like ^"(''^ ^'"^^- 
 " had not been known in ChriJiendo7n, againft any who bore the himfclf. 
 " Perfon that he did at that Time ; yet he ftill maintaiiled a deep 
 " Affedlion to him. He knew v/ell all that the King had dcfigned 
 " againft him ; which, if he bore the King a fmall Degree of Love, 
 " would be enough to extinguilli it. He faw, what he did for the 
 " beft, was taken in the worft Part. He did not think it pciTible, 
 " that the King fliould conceive fuch Indignation againft him, as to 
 " break thro' all Laws, to have him in his Hands, and to difturb 
 " the whole Commerce of Nations, rather than not have his Perfon 
 " in his Power. But he ftill adhered to his former Principles, and 
 " maintained his former Temper towards the King. 
 
 " Upon his Arrival in France, he was aftiamed to hear, that he 
 " coming thither in the Quality of an Ambaftador and Legate, one 
 " Prince ftiould defire of another to betray him, and deliver him 1 
 
 " into the King's Ambaffador's Hands. He himfelf was fo little di- ' 
 
 " fturbed at it, when he firft heard of it, that he faid upon it, (to \ 
 
 " thofe who were about hijn) that he never felt himfelf in full i 
 
 *' Pofteftlon of being a Cardmal, till then ; fince he was nowperfe- ] 
 
 " cuted by him, whofe Good he moft earneftly defired. Whatever ; 
 
 " Religion Men are of, if they would obferve the Law of Nati- i 
 
 " ens, the Law of Nature alone would Ihew how abominable it 
 " was to grant fuch a Requeft ; and it was no lefs to defire it. So 
 " that if he had the leaft Spark of an Alienation from the King, 
 " in him, fuch Proceedings would blow it up into a Fire. He 
 " might, upon this, be juftly tempted to give over all Commerce 
 " with the King, and to procure (by all honeft ways) the Means t 
 
 " to repay this Malignity, by doing him the utmoft Damage he 1 
 
 Vol. IIL L 1 " could I
 
 T30 7he Hifiory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 I c-^6. " could devile : But he did not, for that, abftain from trying to do 
 —J " all he could for the King's Honour and Wealth. He acknow- 
 " ledges, that the Bifliop of Verona was fent by him to the Court 
 " of France^ to intimate that the Pope (for the Common Good of 
 " Cbn/ie/idom) had committed fome Affairs to him, to treat with 
 " the King. That Bifliop paffed thro' Abbeville, when the Bifliop of 
 " Winchejler and Mr. Brian were there : So he could not but wonder 
 " at the King's adling towards him ; the whole Defign of his 
 " Legation being for the King's Honour. Upon which, that Bifliop 
 " defired to confer with the King's Ambafl"adors, that he might de- 
 " clare to them the whole Truth of the Matter, which was made 
 " known to them. They, it is true, had no Communication with 
 " him ; but they fent their Secretary after the Bifliop had declared 
 " the Effecft of his Legation, as far as it related to the King, to 
 " him. 
 
 " It feemed vifible to all, that the King (in what he had done 
 " againfl: him) was abufed by falfe Reports, and by the falfe Con- 
 " jed:ures of fome ; fo it was hoped, that the Matter being once 
 " cleared, the King would have changed his Mind. All this he 
 " underfl:ood from the Bifliop of Verona, at his Return j and he 
 " readily believed it. That Bifliop had been the King's true Ser- 
 " vant, and had fliiewed (when he was in a Capacity to ferve him) 
 " the fincere Love that he bore him. He had been alfo Polc\ parti- 
 " cular Acquaintance, ever fmce he came out of England. He 
 " would have been ready, if the King had confented to it, to have 
 " gone and given the King full Satisfacftion in all Things. For, the 
 " chief Reafon of his being fent into Frand', was, the Pope's in- 
 " tending to gain the King, knowing the Frieridfliip that was be- 
 " tween him and the French King : So the Bifliop of Verona was 
 " thought the fittefl: Perfon to be firfl: employed, who had great 
 " Merits on both Kings, for the Services he did them when he 
 V. was in Office : And being efteemed the befl: ^ifliop in Italy, it 
 ". was defigned that he fliould accompany Pole, as well as he was 
 " fent before, to prepare Matters for his Coming ; which he, out of 
 " his Zeal to do God and the King Service, undertook very willing- 
 " ly J and refolved to try how he could get Accefs to the King's 
 " Perfon : So now having fully explained himfelf, he hoped it 
 " would not be thought poflible, that he had thofe Defigns, of 
 " which the King's Proceeding againft him, fliewed he fufped:ed 
 *' him, (which was, that he came on purpofe to animate the People 
 " to Rebel.) 
 
 ..;/' Upon liis,firfl: Coming to Pome, he acc[uaintcd the King with 
 ^•ftjthe Defign, for which he was called thither : And he had ac- 
 *.* ^quainted him with the Caufe of his Legation. Thefe were not 
 " the Methods of thofe who intended to rebel. He had then pro- 
 " cured a Sufpenfion, in Sending forth the Cenfures, which at that 
 " time might have caufed the King niore Trouble : And he fent 
 *V';his Servant purpofely, with the Offer of his Afl!ifl:ance, anima- 
 " tin? the chief of his Kindreci to be conftant in the Kind's Ser- 
 " vice. If any had been.at i^(?;*ic.,io.,the King's Pay, to do him 
 
 V' ' '' ^ " Ser-
 
 Book III. of the Church of England. 131 1 
 
 " Service, they could not have done more than he did ; fo that fome 1536. ; 
 " began to refledl on him, becaufe he would not confent to diverfe " — 'v—- ' 
 " Things that would have been uneafy to him : And particularly 
 " becaufe he had the Cenfures in his Hand, which were inftantly 
 
 "' called for by thofe who had Authority to command : Yet they never I 
 
 " came into their Sight, nor Hands : And to that Hour he had fup- \ 
 
 " prefled them. He would go no further in juftifying himfelf, if i 
 
 " what he had already done, and what the Bifliop oi Verona had faid, I 
 
 " did not do it ; he would take no more Pains to clear himfelf: He \ 
 
 " rather thought he had been Faulty in his Negligence in thefe Mat- ' 
 
 " ters. But there v^as nothing now left to him, but to pray for the : 
 
 " King. _ j 
 
 This Letter is dated from Cawbray : For upon the King's MefTa^'-e I 
 to the French King, to demand him to be delivered into his Hands, 
 
 Francis could in no Sort hearken to that, but he fcnt to him not to \ 
 
 come to his Court, but to go with all convenient Hafte out of his Do- j 
 
 minions : So he retired to Cambray, as being then a peculiar Sove- j 
 
 reignty. The King had a Spy, one Throckmorton, fecretly about '! 
 
 Fole, who gave him an Account of all his Motions : But by what I 
 
 appears in his Letters, he was faithfuller to Pu/f, than to the King. ; 
 
 He wrote over that his Book was not then printed, tho' he had been ' 
 
 much prelled to print it by thofe at Rome ; but he thought that would j 
 
 hinder the Defign he went on : He believed indeed that upon his I 
 
 returning thither, he would print it. He tells him that he had pro- ' 
 
 cured the Sufpenfions of the Pope's Cenfures, to try if it was poffible 1 
 
 to bring about a Reconciliation between the Pope and the King -.And 1 
 
 he adds, that many wonder'd to fee the King fo fet againft him, and \ 
 
 that he did not rather endeavour to gain him. He intended to have i 
 
 ftay'd fome time in Flanders, but the Regent fent him Word, that 1 
 it could not be fuffered : He went from thence and flay'd at Liege, 
 
 where he was on the 20th of Augiijl ; for the laft of Throckfjiorton's ' 
 Letters is dated from thence : He writes that the Pope had called him 
 
 back, having named him to be his Legate to the Council that he had >. 
 
 fummoned to meet the firfl of November ; though it did not meet for ; 
 
 fome Years after this. I 
 
 The King's Indignation upon his Advancement, and for his Book, TheKing was 
 
 carried him to a great many Exxefles, and to many Ad;s of Injuftice [he°Emperor. ' 
 and Cruelty : Which are not the leaft among the great Blemilhes of 
 
 that Reign. Ifyat was then the King's Ambaffadorat the Emperor's ' 
 
 Court; and by his Letters to the King, it feems an entire Confi- 1 
 
 dence was then fettled with the Emperor. The King prelled him i 
 
 much not to fuffer the Pope to call a Council, but to call one by his i 
 own Authority, as the Roman Emperors had called the firft General 
 
 Councils : And he propofed Cambray as a proper Place for one ; but ; 
 
 he was not like to fucceed in that, fo he only infifted on a Pro- ; 
 
 mife that the Emperor had made, that nothing fhould be done in the | 
 
 Council, v/henfoever it fliould meet, againft him or his King- ! 
 
 dom. j 
 
 The ;
 
 132 ^he Hiftory of the Reformation Part HI* 
 
 ic\b. The King was at thic Time under much Uneafip.efs, for he fent 
 
 y^-'—i — '' botli Bo/wr and Hdins over to the Emperor's Court in Conjuridion : 
 The one leems to have been chofen to talk with thole who were llill 
 Papiftical ; and the other had great Credit with the Proteilants\ 
 Our Merchants in the Linpei or's Dominions were threatned by the 
 Inqulfition, iov owning the King as Si:pri>iie I-Lad of this Chinch : 
 Upon this W\iit coniphiined to the Emperor. But tho' that i'rince 
 vindicated the Inquilitors, he promiled to give fuch Order, that 
 they (hould not be difquieted on that Account : And Vv'hen Pok ap- 
 phcd himielf to the Emperor, for leave to affix the Pope's Bull a- 
 gainrt the King in his Dominions, he would not confent to it. 
 Dr. Umhui I cannot add much to what I wrote formerly, with Relation to the 
 violent Pro- Svinnrelf.on of the Monalleries. There are many Letters fettine 
 iiippi<irin.r forth their Vices and Lewdncls, and their Robberies, and other ill 
 the Mona;ic- Praftices ; and now that the Defign againft them was apparent, many 
 "'^'* run beyond Sea with their Plate and Jewels : But I muft not conceal 
 
 that the Vifitors give a great Character of the Abbefs and Nuns of 
 Polliju-crth in War'ivickjhirc. Dr. Lofidon, that was afterwards not 
 only a Perfecutor of Proteftants, but a Suborner of falfe WitnclTes 
 againft them, was now zealous even to Officioufnefs in fuppreffingthe 
 Monafteries. In the firft CommiiTion that the Vifitors had, there 
 was no Order for the removing Shrines, yet he in his Zeal exceeding 
 his CommiiTion, had done it ; upon which, Leigbton, Legb, and 
 others, defired that a Commiflion for that end might be fent after 
 them, of the fame Date with their other Commiffions. He alfo ftu- 
 died to frighten the Abbefs of Godjhiu into a Refignation. She was 
 particularly in CroTtiii; ell's Favour ; fo flie wrote a plain honefl Letter 
 to him, complaining of " London's Violence, of his Artifices to bring 
 " them to furrender their Houfe, and of the great Charge he put 
 " them to : She writes that (he did not hear that any of the King's 
 " Subjects had been fo handled : She infifts on her Care to maintain 
 " the Honour of God, and all Truth and Obedience to the King ; 
 " therefore Ihe was pofitively refolved not to furrender her Koufe, 
 " but would be ready to do it whenfoever the King's Commiand or 
 " his fliould come to her, and not till then". The great Character I 
 Otlka. gave of that Abbefs and of her Houfe in my former Work, made 
 
 Uumb. 54. nie refolve to put this Letter in the Colledion! 
 Cheats in im- The Difcovety of theCheats in Images and Counterfeits in Relicks, 
 ages difco- contributed not a little to their Difgrace. Among thefe, that o^ Box- 
 ley in Ketit was one of the moft enormous. Among the Papers that 
 were fent me from Zurich, there is a Letter written by the Minifter 
 of Maidflone to Bullinger that defcribes fuch an Image, if it is not the 
 Coll. Numb, fame, fo particularly, that I have put it in the CoUeftion. He calls 
 $S- it the Dagon of AJhdod, or the Babylo7iiJh Bell. It was a Crucifix that 
 
 fometimes moved the Head, the Eyes, and did bend the whole Body 
 to exprefs the receiving of Prayers ; and other Geftures were at other 
 Times made to fignify the rejefting them; greatOfferings were made to 
 fo wonderful an Image. One Partridge fufpedled the Fraud, and re- 
 moving the Image, he faw the whole Impofture evidently. There 
 were feveral Springs within it, by which all thefe Motions were made. 
 This was brought to Maidjione, and expofed to all the People 
 
 ' , there :
 
 Book III. of the Church of England. 133 
 
 there : From thence it was carried to London, and was iliewed to the i (-76. 
 King and all his Court, and in their Sight all the Motions were per- ^-^ — v —J 
 formed. The King's Council ordered a Sermon to be preached at 
 Paul'?,, by the Bifhop o( Rochc/Icr, where this Impoflure was fullv 
 difcovcred, and after Sermon it was burned. 
 
 Upon the Birth of Prince E^/w^n/ Matters had a better Face : Here 
 was an undoubted Heir born to the Crown ; it is true the Death of 
 his Mother did abate much of the Joy, that fuch a Birth would have 
 given othcrwife : For as fhe was of all the King's Wives much the befl; 
 beloved by him, i'o Hie was a Peifon of that humble and fweet Tem- 
 per, that flie was univerfally beloved on that Account ; fhe had no 
 Occafion given her to appear much in Bufmefs, fo fhe had no fliare of 
 the Hatred raifed by the King's Proceedings, cafl on her. I fell into 
 a Miftake from a Letter of Qi^ieen Elizabeih's, directed to a big-bei- 
 lied Queen, which I thought belonged to her ; but I am now con- 
 vinced of my Error, for it was no doubt written to Queen Katherinc, 
 when, after King Henrys Death flie was wich Cliild by the Lord ., 
 Seifijoiir. Upon Queen Jane's Death, TonJ/all hdng then atTork wrote 1 Conrolouiy 
 a Confolotary Letter to the King, which will be found in the Col- Letter to the 
 leftion, It runs upon the common Topicks of Affliction, with many 7^"^ dj''d" '^' 
 good Applications of Paffages of Scripture, and feems chiefly meant Co//. Kumh. 
 to calm and cheer up the King's Spirit. But the Truth is. King 5^'- 
 Henry had fo many grofs Faults about him, that it had been more for 
 I'onjIalFs Honour, and better fuited to his Characftcr, if he had 
 given Hints to awaken the King's Confcience, and to call upon him 
 to examine his Ways, while he had that Load upon his Mind : Ei- 
 ther Tlonjlall did not think him io faulty as certainly he was, or he 
 was very faulty himfclf, in being fo wanting to his Duty, upon i^Ji 
 great an Occaiion. 
 
 But I go on to more publick Concerns. The King had by the Lord 
 Cronnvell fent Injundions to his Clergy in the Year 1536, as he did 
 afterwards in the Year 1538, which I have printed in my former ^^^ ^{txtf 
 Work. There was alfo a circular Letter written to the Bifliops ; that Fox fo. g. 
 to the Bifhop o^ Hereford is dated on the 20th of Ji/fy 1536, requir- orders about 
 ing them to execute an Order abrogating fome Holy-Days : The Holy-Days. 
 Numbers of them were fo excelTively great, and by the People's De- 
 votion, or rather Superilition, were like to increafe more and more, 
 which occafion'd much Sloth and Idlenefs, and great Lofs to the Pub- 
 lick in Time of Harvefl. It fets forth that the King, with the Advice 
 of the Convocation, had fettled Rules in this Alatter. The Feaft of 
 the Dedication of Churches was to be held every Year, on the firfl 
 Sunday 'mOBober; but theFeaft of thePatronof theChurch was to be no 
 more obferved. All the Feafts from the firif of July to the 29th of 
 September, and all Feails in Term-tirne, were not to be obferved any 
 more as Holy-Days, except the Feafls of the Apoftles, of the Blefled 
 Virgin Mary, and of St. Goorge, and thofe Days in which the Judges 
 did not ufe to fit ; but the FourQuarter Days were ftill to be offering 
 Days. Thefe are all the publick Injun<5lions fet out about this Time. 
 But after the firfl of thefe, I find the Bifliops fent likewife Injunfti- 
 ons to their Clergy round their DiocefTes, of which a Copy printed at 
 that time was given me bv my worthy Friend Mr. Tate Minifter 
 
 Vol. III. ' M m of
 
 134 ^^^ Hi ft or y of the Reformation Part HI. 
 
 oi Burnham. The firft was by Lee, Archbiihop oiYork^ which will 
 be found in the CoUeftion. 
 ^'iien^'°'the " ^^^ begins with the abolifhing of the Biihop of Rome^ Aulho- 
 i'rehbifhop of " rity, and the declaring the King to hcfupremc Head of the C:hurch 
 York. « of England, as well Spiritual as Temporal. He requires his Cler- 
 
 ColL Numb. „ ^^ ^^ provide a New Teftament in Englifi or Latin within Forty 
 " Days, and to read daily in it Two Chapters before Noon, and 
 " Two in the Afternoon : And to ftudy to underfland it : He re- 
 " quires them alfo to ftudy the Book to be fet forth by the King, of 
 " the Inftituticn of a Chriftian Man. They were to procure it as 
 " foon as it fluould be publifhed, that they might read Two Chap- 
 " ters a Day in it, and be able to explain it to their People. All Cu- 
 " rates and Heads of Religious Houfes were required to repeat the 
 " Lord's Prayer and the Ave Maria in EjigUJJo, and at other Parts of 
 " the Service, the Cr^^^ and the Ten Commandments alfo in Englijlo^ 
 " and to make the People repeat thefe after them : And none v/ere 
 " to be admitted to the Sacrament at Eajler that could not repeat 
 " them. All Parities were required within Forty Days to provide a 
 " great Bible in EngliJ).\ to be chained to fome open Place in the 
 " Church J that fo all Perfons might refort to it, and read it for their 
 " Inftrudion. Priefts were forbidden to hauntTaverns or Ale-houfes, 
 " except on neceflary Occafions. The Clergy that did belong to any 
 " one Church were required to eat together, if they might, and not 
 " to play at prohibited Games, as Cards and Dice. They mufl: dif- 
 " courage none from reading the Scriptures, exhorting them to do 
 " it in the Spirit of Meeknefs, to be edified by it : They were requi- 
 " red to read to their People the Gofpel and Epiftle in EngUfi. Rules 
 " are fet for the frequent Ufe of Sermons, proportioned to the Value 
 " of their Livings : Generally Four Sermons were to be preached 
 " every Year, one in a Quarter. None were to preach but fuch as 
 " had a Licence from the King or the Archbifhop : nor were they 
 " to worihip any Image, or kneel or offer any Lights or Gifts to it : 
 " But they might have Lights in the Rood-Loft, and before the Sa- 
 " crament, and at the Sepulchre at Eafler. They were to teach the 
 " People that Images are only as Books to ftir them up to follow 
 " the Saints ; and tho' they fee God the Father reprefented as an 
 " Old Man, they were not to think that he has a Body, or is like a 
 " Man. All Images to which any refort is ufed, are to be taken a- 
 " way. They are to teach the People that God is not pleafed with 
 " the Works done for the Traditions of Men, when Works com- 
 " manded by God are left undone ; That we are only faved by the 
 " Mercy of God, and the Merits of Chrift ; That our good Works 
 '" have their Virtue only from thence. They were to teach the Mid- 
 " wives the Form of Baptifm : They were to teach the People to 
 " make no private Contracts of Marriage, nor to force their Children 
 " to marry againft their Wills ; and to open to their People often the 
 " Two great Commandments of Chrift, To love God atid our Neigh~ 
 " hour, and to live in Love with all People, avoiding DifTention. 
 The reft relate to the Matters fet out in the King's Injundions. 
 
 There
 
 Book III. of the Church of England. 135 
 
 There were about the fame Time Injundlions given by Sampfon Bi- 1536. 
 
 fhop of Ccvnilrv and Litchfield, for his Diocefe, which will be found «—->/-— -J 
 
 in the Colleftioa. He begins with a Charge to his Clergy, " To in- | jfimTp of 
 llruft the People concerning the King's being the Supreme Head Cowboy and 
 of the Church of England, by the Word of God ; and that the ^'''¥''''- 
 Authority ufed by the Bifhop of Rome, was an Ufurpation : Then CoJJ. Numb. 
 he charges them to procure by the next IVJjitfontide a whole Bible ^ 
 in Latin, and alfo one in Englifi.^ ; and to lay it in the Church, that 
 every Man may read in it. Then with relation to the reading the 
 Scriptures, and the having Sermons every Quarter, he gives the 
 fame Charge that Lee gave. As to their Sermons he charges them 
 that they be preached purely, fincerely, and according to the true 
 Scriptures of God. He next requires them in the King's Name, 
 and as his Minifher, to teach the People to fay the Lord's Prayer, 
 and the Ave, and the Creed in Englijh : And that four Times in 
 every Quarter they declare the Seven deadly Sins, and the Ten 
 Commandments. And becaufe fome out of Negle6t of their Cu- 
 rates, and to hide their lewd Livings, ufed in Lejit to go to Confef- 
 fion to Friars, or to other religious Houfes ; He orders that no 
 Teftimonial from them fliall be fufficient to admit one to the Sa- 
 crament, called by him God's Board ; till they confefs to their own 
 Curates, unlefs upon fome urgent Conliderations of Confcience, 
 that he or his Deputies Ihould grant a fpecial Licence for it : That 
 on Holy-Days, and in Time of Divine Service, none fhould go to 
 Ale-Houfes or Taverns, nor be received in them : And that the 
 Clergy fhould go in fuch decent Apparel, that it might be known 
 that they were of the Clergy. 
 The lafl of the Injundlions in that Book was given by Shaxton, 
 
 Bifliop of Salijbury, for his Diocefe, which will be found in the Col- Coll. Numb. 
 
 ledlion ; they are faid to be given out from the Authority given him 59- 
 
 by God and the King. 
 
 " He begins with Provifion about Non-Refidents and theirCurates, And byhe 
 in particular. That no French or IriJIo Prieft that could not per- ^.^°P °^ ^'*' 
 feftly fpeak the £«^///7j Tongue fhould ferve as Curates. They 
 were at high MalTe to read the Gofpel and Epiflle in the Efiglijh 
 Tongue, and to fetout the King's Supremacy and the Ufurpations 
 of the Bifhop of Rome : The fame Rules are given about Sermons 
 as in the former, with this Addition, that no Friar nor any Per- 
 fon in a Religious Habit be fuffered to perform any Service in the 
 Church : As for reading the New Teflament, the Clergy are only 
 required to read one Chapter every Day, and that every Perfon ha- 
 ving a Cure of Souls, fliould be able to repeat without Book, the 
 Gofpels of Saint Matthew and Saint John, with the Epiflles to 
 the Romans, Corinthia?is, and Galatians, and the Adls of the Apo- 
 fhles, and the Canonical Epiffles : fo that every Fortnight they 
 fhould learn one Chapter without Book and keep it flill in their 
 Memory : and that the 28th Chapter of Deuteronomy fhould be 
 read every Quarter inftead of the general Sentence. He gave the 
 fame Orders that the others gave about Images, Pilgrimages, and 
 other Superflitious Obfervances, and for teaching the People the 
 Elements of Religion in EngJifi ; only he does not join the Ave- 
 
 I Maria
 
 T36 'Jhe Hiflory of the Rejonnation Part Ii^ 
 
 l536. " A/<?r/rt with the Z/Orrt''s P77Z)rr as the others did : he requires tlie 
 *— -S^~—- J " Curates to exhort the People to beware of fwearing and blaiphc- 
 " ming the Name of God, or of Chrift's precious Body and Blood, 
 " and of many other Sins then commonly prailifed ; he difpenled 
 " with all Lights before Images, and requires that every Cliurch 
 " iliould be furniflTed with a Bible : He complains of the Pradicc of 
 " putting falfc Relicks on the People, naming ftinking Boots, mucky 
 " Combs, ragged Rockets, rotten Girdles, Locks of Hair, Gobbets 
 " of Wood, as Parcels of the Holy Crofs, of which he had per- 
 " fe6t Knowledge ; befides the fliameful Abufe of fuch as were per- 
 " haps true Relicks : he prays and commands them by the Authority 
 " he had under God and the King, to bring all thefe to him, with 
 " the Writings relating to them, that he might examine them, pro- 
 " mifing to reftore fuch as were found to be true Relicks, with aa 
 " Inftru(ftion how they ought to be ufed : he alio orders, that tlii 
 " Ave and Pardon Bell, that wis wont to be Tolled three times a 
 " Day, fliould be no more Tolled. 
 
 Thefe are all the Lijundlions let out by BiHiops, that have fallen 
 into my Hands. Here I mull acknowledge a very great- Omiili- 
 on made in the Copy that I printed in the Collcdlion added to n-s-y 
 Hiftory, of a very important Paragraph, in the Second Injunction 
 Coll. Numb, given by Cronnvcll, which will be found in the CoUedtion, togetlier 
 ^°- with an Omifiion of a few Lines in BiOiop Boners Injundlions that 
 
 were pafTed over by a very common Fault of Tranfcribers, who fee- 
 ing the Words that they wrote laft in the Original before them, do 
 not enough examine, whether the fame Words did not belong to a 
 new Portion, and fo write on without examining whether there are 
 no Words or Lines between the one and the other : for Cbwtbes 
 and Chapels being in two different Places, my Copier wrote on from 
 the Second Place, and fo omitted fome Lines between the one and 
 the other. I am very ready to corred: what I find amifs ; I rather 
 wonder that there is no more occafion for fuch Reprehenfions. I 
 know I am not to exped: either Favour or common Civility from 
 fome Hands. I do not efiter into Faults of a worfe Natnre made by 
 others, but am very ready to confefs my own when I fee them. 
 
 I find nothing to add with Relation to the Diflblution both of the 
 fmaller and the greater Monafteries ; nor of the feveral Rifings that 
 were in different Parts of the Kingdom ; only I find a Letter of Gri?- 
 GrejhamW.tt.- jJoam then Lord Mayor of Londo-n, I fuppofe he was the Father of 
 for^mJin^ihe '^"^ ^*^° ^^^ ^^^ famed Benefadtor to the City ; but by the Letter 
 great Hofpi- which will be found in the CoUeftion, his Father was the occafion 
 uls in the of procuring them a much greater Benefadlion. He begun his 
 ^an so t e Lettg^ ^\^\^ ^ j^jgj^ Commendation of the King, who as he writes, 
 Coll. Numb. " Seemed to be the chofen Veffel of God, by whom the true Word 
 " of God was to be fet forth, and who was to reform all Enormi- 
 " ties. This encouraged him, being then the Mayor of the City of 
 *' London, to inform him, for the Comfort of the Sick, Aged, and 
 *' Impotent Perfons, that there were Three Hofpitals near or within 
 " the City, that of Saint George, Saint Barfho/omew, and Saint 
 *' Thomas, and the New Abbey on Tower-Hill, Founded and En- 
 " dowed with great PoflefTions, only for the helping the Poor and 
 
 " Impotent,
 
 Book 111. of the Church of England. 137 
 
 ' Impotent, who were not able to help themfelves ; and not for the 1538. 1 
 
 * Maintenance of Canons, Prielb and Monks, to live in Pleafure, u— -v — -^ J 
 
 ' not regarding the Poor who were lying in every Street, offending ! 
 ' all that part: by them : he therefore prayed the King, for the Re- 
 
 ' lief of Chrift's true Images, to give Order that the Mayor of Lon- \ 
 ' don and the Aldermen, may from thenceforth have the Difpofition 
 ' and Rule both of the Lands belonging to thofe Hofpitals, and of 
 
 ' theGovernours andMinifters whichfhallbeinany of them. And i 
 ' then the King would perceive that whereas now there was a fmall 
 
 ' Number of Canons, Priefts, and Monks in them for their own i 
 
 ' Profit only ; that then a great Number of Poor and Indigent Per- ' 
 ' fons fliould be maintained in them, and alfo freely healed of their 
 
 ' Infirmities : And there fliould be Phyficians, Surgeons, and Apo- .j 
 
 ' thecaries with Salaries to attend upon them : And thofe who were ' 
 ' not able to Labour fhould be relieved ; and Sturdy Beggars not 
 ' willing to Labour, fhould be punifhed : In doing this, the King 
 ' would be more Charitable to the Poor, than his Progenitor Edgar 
 
 ' the Founder of fo many Monafteries ; or Henry the Illd, the Re- \ 
 
 ' newer of Wejlmmjler ; or Edivard the Illd, the Founder of the ■ 
 ' New Abbey ; or than Henry the Vth, the Founder of Sion and 
 
 ' Shene, and he would carry the Name of the Proteftor and Defen- \ 
 
 ' der of the Poor. ^ 
 
 How foon after this, thefe Plofpitals were put under the Govern-' '. 
 
 ment of the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of London, will be found :! 
 
 in the Hiftory of the City. But I thought this Letter was worth 1 
 
 remembring, fince probably it gave the rife to the putting thofe En- j 
 dowments in fuch Plands, in which to the Wonder of all the World, 
 
 we fee fuch a noble Order and Management, and fuch an overflow- '\ 
 
 ing of Charity, that not only all their Revenues are with the exaftefi; j 
 
 Management pofiible applied wholly to the Ufe for which they were i 
 defigned ; but that the particular Bounties of thofe whom God has 
 
 blelTed in the City, that are Annually given to them, do far exceed ' 
 
 their ftated Revenues : Of which there are Yearly Accounts pub- ' 
 
 lifhed in Eafter Week ; and which no doubt do bring down great i 
 Bleflings on the City, and on all its Concerns. 
 
 The State of Matters began to turn about this Time. The King The King 
 
 feemed to think that his Subjecfts owed an entire Refignation of their g'"ows fevere 1 
 
 Reafons and Confciences to him: and as he was highly offended with r jfornl ^3 j 
 
 thofe who fi:ill adhered to the Papal Authority ; fo he could not bear \ 
 the hafte that fome were making to a further Pvcformation, before or 
 
 beyond his Allowance. So in the End of the Year 1538, he fet out '. 
 
 a Proclamation on the i6th oi November. j 
 
 In it he prohibits the Importing of all Foreign Books, or the Print- :1 
 
 ing of any at Home without Licence, and the Printing any Parts of 1 
 
 Scripture, till they were examined by the King and his Council, or j 
 by the Bifhop of the Diocefe : He condemns all the Books of the 
 
 A)iabaptijh and Sacramenta7'ies ; and appoints thofe to be punifhed : 
 
 who vented them : He requires that none may argue againft the J 
 
 Prefence of Chrifl: in the Sacrament, under the Pain of Death, and j 
 
 of the Lofs of their Goods ; and orders all to be punifhed who did j 
 
 difufe any Rites or Ceremonies not then abolifhed ; yet he orders ] 
 
 Vol. .III. N n them I
 
 138 Ihe Hijlory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 153 
 
 8. 
 
 Cdl. Numb. 
 i>z. 
 
 4< 
 
 He fe sout a 
 long Procla- 
 mation. 
 
 An Account 
 fet forth by the " 
 King of "Tho- {{ 
 mas Bukit. 
 
 them to be obferved without Superftition only as Remembrances, 
 and not to repofe in them a truft of Sah'ation by obferving them. 
 He requires that all married Priefts fliould no more Minifter the Sa- 
 crament, but be deprived, with further Punifliment or Imprifonment 
 at the King's Pleafure. What follows after this, will be found in 
 the CoUeilion ; for the Whole did not feem fo important as to be all 
 fetdown, it being very long. " The King confidering the feveral 
 '' Superftitions and Abufes, which had crept into the Hearts of ma- 
 ny of his unlearned Subjeds, and the Strife and Contention which 
 did grow among them, had often commanded his Billiops and 
 Clergy to preach plainly and fincerely, and to fet forth the true 
 Meaning of the Sacramcntals and Ceremonies, that they might be 
 quietly ufed for fuch Purpofes as they were at firfl intended : But 
 he was informed that this had not been executed according to his 
 Expeftation ; therefore he requires all his Archbilliops andBifhops, 
 that in their own Perfons they will preach with more Diligence, 
 and fet forth to the People the Word of God, fincerely and purely ; 
 declaring the difference between the Things commanded by God, 
 and thefe Rites and Ceremonies commanded only by a lower Autho- 
 rity, that they may come to the true Knowledge of a lively Faith 
 in God and Obedience to the King, with Love and Charity to 
 their Neighbours. They were to require all their Clergy to do 
 the fame, and to exhort the People to read and hear with fimpli- 
 city ; and without Arrogance, avoiding all Strife and Contention, 
 under the Pain of being punifhed at the King's Pleafure. 
 To this he adds, " That it appearing clearly that Ihomai Beckefy 
 fometime Archbiihop of Canterbury^ did ftubbornly withftand 
 the Laws eflabliihed againft the Enormities of the Clergy, by King 
 Henry the lid, and had fled out of the Realm into France, and to the 
 Bifhop oi'Rovic to procure the Abrogating of thefe Laws: From 
 which there arofe great Troubles in the Kingdom. His Death, 
 which they untruly called his Martyrdom, happ'ned upon a Refcue 
 made by him, upon v/hich he gave opprobrious Words to the 
 Gentlemen who councelled him to leave his Stubbornnefs, and not 
 to ftir up the People who were rifen for that Refcue : He called 
 one of them Bawd, and pulled Tracy by the Bofom almofi: down to 
 the Pavement of the Church : Upon this Fray one of the Com- 
 pany ftruck him, and in the Throng he was flain. He was Cano- 
 nized by the Bifhop oiRome, becaufe he had been a Champion to 
 maintain his ufurped Authority, and a Defender of the Iniquity 
 of the Clergy. The King with the Advice of his Council, did 
 find there was nothing of Sanftity in the Life, or Exterior Con- 
 verfation of Becket, but that he rather ought to be efteemed a 
 Rebel and a Traytor ; therefore he Commands that he fliall be 
 no more efteemed, nor called a Saint, that his Images fliall be 
 every where put down j and that the Days ufed for his Fefbival 
 fliall be no more obferved, nor any Part of that Service be read, 
 but that it fliould be razed out of all Books. Adding, that the 
 other Feftivals already abrogated, fliall be no more folemnized, 
 and that his Subjefts fliall be no more blindly abufed to commit 
 Idolatry, as they had been in Time part. I will leave it to our 
 
 Hiftorians 
 
 «<
 
 Book III. of the Church of England. 130 
 
 *' Hiftorians to compare the Account here given of Beckett Death, 108. 
 
 " with the Legends, and to examine which of them is the v— — v ' 
 
 « trueft. 
 
 Soon after this, the King underftanding that very mahcious Reports A Circular 
 
 were fpread about the Country, poyfoning Peoples Minds, with re- rj^"jce/of -* 
 
 lation to every Thing that the King did ; faying they would be Peace. 
 
 made pay for every Thing they fliould Eat ; and that the Regifter of 
 
 Births and Weddings was ordered for this End, that the Kinp- mi^ht 
 
 know the Number of his People, and make Levies j and fend, or 
 
 rather Sell, them to Foreign Service : He fent in December following, 
 
 a Circular Letter to all the Juflices of E?igland, which will be found q^^ ^r„„^ 
 
 in the CoUeftion ; in which, after he had fet forth his good Inten- 63. 
 
 tions for the Wealth and Happinefs of his People ; He added, " That 
 
 *' he hoped that all the Maintainers of the Bifliop of Rome's Autho- 
 
 *' rity, fhould have been fearched for, and brought to Juftice : And 
 
 " that all the Inventors and Spreaders of falfe Reports to put the 
 
 *' People in Fear, and fo to ftir them up to Sedition, (hould have 
 
 " been apprehended and puniflied j and that Vagabonds and Beggars 
 
 " fliould have been corrected according to theLetters he had former- 
 
 " ly written to them. The King underflood that fundry of them 
 
 " had done their Duty fo well, that there had been no Difquiet 'till 
 
 " of late; that fome malicious Perfons had by Lies and falfe Rumours 
 
 *' ftudiedto feduce the People; and that among thefe, fomc Vicars 
 
 " and Curates were the Chief: Who endeavoured to brinj^ the Peo- 
 
 " pie again into Darknefs ; and they did fo confufedly read the 
 
 " Word of God and the King's Injunftions, that none could under- 
 
 *' ftand the true Meaning of them : They ftudied to wreft the King's 
 
 " Intentions in them to a falfe Senfe : For whereas the King had 
 
 " ordered Regifters to be kept for fhev/ing Lineal Defcents, and the 
 
 " Rights of Inheritance ; and to diftinguiih Legitimate lilue from 
 
 *' Baftardy ; or whether a Perfon was born a Subject or not; they 
 
 " went about faying that the King intended to make new Examina- 
 
 " tions of Chrift'nings, Weddings, and Buryings, and to take av/ay 
 
 " the Liberties of the Kingdom : For preferving which, they pre- 
 
 " tended Thomas Becket died : Whereas his Oppofition was only to 
 
 " the punifhing of the Offences of the Clergy, that they fhould not 
 
 " bej>//?//W by the Courts and Laws of the Land, but only at the 
 
 " Birtiops Pleafure : And here the fame Account is given of Becket, 
 
 " that was in the former Proclamation. Becket contended with the 
 
 " Archbifhop of Tork, and pretended that when he was out of the 
 
 " Realm, the King could not be Crowned by any other Bifhop, 
 
 " but that it muft be flayed till he returned. Thefe deteftable Li- 
 
 " berties were all that he flood for, and not for the Common- Wealth 
 
 " of the Realm. To thefe Lies they added many other Seditious 
 
 " Devices, by which the People were ftirred up to Sedition and 
 
 " Infurredtion, to their utter Ruin and Deflruftion, if God had not 
 
 " both enabled him by Force to fubdue them, and afterwards move 
 
 *' him mercifully to pardon them. The King therefore required 
 
 " them in their feveral Precindls, to find out fuch Vicars and Curates 
 
 " as did not truly declare the Injunftions, and did confufedly mum- 
 
 *" " ble the Word of God, pretending that they were compelled to 
 
 " read
 
 T40 I'he Hiftory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1539. " read them J but telling their People to do as they did, and live 
 *— -v-^— ' " as their Fathers had done, for the Old Faflilon was the befl. 
 " They were alfo required to learch out all the Spreaders of Sedi- 
 " tious Tales ; and to apprehend and keep then in Prifon till the 
 " Juflices came about to try them ; or till the King's Pleafure was 
 " known : The Juftices of the Peace are very earneflly prefled to 
 " do their Duty diligently, and to take care likewife that the In- 
 " junctions and Laws againft the Anabaptifts and Sacramentaries 
 " be duly executed : Dated from Hampton-Court in December in the 
 30th Year of his Reign. 
 New Signifi- Among the Letters fent me from Zurich., I find one written to 
 
 the o7d Rites" ^^^^'^"''S'^^' °" the 8th of iW^rf^Mn the Year 1539, by Butler, El- 
 ' Hot, Partridge and Traheron, who had ftudied for fome time under 
 him, and were then entertained either by the King, or by Croti}--' 
 ivell. They write, " That many of the Popifh Ceremonies \yerp 
 " fiiil tolerated ; but that New Significations were put on them : 
 " Such as, That the Holy Water did put us in mind of the Blood 
 " of Chrift, that cleanfed us from all Defilement : The Pax was 
 " carried about, to reprefent our Reconciliation to God thro' Chrift. 
 " Things that were vifible, were thought fit to be prefervcd, to 
 " prevent Commotions. This Correftion quieted fome : But tho' 
 " thefe Rites were ordered to be kept up, till the King fliould think 
 " fit to alter them, yet fome preached freely againft them, even 
 " bef )re the King. 
 Many Execu- " They write of the Executions of the Marquis of Exeter, the 
 tions in E>ig. " Lord Montague, and Sir Edward Ncvil, who (they add) was a 
 '"" ■ " very brave, but a very vicious Man. Sir Nic. Cary, who had 
 
 " been before a Zealous Papift, when he came to fuffer, exhorted 
 " all People to read the Scriptures carefully. He acknowledged, 
 " that the Judgments of God came juftly upon him, for the Hatred 
 " that he formerly bore to the Gofpel. The King was threa':ned 
 " with a V/ar, in which the Emperor, the French, and the Scots 
 " would attack him on all Hands; but he feemed to defpife it, and 
 " faid, He iliould not fleep the lefs quietly for all thefe Alarms. 
 " The Day after thefe Tidings were brought him, he faid to his 
 " Counfellors, that he found himfelf moved in his Confcience, to 
 " promote the Word of God more than ever. Other News came 
 " at the fame time, which might perhaps raife his Zeal, that Three 
 " Englijh Merchants were burnt in Spain ; and that an Indul- 
 " gence was proclaimed to every Man, that fliould kiW zn Englijh 
 " Heretick. Cr^w^tr was then very bufy, in inftrufting the People, 
 " and Preparing £«g-///Z) Prayers, to be ufed inftead of the Litany. 
 I can go no further on thefe Subjects ; but muft refer to my Hiftory 
 for the Profecution of thefe Matters. 
 T XIV '^^^ Foundation of the New Bifhopricks was now fettled. Rymer 
 from p. 717, h^s given us the Charters, by which they were founded and endow- 
 to p. 736. and ed. The New Modelling of fome Cathedrals, was next taken Care 
 t'^T 758"^^' °^- ^ ^^^^ found the Projed that Cromwell fent to Cranmer, for the 
 TheProjeftof Church of Crt^^/t-r^^z^r^y. It was to confift of a Provoft, 12 Preben- 
 ^"'^°^'"g '^^^ daries, 6 Preachers, 3 Readers, one of Humanity and of Grceky 
 Canterbury another of Dlvinity and of Hebrew, and another of Humanity and 
 
 Divi-
 
 Book III. ofiheCl:firchofF.ng\7ind. 141 
 
 Divinity in Latin, a Reader of Civil Law, nnother of i-liyfick; 20 15^9. i 
 
 Students in Divinity, 10 to be kept at Cxfcrd, and as many at ^— -^-'"--^ .; 
 
 Cambrhigc: 60 Scl.ol.irs were to be taught Grammar and Logick, j 
 
 with Hebrew, Greek, and Latin: For thefe, a Schoolmaftcr and an ; 
 Ufher were to have Salaries. Befides thtle, there were 8 Petty- 
 Canons, 12 Singin'^-Men, jo Chorifters, a Marter of the Children, a 
 
 Gofpeller, an Epiftler, and 2 Sacrii'lans : 2 Butlers, 2 Cooks, a Ca- ! 
 
 terer, 2 Porters; 12 f'oor Men, a Steward, and an Auditor: In ail "i 
 162 Perfons, with the Salaries for every one of thefe; together with 
 an Allowance, for an Annual Diftribution of loc/. for the Poor, and 
 
 as much for Reparations; and 40/. for Mending the High- Ways : Difapprov'd j 
 
 In all, amounting to about 1 oco Pound a Year. This I have put ^-^^^ '^^'^^''" \ 
 in the Colleftion, together with the Letter that Cranmcr wrote to 64. 
 
 Cromwell, after he had confider'd of it : Tlio' perhaps this will ^°'^- ^'''"^- ■ 
 
 fharpen feme Men's Spirits, that are of late much fet to decry him, ^" ] 
 Us much as any of his other Opinions may have done : But a true 
 Hiftorian, that intends to glean all that he could finil relatir^g to 
 
 thofe Tranfadtions, muft neither alter, nor fupprcfs Things, but fet ' 
 them out as he finds them 
 
 " He propofes the Altering the Prebendaries to fomewhat more 
 
 " ufeful : For, by all the Experience that he had, the Prebendaries '; 
 
 " had fpent their Time in much Idlenefs, and their Subflance in fu- I 
 
 " pertiuous Living ; fo he thought it was not a State to be main- \ 
 
 " tained. Commonly they were neither Learned, nor given to ' 
 
 •' teach others ; but only good Vianders : They look to be the '■ 
 
 •* Chief, and to bear the whole Rule ; and by their ill Example, j 
 
 " the younger Sort grew idle and corrupt. The State of Prebenda- ■ 
 
 •' ries hath been fo excefTively abufed, tliat when Learned Men have i 
 
 " been advanced to that Poll, they defilled from their Studies, and. ; 
 
 " from all Godly Exercifes of Preaching and Teaching: Tiierefore, ; 
 " he wiflitd, the very Name of a Prebendary might be flruck out of 
 " the King's Foundations. The firft Beginning of them was good, 
 
 " fo was that of Religious Men ; but both were gone off from i 
 
 " their firfl: Eftate ; fo, fince the one is put down, it were no great \ 
 
 " matter, if both fliould periOi together. For, to fiy the Truth, it { 
 
 " is an Eftate which St. Paul did not find in the Chu'xh of Chrift; \ 
 
 " and he thought, it would (land better with the Maintainance of the j 
 
 " Chriftian Religion, that there were in their ftead 20 Divines, at 10/. j 
 
 *' a-piece, and as many Students of th.e Tongues, and tf French, at ^ 
 
 *' 10 Marks a-piece. And indeed, if there was not fuch a Number ; 
 " there refident, he did not fee for what u{e there were fo many 
 
 *' Ledlures to be read ; for the Prebendaries could not attend, for | 
 
 " the making of good Cheer; and the Children in Grammar, were i 
 
 *' to be otherwife employed. He, in particular, recommends Dr. I 
 
 " Crofne to be Dean. i 
 
 But I leave this invidious Subjeft, to turn now to a very Melan- TheDefignof 1 
 cholly Strain. The King had thrown off all Commerce with the cUs. ''^ ' ^' 
 
 Lutherans in Germany ; and feemed not to think himfelf fecure in ■ 
 
 the Emperor's Friendfliip : Yet he did not break with France ; tho' j 
 on many Occafions he complained, both of the Ingratitude and In- 
 conftancy of that King. The Dutchy of Milan feemed to be the 
 
 Vol. in. O o Objea; \
 
 14-2. ^Ihe Hijlory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 Coll. Numb. 
 66. 
 
 1539. Objeft of all his Defigns ; and he was always turned, as the Prorpetl 
 ■ — '^ ' of that fcemed to come in View, -or t:) go out of Sight. All the 
 King's Old Minifters ftil! kept up liis Zeal for his admired Book Of 
 the E-crcii}i:nts, mofl particularly fcjr thut Article of Tranfubftantia- 
 tion ; To that the i'opiih Party prevailed with him, to refolve on 
 Setting up the Siz Articles, which (they faid) would quiet all 
 Men's rvtinds; when thev faw him maintain tliar, and the other Ar- 
 ticles, with Learning and Zeal. It is certain, he had read a great deal, 
 and heard and talk'd a great deal more of thofe Subjedsj fo that he 
 feeiTjS to have made himfelf a Mafter of the whole Body of Divini- 
 ty. I have {zzw many Chapters of the Necc[jary Erudition oj a 
 O.rifiian, much altered by him, and in many i'laces fo interlined 
 wi-h his Hand, that it is not without fome difficulty that they can 
 be read ; for he wrote very ill. 
 
 Upon the Carrying the Six Articles, the Popifli Party were much 
 exalted. This appears by the End of a Letter written to the Am- 
 baffadors abroad ; which will be found in the Colled:Ion. It fets 
 forth, " How the King had Ihewed himfelf in that Parliament fo 
 Wife, Learned, and Catholick, that no Prince ever did the like : 
 fo it was no more doubted, but the Adt would pafs. The Biihops 
 of Canterbury., Ely, SdUfoury, (4'orccjier, Rockcjlcr, and St. Da^ 
 viJ's, defended the contrary Side : Yet, in the End, the King 
 confounded them. The Biihops of I'or/:, Dureftne, IFiiiche- 
 Jicr, London, Chicbeflci^, ISorwich, and Carlijle, fliewed themfelves 
 Honeft and Learned Men: He writes as one of the Peers, for he 
 adds, we of the Tcmporalty have been all of one Opinion, The 
 Lord Chancellor, and the Lord Privy Seal had been of their fide^ 
 Cranmer, and all the Biihops came over, only he adds that iS^^jx/o^ 
 continued a lewd Fool : For this Viiflory, he writes that all Eng- 
 land \\:AxQ.i.ion to blefsGod. 
 
 Cromivell, though he complied with the King's Humour, yet he 
 ftudied to gain upon him, and to fix him in an Alliance, that fliould 
 certainly feparate him from the Emperor, and engage him again 
 into a clofer Correfpondence with France, on defign to fupport the 
 Princes oiGertnany againfl the Emperor, whofe uneafinefs under the 
 Laws and Liberties of the Empire began to be fufpeded : And all 
 the Pcpi/I.'' Party depended wholly on him, I did in my Second Vo- 
 lume publi[h a Commiflion to CronnveU, thinking it was that which 
 conflituted him the King's Vicegerent, which I upon reading the 
 Beginning of it, took to be fo, but that was one of the Effefts of 
 the hafte in which I wrote that Work : It does indeed in the Pream- 
 ble fet forth, " That the K'ng was then in fome fort to exercife that 
 *' Supreme Authority he had over the Church of England, under 
 *' Chrift ; fince they who pretended that that Authority ought to be 
 " lodged with them, did purfue their own private Gaihs, more than 
 " the Publick Good ; and had brought Matters, by the Negligence 
 " of their Officers, and their own ill Example, to fuch a State, that 
 *' it might be feared, that Chrift would not now own his own 
 " Spoufe. Therefore, fince the Supreme Authority over all Per- 
 " fons, without auy Diiference, was given him from Heaven, he 
 
 " was 
 
 The King 
 marries Anne 
 of Clcvc. 
 
 Vol. II. Coll. 
 Rec. Book 2. 
 N. 29. p. 303. 
 Commiflion to 
 Cromiucll, to 
 Conflitute 
 fome under 
 him.
 
 Book III. of the Church <9/^ .England. 143 
 
 " was bound (as much as he could) to cleanfe the Church from all rc^o. 
 " Briars, and to low the Seeds of Virtue in it. Thofe who before v— -> — -~/ 
 *' exercifed this Authority, thinking themlelves above all Cenfure, 
 " had (by their own bad Examples) laid Stumbling-blocks before 
 " the People. He therefore, defigning a General Reformation of his 
 " Kingdom and Church, refolved to begin with the Fountains 5 for 
 " they being cleanfed, the Streams would run clear : But fmcc he 
 " could not be perfonally prefent every where, he had deputed T/'o- 
 <* mas Cromurll, his Principal Secretary and Mailer of the Rolls, to 
 ♦' be in all Ecclefiaftical Caufes his Vicegerent and Vicar-General ; 
 " with a Power to name others, to be authorized under the Great 
 " Seal. But he being fo employed in the Publick Affiiirs of the 
 " Kingdom, that he could not perfonally difcharge that Trufi ; 
 " therefore he deputed yl, 5, C, D, to execute that Truft. The 
 " King being pleafed with this Deputation, did likewife empower 
 " them to Vifit all Churches, both Metropolitical, Cathedn^.!, and 
 " Collegiate Churches, Hofpitals and iMonafteries, and all other 
 " Pkces, exempt or not exempt, to corred: and punifh what was 
 •' amifs in them, by Cenfures of Sufpenfion and Deprivation, to 
 " give them Statutes and Injundlions in the King's Name, and to hold 
 " Synods, Chapters or Convocations, fummoning all Perfons con- 
 " cerned to appear before them, and prexiJing in them, giving them 
 *' fuch Rules as they fliall judge convenient : Calling fuch Caufes as 
 " they fliall think fit from the Ecclefiaflical Courts, to be judged by 
 " them; and to force Obedience, both by Ecclefiaftical Cenfures, 
 " and Fines, and other Temporal Punifliments : V^ith feveral other 
 Claufes, of a very extended and comprehenfive Nature. How far 
 this was put in Pradtice, does not fully appear to me. It certainly 
 firuck fo deep into the whole Ecclefiaflical Confiitution, that it 
 could not be eafily borne. But the Clergy had loft their Reputation 
 and Credit; fo that every Invafion that was made on them, and 
 on their Courts, feemed to be at this Time acceptable to the Nation ; 
 one Extreme very naturally producing another : For all did acqui- 
 efce tamely, in Submitting to a Power that was now in High Ex- 
 altation, and that treated thofe that ftood in its way, not only with 
 the utmoft Indignation, but with the moft rigorous Severity. 
 
 But to return to Cromwell. He, in Concurrence with the Court of 
 France, carried Matters fo, that the Marriage with Anne of Clcve was 
 made up : This occafioned one of the moft Injuftifiable Steps in all that 
 Reign. Among the Papers that were fent me iioxwZurick, there is a 
 long and particular Account of many Pafiages in this IVIatter, with fome ^^fjthA'l^^"-'^ 
 other Important Tranfadlions of this Year, writ by one Richard Hi lie, Hovjard. 
 who writes very fenfibly, and very pioufly ; and he being zealous 
 for a further Reformation, went out of England as a Man concerned 
 in Trade, which he purfued only as a juft Excufe to get out of the 
 way: But before he went over, he wrote a long Account to Bullin- 
 ger of the Afi^urs in England: He tells him, " That before JVhit- 
 " fiinday Three Perfons were burned in Sotithivark, becaufe they 
 *^ had not received the Sacrament at Eajier, and had denied Tranfub- 
 *' ftantiation. There was after that one Collins, a crazed Man, like- 
 " wife burned, all by Gardiner's Procurement. A little before Alid- 
 
 fummer
 
 144 ^^^ Hiflory of the Reformation Part HI 
 
 1539- 
 
 CroTniuelfi 
 Fall. 
 
 fummer it began to be whifpered about, that the King intended a Di- 
 vorce with Amic^ who had been married to him above Five Months. 
 It was obferved that ihe King was much taken with a Young Perfon, 
 a Niece of the Duke of Norfolk's, \\vhoni he afterwards married) 
 Gardiner took Care to bring them together to his Palace, where they 
 dined oncCj and had fome Meetings and Entertainments there. 1 his 
 went on fome Time before there was any Talk of the Divorce : Jt 
 was indeed believed that there was an ill Commerce between them. 
 Crojuivcll was newly made Earl of E[fcx : Botirchier, in whom that 
 Line was extinft, who had been a fevere Profecutor, falling from his 
 Horfe, and breaking his Neck, died without being able to fpeak 
 ,one Word. The King gave Cro;iiwel(, not only his Title, but all 
 that fell to the Crown, by his dying without Plcirs : Yet he enjoyed 
 not this long ; for in the beginning of June he was fent to the Toicrr : 
 He did not know the feeret Caufe of his Fall j it was generally be- 
 lieved it was becaufe he did not flatter the King enough ; and that 
 he was againft the Divorce, as thinking it would neither be for the 
 King's Honour, nor the Good of the Kingdom. Some fufpefted that 
 his late Advancement, and great Grants, the King had given him, 
 was an Artifice to make People conclude, when they Hiw him dif- 
 graced, after fuch high Favour, that certainly fome very black Thing 
 was difcovered : And it was alfo thought, that the King reftored to 
 his Son, (who was fo weak, that he was thought almoft a Fool,) 
 iriuch of his Father's Eflate and Goods, (as he made him a Baron in 
 December, after his Father's Death) on defign to make the Father 
 more filent, for fear of provoking the King to take from him what he 
 had then given him. Here I flop the profecuting the Reft of 
 tlie Letter, till I have added fomewhat more concerning Croni- 
 iveJl. 
 
 He had many Offices In liis Perfon j for befides that he was Lord 
 Vicegerent in Ecclefiaftical Matters, and Lord Privy Seal, he was 
 Lord Chamberlain, and Chancellor of the Exchequer. Ryuier h;i3 
 publillied the Grants that the King niade cf thofe Offices, in vvhicli 
 it is faid, that they v/ere void upon his Attainder _; but which was 
 more, he was the Chief Minifter, and had the King's Confidence 
 for Ten Years together, almo!^ as entirely as Cardinal Wolfey had It 
 ANewTrea- formerly. Mount had been fent to Germany to prefs a clofer League 
 ty with the Defenfivc againft the Pope, and any Council that he might fummon : 
 German Prin- '^j^g,^ ^^iQ Princcs did objcfl the Adl of the Six Articles, and the 
 Severities upon it : He confeffed to one of the Electors Minifters, 
 that the King was not fincere in the Point of Religion : He had there- 
 fore propofed a double Marriage of the King with Amie of Ch'i\\ 
 and of the Duke of Cleve with the Lady Mary : For he faid, the 
 King was much governed by his Wives. The Eledor of Saxony, 
 who had married the other Sifter of Cleve, had conceived fo bad an 
 Opinion of the King, that he expreffed no heartinefs, neither in the 
 Marriage, nor in any Alliance with England : But he yielded to the 
 Importunities of others, who thought the Profpedl of the Advantage 
 from fuch an Alliance was great. 
 
 There are great Remains that ftiew how exadl a Minifter Cromicdl 
 was ; there are laid together many Remembrances of Things, that 
 
 he 
 
 Rytiur. 
 
 T. .4 
 
 ces, 
 
 Cott, Libr, 
 Titus B. I.
 
 Book III. of the Church of England. 14c 
 
 he was to lay before the King : They are too fliort, to give any 1539. 
 Light into Affairs ; yet I will mention fome of them. In one, V'''"''^^ 
 he mentions the Abbots ol Glajfcnhury and Reading, who were then c^^'^.^W/'s 
 Prifoners, and were examined. The VVitnefles, with the Council, Memoran- 
 were ordered to be fent to Berkjl.ire and SomerfetJJnrc. Mention ib '*'"^'' 
 made of their Complices, who were to be tried, and to fuffer with 
 them. To this 1 muft add, that in one of the Zurich. Letters, it is 
 written to Bullinger, that Three of the Richcft Abbots in Englnndy 
 had fuffered, for a Confpiracy into which they had entered, for Re- 
 ftoringthe Pope's Authority in England. 
 
 The Learned Dr. Tanner has fent me the Copy of a Letter, that 
 Three Vifitors wrote to Cromicell from Glafenlmry, concerning that 
 Abbot, on the 2 2d oi September j but they do not add the Year. It 
 will be found in the Colledion, figned by Richard Pollard, Thomas f"-^"'"^- 
 Moyfe, and Richard Lay ton. " They give him an Account of their 
 '' Examining the Abbot upon certain Articles. He did not feem to 
 " anfwer them clearly ; fo they defired him, to call to his Memory 
 " the Things which he then feemed to have forgot* They fearched 
 " his Study, and found in it a written Book againft the King's Di- 
 *' vorce. They found alfo Pardons, Copies of Bulls, and a print- 
 " ed h'i^t of Thomas Becket ; but found no Letter that vvas mate- 
 " rial. They examined him a Second Time upon the Articles that 
 " Cronnvell had given them ; and fent up his Anfwer, figned by 
 " him, to Court : In v/hich they write, That iiis Cankered and 
 " Traiterous Heart, againft the King and his SuccefTion, did appear; 
 *' fo, with very fair Words, they fent him to the Tower. "They 
 "' found he was but a weak Man, and fickly. Having fent him 
 " away, they examined the State of that Monaftery : They found 
 '* in it above 300 /. in Cafli; but had not the Certainty of the reft 
 " of their Plate ; onlv they found a fair Gold Chalice, with other 
 " Plate, hid by the Abbot, that had not been feen by the former 
 " Vifitors ; of which, they think, the Abbot intended to have made- 
 '' his own Advantage. They write, That the Houfe vvas the No- 
 " blell they had ever (ccn of that Sort : They thought it fit fot 
 *' the King, and for none elfe. This I fet down the more particu" 
 ■larly, to demonflraie the Falfity of the extravagant Account that Sati- 
 ^?r J gives of that Matter, as if it had been, without Notice given, 
 that the Abbot was feized on, tried and executed, all of a fudden. 
 But to return to Cromwell. 
 
 In another Note, he mentions the Determinations made by 
 Day, Heath, and Ti6/r/(f^v, of the Ten Commandments, ofjuftifica- 
 tion, and of Purgatory. Another is about Fijloer and More, The 
 Judges Opinion was afked, concerning More and the Nun. Another 
 is, Whether the Bifliop of Rochefter, and the Monk, who wrote the 
 Letter as from Heaven, fliould be fent for ? In another, that Bock- 
 ing printed the Nun's Book, and took away 500 Copies, but left 
 a 00 with the Printer. In another. He propofed to fend Barnes for 
 Melanchthon. In another. He afks, who fhail be Prolocutor in the 
 Convocation. In another. He propofes the making Lady Mary a 
 Confidcrable Match for fome Foreign Prince, the Duke of Orleans^ 
 ior fome other. This is all that I could gather, out of a vail Num- 
 VoL. in, P p ber
 
 1^6 T^he Hifloiy of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 ^539- ^^^ of thofe Notes, which he took Df Matters, to move the King 
 
 TheMattersat Upon CromioeU's Imprifonment, the Comptroller was fent to him, 
 lirft charged and he order'd him to write to the Kin?, what he thought meet to 
 ° h h"i' ""^ ^^ written concerning his prelent Condition : and, it leems, with 
 clears himfelf. fomc Intimations of Hope. Upon that, CromisDcll wrote a long Let- 
 _ ,, ., , ter to the King, which will be found in the CoUedtion. " He be- 
 6g. " gins It with great Thanks to the King, for what the Comptroller 
 
 " had faid to him. He was accuied of Treafon ; but he protefts, 
 " he never once thought to do that which fliould difpleafe him, 
 " much lefs to commit fo High an Offence. The King knew his 
 " Accufers : He prayed God to forgive them. He had ever loved: 
 " the King, and all his Proceedings : He prays God to confound 
 " him, if he had ever a Thought to the contrary. He had labo\ir-. 
 " ed much, to make the King a Great and a Happy Prince ; and ac- 
 " knowledges his great Obligations to the King. So he writes, that 
 " if he had been capable to be a Traitor, the greateft Punifliment 
 "was too litde^for him. He never fpoke with the Chancellor of 
 " the Augmentations (Baker) and •7/;r(jc/(';;/(?7/(j« together, but once : 
 " But he is fure, he never fpoke of any fuch Matter," (as, it 
 feems, was informed againft him.) " The King knew what a Maa 
 " Throckmorton was, v/ith Relation to all his Proceedings : And 
 " what an Enemy B^/efr was to him, God and he knew: The King 
 " knew, what he had been towards him. It feems the King had 
 " advertifed him of them ; but God, who had delivered Sufan when 
 •' falfly accufed, could deliver him. He truftcd only in God, and 
 *' in the King. In all his Service, he had only confider'd the Kingj 
 " but did not know that he had done Injuftice to any Perfon : Yet 
 " he had not done his Duty in all Things ; therefore he afked Mer- 
 " cy. If he had heard of Conventicles, or other Offences, he had 
 " for the mort part revealed tliem, and made them to be puniihed, 
 " but not out of Malice. He had meddled in fo many Things, that 
 *' he could not anfwer them ail ; but of this he was fure, that he 
 " had never willingly offended : and wherein he had offended, he 
 " humbly begged Pardon. The Comptroller told him, that Four- 
 " teen Days ago the King had conimitted a great Secret to him, 
 " which he had revealed : He remembered well the Matter, but he 
 *'■ had never revealed it. For, after the King had told him what it 
 *' was that he milliked in the Qiieen ; he told the King, that She 
 " often defired to fpeak with him, but he durfl: not : Yet the King 
 " bad him go to her, and be plain with her, in declaring his Mind : 
 " Upon which, he fpake privately with her Lord Chamberlain, de- 
 " firing him, not Naming the King, to deal with the Qiieen to be- 
 t«fi have herfelf more pleafantly towards the King ; hoping thereby 
 " to have had fome Faults amended. And when foEne of hqr 
 *' Council came to iiim, for Licence to the Stranger Maids to de- 
 " part ; he did then require them, to adviie the Queen, to ufe all 
 " Pleafantnefs with the King. Both thefe Words were fpoken, be- 
 " fore the King had trufted the Secret to him, on defign that She 
 " might render her felf more agreeabia- to the King: But after the 
 
 r- ' !•,";" King
 
 < 
 
 Book III. of the Cht^rch of Kn^dind. 147 
 
 " King had trufted that Secret to him, (which it feems was liis De- 1539. 
 fign to have the Marriage diflblvedj he never fpoke of it, but to the 
 " Lord Admiral ; and that was by the King's Order on Sunday lafl: j 
 '' who was very wiUing to feek Remedy for the King's Comfort : 
 " He protefts he was ready to die to procure the King Comfort : He 
 " wiJlies he were in Hell if it was not true. This was all he had 
 " done, (it feems the King thought the Change in the Queen's De- 
 portment towards him, v/as the Elfeil of his difcovering the Secret of^ 
 the King's Purpofe, and in order to prevent it) but for this he hurnfr; 
 " bly begs Pardon : He un.lerllood that it was charged upon him, 
 " that he had more Retainers about him than the Laws allowed : 
 " He never retained any, except his Houfl:old Servants, but againfl 
 *J'-his Will : He had been preff;d by many, who faid they were his^ 1 
 
 " Friends, he had retained their Children and Friends, not as Re-, ■ 
 
 " tainers, for their Fathers and Friends promifed to maintain them : ] 
 
 " In this, God knows, he had no ill Intent, but begs Pardon if he i 
 
 " had offended, (for that was reprefented as the. gathering a Force \ 
 
 about him to defend himfelf.) He concludes he had not behaved \ 
 
 *' himfelf towards God and the King, as he ought to have done: "' 
 
 *' And as he was continually calling on God for Mercy, for Offences ] 
 
 " committed againft him, fo he begs the King's Pardon for his j 
 
 " Offences againft him, which v/ere never wilful ; and he affures 1 
 
 " him he had never a Thought of Treafon againft him, either in ' 
 
 " Word or Deed : And he continued to pray for him and the Prince, i 
 
 ** ending, indeed, with too abjeft a Meannefs. \ 
 
 Thefe were all the Particulars that were charged on him upon his Refleflians on 
 Firft Imprifonment : Other Matters were afterwards added to throw a ftair= at that 
 the more load on him ; but it feems they were hot fo much as thought Tims \ 
 
 on or mentioned at firft : But now I return to the Letter writ to 
 Zurich. Hill adds, that they heard they once defigned to burn 
 Cromicell as a Heretick, and that thefe Confiderations made him con- •; 
 
 fefs that he had offended the King. What he faid that way at his j 
 
 Execution, was pronounced coldly by him ; upon that the Writer j 
 
 runs out very copiouflv, and acknowledges that their Sins had pro- ; 
 
 vokedGodto bring upon them that great Change that they faw in 
 Affairs: They had wholly trufted to the Learning oF fome, and to 
 the Conduft of others : but Gud bv the taking thefe away, was "' 
 
 calling on them to turn fincerely to him, to truft entirely in hini, .' 
 
 and to repent with their whole Heart. There was at that Time a 
 great want of Sincere Labourers, fo that from Eaft to IVeft, and 
 from Soiiih to North, there was fcarce one Faithful and Sincere Preach- ; 
 
 erof the Gofpel to be found. 
 
 The Adl of diffolving the King's Marriage, did fet forth that fome OftheKing's \ 
 
 Doubts were raifed concerning the King's Marriage, which as he ^'y°'""Jff°'" j 
 
 writes, was manifeftly filfe, for no Body thought of any Doubtflil- ■; 
 
 nefs in it : Nor did they pray, as is in the Aft, that it might be en- ; 
 
 quired into : For no Body fpake of it till the King was refolved to j 
 
 part with die Queen, . that he might be married to Mrs, Hward, I 
 
 whom in his bad Latin h.e calls, Farvifftwa Puella, A very little Girl. I 
 
 The Archbifl'iop of Canterbury, and the reft of the Bilhops, judged 
 ftie was yet a Virgin, which nonethat knew the Man cou/d believe. 
 Here again I muft leave my Letter There !
 
 148 Ihe Hiflory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1 C'70. There had been no Convocation for Two Years, for the hijlitu- 
 
 < ^ ^ t'mi of a ChrijUan Man^ was prepared by a Commiflion, given to 
 
 Whatpaflcd ^^^^g Bifliops of both Provinces, and to fome Arch-Deacons, but no 
 '^tio°"^° Deans were fummoned with them : A Convocation fate in both Pro- 
 vinces in May, in the Year 1539, to which Abbots and Priors were 
 fummoned ; but though there were eight Abbots, and Nine Priors, 
 in Exeter Diocefe, yet the Return from thence fays, there were 
 none in the Diocefe. I do not know how to reconcile that, with 
 the Abbot oi Tavejioke'% fitting in the Houfe of Lords, as appears by 
 the Journals of that Parliament. 
 
 Upon this Occafion there was a particular Summons for both Pro- 
 vinces, to meet in a National Synod, to judge of the King's Marri- 
 age. When I wrote of this in my Hiflory, I did not at all reflect 
 on the Doftrine of the Church of Rome, that makes Marriage a Sa- 
 crament, in which the Two Parties are the Minifters, who tranf- 
 fer their Perfons to one another : And according to the Dodlrine 
 of the Neceflity of the Intention in him that Minifters the Sacrament, 
 how vile foever this Decifion in the Matter of the King's Marriage 
 may feem to be, yet it was ajufl Confequence from that Doftrine : 
 For without a true, free, and inward Intention, which the King 
 affirmed he had not, the Marriage could be no Sacrament : So that 
 the heavieft Part of the Shame of that Decifion falls inde.d on that 
 Docftrine. When the News came to France '.(fthe King's dlfrdving 
 his Marriage with ylmie o^ Cleve, King Francii himfelf afked the 
 _ O/fcr Ambafllidors upon what Grounds it went : The Cardinal of Ferrara 
 did alfo fend one to aflc what was alledgcd for it by Divines and 
 Lawyers. Wallop and others were then the AmbafTadors from Eng" 
 land at that Court : They fent to the Council an Account of this j 
 and IVallop wrote over to know what he fliould fay upon theSubje«3:, 
 The Anfwcr which the Council wrote to him was, that the Queen 
 lerielf affirmed, her Perfon had not been touched by King Hemy. 
 That a Learned Convocation had iud2;ed the Matter : That tlie Bi- 
 ffiops of D W(ywi7, JVincbefter, ^ni^ Bath, were known to be great 
 and learned Clerks, who would do nothing but upon juft and good 
 Grounds : So that all Perfons ought to be fatisfied with thefe Pro- 
 ceedings, as flie hcrfelf was ; and here this Matter ended, to the great 
 Reproach of that Body, that went fo haftily, and fo unanimoully 
 into that Scandalous Decifion. 
 
 But to return to my Zurich Letter ; after he had related the Man- 
 the"aoT '" ner of that Judgment of thofe called Spiritual, who indeed were 
 Grace. very Carnal : He mentions the Exceptions in the Ad of Pardon, 
 
 for befides particular Exception?, all Anabaptifis and Sacratnentaries 
 were excepted, and all thofe that affirmed, there was a Fate upon 
 Men, by which the Day of their Death was unalterably deter- 
 mined. 
 ADefign a- There was at this Time a great Defign againfl Dr. Crojnc, whom 
 gainilOcw. Cranmer had recommended to be Dean oi Canterbury, in thefe Words : 
 ••' I know no Man more meet for the Dean's Room in England^ 
 " than Dr. Crome, who by his Sincere Learning, Godly Converfa- 
 *' tion, and Good Example of Living, with his Great Sobernefsj 
 " hath done unto the King's Majefty as good Service, I dare fay.
 
 Book III. of the Cht/rch of England. 149 
 
 " as anv Priell: in EngJiind : Aiid yet his Grdce daily remembreth l5'^9. 
 
 " all others that doth him Service, this Man only excepted, who 
 
 " never had yet befides his Gracious Favour, any Promotion at his 
 
 " Hands. Wherefore if it pleafe his Majefty to put him in the 
 
 " Dean's room, I do not doubt but that he fliould be a Light to all 
 
 *' the Deans and Minilters of Colleges in this Realm : For I know 
 
 " that when he was but a Prefident of a College in Cambridge, his 
 
 *' Houfe was better ordered than all the Houfes in Cambridge befides. 
 
 Certainly this Good Opinion that Cramner had of him, made him, in 
 
 the State in which Things were at this Time, to be the worfe thought 
 
 of, and the more watched: So when he heard that he was to be fearch- 
 
 ed for, he went to the King, and on his Knees begg'd he would put 
 
 a flop to the Severities then on Foot, and that he would fet many 
 
 then in Prifon on the Account of Religion, at Liberty : The King 
 
 had fuch a Regard for him, that upon this, he ordered a ftop to be 
 
 put to further Profecutions : And he fet thofe at Liberty who were 
 
 then in Prifon, they giving Bail to appear when they (hould be called 
 
 for. The King feemed to think that by this fmall Favour, after fome 
 
 Severities, People would be more Quiet, and more Obedient. But 
 
 after the Parliament was dilTolved, Six Perfons fuffered. Three of 
 
 thefe were Popifli Priefls, who fuffered as Traytors, for denying the 
 
 King's Supremacy : And Barnes, Gerrard, and yerom, were the other 
 
 Three. 'They were tied to one Stake and fuffered without crying 
 
 out, but were Quiet and Patient, as if they had felt no Pain. He 
 
 could never hear any Reafon given for this their Suffering, unlefs it 
 
 was to pleafe the Clergy : They were not condemned by any Form 
 
 of Law. They had been fo cautious, ever fince the Aft of the Six 
 
 Articles pafled, that they had not opened their Mouths, in Oppofi- 
 
 tion to them in Publick : And by the A(ft all Offences done before 
 
 it had pafled, were pardoned. Barnes himfelf faid at the Place of 
 
 Execution, that he did not know for what Caufe he was brought 
 
 thither to be burnt ; for they were attainted by A(ft of Parliament, 
 
 without being brought to make their Anlwers. 
 
 The Bilhop of Chiche/hr, Sampjbn, though a Man compliant in 
 all Things, and Dr. JVilfon, were exempted out of the General 
 Pardon, for no other Crime, as he heard, but that Abcl\^\\o fuffered 
 for denying the King's Supremacy, being in the greateff: Extremity 
 of Want and Mifery in Prifon, where it was faid he was almofl; eat 
 up by Vermin, they had fent him fome Alms : From this Hill goes 
 on to give an Account oiCrome, whofe conff:ant way had been, when 
 he faw a Storm riling, to preach with more Zeal than Ordinary a- 
 gainll the prevailing Corruption : So on Chrijlmas-Day his Enemies 
 that were watching to find Matter to accufe him, fram'd fome Ar- 
 ticles, which they carried to the King againft him ; He had condemn- 
 ed in his Sermon all Maffes for the Dead ; and faid, " if they were 
 " profitable to the Dead, the King and Parliament had done wrong 
 " in deftroying the Monafteries endowed for that End : He alfo 
 " faid, that to pray to the Saints, only to pray for us, was a 
 " Pradlice neither neceflary, nor ufeful : He added, you call us 
 " the Seditious Preachers of a New Doftrine, but 'tis you are the 
 " Seditious Perfons, who maintain the Superftitious Traditions of 
 
 Vol. in. Q^ " Men,
 
 150 The Hiftory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1539; " Men, and v/ill not hear the Word of God himfelf. The Church 
 of Chrift v/ill ever fuft'cr Perfecution as it has done of late 
 " among us. 
 
 Thefe and fome other Complaints being carried to the King, Qome 
 Was commanded to anfwer them : He in his Anfwer explained, and 
 juftified all he had foid. The King had no Mind to carry Matters 
 further againft fo Eminent a Man ; fo he palled a Sentence, in 
 which he fet forth, that Crome had confelfed the Articles obje(5led to 
 him ; but the King out of his Clemency, intending to quiet his 
 People, appointed Crome to preach at Saint Paul's, and there to re- 
 peat all the Articles objecfled to him, and then to read the Judgment 
 that the King gave in the Matter : And it concluded, that if ever 
 he fell into the like Offence again, he was to fuffer according to 
 Law : The King's Judgment was, " That private MafTes were Sa- 
 *' crifices, profitable both to the Living and to the Dead, but yet 
 " that the King's Majefty with his Parliament had juftly abolilhed 
 " Monafleries : Upon this Crome preached, and at the End of his 
 Sermon, he told the People he had received an Order from the King 
 to be read to them ; which he read, but faid not one Word upon it j 
 and with a Ihort Prayer difmifled the Congregation : Whereas the 
 King expecfled that he fliould have applauded his Judgment, and ex- 
 tolled his Favour to himfelf, as Dr. Barnes and his Two Companions 
 were unhappily prevailed on to do, and yet were burned afterwards. 
 Hill was therefore afraid that Crome might be brought into further' 
 Trouble. There was an Order fent to him from the King to preach 
 no more, as he had before forbidden both Latimer and Shaxton to 
 preach any more. They v/ere not excluded from the General Par- 
 don ; but were ftill prohibited to preach : And when they were fet 
 at Liberty, they were required not to come within Ten Miles of 
 cither of the Univerfities, or the City of Loimon., or the Diocefes 
 in whicli they had been Billiops. Thus, fliys he, Faithful Shepherds 
 v/ere driven from their Flocks, and Ravenous W^olves were lent in 
 their flead : He concludes, hoping that God v.'ould not fuffer them 
 to be long opprelfed by fuch Tyranny. T hus I have given a very 
 particular Account of that long Letter writ with much good Senle 
 and Piety, but in very bad Latin, therefore I do not put it into the 
 Colledlion. 
 
 Sa7}ipfc?i, though he fell into this Difgrace for an Adl of Chriflian 
 Piety, yet hitherto had fliewed a very entire Compliance with all that 
 had been done : He had publiflaed an Explanation on the firlf ^o 
 Pfalms, which he dedicated to the King : In which as he extolled 
 his Proceedings, fo he run out into a fevere Inve(5live againft the 
 Bifhop of Rome, and the Ufurpations and Corruptions favoured by 
 that See, and he refledled feverely on Pole. Poles Old Friend Ton- 
 ftall did alfo in a Sermon at Saint Paul's on Palm-Sunday in his grave 
 way fet forth his unnatural Ingratitude. But now the Popilh Party 
 upon Cromwell's Fall, and the Exaltation of the Duke of Norfolk by 
 the King's Marrying his Niece, broke out into their ufual Violence ; 
 and they were as we may reafonably believe, fet on to it by Boner, who 
 upon Stokejlys Death a Year before, had been brought to London, and 
 immediately uponCrmmelPs Difgrace changed fides } and from having 
 
 I aded
 
 Book Hi. of the Church f?/' England. i^i j 
 
 aded a forced Part with Heat enough, now came to a<fl that which 1539. ; 
 
 was natural to him. (^-— v-— — » I 
 
 There were fo many Information ^j brought in the City 0I London^ Profecutions 
 that a Jury fitting in Mercers-Chapel, prefented 500 Perfons to be "P°" '^e bix ■ 
 tried upon the Statute of the Six Articles ; which, as may be eafily •^''"*^'"- 
 imagined, put the City under great Apprehenfions : But Audley, the \ 
 Lord Chancellor, reprefented to the King, that tliis was done out of 
 Malice : fo they were all difmifs'd, fome fay, pardon'd. Informati- 
 ons came againfc Papifls, on the other fide : A Letter v/as fent from { 
 the Council to Cranmer, to fend Dr. Be/iger to the Tower. Two of 
 Bo-ner's Chaplains were, by Order of Council, fent to the Archbi- -» ' 
 lliop, to be examined by him. A Vicar was brought out of Wilt- * 
 Jhire, out of whofe Offices Thomas Becket's Name was not yet ra fed : J 
 but he was difmifs'd ; for it was believ'd to be the Effeift only of Ne- ' 
 gligence, and not of any ill Principles. There wa^ a Letter of Me- 
 lanchthcn'i, againft the King's Proceedings, printed in Knglip ; (per- " i 
 haps it was that, which I publiflied in the Addenda to my Firfl: Vo- ' 1 
 lume.) Goodrich Bifhop of Elyi Chaplain and Servant were examin- 
 ed, and his Houfe was fearched for it. Many were brought into i 
 Trouble for Words, concerning the King and his Proceedings. Poor i 
 Marbeck, of PFindfor, was imprifoned in the Marj}:aljca. Many I 
 Printers were profecuted, for bringing Englijh Books into the King- 
 dom, againft the King's Proceedings. In one Council-Day, (for j 
 all thefe Particulars are taken out of the Council-Books) Five and i 
 Twenty Bookfellers were examined, as to all Books, more particu- ] 
 larly Englijh Books, that they had fold thefe lad Three Years. Hnins^ 
 the Dean of Exeter, was oft before the Council ; but Particulars are 
 not m.entioned. Articles were brought againft him, and they were ' 
 referred to the King's Learned Council. The Bifhops of E/y, Sa- 
 riim, Rcc!uj}cr and V/ef:min(ler, were appointed to examine him, 
 and to proceed v/ith all Diligence. Pic was alfo fent to the Fleet, .1 
 for Lcrcd and Seditious Breaching, (the Words in the Council- ] 
 Book) and lowing many Erroneous Opinions ; but, .after a good I 
 Lelfon and Exhortation, v^dth a Declaration of the King's Mercy | 
 and Goodnefs towards him, he v/as difmifi'ed, under a Recognlfance ' 
 of 500 Marks, to appear (if called for) any time within Five ; 
 Months, to anfwer to fuch Things as fliould be laid againft him. 
 
 On the 4th of May 1 542, an Entry is made, Cramner being pre- j 
 
 fent ; that it was thought good, if the King's Highnefs Ihall be fo | 
 
 content, that a General Commifiion fliall be fent to Kent, with cer- '; 
 
 tain Special Articles ; and generally, that all Abufes and Enormities j 
 
 of Religion, were to be examined. This was laid, on defign to ruin : 
 
 Cramner ; but there is no other Entry made in the Council-Book, \ 
 
 relating to this Matter ; unlefs this was a Confequence of it, that j 
 
 on the 27th of yiine. Hards of Canterbury, a Prifoncr for a Sediti- | 
 
 ous Libel, was, after a good Exhortation, difmifs'd. And this is all j 
 
 the Light, that the only Council-Book of that Reign, for Two ^ 
 
 Years, affords as to thofe Matters. Mr. Strype has helped us to more j 
 
 Light 
 
 Whik
 
 152 It he Hiftory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1539. While Crmimer was Viiiting his Diocefe, there were many Pre-' 
 
 '-*^v~— ' fentmcnts made of a very different Nature. Some were prefented, 
 ^^ ^le!^^"" f^"" adhering ftill to the Old Superftitions condemned by the King, 
 
 anmer. 
 
 A Confpiracy and for Inlinuations in Favour of the Pope's Authority. Others, 
 agamft Crew- ag-ain, Were, on the other Hand, prefented for Docftrines, either 
 contrary to the Six Articles, or to the Rites ftill praftifed. This 
 created a great Confulion thro' that whole Countrey ; and the Blame 
 of all was caft on Cranmer, by his Enemies ; as if he favour'd and 
 encourag'd that, which was called the New Learning., too much. 
 
 A Plot was contrived, chiefly by Gardiner 'i, Means, with the AlTi- 
 ftance of Dr. London, and of Tbornden, (Suffragan of Dover, and 
 Prebendary of Canterbury) who had lived in Cranmer s Houfe, and 
 had all his Preferment by his Favour. Several others engaged in 
 it, who had all been raifed by him, and had pretended Zeal for the 
 Gofpel ; but, upon Crotmvcll\ Fall, they reckoned, that if they 
 could fend Cranmer after him, they would effediually cruih all De- 
 figns of a further Reformation. 
 
 They refolved to begin with fome of the Prebendaries and Preach- 
 ers. Many Articles were gathered out of their Sermons and pri- 
 vate Difcourfes, all terminating in the Archbifliop j who, as was 
 faid, Ihewed fo partial a Favour to the Men of the Nevj Learning., 
 and dealt fo harflily and feverely with the others, that he was repre- 
 fented to be the Principal Caufe of all the Heat and Divifions, that 
 were in Canterbury, and in the other Parts of Ke?it. Thefe Articles 
 went through many Hands ; but it was not eafy to prevail with a pro- 
 per Perfon to prefent them. The Steps made in the Matter, are co- 
 ploufly fet forth by Mr. Sirvpc. At laff they came into the King's 
 Hands : And he, upon that, paffing by Lambeth, where the Arch- 
 bifliop flood, in refpecf to him, as he palled by, called him into his 
 Barge ; and told him, he had now difcover'd who was the greateft 
 Fleretick in Ketit. With that, he fliewed him the Articles againft 
 himfelf, and his Chaplains. The Archbillinp knew the Falihood of • 
 many Particulars ; fo he praved the King, to fend a Commiffion to 
 examine the Matter. The King faid, he would give him a Com- 
 million, but to none elfe. Pie anfwercd, it would not feem decent, 
 to appoint him to examine Ai'ticles exhibited againft himfelf. The 
 King faid, he knew his Integrity, and would truft it to no other Per- 
 fon : Nor would he name above one, (tho' preffed to it) that fhould 
 be joined in Commiffion with him : And he even then feemed per- 
 fuaded, it was a Contrivance of Gardiner'% to ruin him. 
 His great The Archbifhop went down himfelf into Kerit ; and then the 
 
 Mildnefs. Confpirators feeing the King's Favour to him, were ftruck with Fear. 
 Some of them wept, and begged Pardon, and were put in Prifon : 
 But the refl of the Commiffion, in whofe Hands the Archbifhop left 
 the Matter, being fecretly Favourers of that Party, proceeded faint- 
 ly : So it was writ to Court, that unlefs Dr. Legh were fent down, 
 who was well praclifed in Examinations, the Confpiracy would ne- 
 ver be found out : He was, upon that, fent down j and he ordered 
 a Search to be made at one and the fame Time, of all fufpedted 
 Places ; and fo he difcover'd the whole Train. Some of the Archbi- 
 i.. fliop's
 
 Book III. of the Church of England. 153 
 
 Ihop's Domefticks, 77j/9rWi?« in particular, were among the Chief of ^S19' 
 
 the Informers. He charged them with it. They, on their Knees, ''-*^ "^ 
 
 confefTed their Faults, with many Tears. He, who was gentle even 
 
 to Excefs, faid, he did forgive them, and prayed God to forgive them, 
 
 and to make them better Men. After that, he was never obferved 
 
 to change his Countenance, or alter his Behaviour towards them. He ' i 
 
 expreffed the like readinefs to pardon all the reft : Many were impri- ! 
 
 foned upon thefe Examinations, but the Parliament granting a Subfi- 
 
 dy, a general Pardon fet them all at Liberty ; which otherwife the ^ 
 
 Archbifliop was refolved to have procured to them. This Relation , 
 
 differs in feveral Particulars from the Account that I gave of it, in my '' 
 
 Hiftory : But this feems to be the exad:er and the better vouched, ' 
 
 and therefore I acquiefce in it. Another Inftance is given by the fame 
 
 Writer of the King's Zeal for Cranmer. Sir 'John Go/Iwick, Knight 1 
 
 for BedfordJInre., did in the Houfe of Commons charge him for preach- i 
 
 ing Herefy, againft the Sacrament of the Altar, both at Fcverjham ^ 
 
 Sin^ Canterbury : The King hearing of this, did, in his rough way, J 
 
 threaten Goftwick, calling him Varlet, and charged him to go and 1 
 
 afk Cra7t7ncr Pardon, otherwife he fhould feel the Eftefts of his Dif- 
 
 pleafure. The King faid if he had been a KcntiJJj-Wl-m, he might 
 
 have had fome more Shadow for accufing him ; but being of Bed- 
 
 fordjhire, he could have none. Go/iivick, terrified with this Meflage, 
 
 made his Submiffion to Crannier, who mildly forgave him, and went 
 
 to the King and moved him for his Favour ; which he did not obtain 
 
 without fome Difficulty. 
 
 It appears plainly, that the King acfled as if he had a mind to be Cott. Libr.' 
 thought infallible j and that his Subjedls were bound to believe as ^^"P- E- s- 
 much as he thought fit to open to them, and neither more nor lefs. madein^^L^ 
 He went on this Year before he took his Progrefs, in finilhing the tie- ting out Tru* 
 cejfary DoSlrine and Erudition ofatiy Chriftian Man : A great Part of ^^''S'on- 
 it was corredled by his own Hand, particularly in that Article of the 
 Creed, the Catholick Church, where there are feveral Refledlions added Coll. Kumh. 
 ontheBifliopsofi^oOTt'.Herel found likewife fome more of the Anfwers 32- 
 made to the 17 Queries upon the Matter of the Sacraments that I pub- '' ^"^^ ^'■^'"''' 
 liflied in my Firft Volume. I fet them out again in my Colle(flion j Coll. Numb. 
 that by thefe the Reader may better underftand theTwo following Pa- ^Q- 
 pers, that I print feparately ; and not intermixed with one another, 
 as I did before, which I thought to be an Eafe to the Reader : But 
 fince that was made a great Oifence, I will do it no more. One of 
 thefe is only an Anfwer to the Queries ; the Writer of the firft is not 
 named, it is probably TonftaU% ; he is plainly of the fame Side with 
 the Archbifhop of Tork. It will be found in the CoUedlion, as alfo Coll. KhkI. 
 another Paper, with feveral Marginal Notes in the King's Hand, by 1°;, ^ , 
 which it appears that the King was much fliaken from his former No- 
 tions : He afked for Scripture in feveral Particulars that could not 
 eafily be brought. On the Margin Cranmer and Barlow are often 
 named, but I do not underftand with what View it was that they and 
 no other (except Cox once) are named. Over againft the 15th Ar- 
 ticle their Names are fet down in this Order, Tork, Durefmc, CarUJl,\ 
 Corren, S'nnon, Oglethorp, Edgworth, Day, Redman, Robinjon, Win~ 
 (befter ; and a little below, Canterbury Hereford, Rochcftcr, Davys, 
 
 Vol. Ill, R r ' (Ifup- 
 
 ?«•
 
 154 ^^^ Hiftory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1539. (I fuppofe St. Davi(h) JVeftmi?ifttry Laytoti, Trejlmn, CoXy CrayforJ ; 
 <— ^v"-^' thefe are writ in a Hand that I do not know, but not in the fame 
 Hand* It feems thofe Lifts were made with relation to the different; 
 Parties in which they ftood. The Book thus carefully examined was 
 finifhed and publiflied. 
 Sathtrhe The King went in Progrefs with his Q^ieen, who began to have a 
 
 Ho-war^i'i crreat Influence on him, and on what Realbn I do not know, fhe with- 
 Drfgrace. (Jrewfrom her Uncle, and became his Enemy : But before the King's 
 Return, her ill Life came to be difcovered, which ended fatally to her. 
 It is fcarce worth the Reader's while to fay any more of a Matter that 
 is fo univcrfally acknowledged j but having found an original Account 
 fubfcribed by her felf, of one of her Examinations, I have putitia 
 Celt. Ntmi. the CoUedlion, It appears there was a particular View in the Arch- 
 fi- h'lihovfoH Canterbury ?, Examining her, to draw from her all the Dif- 
 
 coveries they could make to faften a Precontract with Dcrckam on her. 
 Many trifling Stories relating t€> that being fuggefted, flie was exami- 
 ned to them all : but tho' fhe confeffes a lewd Commerce with Dere- 
 ham, fhe pofitively denied every thing that could infer a Precontract > 
 nor did fhe confefs any thing of that Sort after the King married 
 her : which fhe ftill denied very polltively, even to the lafL On the 
 I cth of December Letters were written to the King's Ambafladors a- 
 broad, that contain a fevere Account of the lewd and naaghty Beha- 
 viour and Lightnefs of her lately reputed for ^eeHy (I give the 
 Paper Offict. Words of the Letter) at which the King was much troubled, 
 SeckiH Lib. 3. Upon her Difgrace there was a new Negotiation propofed with fhe 
 p 78. Proteftant Princes oi Germany. Mount was again fent over to excufe^ 
 
 ANegotia- ^^ ^^jj ^g j^g could, the Divorce with Anne of C/eve. He faid fhe 
 G^r«««' Prin! was treated nobly and kindly in all Refpedts by the King : He renew- 
 ces. e(j the Propofition for a League, with relation to their Common In- 
 
 terefls : But they flill ftood upon this, that they could enter into no 
 Alliance with him, unlefs they agreed in Religion, infifting particu- 
 larly on Private Maffes, the denying the Chalice, and the Celibate of 
 the Clergy : Upon which a Conference was propofed in Gelderland, 
 or at Hambourg or Breme.^ The King in anfwer to this wrote, that 
 he would carefully examine all that they laid before him: He ex- 
 preffed great Regard to the Eledor, but complained that fome of his 
 Learned Men had written virulently againft him, and mifreprefented 
 his Proceedings. Cranmer likewife wrote to the Eledlor, and fet forth 
 the greaf Things the King had already done in Abolifliing the Pope's 
 Authority, the Monaftick State, and the Idolatrous Worfhip of Ima- 
 ges : He defSred they would not be uneafy, tho' the King in fome 
 things differed ftill from them. He was very Learned himfelf, and 
 had Learned Men aboat him ; He was quick of Apprehenfion, had a 
 found Judgment, and was firm in what he once refolved on : and he 
 hoped the Propofitions they had fent over would be well confi- 
 dercd. 
 
 Lord William Howard, the late Queen's Uncle, was then AmbafTa- 
 dor in France : He tells in one of his Letters, that the Admiral was 
 reftored to Favour, chiefly by the Means of Madam D'Eftampes, 
 whofe Credit with that King is well known. There were Repors 
 that the Emperor and the French King were in a Treaty, and that in 
 4 Conclufion,
 
 I ■ I l - ,1 f 
 
 Book III. of the Church o^ England. irr j 
 
 Conelufion, they would join to make War on the King : This was 1542. 
 
 charged on the French^ but folemnly difowned by that King. It ap- V-'— <■— ^ J 
 
 pears the Propolition for Marrying the Lady Mary to the Duke of 1 
 
 Orleans^ was then begun : Great Exceptions were taken to her be- ^ 
 
 jng declared a Baftard : But it was promifed, that when all other things i 
 were agreed to, ihe fliould be declared Legitimate. Upon Queen 
 
 Katherine Howards Difgrace, Lord William was recalled, and Faget \ 
 was fent over in his Room. 
 
 There is in the Paper-Office an Original Letter of Paget' s to the 
 King, that gives an Account of his Converfation with the Admiral, 
 
 who was then in High Favour, Montmorency being in Difgrace. It ! 
 
 is very long, but contains fo many Important Faflages, that I have • 
 put it in the Colleiftion, and fliall here give an Abftracft of it. It is Coil Numb. 
 
 dated from Chablais the 22d oi April, in the Year 1542. 73. ; 
 
 " He gave the Admiral an Account of his Inftrudions, and of p^^,,'s Nego- \ 
 *' what both the King and his Council had ordered him to fay : He tiation with 
 
 " perceived the Admiral fighed and crofled himfelf often : And faid 'i?^ ^""^ °^ '■ 
 
 • " in his Anfwer to him, that he faw the King of France refolved : 
 
 " to enter into fome Confederacy ; he delired it might be with the \ 
 
 *' King, and would think of no other Prince till the King refufed ; 
 
 *' him : He thought both the Kings were by their Interefts obliged i 
 
 *' to flick to one another, thotjgh the Marriage had never been fpoke ! 
 
 " of: It is true, that would fix and ftrengthen it. But he thought ■ 
 
 *' 200000 Crowns was a very mean Offer, for fuch a King's Daugh- ' 
 
 *' ter, to fuch a Prince ; 4 or 500000 Crowns was nothing to the ] 
 
 " King. The Duke of Orleans was a Prince of great Courage, and ' 
 
 " did afpire to Great Things. So mean an Offer would quite dif- J 
 
 " courage them. The Daughter of Por//(g-rt/ was offered with4ooooo ! 
 *' Ducats, together with the Intereff of it fince her Father's Death, 
 
 " which was almoft as much more. At the Firfl Motion of the ] 
 
 *' Matter, it was anfwered, the Man muft defire the Woman : Now '] 
 
 •' he does defire her, and you offer nothing ; with this he fighed. I 
 
 '** Paget anfwered, and fully fet out the Perfonal Love that he knew ; 
 
 *' his Mailer had for the Frenc/j King : That none of the Occafions -j 
 
 *' of Sufpicion that had been given, could alienate him from it : 1 
 ** And he reckoned up many of thefe : He acknowledged there was 
 " great hopes of the Duke of Or/f^wj, but he fludied to fhew that 
 
 " the Offer was not unreafonable, all Things confidcred. Lewis i 
 
 ** the i2th had but 300000 Crowns with the King's Sifter, and the ; 
 " King of Scots had with the other but 1 00000 Crowns : But he faid 
 
 ** befides the 200000 Crowns which he offered to give, they will ( 
 *' alfo forgive 800000 Crowns that France owed the King, and 
 
 ." Difchargethe looooo Crowns Yearly Penfion. To this the Ad- | 
 
 ** miral replied, he counted the Forgiving the 800000 Crowns for j 
 " nothing : And for the Annual Penfion they would be at as mnch 
 
 *' Charge to maintain her, and her Court. Paget faid the 800000 i 
 
 " Crowns was a juft Debt, lent in an Extreme Neceffity ; and be- i 
 
 " caufe it had been long owing, and often refpited, muft that pafs | 
 " for nothing. So he bad him afk reafonably, or offer what was 
 *' proper Reciprocally for it. The Admiral faid the King was Rich, 
 *' and what was 800000 Crowns to him, which they were not able 
 
 *• to \
 
 156 "the Hiflory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1 542. " to pay. So the Admiral, faid he, wifhed the Thing had never been 
 fpoke of: He fell next to turn the Motion to the Lady Elizabeth^ 
 ' and he propofed a League Offenfive and Defenfive againll the Em- 
 ' peror : and that whatever fliould be got from the Emperor, fhould 
 ' be the King's, in Lieu of the Penfion during Life. He knevs' the 
 ' Emperor was praftifing with the King, as he was at the fame Time 
 ' with them. Boner was then fent Ambaflador to Spairi, and had car- 
 ' rled over from the King to the Emperor Three Horfes of Value. 
 ' The Emperor might fay what he will in the way of Praftice : But 
 ' he knew he would never unite with the King, except he would re- 
 ' turn to the Pope : For fo the Nuncio told the Chancellor, and the 
 ■' Chancellor told it to the Queen of Nararrc, who fell out with 
 ' him upon that Occafion. She told him he was ill enough before ; 
 ' but now, fince he had the Mark of the BeaJ}, (for he was lately 
 ' made a Priefl) he grew worfe and worfe : The Emperor's Defign 
 ■' was only to divide them. He offered to them that the Duke of 
 ■' Orleans fliould be King of Naples., and to give Flanders to the 
 " Crown o^ France : But in Lieu of that, he afked the Renunciation 
 •' of Milan and Navarre., and the reftoring oi Piedmont and Savoy : 
 " But by this the Father and Son being fo far feparate, the Empe- 
 " ror would foon drive the Duke of Orleans out of Naples. He was 
 " alfo ftudying to gain the Duke of Cleve, and to reftore him Guelder 
 " quietly, provided that he and his Wife would renounce Navarre : 
 " But he concluded that they knew the Emperor did nothing but 
 " Pradlife : They knew he offered to the King to reconcile him to 
 " the Pope, without any Breach of his Honour, for it fliould be at 
 " the Pope's Suit. Paget faid he knew nothing of all that, but be- 
 " lieved it would be hard to reconcile him to the Bifliop of Romey 
 " for Vertue and Vice cannot ftand together in one Predicament. 
 " Call ye him Vice, faid the Admiral, he is the very Devil, and I 
 *' truft to fee his Confufion : Every Thing mufl have a Time, and 
 " a Beginning. But when begin you, faid Paget ? The Admiral 
 " anfwered, before it be long ; the King will give all the Abbies to 
 " his Lay-Gentlemen, and fo by little and little overthrow him alto- 
 " ther : Why may not we have a Patriarch in France ? This the 
 " Pope's Legate began to perceive, and though they talked of a 
 " General Council, he believed the Pope would as foon be hanged 
 " as call one. Paget faid he would be glad to fee them once begin 
 " to do fomewhat. Ah, faid the Admiral, I'm ill matched : He 
 " wiflied the entire Union of the Two Kings, and if an Interview 
 " might be between them, it would be the happieft Thing could 
 " befal Chri/Jendotn : But he believed fome of the King's Council 
 •*' leaned too much to the Emperor, and propofed feveral Advan- 
 •'' tages from it. He faid the Emperor cared not if Father, Friend, 
 *' and the World fliould fink, fo his Infatiable Defires might be 
 " iatisfied. He fuffered Two of his Brothers-in-Law to perifh for 
 " want of 50000 Crowns : Firft the King of Hungary, and then 
 " the King of Defwiar/k ; whom he might have reftored, if he would 
 " have given him 10000 Crowns. He was then low enough, 
 " and they would do well to fall on him, now that he was fo low, 
 *• before he took Breath : So he preffed Paget to put Matters on 
 
 *J heartily
 
 Book III. of the Church of England. icy 
 
 heartily with the King : He thought it an unreafonable Thing for j - , _ j 
 
 the Emperor and his Brother to afk Aid againft the T^iirk, to de- \_ --/ — ' J j 
 
 fend their own Dominions, when they kept the King's Domini- i 
 
 ons from him. Paget gave the King an Account of all this Conver- ' 
 
 fation very particularly, with an humble Submiffion to him, if in I 
 any Thing he had gone too far. The Court of Fratice believed 
 
 the Emperor was treating with the King, for the Marriage of the I 
 
 Lady Mary : And that for that End Bofier was fent to Sj>ai?i ; i 
 who was looked on as a Man thoroughly Imperial. After Paget 
 
 had ended his Letter, written on the 1 9th of April, he adds a : 
 
 long Poftfcript on the 2 2d, for the Admiral had entered into far- ' 
 
 ther Difcourfe with him the next Day. He told him how forry 1 
 
 he was to fee all his Hopes blafted : tie could not Sleep all Night i 
 
 for it. They had Letters from their Ambaffadors in Pngland., and \ 
 
 were amazed to find that a Kine who was fo Rich, ftood for fo ! 
 
 fmall a Matter. The Pope had offered the Duke of Guije'% Son ' 
 
 200000 Crowns with his Niece : He faid he was much troubled i 
 
 at all this : All that were about the King his Mafter, were not of ' 
 one Mind ; and he had been reproached for beginning this Matter. 
 
 They knew the Falfhood, and the Lies of the Pope and the Em- ■. 
 
 peror well enough : He wiflied they would confider well what the ] 
 
 EfTedis of an entire Friendihip with the King oi France might be: , 
 
 The French could do no more than they could do : Within Two i 
 
 Years they would owe the King 1 00000 Crowns, befides the ; 
 1 00000 Crowns during the King's Life, and 50000 Crovns for- 
 ever after that : But he faid in thofe Treaties many Things ought 
 
 to be done for their own Defence : At this he was called away ; 
 
 by the King, but came afterwards to Paget : He faid it was not ; 
 
 1 00000, nor 200000 Crowns could enrich the one, nor im- ' 
 
 poverifli the other King : So he added, we afk your Daughter, I 
 
 and you fliall have our Son ; but defired that they might carry | 
 
 the Matter further into a League, to make War on the Emperor, ■ 
 Defenfive, for all their Territories. 
 
 " He propofed that the King fliould fend loooo Foot and 2000 
 
 Horfe into Flanders, and to pay 5000 Germans ; and the French < 
 
 King fhould furnilli the fame Number of Foot and of Germans, j 
 and 3000 Horfe, and an equal Number of Ships on both fides j 
 
 and the King of France iliould in fome other Places fall into the j 
 
 Emperor's Dominions, at an Expence of 200000 Crowns aMonth. ! 
 
 What a Thing, faid he, would it be to the King to have Gravelin, \ 
 
 Dunkirk, and all thofe Quarters joining to Calais? Paget anfwered,' ' 
 
 they might fpend all their Money, and catch nothing : And he j 
 
 did not fee what ground of Quarrel his Mafter had with the Em- j 
 
 peror. Upon which the Admiral replied, Does not he owe you j 
 
 Money ? Hath not he broken his Leagues with you in many Par- ' 
 
 ticulars ? Did not he provoke us to join with the Pope and him, '. 
 
 to drive your Mafter out of his Kingdom ? And hath he not now ] 
 
 put the Pope on offering a Council to fit at Mantua, Verona, Cam- \ 
 
 bray, or Mets, (this laft Place was lately named) all on Defign j 
 
 to ruin you ? A Peftilence take him, faid he, falfe Diffembler that ; 
 he is ! If he had you at fuch an Advantage, as you now have him, 
 
 Vol. III. ■ S r " you 1
 
 j^S T.^e Hiflory of the Reformatio n Part III. 
 
 1542. " you fliould feel it : And he run out largely, both cigainft the Bi- 
 ■ N— -v— — ' " ihop of Rome, and the Emperor : He defired the War might be- 
 " gin that Year, the Emperor being fo low, that for all his Millions, 
 • " he had not a Penny. 
 
 On all this the Admiral feemed wonderfully fet ; Paget excufed 
 himfelffrom entering further into thefe Matters, and defired that 
 they might be propofed to the King by the French Ambaffador then 
 Paiir-Office. &t LondoH ; yet being preflcd by the Admiral, he promifed to lay all 
 before the King, and he did it very fully, but with many Excufes, 
 and much Submiffion. The King's Council writ a fliort Anfwer to 
 this long Letter : They expreffed their Confidence in the xA,dmiraI, 
 with great Acknowledgments for his Afiedtion to theKing ; but they 
 feemed to fufpeft the King oi France^ that all his Profeffions were 
 only to get Money from the King. 200000 Crowns feemed nothing 
 when they were willing to forgive him a Million : But by this Let- 
 ter it feems the Freiicb Ambafladors did ftill infill on 600000 Crowns 
 to be paid down : So this Matter was let fall ; but to fay all that re- 
 lates to the Duke of Orleans at once. 
 The Duke of Mr. Le Vajfor has publiflied Inftruftions, of which a collated Copy 
 O'-Jt""' V''^- was found among Cardinal Gra?ivill's Papers. It is a Queftion that 
 clare himfelf cannot be anfwcrcd how he came by it ; whether the Original was 
 a Proteilant. taken with the Landgrave of Heffl', or by what other way, is not 
 certain : It bears Date at Rhemes the 8th of September 1543. 
 " It exprefl'es the great Defire that he had, that the Holy Gofpel 
 " might be preached in the whole Kingdom of France : But the Re- 
 " fpeft that he owed to the King his Father, and to the Dauphin 
 " his Brother, made that he did not order it to be preached freely 
 " in his Dutchy of Orleans ; that being under their Obedience. But 
 " he fent to the Duke of Saxony, to the Landgrave of Heje, and 
 " the other Proteftant Princes, to afilire them that he was refolved, 
 " and promifed it exprefsly to them, that he would order that the 
 " Gofpel fhould be preached in the Dutchy of Ltixemburgh, and in all 
 " other Places that fhould belong to him by the Right of War : He de- 
 " fired to be received into their Alliance, and to a League Offenfive 
 " and Defenfive with them. He defired earneftly that they would grant 
 " this Requeft, not to be aided by them againfi: any Prince, but onlyorx 
 " the Account of the Chriflian Religion, of which he defired the In- 
 " creafe above all Things; that by thefe MeansLight maybe fpreadinto 
 " other Dominions, and into the Kingdom of France, when the King 
 " his Father fliould fee him fo allied tothofe Princes, which will be the 
 " Caufe of making him declare the Good Zeal he has to that Matter 3 
 " and will be able always to excufe it to him, and to defend it 
 " againft all his Enemies : He defires therefore, that as foon as he 
 " fliall give order that the Gofpel fliall be preached in the Dutchy 
 " of Liixembiirgh, this League and Alliance may begin : He hopes 
 " this will not be delayed, from the Opinion that they may have 
 " that he cannot quickly fliew what Power he has to fupport the 
 " Love he bears to this Caufe ; he hopes in a little Time to fhew, 
 " if it pleafes God, fome good Efi-edl of it : and he ofi'ers at prefent, 
 " not only all his own Force, but the whole Force of the King 
 " his Father, who has given him Authority to employ it in every 
 
 " Thing
 
 Book III. of t be Ckurcb of England. 159 
 
 " Thing that he fliall judge to be good for them, and in every Thine- 1 54^ . \ 
 
 " that may concern their Welfare, their Profit and Freedom. »— -v- -*-' j 
 
 It is impoffiblc to read this, and to doubt either of his being fin- j 
 
 cerely a Protcftant, or at leall that he v/as wiUing to profefs it open- | 
 
 ly : And it can as little be doubted, that in this he had liis Father's h 
 
 Leave, to do what he did. The Retaking of Luxeinburgh put an j 
 
 End to this Propofitlon : But, it feems, the Emperor apprehended, ' 
 
 that the Heat of this young Prince might grow uneafv to him ; 1 
 
 therefore he took all Methods to latisfy his Ambition. For, on the j 
 
 1 8th of December 1 544, the Ambafladors at the Emperor's Court ' 
 
 writ over, That he was Treating a Match between his own Eldeft 
 Daughter, and the Duke of Orleans ; and that he oifered to give 1 
 
 with her the Ancient Inheritance of the Houfe of Bufginuh, the i 
 
 Two Burgundies, and the Netherlands : Or if he would Marry his Pradices on ■ 
 
 Brother Ferdinand's Second Daughter, to give the Dutchy oi Milan '''.™ ^'^^ v.'th 
 with her. They alfo mention in April therafter, that he came to " ^' ^' '\ 
 
 the Emperor, and flayed fome Days with him at Antioerp, and then ; 
 
 went back. On this they all concluded that the Treaty was like to ; 
 
 go on, but do not mention which of the Two Ladies he liked beft ; 
 for there could be no Comparifon made between what was offered '. 
 
 with them. But all the Negotiation, and all the Hopes of that Prince \ 
 
 vaniflied on the nth oi September 1545J for Karn the King's Am- : 
 
 baflador in Flanders, writ over, that on that Day he died of the 
 Plague. 
 
 I come next to put together all that I find in the Minutes of Con-' proceedin'^sin \ 
 
 vocation, during this Reign. The Necejfary Erndition was never Convocation, j 
 
 brought in Convocation : But it was treated by fome Bidiops and 
 Divines, of both Provinces, and publiflied by the King's Authority, ] 
 
 It feems, when the Do(5lrine was thus fettled, there was a Defign to ] 
 
 carry on the Reformation further. There was a Convocation held i 
 
 in January 1541 ; in the Second Seflion of which, the Archbifliop ! 
 
 deliver'd them a Mefi"age from the King, That it was his Pleafure, ^ 
 
 that they fliould Confult concerning the Reforming our Errors. And . ; 
 
 he deliver'd fome Books to them, to be examined by them : It does i 
 
 not appear, what Sort of Books, or Errors, thofe were ; whether of 1 
 
 Papifls, Sacramentaries, or of Anabaptifls ; for of this lafi; Sort, fome .; 
 
 had crept into Fngland. The Bufinefs of Mu7ifter had made that \ 
 
 Name fo odious, that Three Years before this, in OBober 1538, there 
 was a Commiflion fent to Craiimer, Stokejly, Sanipfon, and fome 
 others, to enquire after Anabaptifls, to proceed againfl them, to 
 reflore the Penitent, to burn their Books, and to deliver the Obfli- ' 
 
 nate to the Secular Arm : But I have not feen what Proceedings there | 
 
 were upon this. ; 
 
 In O^O/^tT 1545, there was an Order of Council publifhed, to | 
 
 take away Shrines and Images : Several Commifilons were granted for j 
 
 Executing this ; in fome, they add Bojies to Images. The Archbi- j 
 
 fhop did likewife move the Convocation, in the King's Name, to j 
 
 make Laws againfl Simony, and to prepare a Book of Homilies, and A new Tran- 
 alfo a New Tranfiation of the Bible : For, it feems. Complaints Sfbirdtfisn-d! j 
 
 were made of the Tranflation then printed, and fet up in Churches. ° ; 
 
 The feveral Books of the Bible were parcelled out, and affigned to , ■ 
 
 feveral Bifliops to tranllate them. This came to nothing, during ■ 
 
 this ]
 
 i6o T^he Hiflory of the Rejormation Part IIL 
 
 Slemor. of 
 
 ip^3. this Reign } but this fame Method was followed in Queen Eliza- 
 beth\ Time. In the 5th Seflion, the Perfons were named for this 
 Tranflation. Cranmcr had, fome few Years before this, parcelled out 
 an Old Tranflation of the New Teftament, to fcveral Bifhops and 
 Divines, to be revifed and corredled by them : But it was then much 
 oppofed. T\i& ASls of the jipoJUes was affigned to Stokejly; but he 
 fent in no Return upon it, fo the Archbifhop fent to him for it. 
 His Anfwer was fullen : " He wonder'd what the Archbifliop meant, 
 Cranmcr"' " thus to. abufc the People, by giving them Liberty to Read the 
 Stryfe, Ch. 8 cc Scripturc, which did nothing but infcft them with Herefy. He 
 " had not looked on his Portion ; and never would : So he fent 
 " back the Book, faying. He would never be guilty of bringing the 
 " Simple People into Error. Notwithftanding this, Cranmer had 
 publiflied a more Corredl New Teftament in Euglijl: ; which is re- 
 ferr'd to in the Injunftions that were formerly mentioned ; but now 
 he defigned a New Tranflation of the whole Bible. In the 6th Sef- 
 lion, which was on the 17th of February, a Statute againft Simony 
 was treated of : There was alfo fome Difcourfe about the Tranflating 
 the Lord's-Prayer, the Creed, and the Ten Commandments, in the 
 Vulgar Tongue : And it was confider'd, how fome Words in them 
 ought to be tranflated ; but what thefe were, is Aot mentioned : On- 
 ly, it feems, there was a Defign to find Faults in every Thing that 
 Crantner had done. 
 
 On the 24th oi February feveral Matters were treated of; that in- 
 particular is named. That none fliould let Leafes beyond the Term 
 of 21 Years. They treated about many of the Rituals, and oiTho- 
 mas Becket, and of the Adorning of Images, and about Reforming 
 fome fcandalous Comedies. On the 3d of March, the Archbifliop 
 told them from the King, that it was his Pleafure, that the Tran- 
 flation of the Bible fliould be revifed by the Two Univerfities. But all 
 the Bifliops except Ely and St. David's protefted againft this ; and, it 
 feems, they infifted much upon Trifles : For they treated of this. 
 Whether, in tlie Tranflation of the Bible, the Lord, or our Lord, 
 fhould be the Conftant Form. On the fame Day, the Lord Chan- 
 cellor exhibited to them an Adl, allowing, that the Bilhops Chan- 
 cellors might Marry. To this the Bifliops diflented. Some other 
 Matters were propofed ; but all was referred to the King. Upon 
 the Convocation's being aflTembled on the i6th of February 
 1542, fome Homilies were offered on diff^erent Subjefts, but no- 
 thing is marked concerning them. The Archbifliop alfo told 
 them, that the King would have the Books of the feveral Offices,, 
 ufed in Churches, to be examiiied and corrected : In particular, 
 that both at Matins and Vefpers, one Chapter of the New Tefta- 
 ment fliould be read in every Parifli. Some Petitions were 
 oftered by the Clergy : The Firft was, for Making a Body of the 
 Ecclefiaftical Laws. Of this we hear no more in this Reign : But 
 we are aflTured, that ther^ was a digefted Body of them prepared j 
 probably it was very near the fame, that was alfo prepared in King 
 Edward'^ Time. Cranmer, in a Letter that he wrote to the King out 
 oi Kenty on the 24th oi Januafy 1545-6, v/hicli I did put in my 2d 
 of Re°"js^°^,' Volume, tells him, " That, according to his Commands, he had 
 ' ' " " fent for the Bifliop of JForcefter, (Heath,) to lat him know, that 
 
 " the.
 
 Book III. of the Church of England. i6r 
 
 " the King's Pleafure was, to have the Names of fuch Perfons fent 1544. 
 
 " him, as he had formerly appointed to make Ecclefiaftical Laws ^-"^v J 
 
 " for the Realm. The Bifhop promifed, with all Speed, to enquire 
 out their Names, and the Book which they made, and to bring both 
 the Names and the Book to the King ; which, he writes, he had 
 done before that Time. By this it appears, that Perfons had been 
 named for thatj and that a Commiffion was granted, purfuant to^„^f^°™"'' 
 which the Work had been prepared : For Things of this Kind were def.La^s was 
 never negledled by Cranmer. It feems, it had been done fome Years ^^"^ advanced, 
 before, fo that it was almoft forgotten ; but now, in one of King 
 He?irys Lucid Intervals it was prepared, as Mr. Strype has publifli'd : 
 But how it came to pafs, that no further Progrefs was made during 
 this Reign, in fo Important and fo Neceffary a Work, is not eafily to 
 be accounted for ; fmce it muft have contributed much to the Exal- 
 tation of the King's Supremacy, to have all the Ecclefiaftical Courts 
 governed by a Code authorized by him. In the Convocation, in the 
 Year 1543, we have only this fhort Word, That on the 29th of 
 Aprils the Archbilhop treated of the Sacraments, and on the next 
 Day, on the Article of Free Will. This is all that I could gather 
 from the Copy of the Minutes of the Convocations ; which was 
 communicated to me by my moft Learned and Worthy Brother, the 
 Lord Billiop of Lincobi, who allured me, it was collated exadlly 
 with the only Ancient Copy that remains, to give us Light into the 
 Proceedings in the Convocations of thofe Times. 
 
 It does not appear to me, what moved Bell., Bifliop of Worcejier, ^'IJ r^'f^op of 
 to relign his Biflioprick. Rymcr has printed his Refignation ; in ^IJZ'I\\\J&[. 
 which, it is faid, that he did it fimply, of his own accord. He li- fhoprick. 
 ved till the Year 1556, as his Tomb-ftone in Clerkeniaell Church in- ■^j'''^'--To.i5. 
 forms us. Whether he inclined to a further Reformation, and fo 
 withdrew at this Time ; or whether the Old Leaven yet remaining 
 with him, made it uneafy for hini to comply, does not appear : If his 
 Motives had been of the former Sort, it may be fuppofed, he would 
 have been thought of in King Edicard's Time : and if of the latter, 
 then in Queen Mary's Reign he might again have appeared ; fo I muft 
 leave it in the dark, what his true Motive was. 
 
 Audley, who had been Lord Chancellor from the Time that Sir ^a,//,,, Lord 
 Thomas More left that Poft, fell fick in the Year 1 544, and fent the Chancellor 
 Great Seal to the King, by Sir Edward North and Sir Thomas Bland. 
 The King delivered it to the Lord Wriothejly, and made him Lord- 
 Keeper during the Lord Audley % Infirmity, with Authority to do 
 €very Thing that the Lord Chancellor might do ; and the Duke of /?,wribid. 
 Norfolk tendred him the Oaths. It feems, there was fuch a Regard 
 had to the Lord Audley., that, as long as he lived, the Title of Lord 
 Chancellor was not given with the Seals ; but, upon his Death, 
 Wriothejley was made Lord Chancellor. This feems to be the Firft 
 Inftance of a Lord Keeper, with the full Authority of a Lord Chan- 
 cellor. 
 
 I have not now before me fuch a Thread of Matters, as to carry Praakes on 
 me regularly thro' the remaining Years of this Reign ; and therefore, fome Lords of 
 hereafter I only give fuch Paffages as I have gathered, without Knit- 
 ting them together in an Exadl Series. The Breach between Eng- 
 
 VoL. III. T^ 4 land
 
 J^Mner, 
 
 i6z T'/je Hijlory of the Reformation Part IlL 
 
 J CM. ^^"'^'' And France was driven on by the Emperor's Means, and promo- 
 " ted by all the Popifh Party : So the King, to prevent all Mifchief 
 from Scotland, during this War with France, entered into an Agree- 
 ment with the Earls of Lenox and Glencairne, and the Eledl Bifliop 
 of Caitbnes, Brother to the Earl of Lenox, in May 1544. The Ar- 
 ticles are publilhed. They promifed, " That they fliould caufe the 
 " Word of God to be truly taught in their Countries, ^dly. They 
 " {l:iould continue the King's Faithful Friends. 3^'/)', They fliould 
 " take care, that the Queen be not fecretly carried away. 4//^/)', 
 " They fhould aiTift the King, to Seize on fome Caftles on the Bor- 
 " ders. And they delivered the Eleft Bifliop oi Caidmes to the King, 
 as an Hoftage, for their Obferving thele Things. On the other Hand, 
 " the King engaged to fend Armies to Scotland, both by Sea and 
 " Land ; and to make the Earl of Lenox, (written in this, Levi- 
 •' nax) as foon as he could. Governor of Scotland : And that he 
 " fliould bellow his Niece, Lady Margaret Dowglas, on him. 
 There was a fuller Agreement made with them, with more Particu- 
 ' lars in it, on the 26th of June > and a Penfion of 250/. was aflign- 
 ed to the Earl of G/f^Cfl/nz, and 125 to his Son, both during Life. 
 Thofe in the Caftle of St, Andreivs, were alfo taken into the King's 
 Proteftion : And they promifed to promote the Marriage, and the 
 King's Interefts ; and to deliver up the Caftle, when demanded. 
 There were alfo private Agreements made with Norman Lejley^ Kir^ 
 Tom. 1 5. caldy of the Grange, and fome others, all to be found in Rymer. 
 W- 1 3 p 121. <Yj^g often-cited Seckendorf X.^'i us, that at this Time they in Ger- 
 
 Mount fent to , , '^_T ' - . . . -,> Y . 
 
 Germany. many began to have greater Hopes or the King than ever. Mount 
 was again fent to offer an Alliance with them : He excufed all the 
 late Proceedings. He faid, Cromwell had raflily faid, " That he 
 " hoped to fee the Time, that he fliould ftrike a Dagger into the 
 " Heart of him, that fliould oppofe the Reformation ; which his 
 Judges thought was meant of the King. He faid, Barjies had in- 
 difcreetly provoked the Bifliop of Wijichefter : He alfo blamed their 
 Ambafladors, for entring into Difputes in Writing with the King. 
 He believed, Melanchthon and Bucer would have managed that Mat- 
 ter with more Succefs. Bucer feconded Mowifs Motions, and mag- 
 nified what the King had already done ; tho' there was no compleat 
 Reformation yet effected. 
 
 This did not move the Eleftor : He looked on the King, as an 
 Enemy to their Doftrine. His whole Defign in what he had done, 
 was, to make himfelf the Head of the Church, to which he was not 
 called of God. His Government was Tyrannical, and his Life fla- 
 gitious J fo he looked for no good from him. The King of France 
 moved him to undertake a Mediation between him and the King ; 
 but the Eleftor referred that to a General Meeting of thofe who 
 were engaged in the Common Sfnalcaldick League. The Princes in 
 Germany having their Chief Dependance on the Kings of France and 
 Fngland, faw how much they were weakned, and expofed to the 
 Emperor, by the War which was going on between thofe two Kings j 
 fo they fent fome empowered by them, to try if it was poffible to 
 prevent the War, and to mediate a Reconciliation between them. 
 To thefe, when they delivered their Meflage to the King, he com- 
 plained
 
 Book III. Of the Church 0/ England. 163 ] 
 
 plained of the Injuftice and Wilfulnefs of the Frf;zf^ King: He 1544- | 
 thought their Interpofition could have no Effed:, and he ufed thefe '--"Y"'*"' 
 Words in Anfwer to their Memorial, We give them well to under'- i 
 Jland, that we do both repofe an ampler and fuller Confidence in them., ■ 
 than the French King either doth or will do,. \ 
 De Bellas', who being oft employed, underftood thofe Matters well, ' 
 tells us, that the Emperor and King Henry had agreed to join their \ 
 Armies, and to march direiflly into France : He tells in another Place, P. 1094. ■ 
 thatif King /7(7;;-_)' had followed the Opinion of his Council, which P-'"5' \ 
 was for his landing in Normandy with 30000 Men, he would have A W;u- with 
 carried that whole Dutchy : And he afcribes his Error in that ^>'"""- • 
 Matter to the Providence of God, that protedled France from fo ;■ 
 great a Danger": The Emperor had propofed to the King, that upon J 
 the Junftion of their Two Armies, they fliould march ftrait to Paris: 
 For they reckoned that both their Armies would have amounted to j 
 Ninety Thoufand Foot, and Twenty Thoufand Horfe : But after i 
 the Emperor had drawn the King into his Meafures, he went on j 
 taking fome Towns, purfuing his own Ends, and then made his own | 
 Peace with France, and left the King engaged in the War : So the ' 
 King finding the Emperor's Main Army was not like to join him, I 
 fome Bodies out of the Netherlands only coming to aft in Conjundlion .f 
 with him, upon that he fent the Duke of Norfolk to befiege Montre- i 
 veU and he himfelf fat down before £/^//o?^w. Marfliall £/Vj, Go- i 
 vernor oiBiilloigne., apprehending the Importance of A/o;z/r^W, car- 
 ried a confiderable Part of the Garrifon of Bulloig?ie with him, and .] 
 threw himfelf into Montr evcl : By this Means he left Bulloigne weak, BuHoigne ta- \ 
 and in ill Hands. In the mean time the Emperor took Liixemburgh., "' ; 
 and fome other Places ; fo all the Projed: with which he had amufed ; 
 the King vanifhed, and a Peace was ftruck up between him and j 
 tlie King of France. I 
 The French fent an Army to raife the Siege of Montrevel ', and \ 
 they were moving fo as to get between the Duke o( Norfolk, and the | 
 King's Army : Upon which the Duke of Notfolk raifed the Siege, 
 but Bulloigne was taken ; and that fmall Conquelt was out of mea- '. 
 fure magnified by thofe who faw their own Advantage in flattering 
 their Mailer, tho' at a vafl Charge he had gained a Place, fcarcc '] 
 worth keeping. : 
 The Emperor had that Addrefs, and he had fo flrong a Party \ 
 about the Kinrr, that even all this was excufed, and the Intercourfe 1 
 between the two Courts was not difcontinued. 
 
 In one Point the Emperor was necelTary to the King, and he kept The King is j 
 
 his Word to him. It is certain the King had great Apprehenfions of f"'f''i,^" ^y j 
 
 the Council that was now fitting at 'Trent, and the more becaufe ^ P ' ] 
 
 Po/f was one of the Legates fent to prefide in it; who, as he had ! 
 Reafon to apprehend, would fi:udy to engage the Council to confirm 
 
 the Pope's Cenfure thundred out againfi: the King ; and it was belie- ^ 
 ved he was named Legate for that End. The King oi France had 
 
 off'ered to Gardifier, that if the King would join with him, he would \ 
 
 fuffer no Council to meet, but as the King fliould Confent to it. But ; 
 his flutfluating Temper was fo well known, that the King truftcd in 
 
 this particular more to the Emperor, whofe Intereft in that Council \ 
 
 he
 
 164 "J he Hifiory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 I 544. he knew muft he great : And the Emperor had promifed that the 
 
 < r — ' Council fhould not at all intermeddle in the Matter between the Pope 
 
 and the King : The EfFeft fliewed he was true in this Particular. 
 
 The King finding himfelf fo difappointed, and indeed abandoned 
 by the Emperor, fent the Earl of Hartford With. Gardiner to him, 
 to expoftulate with him. A Letter of the King's was fent by them to 
 theEmperor, written in a veryfevere Strain, charging him withP^;^/?*^', 
 The Emperor either had the Gout, or pretended to have it, fo that he 
 could not be fpoke with : His Chief Minifters at that Time, who 
 were Grafidvilk, and his Son the Bifliop oi Arras, delayed them 
 Papei-Offce. from Day to Day, and difcovcred much Chicatie, as they wrote j 
 uDon which they grew fo uneafy, that at laft they demanded a Po- 
 fitlve Anfwer* and then thefe Minifters told them, that the Em- 
 peror could not carry on the War longer againft France : But he 
 offered to mediate a Peace between Englajid and France. After that 
 they complain that they faw the Pretence of Mediation was managed 
 deceitfully ; for the Emperor's Defign upon Germany being now 
 ready, he apprehended thofb Two Kings, if not engaged in War 
 one with another, would fupport the Princes of the Empire, and 
 not fuller the Emperor, under the Pretence of a Religious War, to 
 make himfelf Mafter of Germany Therefore he ftudied to keep up 
 the War between France and England. I find Maurice of Saxony 
 was this Year, during the Emperor's War with France, in his Court : 
 Whether he was then Mediating, or Treating, about his Perfidious 
 abandoning the Eledlor, and the other Princes of the Smalcaldick 
 League, I know not. 
 A Litany fet Before the King went out of England, a great Step was made to- 
 with'othef wards the Reforming the Publick Offices. A Form of Proceflion in 
 Devotions, the Englijh Tongue was fet out by the King's Authority, and a 
 Mandate was fent to Bo7ter to publilh it. The Title of it was. An 
 Exhortation to Prayer, thought meet by his Majefty and his Clergy, 
 to be read to the People : Alfo a Litany, with Suffrages to be /aid, 
 or fung, in the 'Tifjie of the ProceJJions. In the Litany they did ftill 
 Invocate the Bleffed Virgin, the Angels and Arch- Angels, and all 
 Holy Orders of Bleffed Spirits, all Holy Patriarchs and Prophets, 
 Apoftles, Martyrs, Confeflbrs, and Virgins, and all the Blefled 
 Company of Heaven to Pray for them : After the Word Corf piracy., 
 this is added, from the 'Tyranny of the BiJIjop o/'Rome, and all his 
 deteftable Enormities : The reft of the Litany is the fame that we 
 ftill uie, only fome more Collects are put at the End, and the Whole 
 is called a Prayer of Procefjion. To this are added fome Exercifes of 
 Devotion, called Pfalms ; which are collefted out of feveral Parts 
 of Scripture, but chiefly the Pfalms : They are well colledled, and 
 the whole Compofition, as there is nothing that approaches to 
 Popery in it, fo it is a ferious and well digefled Courfe of Devotion. 
 There follows a Paraphrafe on the Lord's Prayer : On the 4th 
 Petition there are ExprefTions that feem to come near a true Senfe 
 of the Prefence of Chrift in the Sacrament ; for by Daily Bread as 
 fome of the Antients thought, the Sacrament of the Eucharift is 
 underflood, which is thus expreffed : "Fhe lively Bread of the Bleffed 
 Body of our Saviour Jefus Chrift, and the facre'd Cup of the Precious 
 
 and
 
 Book III. of the Church of England. 165 
 
 find Blejfed Blood which wasjhed for us on the Crofs. This agrees icac. 
 with our prefent Senfe that Chrift is prefent, not as he is now in ^*-- y'-^ 
 Heaven, but as he was on the Crofs : And that being a Thing pafTed, : 
 
 he can only be prefent in a Type and a Memorial. The Preface is i 
 
 an Exhortation to Prayer, in which thefe Remarkable Words will ; 
 
 be found : " It is very convenient and much acceptable to God, j 
 
 " that you fhould ufe your private Prayer in your Mother Tongue j 
 ." that you, underftanding what you afk of God, may more earneftly j 
 
 .*' and fervently defire the fame; your Hearts and Minds agreeing I 
 
 " to your Mouth and Words. This is indeed all over of a Pious i 
 
 and Noble Strain, and except the Invocation of the Saints and An- i 
 
 gels, it is an unexceptionable Compofition. At the fame Time :. 
 
 Katheritie Parre, whom the King had lately married, coUedled fome ■ ' 
 
 Prayers and Meditations, " wherein the Mind is ftirred patiently to 
 " fuffer all Affliftion here, to fet at nought the vain Profperity of 
 " this World, and always to long for the Everlafting Felicity. ; 
 
 Which were printed in the Year 1545. ■ 
 
 But fo apt was the King, whether from fome Old and Inherent i 
 
 Opinions that ftill ftuck with him, or from the Pradices of thofe 
 who knew how to flatter him fuitably to his Notions, to go back- '\ 
 
 ward and forward in Matters of Religion j that though on the 1 5th 1| 
 
 oiOBober 1545, he ordered a Mandate to be fent to Bo?ier, to pub- j 
 
 lifh the Efiglijl} ProceJJion ordained by him, which was executed the \ 
 
 Day following ; yet on the 24th of that Month, there was a Let- i 
 
 ter written to Cranmer, declaring the King's Pleafure for the fetting 1 
 
 up an Image, that had been taken down by his Injuncftions ; order- j 
 
 ing him at the fame Time to abolifh the Ufe of Holy Water, about j 
 
 Saint Johfis-Tlde, and to take down an Image called our Lady of 
 Pity in the Peiu, for the Idolatry that was committed about it. At ■ 
 
 this Time it was difcovered that great Indulgencies, with all fuch 
 like Favours were fent from Rome to Ireland; fo that generally in ! 
 
 that Kingdom, the King's Supremacy was rejefted, and yet at the * 
 
 fame Time it appears that many were put in Prifon for denying the i 
 
 Prefence in the Sacrament : And a Proclamation was fet out, both ' 
 
 againft Tindall's New Teflament, and Coverdafe's ■■ 
 
 Thirleby, Bifhop oiM^eftmitifter^ was fent AmbafTador to the Empe- The King 
 ror, and afterwards Secretary Petre was fent to the fame Court, ^q^,^^ ^^{0.- 
 Mount continued likewife to be employed, but without a Charadter: ces. 
 He feems to have been both Ploneli and Zealous ; and in many Let- 
 ters writ both in the Year 1 545 and 1 546, he warned the King of 
 the Emperor's Deligns to extirpate Lutheranifn, and to force the 
 whole Empire to fubmit to the Pope and the Council, then fitting at 
 Trent. The German Princes fent over a Vehement Application to 
 the King, to confider the Cafe of Herman Bifhop of Colen, praying 
 him to protedt him, and to intercede for him. They gave a great 
 Charatfter of the Man, of which Mount makes mention in his Let- 
 ters, but I do not find that the King interpofed in that Matter. The 
 Emperor feemed to enter into great Confidence with Thirleby, and 
 either impofed on him, or found him eafily wrought on. He told 
 him that the King oi France was making great Levies in Switzerland^ 
 and he was well afTured that they were not defigned againft himfelf : 
 
 Vol. Ill, U u So
 
 1 66 The Hijiory of the Refcrmation Part III. 
 
 I -46. So he warned the King to be on his Guard. This being enquired 
 w— -V— — ' into, was not only denied by the Court of France, but was found 
 Taptr-OJue. to be falfe, and was looked on as an Artifice of the Emperor's, to 
 keep up a Jealoufy between thofe Two Courts. By fuch Pradtices 
 he prevailed on Thirlehy to aflure the King, that the Emperor did 
 not defign to cnflave Germany, but only to reprefs thelnfolence of 
 feme Princes, and to give Juftice a free Courfe : All the News he 
 wrote from thence did run in this ftrain : So that Germany was fatally 
 abandoned by both Kings. Yet ftill the King fent over to the Em- 
 peror repeated Complaints of the ill Treatment his Subjedls rriet with 
 in Spain, from Inquifitors ; and that in many Courts, Juftice was 
 refufed to be done them, upon this Pretence, that the King and all 
 who adhered to him, were declared Hereticks, and as fuch, they 
 were Excommunicated by the Pope, and fo were not to be admitted 
 to fue in Judicatories : Thefc were fent over to T^hirlehy, but I do not 
 fee what was done upon all thofe Reprefentations. 
 
 The lali Meflage the King fent to the Germans., was in the Yedr 
 oilaxonfiWX '^ '^\^ by Mount, with whom one i?/^/"/*';' was joined : The German 
 Opinion of Princcs, in General Terms, prayed the King to infift on rejedling the 
 the King. Council of Trent, affuring him that the Pope would fuffer no Refor- 
 mation to be made. This Letter was agreed to by the Greater Num- 
 ber of the Princes of the Union, only the Elecflor of Saxony had 
 conceived great Prejudices againft the King : " Pie faid he was afi 
 " Impious Man, with whom he defired to have no Commerce. He 
 " was no better than the Pope ; whofe Yoke he had thrown off on- 
 " ly for his own Ends : And that he intended out of the Two Reli- 
 " gions to make a Third, only for Enriching himfelf ; having con- 
 " demned the principal Points of their Dodlrine in his Parliament. 
 FerJi nan J dit- I ^""^ ^^ ^^^^ Time a fccrct Difguft the Emperor was in towards 
 contented his Brother Ferdinand ; upon which, Ferdinand fent a Meflage to 
 Zi^!'J^^ ^"* *b^ King, fetting forth thejuft Claim he had to his Father's Succef- 
 fion in Spain ; fince, by the Agreement of the Marriage between 
 Ferdi}iand of yirragon, and IJabel of Caftile, a Special Provifion was 
 made, that whenfoever there was a Second Son iffuing from that 
 Marriage, the Kingdom of Arragon, and all that belonged to it, 
 fliould be again feparated from Caftile. He alfo pretended, that he 
 ought to have had a larger Share in the SuccelTion of the Ploufe of 
 Burgundy ; and that inftead of thofe rich Provinces, he was forced 
 to accept of Auftria, and the Provinces about it, which lay expofed 
 to the Turks, and were loaded with great Debts, contrafted by his 
 Grandfather Maximilian. To this the King fent an Anfwer fecretly, 
 and ordered the Perfon (who he was, does not appear; but I think 
 it was Moiait) that carried it, to infift on the Difcourfe of his Prc- 
 tenfions to the Netherlands, which were then vaftly Rich. He was 
 particularly required to obferve Ferdinand's Behaviour, and all that 
 he faid on that Subjecft : And it feems, that our Court being then in 
 a good Underftanding with the Court of France, communicated the 
 Matter to Francis : For he wrote, foon after that, a Letter to Ferdi- 
 nand, encouraging him to fland on his Claim, and promifing him 
 .his Alfiflance to Support his Pretenfions on the Emperor. But Fer- 
 dinafid, not being inclined to trufl the Court of Francf with this Se- 
 '. . cret, 
 
 peror.
 
 Book III. of the Church of Evi^2iT\d. 167 
 
 f - -■ j 
 
 cret, fent the Letter to the Emperor : So I fee no more of that 1 546. j 
 
 Matter. ^— -^ '' \ 
 
 The lafl Tranfadtion of Importance in this Reign, was the Fall The Duke of 
 of the Duke oi Norfolk, and of the Earl of Surrey, his Son. I find ^-^lej™" 
 in the Council-Book, in the Year 1543, that the Earl was accufed 
 
 for Eating Flefli in Le?it, without Licence j and for Walking about 1 
 
 the Streets in the Night, throwing Stones againft Windows, for i 
 
 which he was fent to the Fleet. In another Letter, he is com- \ 
 
 plained of for Riotous Living. Towards the End of the Year 1546, j 
 
 both he and his Father were put in Prifon : And, it feems, the Coun- j 
 
 cil wrote to all the King's AmbalTadors beyond Sea, an Account of ] 
 
 this, much aggravated, as the Difcovery of fome very Dangerous j 
 
 Confpiracy j which they were to reprefent to thofe Princes, in very j 
 
 black Charafters. I put in the Colledion an Account given by Coll. Numi, I 
 Thirlby, of what he did upon it. The Letter is long ; but I only 74- 
 Copy out that which relates to this pretended Difcovery : Dated 
 from Hailbron, on Chrijimafs-Day 1 546. 
 
 " He underftood by the Council's Letters to him, what Ungraci- \ 
 
 " ous and Ingrateful Perfons they were found to be. He profeffes, 1 
 
 " he ever loved the Father^ for he thought him a true Servant to the ^ 
 
 " King : He fays, he was amazed at the Matter, and did not know 
 
 " what to fay. God had not only on this Occafion, but on many 
 
 " others, put a Stop to Treafonable Defigns againft the King, who > 
 
 " (next to God) was the Chief Comfort of all good Men. He en- i 
 
 " larges much on the Subjeft, in the Stile of a true Courtier. The ; 
 
 " Mehenger brought him the Council's Letter, written on the i 
 
 " 1 5th oi December^ on Chrijltnas-Eve ; in which he faw the malici- J 
 
 " ous Purpofe of thefe Two ungracious Men : So, according to his ^ ' 
 
 " Orders, he went immediately to demand Audience of the Empe- j 
 
 " rorj but the Emperor intended to repofe himfelf for Three or i 
 
 " Four Days, and fo had refufed Audience to the Nuncio, and to all 
 
 " other AmbafTadors ; but he faid, he would fend a Secretary, to 1 
 
 " whom he might communicate his Bufinefs. Joyce, his Secretary, 
 
 " coming to him, he fet forth the Matter as pompoufly as the Coun- 1 
 
 " cil had reprefented it to him. In particular, he fpoke of the ' 
 
 " Haughtinefs of the Earlof 5'wrrr)', ofall which the Secretary pro- . j 
 
 " mifed to make Report to the Emperor, and likewife to write an i 
 
 " Account of it to Grandvtl. "J/i/VV/^j excufes himfelf that he durfl j 
 
 " not write of this Matter to the King : He thought, it would re- 1 
 
 " newinhimtheMemory of the Ingratitude of thefe Perfons, which '' 
 
 " mufl wound a Noble Heart. , 
 
 After fo black a Reprefentation, great Matters might be expedled : 1 
 
 But I have met with an Original Letter of the Duke of Nor/oik's, to ^^^^^^ ; 
 
 the Lords of the Council, writ indeed in fo bad a Hand, that the Num/'. -ji;. ^ 
 
 Reading it was almoft as hard as Deciphering. It gives a very dif- "^'j^^^J'" '** \ 
 
 ferent Account of that Matter, at leafl with Relation to the Father. ' ^ * . 
 
 " He writes, that the Lord Great Chamberlain, and the Secretary of 
 
 " State, had examined him upon divers Particulars : The Firft was, i 
 
 ♦' Whether he had a Cypher with any Man ? He faid, he had never 1 
 
 " a Cypher with any Man, but fuch as he had for the King's Affairs, i 
 
 *' when he was in his Service. And he does not remember that ever I 
 
 " he 1
 
 1 68 ne Hiftory of the Rejonnation Part IIL 
 
 1546. " he wrote in Cypher, except when he was in France, with the Lord 
 " Great Mafter that now is, and the Lord Rochford : Nor does he 
 " remember whether he wrote any Letters then, or not ; but thefe 
 " Two Lords figned whatfoever he wrote, He heard, that a Letter 
 " of his was found among Bifliop Fox's Papers, which being fliewed 
 " to the Bifhop of Durefme, he advifed to throw it into the Fire. 
 " He was examined upon this : He did remember, the Matter of it 
 " was, the fetting forth the Talk of the Northern People, after the 
 " Time of the Commotions : Bat that it was againft Cromnvell, and 
 " not at all againfl the King : (fo far did they go back, to find Mat- 
 " ter to be laid to his Charge) but whether that was in Cypher, or 
 " not, he not remember. He was next alTced, If any Perfon 
 " had faid to him, that if the King, the Emperor, and the Fj-ejich 
 " King came to a good Peace, whether the Billiop of Rome would 
 " break that by his Difpenfation ; and whether he inclined that way. 
 " He did not remember he had ever heard any Man fpeak to that 
 " Purpofe : But, for his own Part, if he had twenty Lives, he would 
 " rather fpend them all, than that the Birtiop of Rome fliould have 
 " any Power in this Kingdom again. He had read much Hiftory, 
 " and knew well how his Ufurpation began, and increafed : And 
 ' both to EngliJJ:), French, and Scots, he has upon all Occafions fpo- 
 " ken vehemently againft it. He was alfo afked, if he knew any 
 ' thing of a Letter from Gardiner and Knevet, the King's Ambafla- 
 ' dors at the Emperor's Court, of a Motion made to them for a Re- 
 ' conciliation with that Bifhop, which was brought to the King at 
 ' Dover, he being then there. 
 
 " In Anfwer to this, he writes, He had never been with the King 
 ' at Dover fince the Duke of Richmond died : But for any fuch O- 
 ' verture, he had never heard any thing of it ; nor did any Perfon 
 ' ever mention it to him. It had been faid in Council, when Sir 
 ' Francis Bryan was like to have died, as a Thing reported by him,- 
 ' that the Bifliop of Winchejier had faid, he could devife a Way, to 
 • fet all Things right between the King and the Bifhop of Rome, 
 ■ Upon which, as he remembers. Sir Ralph Sadler was fent to Sir 
 Francis, to afk the Truth of that: But Sir Francis denied it ; and 
 this was all that ever he heard of any flich Overture. It feems, 
 thefe were all the Queftions that were put to him -, to which, thofe 
 were his Anfwers. He therefore prayed the Lords to intercede 
 with the King, that his Accufers might be brought Face to Face, 
 to fay what they had againft him : And he did not doubt, but it 
 fhould appear, he was falfely accufed. He defir'd to have no more 
 Favour than Cromwell had ; he himfelf being prefent when Crom~ 
 well was examined. He adds, Cromivell W2i% a falfe Man; but 
 He was a true, poor Gentleman. He did believe, fome falfe Man 
 had laid fome great Thing to his Charge. He defired, if he might 
 not fee his Accufers, that he might at leaft know what the Mat- 
 ters were ; and if he did not anfwer truly to every Point, he de- 
 fired not to live an Hour longer. 
 
 " He had always been purfued by great Enemies about the King ; 
 fo that his Fidelity was tried like Gold. If be knew wherein he 
 
 " had
 
 Book 111. of the Church of England. 169 
 
 " had offended, he v/ould freely confcls it. On "TuefJax in the laft 1546. 
 
 " JVhitfon-VI ttk, he moved the King, that a Marriage might be 
 
 " made between his Daughter (tlie Dutchefs of Richmond) and Sir 
 
 " 'Thomas Seymour ; ' and that his Son Surrey's Children might, by 
 
 " Crofs-Marriages, be allied to my Lord Great Chamberlain's Chil- 
 
 " dren, (the Earl of Hertford.) He appealed to the King, whether 
 
 " his Intention in thefe Motions did not appear to be honeft. He 
 
 " next reckons up his Enemies. Cardinal fFo/fly confefTed to him 
 
 " at yf/lrr, that he had ftudicd for Fourteen Years, how to deflroy 
 
 " him, fet on to it by the Duke of ^ujfb/k, the Marquis of Exe- 
 
 " fer, and the Lord Saudys, who often told him, tliat if he did not 
 
 " put him out of ihc way, he would undo him. When the Mar^ 
 
 " quis of Exeter fuffcrcd, Cromivell examined his Wife more ftridly 
 
 " concerning him, tJian all other Men ; of which She fent him 
 
 " word by her ErribiCr, the Lord Mountjoy. And Cromwell had 
 
 " often faid to himfelf, that he was a happy Man, that his Wife 
 
 " knew nothing againfl: him, otherwife She would undo him. The 
 
 " late Duke of Buckingham^ at the Bar, where his Father iate Lord 
 
 " High Steward, laid, that he himfelf was the Perfon in the World, 
 
 " whom he had hated moflj . thinking he had done him ill Otlices 
 
 " with the King : But he faid, he then faw the contrary. Rice, 
 
 "that m.arried his Sifter, often faid, he willied he could find the 
 
 " Means to thrufi: his Dagger in him. It was well known to many 
 
 " Ladies in the Court, how much both his two Nieces, whom it 
 
 " pleafed the Kiug to marry, had hated him. He had .difcovered to 
 
 " the King that, for which his Mother-in-Law was attainted of Mif- 
 
 *' prifion of Treafon. He had always ferved the King faithfully, . 
 
 " but had of late received greater Favours of him, than in Times 
 
 " paft: What could therefore move him, to be now falfe to him? A 
 
 " Poor Man, as I am, yet I am his own Jicar Kinfman. Ala I alas 
 
 " my Lords, (writes he) that ever it jl:ould be thought any Untruth to < 
 
 " be in me. He prays them to lay this before the King, and jointly 
 
 " to beftech him, to grant the Defires contained in it. So he 
 
 " ends it with fuch Submillions, as he hoped might mollify the 
 
 " King." 
 
 Here I muft add a fmall Corredion, becaufe I promifed it to the 
 late Sir Robert Southwell, for whofe great Worth and Virtues I had 
 that Efteem, which he well deferved. Sir Richard Southwell was 
 concerned in the Evidence againft the Duke of Norfolk : He gave me 
 a Memorandum, which I promifed to remember when I reviewed my 
 Hiftory. There were two Brothers, Sir Richard and Sir Robert, who 
 were often confounded, an R ferving for both their Chriftned Names. 
 Sir Richard was a Privy-Councellor to Henry the Vlllth, King 
 Edward, and Queen Mary : The Second Brother, Sir Robert, was 
 Mafter of the Rolls, in the Time of He?2ry the Eighth, and in the • 
 Beginning of Edward the Sixth. I had confounded thefe, and in Two 
 feveral Places called Sir Richard Mafter of the Rolls. 
 
 1 have now fet forth all that I find concerning the Duke of Nor- 
 folk ; by which it appears, that he was defigned to be deftroyed on- ■ 
 ly upon Sufpicion : And his Enemies were put on running far back 
 to old Stories, to find fome Colours to juftify fo black a Profecu- 
 
 VoL. III. X X tion
 
 lyo The Hiftory of the Reformation. Part IIL 
 
 1546. tion. This was the laft A<51 of the King's Reign ; which, happily 
 ^-— "v-— ' for the old Duke, was not finifhed, when the King's Death prevent- 
 ed the Execution. 
 AReca itul - Thus I have gone over all thofe Paflages in this Reign, that 
 tion of King havc fallen in my Way, fince I wrote my Hiftory. I have fo care- 
 Heny% fully avoided repeating any Thing that was in my former Work, 
 
 *'^"' that I have, perhaps, not made it cleai- enough, into what Parts of 
 
 it every Thing here related, ought to be taken in. Nor have I put 
 in my Colledlion any of thofe Papers, that either the Lord Herbert 
 or Mr. Strype had published. One or Two only excepted in each of 
 them : But thefe I put in it, both becaufe I Copied them from the 
 Originals, when I did not refled: on their being publiflied by thofe 
 Writers, and becaufe they feemed of great Importance to the Parts 
 of my Hiftory, to which they belonged. Some of thefe being very 
 fhort, and the others not long, I thought, the inferting them 
 made my Colledlion more compleat. I would not leflen the Value 
 of Books, to which I have been too much beholden, to make fo ill 
 a Return ; to the laft efpecially, from whofe Works I have taken 
 that which feemed neceftary, to make the Hiftory as full as might 
 be, but refer my Reader to fuch Vouchers, as he will find in 
 them. 
 HisMindcor- And now having ended what I have to fay of King Henry, 1 wilt 
 ruptedby a add a few Reflexions on him, and on his Reign. He had certainly 
 Flattery"^ a greater Meafure of Knowledge in Learning, more particularly in 
 Divinity, than moft Princes of that, or of any Age : that gave Oc- 
 cafion to thofe exceflive Flatteries, which in a great Meafure corrupt- 
 ed his Temper, and disfigured his whole Government. It is deeply 
 rooted in the Nature of Man to love to be flattered ; becaufe Self- 
 Love makes Men their own Flatterers, and fo they do too eafily take 
 down the Flatteries that are offered them by others; who, when 
 they expedl Advantages by it, are too ready to give this Incenfe to 
 their Vanity, according to the Returns that they expedl from 
 it. 
 
 Few are fo honeft and difinterefted in their Friendfhip, as to 
 confider the real Good of others ; but chufe rather to comply with 
 their Humour and Vanity. And fince Princes have moft to give. 
 Flattery (too common to all Places) is the Natural Growth of 
 Courts; in which, if there are fome few fo unfaftiioned to thofe 
 Places, as to feek the real Good and Honour of the Prince, by the 
 plain Methods of blunt Honefty, which may carry them to contra- 
 di(5t a miftaken Prince, to fliew him his Errors, and with a true 
 Firmnefs of Courage, to try to work even againft the Grain ; while 
 they purfue that, which, tho' it is the real Advantage and Honour 
 of the Prince, yet it is not agreeable to fome weak or perverfe Hu- 
 mour in him : Thefe are foon overtopped by a Multitude of Flatter- 
 ers, who will find it an eafy Work to undermine fuch Faithful Mini- 
 fters ; becaufe their own Candor and Fidelity, makes them ufe none 
 of the Arts of a Countermine. Thus the flattered Prince eafily goes 
 into the Hands of thofe who humour and pleafe him moft, without 
 regarding either the true Honour of the Mafter, or the Good of the 
 Community. 
 
 If
 
 Book III. of the Church of \L\\<^\xi\A, 171 
 
 If weak Princes, of a fmall Meafure of Knowledge and a low Ca- 1546. 
 pacity, fall into fuch Hands, the Government will dwindle into an Jr^^^ "f 
 unaciive Languifliing ; which will make them a Prey to all about of ^n coum. 
 them, and expofe them to Univerfal Contempt both at home and 
 abroad : while the Flatterers make their own Advantages the Chief 
 Meafure of the Government ; and do fo Befiege the abufed and delud- 
 ed Prince, that he fancies he is the Wonder and Delight of all the 
 World, when he is under the lafh Degrees oi the Scorn of the Worft, 
 and of the Pity of the Bell of his People. 
 
 But if thefe Flatterers gain the Alcendant over Princes of Genius 
 and Capacity, they put them on Great Defigns, under the falfe Re- 
 prefentations of Conquefts and Glory : They engage them either to 
 make or break Leagues at Pleafure, to enter upon Hoftilities without 
 any previous Steps or Declarations of War, to ruin their own People 
 for fupporting thofe Wars that are carried on with all the Methods, 
 both of Barbarity and Perfidy ; while a fludied Luxury and Vanity 
 at Home is kept up, to amufe and blind the Ignorant Beholders, with 
 a falfe Shew of Luftre and Magnificence. 
 
 This had too deep a Root in King Henry, and was too long flat- ^f^^/zo' began 
 tered by Cardinal JFolfcy, to be ever afterwards brought into due ^'jfeMiiiifter. 
 Bounds and juft Mcafures ; yet JVolfey puriued the true Max'ims of 
 E?igland, of maintaining the Ballance during his Miniftry. Our 
 Trade lay then fo intirely in the Netherlands, without our feeming to 
 think of carrying it further, that it was neceflary to maintain a good 
 Correfpondence with thofe Provinces : And Charles s Dominions were 
 fo wildly fcattered, that till Francis was taken Prifoner, it was yifibly 
 the Intereil: of England to continue flill jealous of France, and to fa- 
 vour Charles. But the taking o( Francis the Firft changed the Scene; 
 France was then to be fupported. It was alfo Co exhaufted, and 
 Charles's Revenue was fo increafed, that without great Sums both 
 lent him, and expended by England, all mull: have funk under 
 Charles's Power, if England had not held the Ballance. 
 
 It was alfo a Mafter-piece in IVolfey to engage the King to own that the ^ great Occa- 
 Book againll: Luther was written by him, in which the Secret of thofe ry given by 
 who, no doubt, had the greateft Share in compofing it, was fo clofe- his Book, 
 ly laid, that it never broke out. Seckendorf tclh us, that Luther be- 
 lieved it was writ by Lee, who was a Zealous Thomiji, and had been 
 engaged in Difputes with Erafmus, and was afterwards made Arch- 
 birtiop of York. If any of thefe who ftill adhered to the Old Do(5trines> 
 had been concerned in writing it, probably when they faw King Henry 
 depart from fo many Points treated of in it, they would have gone 
 beyond Sea, and have i-obbed him of that falfe Honour, and thofe 
 exceflive Praifes which that Book had procured him. It is plain 
 More wrote it not: For the King having Ihewed it him before it was 
 publiflied, he (as he mentions in one of his Letters to Cromwell) told 
 the King that he had raifed the Papacy fo high, that it might be ob- 
 jefted to him, if he fhould happen to have any Difpute with the Pope, 
 as was often between Piinces and Popes : And it will be found in the 
 Remarks on the former Volumes, that he in another Letter fays he 
 was a Sorter of that Book. This feems to relate only to the Digefting 
 it into Method and Order. 
 
 How
 
 172 T'he Hiftory of the Reformation. Part III. 
 
 How far K. He?irywz^ finccre in pretending Scruples ofConfcience, 
 with Relation to his Firft Marriage, can only be knov/n to God. His 
 Suit of Divorce was managed at a valt Expence, in a Courfe of many 
 Years ; in all which Time, how ftrong foever Iiis Paffion was for 
 Amte Boleyn, yet her being with Child fo foon after their Marriage, 
 is a clear Evidence that till then they had no Unlawful Commerce. 
 It does not appear that JVolfey defervcd his Difgrace, unlefs V. v/as 
 that by the Commiffion given to the Two Legates, they were em- 
 powered to aft coniundly or feverally : So that though Campegio 
 refufed to concur, he might have given Sentence legally, yet he be- 
 ing trufted by the Pope, his adting according to Inftiuftions, did not 
 deferve fo fevere a Corredion : And had any material Dlfcovery been 
 made to render Woljcy Criminal, it may be reafonably fuppofed it 
 would have been publilhed. 
 The Charac- The New Flatterers falling in with the King's Paffion, out-did 
 and ruined JVolfey. More was the Glory of the Age; and his Ad- 
 vancement was the King's Honour more than his own, who was a 
 true Chriftian Philofopher. He thought the Caufe of the King's Di- 
 vorce was jurt, and as long as it was profecuted at the Court of Rofm'y 
 fo long he favoured it : But when he faw that a Breach with that 
 Court was like to follow, he left the great Poft he was in, with a 
 Superior Greatnefs of Mind. It was a fall great enough to retire 
 from that into a Private State of Life ; but the carrying Matters fo far 
 againft him as the King did, was one of the jufteft Reproaches of 
 that Reign, More's Superftition feems indeed contemptible, but the 
 Conftancy of his Mind was truly wonderful. 
 .^ Cromwe/l's Miniftry was in a conflant Courfe of Flattery and Sub- 
 
 Minillry. miffion, but by that he did great Things that amaze one, who has 
 confidered them well. The fetting up the King's Supremacy, inftead 
 of the Ufurpations of the Papacy, and the rooting out the Monaftick 
 State in England, confidering the Wealth, the Numbers, and the 
 Zeal of the Monks and Fryars in all the Parts of the Kingdom, as it 
 was a very bold Undertaking, fo it was executed with great Method,, 
 and performed in fo fhort a Time, and with fo few of the Convul- 
 fions that might have been expected, that all this fliews what a Ma- 
 fler he was, that could bring fuch a Defign to be finiihed in fo few 
 Years, with fo little Trouble or Danger, 
 
 But in Conclufion, an Unfortunate Marriage to which he advifed 
 the King, not proving acceptable, and he being unwilling to deftroy 
 what he himfelf had brought about, was, no doubt, backward in the 
 Defign of breaking it, when the King had told him of it. And then 
 upon no other vifible Ground, but becaufe Anfie cf Cleeve grew 
 more obliging to the King than flie was formerly, the King fufpeded 
 that Cromwell had betrayed his Secret, and had engaged her to a fofter 
 Deportment on Defign to prevent the Divorce, and did upon that 
 Difgrace and Deftroy him. 
 
 The Duke of Norfolk was never till Cromwell's Fall the Fiift in 
 Favour : But he had ftill kept his Port; by perpetual Submiflion and 
 Flattery. He was facrificed at lart; to the King's Jealoufy ; fearing 
 that he might be too great in his Sen's Infancy ; and being confider- 
 ed as the Head of the Popifli Party, might engage in an uneafy Com- 
 petition
 
 Book III. of the Church of Ku^divA. 173 "• 
 
 petition with the Seymoiii-s, during the Minority of his Son : For the 1546. 
 
 Points he was at firil examined on, were of an Old D.^te, of no <— — v — J ' 
 
 Confequsnce, and fupported by no Proof. \ 
 
 When the King hrll threw off the Pope's Yoke, the Reformers ■ 
 
 offered him in their turn, all the Flatteries they could decently give : rp, ,.., , ! 
 
 And if they could have had the Patience to goon further, than as he inconfta'ncy \ 
 
 was willing to parcel out a Reformation to them, he had perhaps '" Matters of ] 
 
 gone further in it: But he feemed to think that as it was pretended '^ '"'""■ | 
 
 in Poperv, that Infallibility was to go along v/ith the Supremacy; j 
 
 therefore thofe who had yielded the one, ought likewife to fubmit to 1 
 the other. Returned a'Tainft them when lie faw that their Com- 
 plaifance did not go To far: And upon that the Adherers to the Old 
 
 Opinions returned to their Old Flatteries, and for fome Time feemed ; 
 
 to have brought him quite back to them ; which probably might have ' 
 
 wrought more powerfully, but that he found the Old Leaven of the i 
 
 Papacy was IHU working in them: So that he was all the while Fludu- - ; 
 
 ating : Sometimes making Steps to a Reformation, but then returning .; 
 
 back to his Old Notions : One Thing probably wrought much on him. ; 
 
 It has appeared that he had great Apprehenfions of the Council i 
 that was to meet at Trent, and that the Empercr's Engagements 
 to reftrain the Council from proceeding in his Matter, was the main 
 Article of the New Friendfhip made up between them : And it may 
 
 be very reafonably fuppofed that the Emperor reprefcntcd to him, i 
 that nothing could fecure that Matter fo certainly as his not proceeding 
 
 to any further Innovations in Religion : More particularly his adher- ' \ 
 
 ing firmly to the received Dodtrine of Chrift's Prefence in the Sacra- \ 
 
 ment, and the other Articles fet forth by him: This agreeing with ■ 
 
 his own Opinion had, as may be well imagined, no fmall Share in the '■■ 
 Change of his Condudl at that Time. 
 
 The dextrous Application of Flattery had- generally a powerful ■ 
 
 Effeft on him : But whatfoever he was, and how great foever his ' 
 
 Pride and Vanity, and his other Faults were, he was a great Inftru- , 
 
 ment in the Hand of Providence for many good Ends : He firft opened i 
 
 the Door to let Light in upon the Nation : He delivered it from the ' 
 
 Yoke of Blind and Implicit Obedience : He put the Scriptures in tlie i 
 
 Hands of the People, and took away the Terror they were formerly : 
 
 under by the Cruelty of the Ecclefiaftical Courts : He declared this 1 
 
 Church to be an intire and perfedl; Body within itfelf ; with full Au- j 
 
 thority to Decree and to regulate all Things, without any Dependance j 
 
 on any Foreign Power : And he did fo unite the Supreme Headfhip \ 
 
 over this Church, to the Iinperial Crown of this Realm, that it feemed J 
 
 a juft Confequence that was made by fome in a Popifli Reign, that he j 
 
 who would not own that this Supremacy was in him, did by that Re- ' 
 nounce the Crown, of which that Title was made fo Eflential a Part, 
 
 that they could no more be feparated, ' 
 
 He attacked Popery in its ftrong Holds the Monaflcries, and de- : 
 
 flroyed them all. And thus he opened the Way to all that came 'i 
 
 after, even down to our Days : So that while we fee the Folly and ' 
 
 Weaknefs of Man in all his Perfonal Failings, which were very many i 
 
 and very Enormous, we at the fame Time fee both the Juftice, the | 
 
 Wifdom, and the Goodnefs of God, in making him who was once \ 
 
 Vol. III. Y y the j
 
 174 ^^ Htftory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1546. the Pride and Glory of Popery, become its Scourge and Deftrudtion : 
 And in diredling his Pride and Paffion fo, as to bring about under 
 the Dread of his unrelenting Temper, a Change that a milder Reign 
 could not have compaffed, without great Convulfions and much Con- 
 fufion : Above all the Reft, we ought to adore the Goodnefs of God 
 in refcuing us by his Means from Idolatry and Superftition ; from 
 the Vain and Pompous Shews in which the Worfhip of God was 
 drefled up, fo as to vye with Heathenifm itfelf, into a Simplicity of 
 believing, and a Purity of Worfhip, conform to the Nature and At- 
 tributes of God, and the Doftrine and Example of the Son of God. 
 
 May we ever value this as we ought j and may we, in our Tempers 
 and Lives, fo exprefs the Beauty of this Holy Religion, that it may 
 ever fhine among us, and may fhine out from us, to all round about 
 us ; and then we may hope that God will prcferve it to us, and to 
 Pofterity after us for ever. 
 
 BOOK
 
 ■en:se««eiMaHtxi«;^a 
 
 Book IV. of the Church of Ei-\g\2ind. 17 
 
 BOOK IV. ^547 
 
 Of what happened during the Feign of Kim 
 Edward the Vlth, from the Tear 1547 to 
 the Tear 1553. 
 
 HAD fuch Copious Materials when I wrote of this King, 
 partly from the Original Council-Book, for the Two firft 
 Years of that Reign, but chiefly from the Journal writ 
 in that King's own Hand, that I (hall not be able to offer 
 the Reader fo many New things in this, as I did in the 
 former, and as I may be able to do in the fucceeding Reign. Some 
 Gleanings I have, which I hope will not be unacceptable. 
 
 I begin with acknowledging a great Error committed, in Copying A true Ac- 
 out abetter oi Luther 5, that I found among Bucers Colledions. <^°"'^^'/;f^P^- 
 The Noble Seckendorf was the firft that admonifhed me of this ; wron<j Dub- ^ 
 but with a Modefty fuitable to fo great a Man : without that Ran- lifi e-Tm my 
 cour, in which fome among ourfelves have vented their ill Nature "''"^" 
 againft me. I took the fure Method to confefs my Error, and to 
 procure an exa6l Collated Copy of that Paper, from that Learned 
 Body, to whofe Library it belongs j which will be found in the CoU Numb. 
 CoUedlion. It is an Original in Luther'^ own Hand; but it could'- 
 not have been eafily read, if Buccr had not writ out a Copy of it, 
 which is bound up in the fame Volume with the Original. It was 
 an Inftruiftion that Luther gave to Melanchthon, when he went into 
 Tiejje., in the Year 1534, to meet and treat with Bucer, upon that 
 fatal Difference, concerning the Manner of the Prefence in the Sa- 
 crament. " In which it appears, that Luther was fo far from depart- 
 " ing from his Opinion, that he plainly fays, he could not Commu- 
 " nicate with thofe of the Zuinglian Perfwafion ; but he would 
 " willingly tolerate them, in hope that in Time they might come 
 " to Communicate together. And as for a Political Agreement, he 
 ** does not think a Diverfity of Religion ought to hinder that; 
 *' no more than it was a Bar to Marriage or Commerce, which may 
 *' be among thofe of different Religions. " And now I have, I hope, 
 delivered myfelf from all the Cenfures, to which the wrong Publishing 
 of that Paper had expofed me. 
 
 I {hould next enter into the Hiftorical Paffages of King Edieard's 
 Reign ; but a great Difcovery, made with Relation to the mod im- 
 portant Foreign Tranfadtions, that happened both in King Henry and 
 King Edward's Reign, (I mean the Council of Trent ; the Firft SeA 
 lion of which was in the former Reign, and the Second in this) has 
 
 given
 
 176 The Hijlory of the Reformation. Part III. 
 
 1547. given me an Opportunity of acquainting the World with many ex- 
 
 » v— ' traordinary Paffages relating to it. 
 
 VargefsW.^t- There was a large Parccl of Original Letters writ to GrandvUk, 
 ters concern- then Bilhop of Arras,. afterwards Cardinal, and the Chief ^Iini^:er 
 J.^g^'f ^*J°^""- of C/w/^5 the Emperor, that, when he left' the AW^rrAzW^, were 
 in the Hands of feme of his Secretaries ; and were not carried away 
 •by him. About 50 Yeai'S after that, Mr. Willic.ni Trumhall, then 
 King '^ames the Ift's Envoy at Bruffeh, Grandfather to Sir William 
 Trumball, (a Perfon eminently diftinguiflied by his Learning and 
 Zeal for Religion, as well as by the Embaflies, and other great Em- 
 ployments he has fo worthily born) got thefe into his Hands : no 
 doubt, under the Promife of abf(;lute Secrcfy, during the Lives of 
 thofe who had them: Since if they had been then publiflied, it 
 might have been eafily traced, from whence they mufl have come j 
 which would have been fatal to thole who had parted with them, in 
 a Court fo bigotted, as v/as that o'i Albert AnA. Ifabella. I have read 
 over the whole Series of that worthy Gentleman's own Letters to 
 King James the Firft, and faw fo much Honefly and Zeal running 
 thro' them all, that, it feems, nothing under fome Sacred Tie, could 
 have obliged both Father and Son, to keep fuch a Treafure fo fecret 
 from all the World, efpecially Padro Paulo's Hiftory coming out at 
 that Time in Lotidon ; to which thefe Letters, as far as thty went, 
 which is from the 7th of 0£iobtT 1551, to the laft of February 
 155!, would have given an Authentic Confirmation. I have been 
 trufted by the Noble Owner, with the Perufal of them. It is im- 
 poffible to doubt of their being Originals : The Subfcriptions and 
 Seals of moft of them, are ftill intire. 
 TranHatedin- Thefe wcrc by Sir William depofited in Bin:iop Stillingjleefs Hands, 
 to Eng/iy/jby vvhen he was fent to his Foreign Employments ; that fuch Ufe might 
 "^ "■■ be made of them, when he found a Perfon that was Mafter of the 
 Spajtijh Tongue, as the Importance of the Difcovery might de- 
 ferve. Soon after that, my very worthy Friend, Dr. Geddes, re- 
 turned from Lijhon, after he had been above Ten Years Preacher to 
 the Englijlj Fadlory there : And fince he is lately dead, I hope I fliall 
 be forgiven, to take the Liberty of faying fomewhat concerning him'. 
 He was a Learned, and a Wife Man. He had a true Notion of Po- 
 pery, as a Political Combination, managed by Falfliood and Cruelty, 
 to Eflablifh a Temporal Empire in the Perfon of the Popes. All his 
 Thoughts and Studies were chiefly employed in detedlirig this ; of 
 which he has given many Ufeful and Curious Effays, in the Treatiles 
 he wrote, which are all highly Valuable. When Billiop Siillingfeef 
 underflood that he was Mafter of the Spanijli Tongue, he put all 
 thefe Papers in his Hands. He tranflated them into pjiglip, intend- 
 ing to Print the Originals in Spanijh with them : But none of oiir 
 Printers would undertake that; they reckoning, that where the Vent 
 of the Book might be looked for, which muft be in Spain and ttaly^, 
 they were fare it would not be fuffered to be fold : He was therefore 
 ■forced to Print the Tranflation in England^ without Printing the 
 Originals. 
 
 • - . -w Since
 
 Book IV. of the Church of England. 177 
 
 Since that Time, that Learned and Judicious Frcncktmui, Monfieur 1547. I 
 
 Le Vajfor, has pubiiOied a Tranflation of them in French, with many ^T"^ — "* \ 
 
 Curious Refleftions : But tho' he found, that a Compleat Edition of jr,,,,,4" by 
 
 the Letters in Spanifi, was a Thing that the Bookfellers in Holiand^'^-leVi'jfar, ■■ 
 
 would not undertake, yet he has helped that all he could, by giving ' 
 
 the Parts of the Letters that were the moft Critical, and the moft i 
 
 Important, in SpaiiiJJj. Both thefe Books are highly Valuable. The ! 
 
 Chief Writer of thofe Letters, P'argas, was a Man not only very \ 
 
 Learned, but of a Superior Genius to moll of that Age, as appears 
 
 both by tlie Letters themfelves, and by the Great Pofts he went thro'. ■ \ 
 
 He was fpecially employed by the Emperor, both in the SelTion that , 
 
 was held in the former Reign, and in that which fat in this Reign ; ] 
 
 to which only thefe Letters do relate. He was the Chief of the Coun- i 
 
 cil that the Emperor's Am.bafladors had, in Matters, in which either [ 
 
 Divinity or Canon-Law (the lafl being his particular Profellion) were 
 
 receflary : And fucli a Value was fet on him, that the Emperor fent i 
 
 him Ambaflador to the Republick of Venice. And when the laft Sef- j 
 
 fion was held by Pope Pius the Fourth, Philip fent him Ambaflador I 
 
 to Rome., as the Perfon that underftood bed how to manage that ] 
 
 Court, with Relation to the SelTion of the Council. j 
 
 I think, it may give the Reader a juft Idea of that Council, both The Fraud . 
 of the Fraud and Infolence of the Legate, and of the Method in of theL^c^at^e* I 
 
 which Matters were carried there, to fee fome of the more Signal j 
 
 Paflages in thofe Letters ; that it may both give him true Impreflions 
 of what was tranfafted there, and may move him to have Recourfe 
 to the Letters themfelves. " He fets forth, how much the Pope 05lob. 7. 
 " and his Minifters dreaded the Coming of the Proteftants to the " I 
 
 " Council : We can plainly perceive that they are not themfelves, ! 
 
 " nor in a Condition to treat about any Bufincfs, when they are 
 
 " brought to touch on that Point. Thefe may, to their Mortifi- ' 
 
 " cation, deliver their Minds freely againft Abufes, and fome other 
 
 " Things. Whofoever offers any Thing that is not grateful to the 
 
 *' Legate, or that doth not fuit exaftly with fome People's PrepoflTeflions , ' 
 
 " he is reported to have Spoke ill, and to Think worle ; and to have j 
 
 " taken what He faid, out of I do not know whom. There are 
 
 " feveral Matters, which the Legate ought to treat with more De- 
 " liberation, than he hath hitherto handled Things : I pray God give ' 
 
 " him Grace to underftand this." I 
 
 " In the next Letter, without Date, mention is made of a Letter, The Promife | 
 
 " that the Emperor wrote to the Pope ; in which he did afllire him, ^^eror ma^T' ■ \ 
 " that nothing fliould be done in the Council, but that which he the Pope. 1 
 
 " had a mind (hould be done in it : And that he would oblige the I 
 
 " Prelates to hold tlieir Tongues, and to let Things pafs without ' 
 
 " any Oppolition. The Copy of this being fhewed the AmbalTa- 
 " dor, he was aftoniflied at it: But Vargas faid, it was not to be- •"^-';'"-' 
 " underflood Literally; (in the Original it is Judaically) it was ' J"'^""^-' \ 
 
 " only w^rit, to bring the Pope to grant the Bull : But that it was 
 " not intended by it, that the Pope lliould be fuffered to do fuch ! 
 
 " Things, as would bring all to Ruin ; but only to do fuch Things 
 " as are reafonable. He adds in Latin, That the Liberty the Pope i 
 
 Vol. III. Z z " took i
 
 lyS I'he Hiftory of the Reformation, Part IIL 
 
 1547 " took, was not only a Difeafe and Sicknefs of Mind, but was real- 
 
 ^— "v ^ " ly grown to a Fury, and a Madnefs." Here the Spirit of the 
 
 Promife, is fet up againft the Letter ; and a ftridt Adhering to Words, • 
 is counted a Part of the Yoke of Judaijiriy from which feme Moft 
 Chriflian Princes have thought fit, on many Occafions, to emanci- 
 pate themfelves. 
 OBob. 12. In another Letter, he fets forth the Behaviour of the Prelates ; 
 " The Legate never fo much as acquaints them with the Matter ; all 
 " Things appearing well to them at firft Sight, and, who knowing 
 " nothing of Matters, until they are juft ready to be pronounced, pals 
 
 The Bilhops n tJ^gni without any more ado. 1 am willing to let you know 
 
 whauhey *' how Things are carried here ; and what the Pope's Aims are ; who 
 did. " feeks to authorize all his own Pretenfions by the Council. 
 
 " There are feveral other Things I am not at all fatisfied with, which 
 " were carried here with the fame Slight, that Pope Paul made ufe 
 
 " of. And is not this a BlefTed Beginning of a Council ! As 
 
 " to the Canons of Reformation, — they are of fo trivial a Nature, 
 *' that feveral were afhamed to hear them ; and had they not been 
 " wrapped up in good Language together, they would have appeared 
 *' to the World to be what they are." 
 OStob 28 ^" another Letter he writes, " I cannot fee, how either Catholics 
 
 ' *' or Heretics can be fatisfied with what is done here. All that is 
 
 *' done here, is done by the way of Rome : For the Legate, tho' it 
 " were neceffary to fave the World from Sinking, will not depart 
 *' one Title from the Orders he receives from thence ; nor indeed 
 " from any Thing, that he has once himfelf refolved on. 
 Nov. 12. In another he writes; " As for the Legate, he goes on ilill in 
 " his old Way ; confuming of Time, to the lafl Hour, in Difpu-^ 
 *' tations and Congregations, concerning Dodlrines j and will at laft 
 *' produce fomething in a Hurry, in falfe Colours, that may look 
 ** plaufible : By which means, they have no Time to read, and 
 
 *' much lefs to underftand what they are about. Words, or Per- 
 
 *' fuafions, do fignify but very little in this Place ; and, I fuppofe> 
 
 ** they are not of much greater Force at Rome. By what I can 
 
 *' perceive, both God and his Majefly are like to be very niuch 
 " difhonoured by what will be done here. And if Things fliould 
 *' go on thus, and be brought to fuch an IlTue, as the Pope and 
 ** his Minifters aim at, and give out, the Church will be left in a 
 
 " much worfe Condition, than fhe was in before. 1 pray God, 
 
 ** the Pope may be prevailed on to alter his Meafures : Tho' I fhall 
 
 " reckon it a Miracle, if he is ; and {hall thank God for it, as 
 
 « fuch." 
 
 Nov. 26. In another he writes j " There are not Words to exprefs the 
 
 ThePrideand" Pride, the Difrefpedt and Shamelefnefs, wherewith the Legate 
 
 JhlLf«"°^" proceeds. The Succefs and End of this Synod, if God by a 
 
 " Miracle does not prevent it, will be fuch as I have foretold. I 
 *' fay, by a Miracle ; becaufe it is not to be done by any Human 
 *' Means : So that his Majefly does but tire himfelf in vain, in Ne- 
 
 " gotiating with the Pope, and his Minifters. The Legate has 
 
 ^ hammer'd out fuch an infamous Reformation, (for it deferves no 
 ^ . " better
 
 Book IV. of the Church of ^.n^^-and, 179 
 
 " better Epithet) as muft make us a Jefl to the World. The Prelates 1547. 
 
 " that are here, refent it highly : ^jrany of them reckoning that they *— — r~~^ 
 
 " Wound their Confciences by holding their Tongues, and by fuf- i 
 
 " fering Things to be carried thus. \ 
 
 Upon the Point of collating to Benefices, he writes, " we ought \ 
 
 " to put them to fhew what Right the Pope has to collate to any 
 " Benefice whatfoever : I will undertake to demonftrate from the ^ 
 
 " Principles and Foundations of the Law of God, and of Nature, , 
 
 " and of Men ; and from the Antient Ufage of the Church, and | 
 
 " from good Policy, that he has no manner of Right to it: And all I 
 
 " this without doing Injury to his Dignity, and the Plenitude of 
 " his Power. He advifes the leaving thole Matters to a better Time, . ; 
 
 " in which God will purge the Sons of Levi : Which Purgation i 
 
 " muft come, and that with a fevere Scourge ; it being impoiTible I 
 
 " that a Thing fo violent, and fo fraught with Abufes, fliould hold j 
 
 " long: The whole Nerve of Ecclefiaflical Diciplinc being broke* 
 " and the Goods of the Church made a perfedt Trade and Mer- 
 ** chandize. \ 
 
 Speaking of General Councils, he writes, " This which is now ^° S°o<J^^^ j 
 
 " fitting here, will totally undeceive the World, fo as to convince it, Jvom aCoun- j 
 
 " that by reafon of the Oppofition and Induftry of the Popes, to en-ciK .1 
 
 " grofs all to themfelves, nothing of Reformation is ever to be ex- i 
 
 " pedled from a General Council. I would not have Things wherein \ 
 
 " the Pope and his Court have fuch great Interefl and Pretenfions, to \ 
 
 " be decided, or handled here: Since it cannot be done, but to our 
 *' great Prejudice, and to the great Detriment of the Whole Church} : 
 
 " which at prefent, hath neither Strength, nor Courage to refift} 
 ** and if God do not remedy it, I do not fee when it will. i 
 
 Speaking of Exemptions, he writes, " The Canonifts have made ^= /'*'"''P'^'"' ' 
 
 " ftrange Workj having made many Jefts, as well as Falfhoods, to "j^n of chap- \ 
 
 *' pafs for current Truths. When I fpeak of the Canonifts, I fpeak ters. i 
 
 " as a Thief of the Family, being fenfible of the Abufes which have | 
 
 " been authorized by them in the Church. The Exemption of 
 " Chapters ought to have been quite taken away, that fo there might 
 " be fomething cf Order and Difcipline, and that they who are the j 
 
 " Head, {hould not be made the Feet. It troubles me to fee how 
 " thofe Matters are managed and determined here ; the Legate do- 
 " ing what ever he had a Mind to, without either numbring, or 
 " weighing the Opinions of the Divines and Prelates ; hurrying and 
 " referving the Subftance of Things, which ought to have been well 
 " w^eighed and digefted, to the laft Minute : The major Part not 
 " knowing what they are a doing. I mean before the Fa6l; for 
 ** believing that Chrift will not fuffer them to Err in their Determi- 
 •' nations, I fhall bow down my Head to them, aud believe all the 
 *' Matters of Faith that fliall be decided by them : I pray God every 
 *' Body elfe may do the fame. The taking no Care to reform innu- 
 *' merable Abufes, has deftroyed fo many Provinces and Kingdoms ; 
 ** and it isjuftly tobe feared, that what is done in this Council, may 
 *' endanger the deftroying of the Reft. I muft tell you further, 
 " that this Council drawing fo near an End, is what all People rg- 
 ** joice at here exceedingly; there being a great many who wirti 
 
 " it
 
 i8o I'he Hiftory of the Reformation. Part III. 
 
 1547- 
 
 A Decree fe- 
 cretly amend- 
 ed after it 
 was part. 
 
 NfiV. 28. 
 
 Dece, 19. 
 
 It had been 
 happy that 
 the Council 
 had never 
 met. 
 
 "Jan. 10. 
 'Jan. 19. 
 
 it never had met : And for my own Part, I would to God it 
 
 had never been called ; for I am miftaken if it do not leave Things 
 " worfe than it found them." 
 
 In an other of the fame Date, if there is no Error in Writing, 
 " he complains that the Decree of the Dodtrine was not finifhed, 
 " till the Night before the Seffion : So that many Blfhops give their 
 " Placet, to what they neither did, nor could underftand. The 
 " Divines of Lotivain and Cologii, and fome Spanif.^ Divines, being 
 " much diffatisfied with feveral of thofe Matters, have publickly de- 
 " clared they were fo. This is a very bad Bufinefs, and {];iould 
 " Things of this Nature come once to be fo Public, it muft totally 
 " ruin the Credit of all that has been done, or fhall be done here- 
 *' after J and muft hinder the Council from being ever received, 
 " either in Flandns, or in Germany. The Bifliop of Verdun fpeak- 
 " ing to the Canons of Reformation, faid, they would be unpro- 
 " fitable, and unworthy of the Synod, calling it a Pretended Re/or- 
 " mation : The Legate fell upon him with very rude Language, 
 " calling him a Boy, an Impudent Raw Man, with many other hard 
 " Names : Nor would he fuffer him to fpeak a Word in his own 
 *' Defence, telling him with great Heat, he knew how to have him 
 " chaflifed. It is really a Matter of Amazement to fee how Things 
 " appertaining to God are handled here; and that there fhould not 
 *' be one to contend for him, or any that have the Courage to fpeak 
 *' in his Behalf j but that wc fhould be all Dumb Dogs that cannot 
 " Bark." 
 
 In another he writes, " That the Legate himfelf wiflied that the 
 " Decrees were corredted as to fome Particulars : and in another 
 
 without Date, he tells how the Divines were employed in corred;- 
 
 ing them." This Secret was never heard of before : Father Paul 
 knew nothing of it. A Decree after it has pafTed in Council was 
 thus fecretly corrected by Divines, fo the Infallibility was removed 
 from the Council, and lodged with the Divines." 
 
 In another he writes, " It would have been a happy Thing that 
 " this Council had never met ; which is no more than what I have 
 " often wifhed and declared: By Reafon of the many Mifchiefs it 
 " has already done, and is ftill doing. It is to little Purpofe, either 
 " in this or any following Age, to hope for any Thing of a P^efor- 
 " mation from a General Council ; or to fee any better Order therein 
 " than is in this. He fuppofes the Emperor will flill continue to 
 ** folicit the Pope that Things may not be carried there, atfuch afcan- 
 " dalous rate as they have been hitherto : and that he will take care 
 " that no Occafion be given to the Council for to difperfe itfelf upon 
 " the Prelates fpeaking their Mind freely j or denying their Confent 
 " to fuch Matters as are not convenient ; which is a thing that may 
 *' very juftly be feared." 
 
 In another he writes, " This Synod mufl End Tumultuoufly, 
 " and Inglorioufly." In another he writes, " That it was an Ado- 
 " nifhing Thing that the Legate had foifted in feveral Paflages into 
 " the Dodrine of Orders, which muft of Neceflity ruin all. By 
 " the Brutal Violences, Pretenfions, and Obftinacy of the Legate, 
 ** Things are running into fuch a State, as muft in the End, if I am 
 
 " not 
 
 t<
 
 Book IV. of the Church of^n^-diwA. i8l 
 
 " not miftaken, make both himfelf, and the whole Earth to tremble: 1547. 
 " Or if it dees not make him tremble, it muft be becaufe he is given ^»-- ii^-J 
 " over to a Reprobate Senfe : As in Truth, he feems to be abundant- 
 " ly in every Thing that he does." 
 
 In another he writes, " All they diive at, is to get the Pope^s^'^"- 20, 
 " Pretcnfions eftabliilied under the Do6trine of Order ; and fo in- 
 '^ jftead of Healing, to deftroy and ruin all : Thofe being Matters 
 " which were never fo much as propofed, or difputed in the Council : 
 " Neither is it fitting, as Things ftand here, that they, or any Thing 
 " elfe of the fame Nature fhould be meddled with, in this Synod." 
 
 He enlarges on the Authority of Bifliops being derived from Chrift, 
 though fubjefted to the Pope ; and he writes " that upon this Bot- 
 " tom only, the Hierarchy of the Church can be eftablifhed : To fettle 
 " it on any other, is in Effecft to confound and deflroy it. Never- 
 •' thelefs, the Pope if he could carry this Point, though all Things 
 " elfe were ruined, and whatever was done in the Antient Church 
 •' condemned, would find his own Account in it : For after that 
 " there would be no poflibility of ever having any Thing redreiTed." 
 The Decree of Order, on which the Legate had fet his Heart, is 
 fet down at the End of this Letter, the Tranflation of it into 
 EngUp runs thus. 
 
 " This may be called the New Jcrufalem, that comes down from "^^^ I^^5''e« 
 " Heaven: Which was by the moft exadtly regulated Policy of the ^h" Pojl-s^ 
 " Old ytTufalem, fhadowed only as a Pattern to reprefent the Hea- Authority 
 " venly Jtrufakin : For as flie had many different Orders, under ^0°^°^'^ """^ 
 *' one Chief Governor, fo the Vifible Church of Chrift, has his 
 " Chief Vicar ; for he is the only and Supreme Head in Earth, by 
 •' whofe Difpenfation Offices are diftributed fo to all the other 
 " Members, tliat in the feveral Orders and Stations in which they 
 " are placed, they may execute their Fundlions to the Good of the 
 <' whole Church, with the greatefl Peace and Union. A Deputa- 
 " tion of 20 was named to confider of this. The Legate and the 
 " Two Prefidents making Three of that Number j it was feverely 
 " attacked by the Bifliop of Giiadtx. 
 
 In his laft Letter he writes " that the Legates would one w*ay or The laft of 
 " other bring about the Diflblution of the Synod : Which will be ^^^''""Ky- 
 " certainly done, if they can but get the faid Claufes determined ; 
 " becaufe in them they would have gained all that they Defire : And 
 " after that they will never ftand in need of any more Councils for 
 " to ferve their Pretenfions. And in Cafe they Ihould not be 
 " able to carry thofe Points, they will then, to rid themfelves of 
 " this Yoke that is upon their Neck, and of their Fears they will be 
 " under, when they fhall find that they are not able to bring the 
 " Synod to do all the Mifchief to the Church, and to the Authority 
 " of the prefent, and all future General Councils, that the Pope and 
 " his Minifters would have them do, they will then perplex and 
 " confound all." 
 
 Thefe are very clear Difcoveries of the Zeal and Indignation He expi-eff« 
 which polTelTed this great States-Man, during this whole Seffion : ^'?*'*'7,?^'" 
 
 I o ' o nion 01 the 
 
 He {hews alfo the Opinion he had of the former Seflion under Pope former Seffion 
 Paul, (in which he had likewife affifled) in the Dire<Sions he gives ""de^ Pope 
 
 'ir-TTT A • Paul. 
 
 Vol. 111. A a a concerning
 
 1 8 2 * l^e Hiftory of the Reformation Part I \\. 
 
 the Council. 
 
 I C47. concerning the Government oF a Council, and of the Oliice of an 
 V— —/"*»-' Ambaflador, which he drew up before the Council was rc-allcn^.bicd, 
 in this its Second Seffion, in which thefe Words are : 
 
 " In the whole Condudl of this Council of Trent, there does not 
 " appear the lead Footfteps of any of the forementioned Eflentials of 
 " a General Council : On the contrary,, the moil Pernicious and 
 " EiFedlual Methods that can be contrived, have been taken to de- 
 " ftroy Liberty totally ; and to rob Councils of that Authority, 
 *' which in Cafe of Great Storms, ufed to be tlie Sheet Anchor of 
 " the Church ; by which Means they have cut off all Hope of ever 
 " having any Abufes that infeft the Church rcdreffcd, to the great 
 *' Difparagement of all paft, as well as future Councils ; from which 
 " no Good is ever to be expedled. 
 No Shadow " The Condudt of this Council has been of Pernicious Confe- 
 ofLibertyin " qucncc : In which, under the Title of dirediing it, the Pope's 
 « Legates have fo managed Matters, that nothing but what they 
 " have a Mind to can be propofed, difcuffed, or defined therein ; 
 " and that too after fuch a Manner, as they would have it. All 
 *' the Liberty that is here being only imaginary : So that their 
 " naming it, is nothing but Cheat and Banter : which is fo Noto- 
 " rious, that feveral of the Prelates even among the Pope's Penfio- 
 *' ners, have not the Face to deny it. The Claufe that they have 
 " inferted into tlie Canons of Reformation ; which is, facing in all 
 *' ThtJigs the Authority of the Apojlolical See, is telling the World 
 " in plain Terms, that what the Pope does not like fliall fignify no- 
 " thing. He writes of certain Methods that the Legates have ufed 
 " in Negotiating with People to change their Minds : This they 
 " have done fo often, that it is now taken Notice of by every Body: 
 " Neither can there be any Courfe more Pernicious, or Deflruftive 
 " of the Liberty of the Council. The Legates many Times when they 
 *• propofed a Thing, declared their Opinion of it firft. Nay, in the 
 " Middle of Voting, when they obferved any Prelate not to Vote 
 *' as they would have him, they have taken upon themfelves to 
 " fpeak to it, before another was fuffered to Vote, doing it fometimes 
 *' with foft Words, and at other Times with harfher ; letting others 
 *' to underfland thereby, how they would have them Vote. Many 
 *' Times railing at the Prelates, and expofing them to Scorn, and 
 " uiing fuch Methods as would make ones Heart Bleed to hear of, 
 " much more to fee. 
 
 " The common Method was, the Legates affembled the Prelates 
 " in a General Congregation, the Night before the Seffion was to 
 " be held. Then they read the Decrees to them, as they and their 
 " Friends had been pleafed to form them. By which means, and 
 " by their not being underftood by a great many Prelates, fome not 
 " having the Courage to fpeak their Minds, and others being quite 
 " tired out with the Length of the Congregation, the Decrees were 
 *' paft. We, who faw and obferved all thefe Doings, cannot but la- 
 *' meat both our own Condition, and the loft Authority of Coun- 
 " cils. 
 
 « He
 
 Book IV. of the Church of England. 18-^ 
 
 " He fliews, the Legates Drift was to Canonize all the Abufes of 1547. 
 " the Court of Rome : fo they never fuffer'd them to be treated of *— — y— ^ 
 " freely, but managed them like the Compounding of a Law-Suit : The Legates 
 " In all which Courfes, it is certain, the Holy Ghoft did not affift : Way in Cor- 
 *' They ftriving ftill to authorize Abufes ; and giving the World to [^^ aLSs^"'' 
 '' underfland that the Pope is Gracious, in granting them any thing, 
 " as if all were his own : Taking Abufes, tho' never fo pernicious, 
 " and fplitting them as they thought good : By which Artifice, that 
 " Part of the Abufe which was approved of by the Synod, becomes 
 " perpetual ; and for the Part that was reprobated, they will, accord- 
 " ing to their Cuftom, find Ways to defeat their Condemnation. ' 
 
 " There is nothing that can be fo much as put to tht Vote, with- 
 " out the Confent of the Legates : Who, notwithflanding that they 
 " are (by reafon of the great Number of Penfioners, which the 
 " Pope has here) always fure of a Majority, do neverthelefs make 
 " ufe of Strange Tricks, in their Conduct of the Council. Befides, 
 " by having made their own Creatures the Secretaries, Notaries, and 
 " a'l the other Officers of the Council, they have made it thereby a 
 " Body, without any thing of Soul or Strength in it : Whereas, all 
 " thofe Officers ought to have been appointed by the Council, and 
 " efpecially the Notaries. 
 
 " This is the Courfe that has been hitherto taken in the Council 
 " of Tri'/v/, which is employed rather in ftruggling with the Pope 
 " and his Legates, who feek to engrofs all to themfelves, than in 
 " Reforming and Remedying the Evils, under which the Church 
 " groans. I pray God it do not increafe them, by the Courfe it 
 " takes, by Artifice and Diffimulation, to reduce the whole Synod 
 
 " to the Will of the Pope. It may be truly faid, we are in a 
 
 " Convention of Bifhops, but not in a Council. It would have 
 
 " been much better, not to have celebrated a Council at this Time, 
 ." but to have waited, till God had put the Chriftian Commonwealth 
 " in a better Difpofition j — rather than to have celebrated one after 
 " this manner, with fo little Fruit, to the great Sorrow of Catho- 
 " lies, the Scorn of Heretics, and the Prejudice of the prefent, and 
 " of all future Councils." So much may ferve, to fhew the Senfe 
 that Vargas had of the Firft, as well as the Second Seflion of the 
 Council of Trenty 
 
 Mahcnda, one of the Emperor's Divines, that was there, com- MahenJaznA 
 plains in one Letter, " that the Decrees, but efpecially the Matters otliers made 
 " of Doftrine, were communicated to them very late. So that not- ^ ^ ^^!"? . 
 
 •i<iTinii ri/-T-v 1/- Complaints. 
 
 " withltanding the Subltance or thefe Decrees may be found, vf inch 06fob, 12, 
 " it is well if it is, neverthelefs confidering that they are to cor- 
 " re6l them upon a bare hearing them read, on the Eve of a Seffion, 
 " that muft in my Opinion hinder them from having that Authority 
 " and Majefty, which fuch Matters do ufe to have. I pray God 
 
 " give them Grace to mend this.- He confefles, it was not fit any 
 
 " Thing fhould be done without the Pope's Confent : Yet that ought 
 *' to be managed with all poffible Secrecy, in order to prevent the 
 " Lutherans^ if they Ihould come to know it, from refledting on 
 " the Liberty of the Council, and the Freedom that the Prelates 
 
 y ought
 
 184 ^he Hiflory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1547. " ought to have ; who might fafely enjoy more, without having any 
 ^— ^v*~— ' " thing pafs to the Prejudice of his Holinefs." 
 
 Nov, 22. In another he writes, " As there will not want thofe that write 
 " of this Council, fo, for my own Part, I pray God it may not do 
 " more Harm than Good, and efpecially to the Germans that are 
 " here ; who feeing how little Liberty it enjoys, and how much it 
 " is under the Dominion of the Legate, cannot poffibly have that 
 " Refped: and Efteem for it, as is convenient." 
 05loh. 12. There are fome Letters from the Bifliop of Oren, written in the 
 fame Strain. In one he writes, " That for what concerns a Refor- 
 '•' mation, the Emperor muft fet himfelf about it in earneft, both 
 " with the Pope, and the Fathers : For if he does it not, we fliali 
 " have our Wounds only fkinned over, but fliall have the rotten 
 
 " Core left, to the Corrupting of all quickly again. The Pre- 
 
 '' lates here are all very much troubled, to fee with how ill a Grace, 
 Nov. 28. " People that fay any thing of a Reformation, are heard." In ano- 
 ther he writes, " They difcover here little or no Inclination, for to 
 *' do any Thing that deferves the Name of a true Reformation. Se- 
 " veral Things might be done, that would be of great Advantage to 
 " the People, and would be no Prejudice to his Holinefs, or to his 
 " Court. May God remedy Things ! Under whom, unlefs his Ma- 
 " jefty and your Lordfhip labour very hard, there will be no Re- 
 " medy left for the Church. In a Poftfcript, he tells the fame 
 " Story that Vargas had told, of the Legate's treating the Bifhop of 
 " Verdun fo ill, for his calling the Reformation oifered, a pretended 
 " Refortnation : And he commanded him to be filent, when he was 
 *' about to fay fome what in his own Juftificatlon. The Bifhop an- 
 " fwered, that at this Rate there was no Liberty ; and having ob- 
 " tained Leave of the Emperor, by whom he was fent thither, 
 " he would be gone. The Legate told him, he fhould not go, but 
 
 " fliould do what he commanded him. He writes, that it was a 
 
 " wreat Reproach to the Bifhops, from whom the World exped'ted' 
 " Canons of Reformation ; that in truth they could give them no- 
 
 " thmg, but what the Legate pleafes. It were juft with the Peo- 
 
 " pie, if we do not treat about their Intereft more in Earneft than 
 " we have done hitherto, for to Stone us, when we return 
 " Home." 
 Refleftlons I have fet all this out fo copioufly, that it may appear, from what 
 upon thofe xho^e, who were far from being in any Sort Favourers of the Re- 
 formation, who were at Trent, and were let into the Secret of Affairs, 
 wrote of the Council to the Emperor's Chief Minifter, how little not 
 only of Liberty, but even of Common Decency, there appeared in 
 the M'hole Conduit of that Council. 
 
 This Digreffion is, I hope, an acceptable Entertainment to the Rea- 
 der ; and it muft entirely free every confidering Perfon, from a vul- 
 gar but weak Prejudice, infufed into many bypradtifing Miffionaries, 
 which was objedled to my felf by a great Prince, That no Nation 
 ought to have Reformed itfelf, in a Separation from the reft of the 
 Church : But that there ought to have been a General Acquiefcing 
 in fuch Things as were commonly received, till by a Joint Concur- 
 
 I rence
 
 Book IV. of the Church of England. i8c 
 
 tence of other Churches the Reformation might Jiave been agreed i za--. 
 
 and fettled in a General Council. Thefe Letters do fo efFe<flually dif-. v— ^y-*-^ 
 
 cover the Vanity of this Conceit, that at firft Sight it evidently appears 
 
 that even thofe Abufes and Corruptions that could not be juftified, 
 
 yet could not be effedlually Reformed at Trent ; and that every Thino- 
 
 was carried there, partly by the Artifices of the Legates, and partly 
 
 by the many poor Italian Prelates, who were all Penfioners of the 
 
 Court of Rome : So that no Abufe, how grofs, or crying foever, could 
 
 be amended, but as the Popes for their own Ends thought fit to give 
 
 it up. This appears fo evidently in the Letters, out of which I have 
 
 drawn this Abftradt, that I hope any Prejudice formed upon the Pro- 
 
 fpedl of an Univerfal Reformation, is by it entirely removed. I turn 
 
 next to the Affairs of England. 
 
 The Earl of Hertford, advanced to be Duke of Somerfet, depended 
 much on Pagefs Advices. He told him on the Day that King Henry 
 died, that he defired his Friendfliip ; and promifed to him, that he 
 would have a great Regard to his Advice. But tho' Paget put him 
 oft in mind of this, he forgot it too foon. His great Succefs in his 
 firft Expedition to Scotland, was a particular Happinefs (o him, and 
 might have eftablifhed him ; but his Quarrelling fo foon with his Bro- 
 ther, was fatal to them both. 
 
 Thirlby was flill Ambaffador at the Emperor's Court : He ftudied Thirlh writes 
 to make his Court to the Protedtor, and wrote him a very hearty °^'^^'^"'''''*'* 
 Congratulation upon his Exaltation ; and added, That the Bifhop of 
 Arras feemed likewife to rejoice at it. At the fame time, he warned 
 him of the Defigns of the French againft England. He gave him a 
 long Account of the Interim, in which he writes, that Mahenda had 
 fecretly a great Hand : He himfelf feems to approve of it ; and fays, 
 that it was as high an Aft of Supremacy, as any in all King Henrys 
 Reign ; for by it, not only many of the Dodrines of Popery had 
 mollifying Senfes put on them, different from what was commonly 
 received ; but the Sacrament was allowed to be given in both Kinds, 
 and the Married Priefts were fuffered to Officiate. It is true, all 
 was foftned by this, that it was only a prudent Connivance in the 
 Interim, till the Council fhould be reaffembled, to bring all Matters 
 to a final Settlement. 
 
 The Protedlor either miflrufled Thirlby, or he called him Home, HMy fent 
 to aflifl Cranmer in Carrying on the Reformation. He fent Sir Philip ^'"^^^^'^ot 
 Hobby in his Stead. He was a Man marked in King Henry's Time, pgroj.^ ^' 
 as a Favourer of the Preachers of the New Learning, as they were 
 then called. There was one Parfon, a Clerk, known to have evil 
 Opinions (fo it is entered in a Part of the Council-Book, for the 
 Year 1543,) touching the Sacrament of the Altar ; who was main- ^ 
 tained by Weldon, one of the Mafters of the Houihold, and by Hobby ^ '. 
 then a Gentleman-Ulher : for which they were both fent to the F/eefi 
 but they were foon after difcharged. 
 
 Hobby was therefore fent over Ambaffador, as a Perfon on whofe 
 Advices the Government here might depend, with Relation to the 
 Affairs of Germany. I have feen a Volume of the Letters, writ to 
 him by the Protedlor and Council, with Copies of the Anfwers that 
 he wrote. 
 
 Vol. in. B b b His
 
 1 86 lloe Hiflory of the Reformation. Part IIL 
 
 1547, His firfl: Difpatch mentioned a particular Difpute between the Em- 
 
 *: — V — J peror and his ConfefTor. The Confeltbr refufed to give him Abfolu- 
 
 ror'^sConfJilbr tion> unlefs he would recal the Decree of the Interim, and, inllead. 
 
 refufed him of Favouring Herefy, would with the Sword extirpate Heretics. The! 
 
 noVpl"rfe°c"? Emperor faid, he was fatisfied with what he had done in the Matter 
 
 iag Heretics, of the Interim, and that he would do no more againftthe Lutherans: ■ 
 
 If the Fryar would not give him Abfolution, others would be found,. 
 
 who would do it. So the Fryar left him. * 
 
 At that Time, a Propofition of a Marriage for the Lady Mary was 
 
 made by the Emperor, who feemed to apprehend ' that flie was noti 
 
 fafe in England. It was with the Brother of the King oi Portugal. 
 
 He Was called at firft the Prince of Portugal; and it was then 
 
 hearkened to : But ^yhen the Council underftood he was the King's 
 
 Brother, they did not think fit to entertain it. And in the fame 
 
 Letter, Mention is made of Geofrey Poole, who was then beyond 
 
 Sea, and defired a Pardon : The Council wrote, that he was included 
 
 in the laft Aft of Pardon ; yet fince he defired it, they offer him a 
 
 Special Pardon. This Letter is figned T. Cant. Wiltpire, Northajnp-- 
 
 ton, Wentioorthy'"^.:Ely^ T. Cheyne, A.Wyngjield, Herbert^ N.Wal- 
 
 fbn,--J.Gage: ■■''■^'■' I ■■■'-■ . . ; 
 
 The next Difpatch to him has a particular Account of two Per-J' 
 fons, whom the King of France had corrupted to betray one of 
 their Forts to him. The King of France had faid to their Ambafla- 
 dor. Par la Foy de Gentilhomme, By the Faith of a Gentleman, he 
 ThePeriTdy would make no War, without giving Warning firft. This he pro- 
 ofthe/";rw^ riiifcd on the 20th oi "July : yet hearing of the Commotions that were 
 ^^' iri England, he began Hoftilities againft Bullogn within Three or 
 
 Four Days after. This is figned E. Somerfeti T. Cant. R. Ryche 
 Can. W. St. Johns, W. Paget, W. Petre, J. Smith, E. Watton. So 
 long ago did it appear, that the Bona Fide of that Court was not a 
 Thing to be much relied on. I would have printed thefe Letters, if 
 they Were in my Power : But having had the Originals in my Hands 
 above '30 Years ago, I did not then Copy them out, but contented 
 myfelf with taking Extradls out of them, to which I Ihall upon other 
 Occafions have Recourfe. 
 The Progrefs As.for .the Progrefs of the Reformation at Home, Crajimer \v7il- 
 ^1^'^^^,^/°';^ delivt^fed from too deep a Subjedlion, in wMchfe had lived to King 
 -sil --d: cHenfr. The Loatl of great Obligatiorfs', is a Weight on a Generous^ 
 "-" Mind '. The Hope he had of gaining on the King, to carry him to;' 
 a further Reformation, did, no doubt, carry him too far in his Com- 
 pliances to him. He did, perhaps, fatisfy himfelf, as I have Reafon 
 tobelieve many in the Ro7han Communion do, to this Day, that hsf 
 did.fiol in.his Mind, or with his Thoughts, go along in thofe Devo-'' 
 tioils, tt^t they cannot but think unlawful; but what, thro' a Fear-. 
 fttlnefs 6f Temper, or an ill-managed Modefty, they do not depart 
 from eftabliflied Pracflices, even tho' they think them unlawful. The 
 Compliances that we find in the Apoftles, particularly in St. Paul 
 himfelf, the Apoftlp of the Gentiles, in order to the Gaining the 
 y^/r might all meet together, to carry him too far in his Submiffi- 
 onito'^KingHt'^^'. This cAn neither be denied, nor jufl:ified ; but 
 the Cenfures paflcd on it, may be much loftned, when all thefe 
 
 Things
 
 Book IV. of the Church of ^x\^mA' 'A"S: t 
 
 Tilings are laid together. Now he was delivered from that Servitude 1547. ' 
 
 fo he refolved to fet abput ?,', further Reformation, with rriuch Zeal^ '^■rsr^rr^ 
 
 tho' perhaps ftill with too great . Caution. He flu died if, it._^\^s poff 
 
 fible to gain upon Gardiner : he had reafon to believe from his Fpr-, 
 
 wardnefs in complying with King Heriry, that he had no great,Scru-j 
 
 pulolity in his own Thoughts j fo he tried, to draw hun. to aflifl^-at i 
 
 leaft not to oppofe the Steps that were to be made 5 and judging. 
 
 that it was neceffary to give the People due Inftrudtion, to carry them, . 
 
 to a further Mcafure of Knowledge, he fet;, -about the preparing at "\ 
 
 Book of Homilies, tcf be read, in Churches : And to give fpme more i 
 
 Light into the Meaning of the New Teflament, he ehofe Eri^fmus\ \ 
 
 Paratibrafe as the mofl unexceptionable Book that could be thought ! 
 
 on : Since he had been fo much favoured in England ; and as he i 
 
 had written again flXw/Z^fr, fo he Uved and died in the Ro?nan Cocci-f; \ 
 
 munion.^nj,. , .,;.-. j^..,^., .r^vri J /;.•,"; k; ; ,- r.^,.; :';:>/ vOijb.r:4 
 
 Cranmer communicated" his Deligns,'^ with the Draught of the Hg-'p"'''^'"'''^^ ! 
 
 jnilies to Gardiner : But he was refolved to fet himfelf at the Head of the Oppofui- i 
 
 the Popifli Party : He had no doubt great Refentments, becaufe he'on to it. I 
 
 was left out of the Council, which he imputed to the Seymours : | 
 0^«;7;pr tiled if t;he Offer of bringing him to fit at that Board, could ioii?oi<I j 
 overcome thefe ; yet all was in vain. He inlifled at firfl; on this, that a-'noOni j 
 during the King's Minority, it was fi,t ,^0 keep, all Things quiet,- and; 
 
 not to indanger the public Peace by venturing on new Changes : He I 
 
 preffed the Archbifliop with the only thing that he could not well ' 
 anfwer : Which was, that he had concurred in fetting forth the late 
 King's Book oi \a necej'ary DoBrine r Gardiner wrote that he w^?, 
 
 confident Cranmer was- a better Man than to do any fuch Thing againft; j 
 
 his Confcience upon any King's Account ; and if his Conlcience agreed j 
 
 to that Book, which he himfelf had fo recommended, he wiflied '; 
 
 Things might be left to reft there. Cranmer preffed him again and .j 
 
 again in this Matter, but he was intra(9:able. In particular he excepted , 
 
 to the Homily oi 'Jujlijication^ which; was thought to be oi Cranmer ^. \ 
 
 own compofing : Becaufe y/^?/5i.vz//o;z was afcribed- to. jP^/V^^ only, In- I 
 
 which he thought Charity had likewife its Influence ; and that with- j 
 out it Faith was dead, and a dead Thing could not be the Caufe of 
 
 yujlificaticn. But the Archbifhop fliewed him his Defign in that, i 
 was only to fet forth the Freedom ■ of God's Mercy, which we rely* 
 ing on, had by that, the. Apphcation of it to ourfelves j not meaning. ".- : 
 that juftifying Faith was ever without Charity ; for even Faith did- 
 
 not juflify as a meritorious Condition, but only as it was an Inftru- j 
 
 ment applying God's Mercy to Sinners. Upon this there was per- j 
 
 haps too much of Subtilty on both Sides. As for Era/mus's Para- ' 
 
 phrafe, Gardiner excepted to it as being in many Things contrary to j 
 
 the Homilies : So he thought fince they agreed fo little together, they j 
 
 ought notito be. joined and recommended by the fame Injunctions : To j 
 
 this it was fi\id that the Paraphrafe was a good and ufeful Book, tho' J 
 in fome Particulars, the Homilies differed from it. 
 
 But as they had the Perverfenefs of the Popifh Party to deal with, ; 
 fo i^ wa>s. not/ eafy , to reftrain their own Side, Thofe whole Heat 
 could -notjbe wall managed, were apt to break outi into great Difor- 
 ders ; foinc infulting the Priefts as they were officiating, others talking
 
 1 88 ithe Hiftory of the Reformat iotj. Part IIL 
 
 1547- 
 
 Proceedings 
 in Convoca- 
 tion. 
 
 They affirm 
 that it was 
 free for the 
 Clergy to 
 marry. 
 
 irreverently of the Sacrament j fome defining the manner of the Pre-^ 
 fence, and others aflerting the Impoflibility of it, as it was explained. 
 Thefe Diforders gave Occafion to two Proclamations this Year ; the 
 iirft was on the 1 2th of Nove^nbery againfl Infolence towards Prierts, 
 fuch as the reviling them, toffing them, and taking their Caps and 
 Tippets violently from them : The other was on the 27th oi Decem- 
 ber againft irreverent Talkers of the Sacrament, and againft thofc 
 who in their Sermons went to define the Manner, the Nature and 
 Fafhion, and the Poflibility or Impoflibility of the Prefe.nce. The 
 Vifitors went about with their Injunftions. They are regiftred in the 
 Books of the Dean and Chapter of Tork ; where the Vifitation was 
 held in September. It came not to JVincheJler till OStober, for the Mo- 
 nition concerning it was made on the 7th of OBober. Whether the 
 Slownefs of the Vifitors coming thither was occafioned by any fecret 
 Practice with Gardiner, and upon the Hopes of gaining him or not, 
 I cannot tell. He it feems, had before that refufed to receive or 
 obey the Injundtions ; for which he was put in the Fleet : And when 
 he wrote his Letter to the Protestor, complaining of the Proceedings 
 againft him, he had been then feven Weeks there. 
 
 I can fay nothing new of the Parliament that fat this Year. When 
 the Convocation was opened on the 5th of November, the Archbiftiop 
 told them, that it was with the King and the Lords Confent that the 
 Prelates and Clergy (hould confult together about fettling the Chriftian 
 Religion right, and delivering it to the People. He fent them to chufe 
 their Prolocutor; and to prefent him the Friday following. It is fet 
 down in the Minutes, that the lower Houfe confulted how they might 
 be joined to the lower Houfe of Parliament : And about the Re- 
 formation of Ecclefiaftical Laws. On the 9th of December fome were 
 appointed to know if the Archbifhop had obtained Licence (in the 
 Minutes called Indemnity or Immunity) for them to treat of Matters 
 of Religion. In the 5th SelTion on the laft of November, the Prolo- 
 cutor exhibited an Order given him by the Archbifhop for receiving 
 the Communion in both Kinds, to which in the next Seflion they 
 agreed, no Man fpeaking againft it ; 64 agreed to this j Polydore Vir- 
 gil and Wejlofi being two of them. And in the 8th Scffion on the 
 J 7th of December, a Propofition was offered to them, in thefe Words : 
 " That all fuch Canons, Laws, Statutes, Decrees, Ufages, and Cu- 
 " ftoms, heretofore made or u fed, that forbid any Perfon to contraft 
 " Matrimony, or condemn Matrimony already contradled, by any 
 " Perfon, for any Vow or Promife of Priefthood, Chaftity or Wi- 
 " dowhood, fhall from henceforth ceafe, be utterly void, and 
 " of none effedl." Here it was that Redmans Opinion was read, 
 which I had in my Hiftory put as read the following Year. This 
 Propofition went to all Monaftic Vows, as well as to the Marriage of 
 Priefts. The Propofition was fubfcribedby 53 who were for the Affir- 
 mative, only 22 were for the Negative : After which a Committee 
 was named to draw the Form of an Adl for the Marriage of Priefts. 
 But all that is in the often cited Minutes as to this Matter, is. Item 
 propounded for the Marriage of Priefts ; and to it is added, and that 
 the Ecclefiaftical Laws fhould be promulgated ; there is no more in 
 the Minutes of the Convocations during this Reign. 
 
 Stryj)e
 
 Book IV. of the Church of Kngicind. 189 
 
 Strype adds to this a particular Remark out of the Defence of the i 547. 
 Priefts Marriage, that diverfe of thofe who were for the Aflirmative, ^*-— /-— ' 
 did never marry : And that fome of thofe who were for the Nega- 
 tive yet did afterwards marry. Crafimer went on gathering Awiho- CaT-mer^L^. 
 thorities out of Scripture and the Fathers againfl unwritten Tradi-1^°"" "■'•'^ 
 tions : He wrote a Book on this Subjedl in Latin ; but in Queen "'' ' 
 Mary'a Time it was tranllated into Englip, and pubHflied by an Eng~ 
 iijh Exile beyond Sea. He took a fpecial Care to furnifli Canterburs< 
 with good Preachers : But tho' their Labours were not quite without 
 Succefs, yet Superftition had too deep a Root there to he eafily fub- 
 dued : And in the Univerlities, the old Dodrines were fo obflinately 
 perfifted in, that when fome in Cambridge offered to examine the 
 Mafs by the Scriptures and the Fathers, and to have a Difputation 
 upon it, the Vice-Chancellor did forbid it. The Archbifliop had pro- 
 cured a Confirmation of their Privileges, of Camh-idge at leaft ; for 
 Strype only mentions that : The Mildnefs he expreffed towards all 
 who oppofed him, even with Infolence, was remarkable : When one 
 who thought he carried this too far, told him, that if ever it came 
 to the Turn of his Enemies, they would fhew him no fuch Favour j 
 he anfwered, Well, if God fo provide, ive nniji abide it. 
 
 I did, in the Account of the Arguments againfl: Tranfubftantlation, 
 mention a Letter of St. Chryfoflom\ to Cefarms, of which Feter Mar- Sf- Chryfi- 
 tyr brought over a Copy in Latin to England. Since that Ttme thef^'^^,"'" 
 Popifh Clergy were fenfible, that by that Letter it appeared plainly, brought to 
 that ?,t. Cbryfoftom did believe that the Subftance of Bread and Wine ^"•S''"'"^- 
 remained flill in the Sacrament ; as the Human Nature remained in the 
 Perfon of Chrifl : So that by this, all the other high Figures ufed 
 by that Father muft be underftood fo, as to reconcile them to this 
 Letter : therefore they ufed all poffible Endeavours to fupprefs it. When 
 the Learned Bigot had brought a Copy of it from Florence to France, 
 and printed it with other Things relating to that Father, they ordered 
 it to be cut out in fuch a manner, that in the printed Book it appeared 
 that fome Leaves were cut out ; yet one Copy of it was brought to 
 the prefent Learned and Pious Bifliop of Lincoln, then Chaplain to 
 our Ambaffador at Paris, who firft printed it here in Englajid ; as 
 the Learned Le Moyne, having another Copy fent to him, printed it 
 about the fame time in Holland. 
 
 I have nothing to add concerning the Tumults of the Year 1 549, Troubles at 
 but that the PopiHi Clergy were generally at the Flead of the Rebels, ^'"^"'t/''"''. 
 Many of thefe were Priefts that had complied and fubfcribed the new 
 Book ; fome of them were killed in every Skirmifli, and very few of 
 the Clergy (hewed much Zeal againfl them : So that the Earl of Bed- 
 ford could have none but Miles Coverdale, to go along with the Force 
 that he carried into DcvonJJnre to fubdue them. 
 
 Upon fome Information, that the Lady Marys Servants were aftiveThe Lady 
 in affifting thofe Commotions, the Protedtor and Council wrote to her ^j['"->„'^J^^^^^^j 
 on the 1 7th J that Letter being delivered to her on the 20th of y/z/v. Servants were 
 (lie prefently wrote an Anfwer, which I had from Sir William Cook, concerned in 
 and it will be found in the CoUediion. In it, " fhe expreffes ^^'^^Coll.Kufl'.zl 
 " Diflike of thofe Revolts. A Chaplain of hers in Devoti/l.nre had 
 
 Vol. III. Ccc "been
 
 ipo 'The Hijlory of the Refonnation Part 111. 
 
 I 547. " been named, but flie Vv'rites flie had not one Chaplain in thofe Parts^ 
 ^— —v"*-^ " Another that \va» named, Uved conflantly in her Houle : She jufti- 
 *' fies all her Servants, that had been named : and allured them, that 
 ♦' all of her Houfliold were true Subjedts to the King. The Council 
 " had likewife charged her, that her Proceedings in Matters of Re- 
 " ligion had given the Rebels great Courage : Which fhe wrote, 
 •' appeared to be untrue ; fince the Rebels in her Neighbourhood 
 " touched upon no Point of Religion. She prayed God, that their 
 " new Alterations, and unlawful Liberties, might not rather be the 
 " Occafion of fuch Aflemblies : As for Devoajbire, flie had neither 
 " Lands nor Acquaintance in thofe Parts." 
 
 In the fupprelfing thefe Tumults, the Protedtor did vifibly efpcufe 
 the People's Intereft, and blamed the Lords for their Liclofures, and 
 the other Opprellions that had, as he faid, occafioned all thofe Difor- 
 ders. By tliis he came to be univerfally beloved by tlie People ; but 
 truftingto that, he began to take too much upon him: and was fo wed-^ 
 ded to his own Thoughts, that he often oppofcd the whole Council* 
 Upon which Paget wrote him a long Letter, in which, as a Faithful 
 Friend, he fet before him his Errors ; chietiy his Wilfu'nefs, and his 
 affedling Popularity too much. He defircd to be difmilfed the Coun- 
 cil ; for while he was there, he was refolved to deliver his Opinion, 
 according to his Reafon, and not feek to pleafe another : He had of- 
 fered him faithful Advices, and warned him of the Cloud that he 
 faw gathering againfl him. This he wrote on the 6th of July, fome 
 Cotton Libr. Months before it broke out : It feems the Protedtor took this Freedom 
 Titus, D. 3. well from him, for he continued firm to him to the lafl. His Brother, 
 the Lord Seimow's Fall lay heavy on him : Tho' that Lord had almoft 
 compafled another Defign, of marrying the Lady Elizabeth : So I find 
 it in the Council's Letters to Hobby of the i8th of January I54-|. 
 The Enter- As for the Other Matter with which he was loaded, the entertaln- 
 taining Fo- Jng fome G^r;;7<^;?,Troops, I find among Sir Philip Hobby'?, Letters, d 
 in ^Lwr gi'^^t many Orders and Letters, figned by the whole Council, as well 
 as by the Protestor, which fliew that they all concurred in that Mat- 
 ter. The true Secret of it on both Sides was this : The Bulk of the 
 People of England was rtill pofTefi'ed with the old Superflition to fuch 
 a degree, that it was vifible they could not be depended on, in any 
 Matter that related to the Alterations that were made, or were defigned 
 to be made : Whereas the Germans were full of Zeal, on the other 
 fide ; fo that they might well be trufted to : And the Princes of Ger" 
 many, who were then kept under by the Emperor, fo that they nei- 
 ther durft nor could keep their Troops at home, but hoped they 
 might at fome better time have an Occafion to ufe them, were willing 
 to put them in the Hands of the prefent Government of England. 
 Howfoever, this had an odious Name put on it, and was called a rul- 
 ing by Strangers : So that it very much fliook the Duke of Somerfet's 
 Popularity j for tho' it could not be denied, that all the Council had 
 concurred with him in it, yet tlie Load and Blame of all was laid 
 on him. 
 
 The Popifli Party was very active in procuring the Change of Mea- 
 fures that followed. The Council wrote over to the Emperor, to let 
 
 him
 
 Book IV. of the Church ^England. ipx 
 
 him know that the Neceffity of their Affairs was like to force thcni i rj/^. 
 
 to treat for the deUvering up of BiiUogne to rhe French j tho' this wab 
 
 a Secret, not yet communicated to the whole Privy Council. 
 
 Bofier's being removed was not much refented, neither at home 
 
 nor abroad. He was a brutal Man, few either loved or efteemed 
 
 him : And Ridlev. who came to fucceed him, was the moft eenerallv 
 
 erteemed Man of all the Reformers. One Thing that made it more 
 
 acceptable to thofe who favoured the Reformation, was the fupprefhn?- 
 
 the Biflioprick of Wc/iminjler, and the remo\'ing Thirlebx to Ncru-icb, 
 
 where it was thought he could do lefs Mifchief than where he was : 
 
 For tho' he complied as foon as any Change was made, yet he fecretlv 
 
 oppofed every thing, while it was fafe to do it. He had a foft and 
 
 an infinuating Way with him ; which, as was thought, prevailed too 
 
 much even on Cranmer himfelf. But Gardiner was a dextrous Man, 
 
 and much more efieemed, tho' as little beloved as Boner was : So the 
 
 falling on him gave a greater Alarm to the whole Party. He who was 
 
 fo well known both in the Emperor's Court, and in the French Court, 
 
 fent over tragical Accounts of the Ufage he met with. This was 
 
 writ over hither by our AmbafTador at the Court of France : Upon 
 
 which a very fevere Charadler of him is given in a Letter figned £. 
 
 Somerfet, T.'Canf. R. Rich. C. fV. JViliJhire, J. Waru'ick, J^Bedford, 
 
 TV. Northampton^ G. Clinton, JF. Petre, IV. Cccyl. In it they ga\'e an 
 
 Account of the Proceedings againft him ; and add, " He had Ihewed 
 
 " not only a wilful Pride, but a cankered Heart, gnilty of open and 
 
 " fliameful Lies ; by which impudent Falflaood, he fliewed himfelf 
 
 " moft unworthy to be a Bifliop, whatfoever Strangers may think of 
 
 *' him. For Religion, he is as far from any Piety or Fafliion of a 
 
 " good Bifliop, as a Player of a Bifliop in a Comedy is from a good 
 
 " Bifliop indeed." 
 
 Whether the Protedor defigned any thing againft the Conftltution 
 
 t)f the Church, or at leaft to fwallow up the great Endowments that 
 
 were not yet devoured, I cannot tell. But there is an Advice in one 
 
 of Hobby's Letters, dextroufly enough propofed, that gives Reafon to 
 
 fufpedl this might be on Defign to broach a Bufmefs that was. to be fo 
 
 cunningly propofed : And Hobby being a Confident of the Protedlor's, 
 
 he may be fuppofed to have written as he was directed by him. He 
 
 wrote it in September 1548. He tells the Council, "that the Pro- 
 
 " teftants of Ger?nany hoped that the King, feeing that the late Wars 
 
 " in Germany happened chiefly by the Bifliops continuing in their 
 
 " Princely and Lordly Eftate, would, for preventing the like, ap- 
 
 " point the Godly Bifliops an honeft and competent Living, fufficient 
 
 'J for their Maintenance, taking from them the reft of thofe worldly 
 
 " Poffeflions and Dignities, and thereby avoid the Vain-Glory that 
 
 " letteth them truly and fincerely to do their Office, and preach the 
 
 " Gofpel and Word of Chrlft. On the other fide he wrote, the Pa- 
 
 " pifts fay they doubt not but my Lords the Bifliops, being a great 
 
 " Number of ftout and well learned Men, will well enough weigh 
 
 " againft their Adverfaries, and maintain ftill their whole Eftate ; 
 
 " which coming to pafs they have good Hope, that in time thefe 
 
 " Princely Pillars will well enough refift this Fury, and bring all 
 
 '.* things again into the old Order." 
 
 I have
 
 igz The Hiftory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 I 547. I have no Particulars to add concerning the Protedor's Fall, and 
 
 ' ^~~~^ the new Scene 5 but that foon after, when it appeared that the Papifrs 
 
 Party deceiv- Were not like to be more favourably dealt with, than they were un- 
 cd in their der the Duke of Somerfet, the Bifliop of Arras did expoftulate upon 
 ProuftorV''^^'^ with Hobby. He faid, they had been affifting to the pulling down 
 Fall. of the Duke of Sojjterfet, and that Hopes of better Ufage had been 
 
 given them ; yet things went worfe with them than before : Upon 
 that he fell to rail at Bucer, and faid, he believed he inflamed Mat- 
 ters in England, as much as he had done in the Empire. For at this 
 Time many were forced to come to England for Shelter, the chief 
 of whom were Bucer, Fagius, Peter Martyr, and Bernardin Ochinus j 
 all thefe v/ere entertained by Cramncr, till lie got good Provifions to 
 be made for them, in the Univerfities ; which were now molt vio- 
 lently fet againft every Step that was made towards a Reformation. 
 Hobby came over to England, and tried what Service he could do to 
 his Friend the Duke of Somerfet : But the Fadion was grown too 
 ftrong to be withftood. Upon his Submiffion, the Matter went for 
 Council-Boek. fome Time very high againft: him, and his Friends. On the 13th of 
 OSlober, Sir Thomas Smith, Sir Michael Stanhope, Sir John I'hynne, 
 and Edward Wolfe, called Adherents to the Duke of Somerfet, and 
 the principal Inflruments of his III Government, were fent to the 
 Tower; artd on the 14th he himfelf was fent thither. No more 
 Mention is made of them till the 6th of February, that the Duke of 
 Somerfet was fet at Liberty ; but bound in a Recognizance of loooo/. 
 not to go above Four Mile from Schene, or Syon, nor to come into 
 the King's Prefence, unlefs he was called for by the King, and his 
 Council. And when he knew that the King was to come within 
 Four Miles of thefe Houfes, he was to withdraw from them. Yet, 
 it feems, his Enemies were ftill in fome Apprehenlion of him ; and 
 probably, fome MefTages went between him and his Friends in the 
 Tower : For, on the 18th oi February, they were all made Clofe 
 Prifoners, and their Servants were not fuffered to attend upon them. 
 But it feems, upon Examination, this was found not to be of a 
 Criminal Nature ; fo, on the 2 2d, they were difmiflfed upon their 
 Recognizances. And upon the loth oi April, the Duke of Somerfet 
 was again brought to the Council-Board, being that Day fworn of 
 the Privy-Council. 
 
 On the 20th of April, Hobby being fent back to the Emperor's 
 Court, had Orders to try if the Proportion for a Marriage of the 
 Lady Mary to the Prince of Portugal, might be again fet on foot : 
 And in Excufe for its being rejefted before, he had Orders to fay, 
 that few of the Council had been made acquainted with it : He was 
 defired therefore to enauire, what that Prince's Eftate was. Whe- 
 ther this flowed from the Earl of Warwick's Ambitious Defigns, 
 which might make him wifh to have her fent away far out of Eng- 
 land; or, if it flowed from the Unealinefs the Council was in, by 
 reafon of her perfifling in the Old Way of Religion, I cannot deter- 
 mine. Hobby had alfo Orders to reprefent to the Emperor, that 
 they had hitherto connived at her Mafs, in hopes that She would 
 by that Connivance be moved to conform herfelf to the Laws: 
 
 Diverfity
 
 Book IV. of the Church of ^w^jsl^A. 19 
 
 Diverfity of Rites in Matters of Religion, ought not to be fufFci'd. IC40. I 
 The Laws were fo ftridl, that no Licence could be granted, in Opoo- ^^""-^ — -J j 
 fition to them : Yet they were refolved to connive a Httle longer, \ 
 tho' She abufed the King's Favour ; for She kept as it were an open i 
 Church, not only for her Servants, but for all her Neighbours : Thev 
 therefore wiflied, that the Emperor would give her good Advice in 
 this Matter. The Letter was figned by Cranmer, by the Earls of ' 
 Wiltp.n7-e and Wm-idck^ the Marquis of Ncrthampfoji, the Lord ; 
 JVcntwortk, and Paget, Pet re, Herbert, Darcy and Ma fan. To all 1 
 this, it feems, the Emperor had little Regard : For not long after that, ,| 
 the Ambaflador wrote over, that by the Emperor's Command, an ' 
 Order vs'as ferved on him, not to have the Englrjh Service in his Hoiife. ' 
 The Council looked on this, as contrary to the Privileges of Ambaf- j 
 fadors, by the Law of Nations. So they ordered, that the Empe- \ 
 ror's Ambaflador Hiould not have Mafs in his Floufe, and gave him j 
 Notice of it. When the Emperor knew this, he complained of it, as s 
 a High Violation of the Dignity of that Charader : But the Council- « 
 Books fhew that they flood firm, and would not recal their Order, 
 till the Emperor recalled his Order againft the New Service in the 
 JLnglip AmbafTador's Houfe. What further Proceedings were of ei- I 
 ther Side in this Matter, does not appear to me. I find by the Coun- 
 cil-Books, that the Carrying on the Reformation was cordially elpouf- ; 
 ed, and purfued at that Board. '. 
 
 Gardiner had been Ion? a Prifoner ; and his being detained in the Proceedings 
 Tower, no Proceedin2;s being had acrainft him, occafioned a great '"^S^'" " •; 
 
 000^' o diner* i 
 
 Outcry : So, on the 8th of ''June, i 550, it was refolved to fend fome ! 
 
 to him, to fee if he repented of his former Obftinacy, and would ' 
 
 apply himfelf to advance the King's Proce;cdings ; upon which the j 
 
 King would receive him into Favour, and all pafTed Errors fliould be 
 forgiven. So the Duke of Sanerfet, and others, were fent to him. ' 
 
 They made Report on the 1 oth of June, that he defired te fee the I 
 
 Book of the King's Proceedings, and then he would make a full An- j 
 
 fwer. Fie feemed to them in all Things v/illing to conform himfelf 
 to it, promifing that if he found any thing in it againfl his Confcience, ; 
 
 he would open it to none but to the Council. So the Book was fent 
 him ; and he was allowed the Liberty of the Gallery and Gardens in ; 
 
 the Tower, when the Duke of Norfolk was not in them. On the \ 
 
 1 3th of June, the Lieutenant of the Tower reported, that he had given ; 
 
 him back the King's Book ; and that he faid, he would make no An- 1 
 
 fwer to it, till he was fet at Liberty ; and that then he would fpeak his j 
 
 Confcience : So the Lords, who had been with him, were appointed i 
 
 to go to him again. The Matter refted till the 8th of July. \ 
 
 In an imperfeft Book of the Minutes of the Council, that I have j 
 
 by me, it is fet down, that Gardiner did at laft fubfcribe Six Articles. ; 
 
 The Two firft appear not. The Third is, " That the Book of Com- 
 " mon-Prayer was a Godly and Chriflian Book, to be allowed and i 
 
 " obferved'by all the King's true Subjefts. 4th, That the King, in | 
 
 " his young and tender Age, was a full and entire King : And that : 
 
 " the Subjeas were bound to obey the Statutes, Proclamations, and | 
 
 " Commands fet forth in this Age, as well as if he w>.Te Thirty or ; 
 
 Vol. III. Ddd "Forty
 
 194 ^'^^ Hiftory of the Re for mat mi. Part IIL 
 
 1550. " Forty Years old. 5th, That the Statute -of the Six Articles was, 
 ■ " for iuft Caufes, repealed by the Authority of Parliament. 6th, That 
 " the King, and his Succeffors, had full Authority in the Churches 
 " oi England and Ireland, to Reform and Correft Errors and Abufcs, 
 " and to alter Rites and Ceremonies Ecclefiaftical, as fliall feem moft 
 " convenient fot the Edification of his People ; fo that the Alteration 
 " is not contrary to the Scriptures, and the Laws of God." To all 
 this he fubfcrlbed his Name : But no Date is added to thofe Minutes ; 
 but it is entred, that he did it in the PreTence of the Council, who alfo 
 fubfcribed as WitnefTes to it. Their Names are, E. So?nerfet, IV. Wilt- 
 JJjtre, y. Warwick, J. Bedford, W. Northampton, E. Clinton, G. Ceb- 
 hajn, W. Paget, W. Herbert, W. Petre, E. North. It was refolved 
 to carry his Submiffions further ; fo Twenty New Articles were drawn 
 up : In which, " the Obligation to Celibacy, and all the Vows made 
 " by the Monks, all Images, Relicks, and Pilgrimages are condemn- 
 " ed. It is affirmed, that the Scriptures ought to be read by all ; 
 ** That the Mafs was full of Abufe and Superftition, and was jufily 
 " taken away : That the Eucharift ought to be received in both 
 •' Kinds : That Private Mafles were not agreeable to Scripture : That 
 " the Sacrament ought not to be adored : That the Book of Homi- 
 " lies was Godly and Wholfome : That the Book of Ordaining Bi- 
 " fhops, Priefts and Deacons, ought to be received and approved by 
 " all ; and that the Leffer Orders were not neceffary : That the Scrip- 
 " tures contained all Things neceffary to Salvation : And that Eraf- 
 " »««'s Paraphrafe was, upon Good and Godly Confiderations, or- 
 *' dered by the King to be put in all Churches." 
 
 But to this a Preface was added, fetting forth, " That whereas he 
 " had been fufpedled a» Favouring the Bifhop of Rome'?, Authority, 
 " and that he did not approve of the King's Proceedings, in Alter- 
 *' ing fome Rites in Religion : Upon which, he had been brought 
 ** before the Council, and admonifhed ; and was ordered to Preach, 
 " declaring himfelf in thofe Things. But tho' he promifed to do it, 
 " he had not done this, as he ought to have done : By which, he 
 *' had not only incurred the King's Difpleafure, but divers of the 
 ** King's Subjeds were encouraged by his Example, (as the King's 
 ** Council was certainly informed) to repine at his Majefly's pro- 
 " ceedings : For which he was very forry, and confefTed that he 
 " had been condignly punifhed. And he thanked the King for his 
 " Clemency, treating him not with Rigor, but Mercy. And that it 
 " might appear how little he did repine at his Highnefs's Doings, 
 " which in Religion were moft Godly, and to the Commonwealth 
 " mofl Prudent : He did therefore of his own Will, and without 
 *' any Compulfion, fubfcribe the following Articles." But on the 
 Margin of the Minutes, the Bifhop's Anfwer to this is thus fet down: 
 " I cannot in my Confcience confefs the Preface ; knowing myfelf 
 
 " to be of that Sort, I am indeed, and ever have been ." The 
 
 reft is torn out. On the 15th of July, it is entred, that Report was 
 made by thofe who were fent to him, that he faid he had never of- 
 fended the King : So he prayed that he might be brought to his 
 Trial, in which he afked no Mercy, but only Juflice. When he had 
 
 pafTed
 
 Book IV. of the Church of England. 195 
 
 paffed his Trial and was releafed, it fliould then appear what he would i 550. i 
 
 do with relation to the Articles : But it was not reafonable that he ^ v — -^ ] 
 
 fhould fubfcribe them, while he was yet in Prifon. I 
 
 Some of the Privy-Councellors were fent again to him, and they ; 
 
 were ordered to carry with them a Divine and a Temporal Lawyer ; -^ \ 
 
 fo they took with them Ridley Bifliop of London^ and Mr. Goodrich : - 
 
 His Anfwer was to the fame Purpofe, and was next Council Day re- j 
 
 ported. Upon which he was brought before the Council, and re- \ 
 
 quired to fubfcribe the Paper ; but he flill refufing to do it, the Sen- j 
 
 tence of Sequeflration was read, with a Denunciation of Deprivation, I 
 
 if he did not conform within Three Months : Neveithelefs (it is ad- ' 
 
 ded in the Council-Book) upon divers good Confiderations, and efpe- , \ 
 
 cially upon hope that within that time he might be yet reconciled, it . \ 
 
 was agreed, that the faid Billiop's Houfe and Servants fliould be main- ! 
 
 tained in their prefent Eftate, until the Time that this Intimr.tion fliould I 
 
 expire : And the Matter in the mean time was to be kept private. ; 
 
 Thefe are all the Additional Paflages taken from the Council-Book 
 relating to Gardiner. 
 
 Thefe Steps, in which the Reformation was advancing but flowly, All Preaching 
 occalioned great Diftraftions over moft Parts of the Kingdom : While '^ forbidden, 
 thofe who adhered to the Old Pracflices and Doctrines preached fe- fonsefpeciaUy 
 verely againft all Innovations, and others as feverely againfl: all Cor- Licenied. 
 ruptions and Abufes. The ill Eftedls of thefe contradidory Sermons 
 had given occafion to a Proclamation on the 24th o^ April 1550, 
 prohibiting all Preaching, except by Perfons licenfed by the King, or 
 the Archbifliop of Canterbury : And the Diforders occafioned by 
 Mens divorcing their Wives, or marrying more Wives than one, were 
 likewife ordered to be proceeded againft by the fame Proclamation. 
 On the 9th of Angu/i, there came out another Proclamation, prohi- 
 biting all Plays till Allhollontide : What the Reafon of this laft was, 
 does not appear. That againft all Preaching was much cenfured. It 
 was represented, that by reafon of the Proclamation againft Preach- 
 ing, the People were running into great Ignorance and Diflblutenefs. 
 So Letters were ordered to be written to the Bifliops of Durefme and 
 Ely ; and Eight Days after to the Bifliop of Lincoln, and other Bi- 
 fhops, to appoint their Chaplains, and others by their Difcretion, to 
 preach in their Diocefes, notwithftanding the Proclamation againft 
 Preaching. There was alfo an Order made in Council, that fome 
 Bifliops, and other Learned Men, fliould devife an Order for the 
 Creation of Bifiops and Priejls. I ufe the Words in the Council-Book. 
 Twelve were appointed to prepare it. Heath, Bifliop of Worcejier, Heath reMt^ 
 was one of them. It feems there was a digefted Form already pre- [S^/g^g^' ^f 
 pared, probably by Cranmer^ for that Service : For the Order was Ordinations. 
 made on the 2d of February, and on the 28th it was brought to the 
 Council, figned by Eleven of the Number, Heath only refufing to 
 fign it : He faid, as it is entred in the Council-Book, that all that is 
 contained in the Book was Good and Godlv ; he alfo faid he would 
 obey it j but added that he would not fign it. The Matter was 
 refpited for fome Days, and great Pains was taken by Crajivjer, 
 and others, to perfuade him to fign it ; but he ftill refufing it (as 
 the Council-Book has it) objlinately ; He was on the 4th of Mai-ch 
 
 fent
 
 196 T'he Hijlory of the Reformation. Part III. 
 
 1550. fent to the Fled. He was in September called again before the Coun- 
 '^ — V— ^ cil, and required to fubfcribe the Book : And divers Learned Men 
 argued to perfuade him, that the Book was expedient and allowable : 
 His Obilinacy was charged on him, for which they fiid lie had de- 
 ferved a longer Imprifonment : But he might itill recover the King's 
 Favour if he would fubfcribe it. He acknowledged he had been very 
 gently ufed, rather like a Son than a Subjedt : He infifled on what 
 he had formerly faid, that he would not difobey the Order fet forth 
 in the Book :. Every one in the Council took Pains on him, for it 
 feemed a Contradidtion to fay he would Obey it, and yet not Sub- 
 fcribe it. He was offered more Time for Conferences. He faid he 
 knew he could never be of another Mind ; adding, that there were 
 other Things to which he would not Confent, as to take down Altars, 
 and to fet up inftead of them 'Tables. The Matter ended with a 
 Charge given him to fubfcribe under the Pain of Deprivation. At 
 this Time Two Entries made in the Council-Books fliew the good 
 Effedts of Lati?ner's Zealous Preaching. On the 1 oth of March he 
 brought in 104/. recovered of one w!io had concealed it from the 
 King : And a little after 363 /. of the King's Money : Of which for 
 his Attendance in Lent, 50 /. was allowed to him. I find there wa-s 
 in this Reign, as in the former, a Peculiar Seal for Ecclefiaftical Mat- 
 ters, which was in Secretary Petrel keeping : Many took out Li- 
 cences under this Seal, for eating Meat in Lent ; fome only for a Man 
 and his Wife ; and fome for Four, Six, or Ten, that did Eat with 
 them : And fome for as many as fliould come to their Houfe. Licences 
 of another Nature, I find were often taken out for keeping a Number 
 of Retainers, above what was allowed by the Statute. 
 Day Biftiopof -A^ll Endeavours were too weak to overcome the Averfion that the 
 Chichejierm People had to the Steps that were made towards a Reformation. Dr. 
 noTremovine ^"•'^ the King's Almoner and Preceptor was fent to Si/Jfex, to Preach 
 Altars. and Inftrudl the People there, who were much diflurbed, (as the 
 
 Council-Book has it) by the Sedicious Preaching of Day Bifliop of 
 Chichefter, and others. Day denied this : So an Order was made in 
 Council, that he fhould bring in Writing that which he had Preached. 
 The Duke of Somerfet reported to the Council, that Day had been 
 with him, and owned that he had received the Order that the 
 Council had made for the taking down of Altars, and fetting Tables 
 in their fhead : But anfwered that he could not in Confcience obey 
 it: This feemed indeed unaccountable : But he infifled that he could 
 not in Confcience obey it, and prayed to be excufed : Upon that he 
 was fummoned to appear before the Council, and there, he faid, he 
 could not Conform himfelf to their Order : For he thought he fol- 
 lowed in that both the Scriptures, and the Doctors, and Fathers of 
 the Church : And that he did not perceive any Strength in the Six 
 Reafons, given by the Bifliop of London, to juflify the Change. He 
 quoted a PafTage in Ifaiah, which the Archbifliop, with the Bifliop of 
 London, and the refl of the Council thought not at all to the Purpofe : 
 So he v/as ordered to confer with the Archbifliop, and the Bifhops of 
 Ely aod London, and to appear before them on the 4th of December. 
 When he was again before the Council, he entred into a Difpute with 
 the Archbifhop, and the Bifhop of Ely. They preffed him to give 
 
 Jiis
 
 Book IV. of the Church of ¥jn^2iv\d. -^97 - 
 
 his Reafons for being fo pofitive j he infifted on thofe Words in the 1550. ! 
 Epiftle to the Hebrews, We have an Altar : And though they thought w^y-*-' i 
 it was clear, that by the Altar Chrift himfelf was meant, yet that ' 
 did not fatisfy him : They alfo Ihewed him from Origen, that the i 
 Chriftians in thofe Days had no Altars : He might call the Table an ! 
 Altar if he pleafed : So the Antient Writers did ; but all this had no I 
 Effeft on him. A few more Days were given him to conlider of the \ 
 Matter : He pofitively anfwered he could not obey their Order with \ 
 a good Confcience : And rather than do it, he was refolved to fuffer \ 
 the Lofs of all he had. Two Days more were given him : But he ; 
 was ftill firm. So on the nth of December 1550, he was fent to 
 the Flt't'f. Further Proceedings againft him were ftopt for many i 
 Months ; in which Time it is faid that the King himfelf wrote to \ 
 him : But all was in vain. So in September 155 1, a Commiffion was i 
 given to judge him ; and on the 14th of OSlober it feems both Heath \ 
 and he were deprived : For then an Order paffed in Council for feiz- I 
 ing the Temporalities of both their Biiliopricks. Letters were written 
 in 'June 1552, concerning them to the Bifhops of Ely and London '^ \ 
 the former was to receive Day, and the latter Heath, and to ufe them I 
 as in Chriftian Charity fliould be moft feemly. It feems that both | 
 Heath and Day faw the Change of Doftrine that was preparing, with - 
 relation to the Sacrament : So they were willing to lay hold on the ■ 
 firfl Colour to break off from any further Compliances ; for the Points I 
 they ftood upon did not feem of fuch Importance, as to fuffer De- 
 privation, and Imprifonment for them. ; 
 
 There was at that Time a very Scandalous Venality of all Offices Scandals gJ- ; 
 and Employments, which was fo much talked of at the Court Qf^«" ''X '"*"/? 
 France, that the AmbalTador whom the King had there, wrote over 
 an Account of it ; and it was faid that whereas King Henry had by his 
 
 Endowments made fome Reftitution, yet for all the Wealth they had / 
 
 feized on in Chantries and Collegiate Churches, no Schools, nor i 
 
 Hofpitals were yet endowed. Here a very memorable PafTage in 1 
 
 Ridley\ Life defer ves to be rcmembred : He wrote to Cheek, that he \ 
 "being to give Grindal a Prebend in St. Paul's, had received a Letter 
 
 from the Council to flop Collation : For the King was to keep that i 
 
 Prebend for the Furniture of his Stable. " Alas, Sir, (he writes) ! 
 " this is a heavy hearing. Is this the Fruit of the Gofpel ? Speak, 
 
 " Mr. Cheek, fpeak for God's Sake, in God's Caufe, unto whomfo- ' 
 
 " ever you think you may do any Good withal : And if you will ■ 
 
 " not fpeak, then I befeech you let this my Letter fpeak." There was \ 
 
 nothing that opened all Mens Mouths, more than a Complaint entred ; 
 in the Council-Book, made by one Norman againft the Archbifhop 
 
 of Tork, that he took his Wife and kept her from him. The Council , 
 
 gave fuch Credit to this, that as a Letter was written to that Arch- j 
 
 bifhop, not to come to Parliament, fo they ordered a Letter to be '; 
 
 written to Sir Thomas Gargrave, and Mr. Chaloner to examine the 'i 
 
 Matter. What they did, or what Report they made, docs not ap- \ \ 
 
 pear to me. Holgate during all the Time he was Archbifhop of Jori, *l 
 
 was more fet on enriching himfelf than on any Thing elfe. He \ \ 
 
 feemed heartily to concur in the Reformation, but he was looked on / \ 
 as a Reproach to it, rather than a Promoter of it. This might have a 
 
 Vol. III. E e e fbare
 
 198 . T^he Hiflory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1550. lliare in the Cenfure, that as was reported King £i/iiv?r^ paffed on 
 »— -v — -^ th6 Bifliops in that Time,- &m' y(?r Sloth, feme Jor Ignorance, fotne 
 for Luxury, and fome for Pdpery, are unfit for Difcipline and Govern- 
 ment. At this time the Anabaptifts were again enquired after, and 
 a CommifTion was granted toCranmer, Thirleby, Cox, and Sir Ihomas 
 Smith, to enquire after them^ and to judge them. 
 
 Now Gardiner s Bufinefs was brought to a Conclufion. On the 
 deprived. 23d oi November, a Committee of the Council was appointed to con- 
 fider how to proceed further againft him : On the 14th of JDecewber an 
 Order was fent to the Lieutenant of the T'ower to carry him to Lam- 
 beth on the 1 6th, and after that as often as they required him. The 
 Commiflion to try him was diredled to Cranmer, and others : He 
 defired Council, it was granted ; and his Lawyers had free Accefs to 
 him. On the 19th of January his Servants moved in Council, that 
 fome of that Board might be fworn as his WitnefTes : They faid they 
 would Anfwer upon their Honour, but would not be Sworn : And 
 on the 15th oi February, the laft Mention made of him in the Coun- 
 cil-Book, is in thefe VVords, " For as much as the Bifliop had at all 
 " Tihies befote the Judges of his Caufe, ufed himfelf Unreverently 
 " to the King's Majefty, and very Slanderoufly towards his Council j 
 " "and efpecially Yefterday being the Day of the Judgment given 
 " againft him, he called the Judges Heretics and Sacramentaries ; 
 " thefe being there, as the King's Commiffioners, and of his High- 
 ". nefs's Council, it was ordered that he fliould be removed from his 
 " prefent Lodging into a meaner one in the Tower, and have but one 
 " Servant to wait on him : That his Books and Papers fl:iould be 
 " taken from him, and that from henceforth he fliould have neither 
 " Pen', Ink, nor Paper given him, but be fequeftred from all Confe- 
 " renxie, and from all Means that may ferve him to pradife any ways." 
 Here was Severity upon Severity, which as it raifcd him to be de- 
 pended on as the Head of the Popifh Party, fo it muft have recom- 
 mended him to the Companions of all equitable People. 
 
 Whether thefe hard Orders were rigoroufly executed or not, does 
 not appear to me. I £nd in a Letter of Hooper's to Bullinger, one 
 Circumftance relating to Gardiner. It is without Date. In it, as he 
 tells him that Crome did with Zeal oppofe their Doftrine concerning 
 the Sacrament ; but commends him, as a Perfon of great Learning, 
 and a Man of a moft Holy Life ; he tells him alfo. That Gardiner 
 had a Month before fent him a Challenge to a public Difputation 
 upon that Head ; promifing, that if he did not clearly carry aw^ay- 
 the Vidory, he would fubmit himfelf to the Laws, and would 
 willingly fuffer the Cruelleft Hardships. Hooper accepted the Chal- 
 lenge, and a Day was fet for them to difpute : But when the Day 
 came 'near, Gardiner faid, he muft be firft let at Liberty : So all this 
 Shew of a Readinefs to maintain the Old Dodlrine, vanifhed to no- 
 thing. Concerning the King, Hooper writes in that fame Letter, That 
 thefe Thoufand Years, there had not been any Perfon of his Age, 
 who had fuch a Mixture both of Piety and Learning, with fo true 
 a Judgment, as appeared in him. If he lived, and went on fuitr.bly 
 to thefe Beginnings, he would be the Wonder and the Terror of the 
 World. He took Notes of all the Sermons he heard ; and after Din-. 
 
 ner.
 
 Book IV. of the Church of Kn^dind, igg 
 
 ner, he afRed the young Perfons that were bred up with him, an Ac- i r ro 
 count of what they remembred of the Sermon j and went over the ^ -,-.1j 
 whole Matter with them. He wrote further in this Letter, That 
 then they were every Day expecting that the Duke of Sotnerfet fliould 
 be again called, to fit in the Council. 
 
 Poi?icf, Bifliop of Rochefler, was Tranflated to IVincheJler, beino- 
 •Nominated to it the 8th of March: And pn the 5th o( Ap}-il, he 
 took his Oath of Homage. While he was Bifliop of Roche ft er, he 
 had no Houfe to live in, fo he kept his Benefice in London. But it 
 is entred in the Council-Book, that no Bifliop after him, was tp have 
 any Benefice, befldes his Bifhoprick. 
 
 A new Scene of Contention was at this Time very unhappily 
 opened. Hooper, a Zealous, a Pious, and a Learned Man, had gone ^f"Bp.*^^°"/i-, 
 out of England in the latter Years of King He?i}-ys Reign ; and had 
 lived at Zurich, at a Time, when all Germany was in a Flame, on 
 the Account of the Interim. Upon that, a great Queftion arofe among 
 the Germans., concerning the Ufe of Things in themfelves indifferent. 
 For, a great Part of the Defign of the Interim was, to keep up the 
 exterior Face of Things, as it had been in Popery, with the Soft- 
 nings of feme other S.enfes put on them. It was faid, " If Things 
 " were Indifferent in themfelves, it was Lawful, and that it became 
 " ths Subjcil;s Duty to obey them when cornmanded." Many thought 
 that iS't'Janchtbon hiiiifelf went in that Matter too far. It was vifible, 
 the Defign in it, was, to make tjie People think the Difference was not 
 great between diat and Popery : So the Rites were ordered to be 
 kept up jon purpofe, to niake it eafy to draw the People over ta 
 Popery, Giit of this another Queftion arofe ; Whether it was Law- 
 ful to Obey in Indifferent Things, when it was certain they were 
 enjoined with an 111 Defign ? Some faid, the Defigns of Legiflators 
 weris not ta be. -enquired into, nor judged : And whatever they were, 
 the Su.biecSls were ftill bound to Obey. This created a vafb Diflrac- 
 tion in Gerjnany., while fome obeyed the Interim, but many more 
 were firm to thdir Principles, and were turned out of all for their 
 Dilbbedience. Thofc who fubmitted were for the moft part Luthe- 
 rans, and carried the Name of Adiaphorifts, from the Greek Word 
 that fignilies Things indifferent. The Reformed were generally 
 firmer. Thofe of' Switzerland, particularly at Zurich, had at this 
 Time great Apprehenfioiis of a .Defign of Introducing Popery, by 
 keeping up an Exterior, tliat refembled it. Of this I find a very late 
 InfVance, the Year before this, in a Letter that Mont wrote from 
 StrafhuriC, on the i8th oi February i Ca^j to Mufcuhis, which will ^ ,, ,, , 
 
 A Y • J /-. 11 fi- y JT ' J Coll. Numb. l. 
 
 be found in the Coueciion. 
 
 ■ " When he left Atigjburg, there were no Changes then begun 
 " there ; but they expedtcd every Day, when the New Superflitious 
 " Pradlices were to be fet up. One of the Miniflers told him, 
 " that the Magiflrates had defired the Miniflers, not to forfake 
 " them in that Time xif Diflrefs. They promifed that they would 
 ^' giyc them timely Notice, when thofe Rites were to be brought 
 *' ;m among them. They prayed them likewife, to recommend the 
 " ' 'interim in the foftefl Manner, and with the beft Colours they 
 ♦• could. This was refufed by the greater Number of them : who 
 
 " faid,
 
 200 ^he Hiftory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 i^^o. " faid, they could never approve that> which was by an unanimous 
 V---Y— -* " Confent condemned. He did not doubt, but they had heard what 
 •' was done in Saxony. He wifhes, the German Courage and Firm- 
 •' nefs might now appear : That if they could not adl with their 
 " ufual Courage, they might at leaft fhew their Courage in Suffcr- 
 " ing. The Duke of Deux-Ponts had left Augsburg ; and faid, the 
 " Publifhing the Interim did not belong to him, but to the Bifhops. 
 " Thofe of Breme had fuch a heavy Compofition laid on them by 
 " the Emperor, that they faid, it was not in their Power to comply 
 " with it, tho' they had a Mind to it. So it was thought, this 
 " was done on Defign to take their Town, as a Convenient Foil 
 " for a Garrifoned Place, to keep that Country in Order. He con- 
 " eludes, defiring to know what Agreement there was, as to thefe 
 *' Matters, in the Hehetick Churches." They were, indeed, much 
 inflamed on this Occafion ; and very Zealous againft any Compliance 
 with the Interim, or the Ufe of the Rites prefcribed by it : So Hooper 
 came from Zurich, in the Heat of this Debate, and with this Tindture 
 upon his Mind. 
 
 When he came to BruJJ'eh, on the 20th o^ April 1549, he wrote 
 Coll. Numb. j^.a. Letter to Buliinger, that is in the Colledion. " He fets forth in 
 *' it, very tragically, the Mifery of the Netherlands, under the vio- 
 " lent Oppreflions of the Spaniards. Complaints were heard in all 
 " Places, of Rapes, Adulteries, Robberies, and other Infolences, every 
 " Day committed by them : So that an Hoftefs of a Public Houfe 
 " faid to him. If fhe could but carry her Children in her A.rms 
 " with her, fhe would chufe to go and beg from Door to Door, 
 " rather than fuffer their Brutalities every Day, as they were forced 
 " to do. He hoped this would be a Warning, to put others on their 
 " Guard. 
 
 " The Emperor came feldom out of his Chamber. Hooper had 
 " been at the Duke of Saxony's Houfe, who had about Thirty of 
 " his Servants ftill attending on him : He defigned to have talked 
 " with Hooper, but the Spaniards hindred it. He had no Hope of 
 " obtaining his Liberty, tho' his Health was much broken : But he 
 " continued firm in his Religion, and did not defpair of Things, 
 " but hoped Religion would be again revived. The Landgrave was 
 " kept at Oudcfiard. He was both uneafy, and inconftant. Some- 
 " times he was ready to fubmit to the Emperor, and to go to 
 *'- Mafs : At other Times, he railed at the Emperor ; and at the In- 
 " terim, (Hooper was entertained by Hobby, the Englijh Ambafla- 
 " dor, from whom probably he heard thefe Things ; ) he prayed 
 " God to pity him, for he fuffered juftly for his Treachery. The 
 " Pope's Legate was there, and preached all that Lent in his own 
 " Court. 
 
 •' The Pope and the Emperor were then in very ill Terms. The 
 " Pope preffed the Emperor to own the Council at Bologna ; for he 
 " was afraid to let it Sit again in 7r^/?/ : But the Emperor was as 
 *' pofitive for their Coming back to Trent ; and faid roundly. He 
 *■' would break with the Pope, if that were not done. The Ambaf- 
 " fador told him, That if the Emperor's Confeflbr were to any de-
 
 Book IV'. of the Church of F.x\^\?ind. 201 
 
 "^. pjree fet right, there might be good Hope of the Emperor : But 1550. 
 "both he, and all his Minifters,, were ftrangcly governed, and in a <— .-^/— . 
 " manner driven by the ConfelTor. About Seven Months before 
 " this, lie had left the Emperor, becanfe he would not be more 
 " fcvere, and would not reftore Popery entirely in Germany. The 
 " Emperor had offered him a Eilhoprick in Spain, worth 20,000 
 " Crowui : But he refufed it, and fiid, He would be tied to the 
 " Church, but not to him, unlcfs he would ferve the Church with 
 " more Zeal. The Emperor feemed to defign to break the Peace of 
 " Sisitzerland, and Hooper underftood that fome of Lucern were 
 " then hanging on at Court, probably with no good Defign. He 
 " wilhes they would fear God, lead Holy Lives, and Fight bravely : 
 " And fo they might expecfl to be protedted by God : Yet he under- 
 " flood that the Emperor was troubled that he had meddled fo much 
 " as he had done in Matters of Religion in Germany : He found that 
 " was like to crofs his other Defigns, which might have fucceeded 
 " better if he had left that Pvlatter more at liberty. His Army lay 
 " then near Bremen, but was undertaking nothing. The Cities there 
 " had furnirtied themfelves with Stores and Provifions for Five Years ; 
 " and were making no SubmifTions." This Account I thought no 
 Digrefiion from my chief Defign in Writing, fince this Intelligence 
 came, no doubt, from the AmbalTador. Upon Hooper's coming to 
 England he applied himfelf much to Preaching, and to the Explain- 
 ing the Scriptures. He was much followed, and all Churches were 
 crowded where he preached. He went through the Epiftle to Titus, 
 and Ten Chapters of the Gofpel of St. John : His Fame came to 
 Court. Poinet and he were ordered to preach all the Lent at Court j 
 Hooper oil Wednefdays, and Poinet on Fridays : He was alfo fent to 
 Preach both in Kefit and Efl'x. At this Time Bul/inger wrote to 
 the King, and fent with it a Book that he had dedicated to him, 
 which was prefentci to the King by the Marquis of Northampton ; 
 for an Order was made, that none but Privy Counfellors might bring 
 Books, or Papers to the King. The King faid to Hooper, that he had 
 read the Letter, and would read Bu/Iingers Book: and fpoke to the 
 Marquis of a Prefent to be fent him: But Hooper told him. He never 
 took any: befides, that it was forbidden by the Laws of Zurick. 
 Hooper, in his Letters to BuIIinger, on the 8th of February 1550, 
 fays. The Archbiflicp of Canterbitry, the Eiiliops of Rochejler, 
 Ely, St. David's, Lincoln aud Batb, were fincerely fet on advancing 
 the Purity of Doftrine, agreeing in all Things with the Helvetic k 
 Churches. He commends particularly the Marquis of Dorchejler^ 
 afterwards Duke of Suffolk, and the Earl of Warwick, after- 
 wards Duke of Northumberland, who at that Time put on fuch a 
 Shew of Zeal, that Hooper calls him a moft Holy Inftrument, and 
 the beft alfecled to the Word of God. He writes of Cranmer, that 
 he wifhes he were not too. feeble. He was at Lo?idon, when the 
 Council divided from the Duke of Somerfet, but had not meddled in 
 that Matter : And he fays not a Word of it, but that he blefles 
 God, the Duke of Somerfet was to be fet at Liberty. In June, he 
 was named to be Bifhop of Glocejler ; for he gives an Account of 
 Vol. III. Fff it
 
 202 T'he Hiftory of the Reformation. Part \\\, 
 
 1550. it in a Letter to Bidlingo', on the 29th of yiine. He declined it, as 
 
 ^-'^^'^"^ he writes, both for the Oath, \vl\ich he fays was fcid asid i?7rpious, 
 
 Fffrt'aw Of />;- and by reafon of the Aarofiical Habits. The King ailced, What his 
 
 fium. Reafons were ? He told them very freely to him. He fays of him, 
 
 that the World never faw fuch a Prince as He was, for his Age. 
 
 He likewife fays, the Lady Elizabeth, his Sifter, was wonderfully 
 
 Zealous, and very Knowing : She read both G}-eck and Latin ; and 
 
 few could maintain an Argument againft Her, particularly in Matters 
 
 of Religion. 
 
 Among the Letters fent me from Zurich, I find fome written upon 
 the Occaiion of the Difficulty that was made in Hooper ^ Bufinels, 
 to BuUinger and Gualter, prefling them very earneftly to write to the 
 King, to let fall all the Ceremonies : They tell them, that Ridley, 
 tho' he ftood upon the Forms of the Lavv^, yet vv-as very earneil to 
 have Hooper made a Bifliop. They feem alfo to reflcdl on the Bi- 
 fliops for their Earneftnefs in that Matter, as if they were afhamed 
 to have that to be blamed, to which they themfelves had fubmitted : 
 And they reflect on Bucer, for Supporting the Matter too much. 
 Thofe of Zurich were more difcreet and modeft, than to interpofe 
 in fuch a manner. It would have been too great a Prefumpdon in 
 them, to have made any fuch Application ; but it feems, Biillifiger 
 wrote about it to the King's Prasceptor, Cox. I have not found his 
 Letter : But I find, by Cox's Letter to him, that he himfelf was for 
 Proceeding eafily in this Matter. He wrote to him in May, in thefe 
 Words. " I think all Things in the Church ought to be Pure and 
 " Simple, removed at the greateft Diftance from the Pomps and 
 ^ " Elements of this World. But, in this our Church, what can I 
 " do, in fo low a Station ? I can only endeavour to perfuade our 
 " Bifliops, to be of the fame Mind with myfelf. This I wifli truly, 
 " and I commit to God the Care and Conduft of his own Work." 
 Of the King he writes, " Believe me there appears in him an in- 
 " credible Beginning of Learning, with c Zeal for Religion, and a 
 " Judgment in Affairs almoft already ripe." Trnheron, at the fame 
 time, writes of Him, " We are training up a Prince, that gives the 
 " greateft Hopes of being a moft Glorious Defender of the Faith, 
 " even to a Miracle. For, if God is not fo provoked by our Sins, as 
 " to take him too early from us, we do not doubt, but that England 
 " fliall again give the World another Conjlantifie, or rather, one 
 " much better than he was.'' 
 
 This Matter took up much Time, and was managed with m.ore 
 Heat than might have been expedled ; confidering the Circumftanccs 
 of that Reign : He being named to be Bifliop of Glocejler, was re- 
 commended by Dudley to Cranmer, that he would not Charge him 
 with an Oath that was (as is exprefled) burdenous to his Confcience. 
 This was the Oath of Supremacy. He next defired to be cxcufed 
 from accepting the Biflioprick, or frorfi the Ceremonies ufed in the 
 Confecration j upon which the King writ to CraJimer in Augiijl, free- 
 ing him from all Dangers and Penalties that he might incur by omit- 
 ting thofe Rites, but left the Matter to the Archbifliop's Difcretion, 
 without any Perfuafion or Com'mand to omit them. Tiie Archbifliop 
 
 did
 
 Book IV. of the Church of England* 20^, 
 
 did not think fit upon that Letter to ad: againft the Laws : There 1550. 
 y/ere feveral Conferences between Ridley and Hooper, not without Vii>--»-— — * 
 Ifeic : Hooper maintaining that if it was no'c unlawful, yet it was highly- 
 inexpedient to ufe thofe Ceremonies. The Council apprehending the 
 ill Eftedls of Controverfies between Men of the fame Profefiion, fent 
 for Hooper, and wilhed him to let this Oppolition of his fall. He de- 
 fired Leave to put his Reafjns in Writing ; that was granted him : 
 And when he oiTered his Reafons, they were communicated to Ridley. 
 1 gave an Account in my former Work how honeitly and modeftly 
 both Bucer and Peter Martyr behaved themfclves on this Occafion. 
 Peter Martyr mentions Hoopers unfeafonable and bitter Sermons, 
 which it feems his Heat carried him to ; and probably that was the 
 Reafon that mioved the Council to command him to keep his Houfe, 
 unlefs it were to go to the Archbilhop of Canterbury ; or to the Bi- 
 fhops of Ely, London, or Lincoln, for the Satisfadlion of his Confcience, 
 and not to preach, or read, 'till he had further Licenfe. But he did 
 not obey tliis Order : He writ a Book on the Subjedl, and printed it. 
 This gave more Diftalle. He alfo went about and complained of the 
 Council, for which being called before the Board, he was committed 
 to the Archbifliop's Cuftody, to be reformed by him, or to be further 
 puniflied. The Archbifhop reprefented that he could in no fort work 
 upon him, but that he declared himfelf for another way of Ordination : 
 Upon that he was on the 27th of 'January committed to the Fleet. 
 
 Aiicronius, a Minifter of the German Church at London, in a Let- 
 ter to Bullinger on the 28th of Auguji, 1550, tells him that the Ex- 
 ception that Hooper had to the Oath of Supremacy, was becaufe the 
 Form was, By God, by the Saints, and by the Holy Co/pels. This he 
 thought ImpioiTS ; and when he was before the Council, the King 
 being prefent, he argued that God only ought to be appealed to in an 
 Oath, for he only knew the Thoughts of Men. The King was fo 
 fully convinced by this, that with his own Pen he ftruck thefe Words 
 out of the Oath, faying, that no Creature was to be appealed to in an 
 Oath. This being cleared, no Scruple remained but with relation to 
 the Habits. The King and Council were inclined to order him to 
 be difpenfed with as to thefe. But Ridley prevailed with the King 
 not to difpenfe in that Matter. The Thing was indifferent, and 
 therefore the Law ought to be obeyed. This had fuch an Effedl, 
 that all Hooper's, Exceptions were after tliat heard with great Prejudice. 
 Micronius was on Hooper s, Side as well as Alafco. Ridley had oppofed 
 the fettling the German Church in a different way from the Rites of 
 the Church oi England : But Alafco had prevailed to obtain an entire 
 Liberty for them to continue in the fame Forms of Worfhip and Go- 
 vernment, in which they had been conflituted beyond Sea, in which 
 he had been affnted by Cranmer. It is added in that Letter, tliat it 
 was believed that the Emperor had fent one over to carry away the 
 Lady Mary fecretly, but the Deiign was difcovered and defeated. To 
 explain this Matter of the Oath, I fliall infert in the Colledions the Co//. Numi-i- 
 Oath of the Biihops, as it was pradlifed in King Henry's Reign, and 
 continv.ed to be ufed to that Time, which is on Record, and is among 
 Mr. Rywers Manufcripts. Hooper's Matter hung in fufpence Nine 
 
 whole
 
 204 'T'he Hiflory of the Reformation. Part III. 
 
 1550. whole Months ; in which Time he fcemed politivcly rcfoived not to 
 yield, not without fevere and indecent Reflections on thole who ufed 
 the Habits. Cranmer exprefled a Willingnefs to have yielded to him j 
 but Ridley and Goodrich flood firm to the Law ; while many reflected 
 on them, as infixing too much on a Thing praftifed by themfelves, 
 as if Vain-Glory and Self-Love had been their chief Motives : They 
 faid they wifhed that DiflincStion of Habits was aboliflied, but they 
 thought the breaking through Laws was fo bad a Precedent, and might 
 have fuch ill Confequences, that they could not confent to it. Bucer 
 and Peter Martyr expreffed their Diflike of the Habits, but thought 
 the Thing of itfelf indifferent ; fo they blamed l-ffm for infifting fa 
 much on it. Alafco on the other Hand encouraged him to continue 
 in his Refufal to lubmit to the Laws in that Matter : In Conclufion, 
 he was prevailed on to fubmit, and was confecrated. This was writ- 
 ten to Bullinger by one of the Minifters of the Gerjnan Church. His 
 flanding out fo long, and yielding in the End, loll him much of the 
 , Popularity, that, to fpeak freely, he feemed to be too fond of 3 yet 
 his great Labours in his Diocefe, and his Patience and Conllancy 
 during his Imprifonment, and in his lall moft extreme Sufferings, 
 made all good People willing to forget what was amifs, and to return 
 to a jufl: Efleem of what was fo truly valuable in him. 
 
 In Conclufion, he fubmitted, and was confecrated according to the 
 eflablilhed Form, and went into his Diocefe, which he found over- 
 run with Ignorance and Superflition ; he applied himfelf to his Duty 
 with great and indefatigable Induflry ; preaching often twice, fome- 
 times thrice in a Day, to inflrudl the People, and to reform the Clergy : 
 He did earneflly wifli that the Articles of Religion, which he knew 
 were under Conlideration, might be quickly publilhed. He found 
 the gi-eatefl Oppolition in his Diocefe rofe from the Prebendaries of 
 his Church. Of this he made great Complaints ; as indeed all the Bi- 
 fiiops that were well affedled to the Reformation, found the greatefl 
 Oppofition in their Cathedrals ; though none of them expreffed it fo 
 feverely as Fcrrnr Bifhop of 5t. David's, who wrote to a Lord, de- 
 liring that he might have leave to defend himfelf, againft thofe high- 
 fiiinded, arrogant, Jliibborn, ambitioia, covetous Cano?is, who for private 
 Revenge were fet againfl him : Yet on the other Hand there were great 
 Complaints made of his Behaviour in his Diocefe as both indifcreet 
 and contentious. A Petition was fent up to the Council in the Name of 
 the Inhabitants of his Diocefe againfl: hiin, complaining of his infati- 
 able Covetoufnefs, and his daily vexing his poor Tenants and. Clergy 
 without Caufe j and indeed his Firmnefs and Sufferings afterwards railed 
 his Charaifter, more. than his Condudl in his Diocefe had done. 
 
 The laft and the mofl: eminent of all the Popifli Clergy, that fell 
 in Trouble during this Reign, was T'otijlall Bifhop of Diirefme. He 
 was a generous and well tempered Man, learned far above the Com- 
 mon Rate. He retained his Old Opinion concerning the Prefence 
 in the Sacrament ; but he had hitherto fubmitted, and gone along in 
 all that was done : He had no Heat, nor a Spirit of Oppofition in 
 his Temper, yet his Opinion was known. The true Account of 
 his Matter has been taken out of the Council-Book, which has come 
 
 to
 
 Book IV. of the Church of England. 2,05 
 
 to Light fince I wrote my Hiftory. One Ntnian Mainvil charged 1550. 
 him as contenting to a Confpiracy in the Norths for raifing a Rebel- 
 lion there ; to this the Bifhop anlwered, and Mainvil made Replica- 
 tion : The Council-Book only refers to thefe, and gives no Account 
 of the Bifliop's Anfwer, Mainvil had a Letter of the Bi{hop's, which 
 was his main Evidence, upon which the Iflue of the Trial depended : 
 But that was then wanted, and as appeared afterwards, the Letter 
 was put in tlie Duke of Somerfet\ Hands, and he ftill kept it, but 
 whetiier he did it out of Kindnefs to him, or to have this as a Check 
 to over-awe Tonftally does not appear. 
 
 This Letter was found among the Duke of Somerfefs Papers, after 
 his laft Apprehenfion : Upon which Ton/lall was fent for, and his 
 Letter was produced againft him. He could not deny it to be of his 
 own Hand ; and not being able to make any further Anfwer, he was 
 on the 20th of December fent to the Tower. Whitehead Dean of 
 Durtfm\ and HanJ/nar/bj Ton/iall's Chancellor, were accufed of the 
 fame Crune by Mainvil. The Dean's Death put an end to his Trou- 
 ble, but Tnnflall lay in the Toiver till Queen Mary fet him at Liberty : 
 and there, in the 77th Year of his Age, he wrote his Book aflerting 
 the Corporal Prdence of Chrill in the Sacrament. It feems the Evi- 
 dence againfl Tonjiall did not at all amount to a Confent to a Confpi- 
 racy J for he was only charged with Mifprifon of Treafon ; whereas 
 the confenting to it would have been carried further, to High Trea- 
 fon itfelf : But even that muft have been by a Stretch of his Words j 
 lince if his Letter had imported that, O'anmer could not have op- 
 pofed, much lefs have protefled againft the Bill attainting him for 
 Milpriion, if the Evidence had been clear. This is confirmed by the 
 Oppollition made in the Houfe of Commons, where the Bill fell. So 
 lince the Parliament would not attaint him, a Commiffion was iffued 
 out fome Months after j and on the 2 2d of September 1552, a Letter 
 was written to the Lord Chief Juftice, fignifying to him, that there 
 was a Commiffion addrefied to him, and to fome others, for deter- 
 mining the Biihop of Dmr/hie's Cafe, with Eight Letters, and other 
 Writings touching the £ime, which he is required to confider and to 
 hear, and to give Order in the Matter as foon as the reft of his Col- 
 leagues were brought together. He was brought before thefe Com- 
 miffioners : He deiired Council, and Time convenient to make his 
 Anfwer : Both were denied him, as is fet forth in the Sentence that 
 reveried iliis. He was charged as a Confpirator againft the King and 
 die Reahn : The CommiiTion empowered them to proceed againft him 
 for all Oilences, both according to the Ecclefiaftical and the Tempo- 
 i-al Laws : He made divers Proteftations againft the feveral Steps of 
 their Proceeding : And at laft he Appealed from them to the King : 
 The CtTmniiflianers on -the nth of OBober deprived him of his Bi- 
 {hoprick ; but did not attaint him of Mifprifon of Treafon ; for the 
 Judgment in that Cafe muft have been the Forfeiture of his Goods, 
 and Impriionment for Life : But he was by Order of Council on the 
 3 J ft of Oc?<7At to receive Money for his Neceflities, remaining Pri- 
 foner in the T«wf/-, till forther Order ftiould be given, touching the 
 Money and Goods lately appertaining to him. 
 
 VoLm. Ggg This
 
 %o6 7&? Hiftory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1 550. This was one of the Violent Effedls of the Duke of Northumber^ 
 c- -i*-*!*; ldnd\ Ambition, who was all this while a concealed Papift, as him- 
 felf declared at his Execution. J have laid all thefe Things relating 
 to the Deprivation of the Bifhops, that oppofed the Reformation to- 
 gether, to give a full View of that Matter. But now I muft look 
 back to fome Matters that happened while thefe Proceedings went 
 on. There was an Information brought to the Council, of fome at 
 Bocking^ who were irregular in the Worfhip of God, who thought 
 that to ftand, or to kneel at Prayer, or to be covered, or bare-headed, 
 was not material, and that the Heart only was neceffary : When they 
 Wtt'c brought before the Council, they conftfTed that they met to- 
 gether ; fometimes to confer about the Scriptures, and that they had 
 tefufed to receive the Communion above Two Years, as was judged 
 upon very Superftitious and Erroneous Principles ; (fo it is entered 
 in the Council-Book) with diverfe other Evil Opinions, worthy of 
 great Punirtiment : Five of them were fent to Prifon, and Seven gave 
 Bonds to appear when called for : They were required to refort to 
 their Ordinaries, if they had any Doubt in Religion, for Refolution 
 from them. Thefe were probably fome of the Anabaptifts, though 
 that is not objcdted to them. 
 
 The Great Point that was then mofl canvafTed in the Univerfities, 
 «i!vas, the Prefence in the Sacrament. Concerning this, I have, among 
 the Papers fent me from Zurick, a Letter of Peter Martyrs to his 
 Friend Bullinger, dated from Oxford the ift of June 1550, which 
 'CoL'.Numb:6 ^iii t3e ionvi^i in the CoUeiflion. " He excufes himfelf, for his 
 ** Slownefs in Anfwering his Letters, by reafon of the conftant La- 
 *' hours he was engaged in. For, befides his Daily Expofition of 
 " St. Pmil, which might claim his whole Time, there was a New 
 *' Load brought on him : He was commanded, by an Order from the 
 ■*' King, to be prefent at the Public Difputations upon Theological 
 ■" Matters ; which were held once a Fortnight. And in the Col- 
 *' lege, in which he was placed, there was a Difputation, where he 
 ** was appointed to be prefent, and to Moderate. He was in a per- 
 '" petual Struggle with molt obftinate Adverfaries. The Bufinefs of 
 ^' Religion did not go on with the Zeal and Succefs to be wifhed 
 " fm- ; yft it made a better Progrefs, than he had expected Four 
 " Months before. The Number of their Adverfaries was great : 
 ■*' They had few Preachers on their Side ; and many of thofe whQ, 
 *'■ profelVed the Gofpel, were guilty of grofs Vices. Some, by a 
 *' human Policy, were for purging Religion, but for altering Out- 
 *' ward Things as httle as might be. They being Secular Men, 
 ** apprehended, that upon a more vifible Change, fuch Diforders 
 *' would follow, as might prove fatal : Whereas, it was evident, that 
 the innumerable Corruptions, Abufes and Superflitions, that had 
 overrun the Church, were fuch, that it was impoflible to reform 
 " it, without bringing Matters back to thofe pure Fountains, and to 
 ** the firft Sound Principles of Religion. The Devil ftudied to un- 
 " dermine thofe Good Defigns, by keeping up ftill many Relicks of 
 " Popery, that by thefe, the Memoiy of the Old Abufes might be 
 " preferved, and the Return to them rendred eafier. On the other 
 *' Hand, thev had this great Comfort, that they had a Holv King, 
 
 ' " full 
 
 5C
 
 Book IV. of the Church (t/' England. 207 
 
 " full of fervent Zeal for true Religion. He writes, That he fpeaks 1550. 
 
 " in all this tender Age, with that Learning, that Prudence, and v- *■ ' <'■— ^ 
 
 '* that Gravity, that it amazes all People who hear it. Therefore, 
 
 " they were all bound, to pray God earneftly, to preferve him long 
 
 " for the Good of the Church. There were feveral of the Nobility 
 
 " well iuclined, and fome BiHiops not of the worft Sort, among 
 
 " whom the Archbifhop of Canterbury was the Standard-Bearer, 
 
 " Hooper was lately made a Bifhop, to the Joy of all Good Men ; 
 
 " who was to pafs thro' Oxford, in his Way to his Diocefe. He 
 
 " believed, that he himfelf had given Bullinger an Account of his be- 
 
 " ing made a Bifhop, otherways he would have wrote it. He alfo 
 
 " commends Coverdale's Labours in Devonfhire : and adds, that if 
 
 " they could find many fuch Men, it were a great Happinefs. Alafco 
 
 " being forced to leave Frizeland, by reafon of the Interim, was then 
 
 " about the Settling his Congregation in London. He was at that 
 
 " Time in the Archbifhop's Houfe. The Peace with France gave 
 
 " them fome Hopes. All were under great Apprehenfions, from the 
 
 " Pope's Defigns of bringing his Council again together : but they 
 
 " muft ftill truft in God. And after fomewhat of their private Con- 
 
 " cerns, he defires his Prayers, for the Progrefs of God's Word in 
 
 " this Kingdom. 
 
 " He alfo, in a Letter written on the 6th oi Augujl 1551, la- icri, 
 " ments the Death of the Young Duke of Suffolk, looking on him Ci-v*^ 
 " as the moft promifing of all the Youth in the Nation, next to the 
 " King himfelf." After fome more on that Subjedt, he adds this 
 fad V/ord, " There is fio Knd put to our Sins, nor any Meafure in 
 " Sinning. He commends Hopper's Labours in his Diocefs '^'^g^^'i-/„'iZ%m!dus 
 " ly, and wilhes that there were many more fuch Bilhops as htimpomtur. 
 
 was. 
 
 Upon the Death of the Two young Dukes of Suffolk, Grey, Mar- 
 quis of Dorchefter was made Duke of Suffolk. He had married their 
 Sifter, but had no Sons by her. He had Three Daughters, of whom 
 the Eldeft, Lady Ja)ie, was eftemed the Wonder of the Age. She 
 had a Sweetnefs in her Temper, as well as a Strength of Mind, 
 that charmed all who faw her. She had a great Aptnefs to learn 
 Languages, and an earneft Defire to acquire Knowledge. Her Fa- 
 ther found out a very extraordinary Perfon, to give her the firft im- 
 preflions: Ailmer, who was afterwards, in Queen Elizabeth' % Time, 
 advanced to be Bifliop of London. Under his Care, ihc made an 
 amazing Progrefs. He found, it feems, fome Difficulty in bringing 
 her to throw off the Vanities of Drefs, and to ufe a greater Simpli- 
 city in it. So on the 23d of December, 1552, he wrote to Bullin- 
 ger, " That the Lady Elizabeth was a Pattern to all, in the Mode- 
 " fty of her Drefs j and yet nobody was prevailed on by fuch an 
 •' lUuftrious Example to follow it ; and, in all this Light of the 
 *' Gofpel, to abftain from wearing Gold, or Gems, or Platting of 
 " Hair." He was particularly charged with the Education of Lady 
 'Jane Gray, whom he calls his Scholar: But, it feems, he could not 
 prevail in this Particular ; fo he defires Bullinger, to write his 
 Thoughts to her on that Head. 
 
 s 
 There I
 
 20 8 "the Hiftory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1551. There was nothing done for ahnoft Two whole Years, purfuant 
 
 ' V— ^^ to the Mk pafled in November 1549, for Making a New Body of 
 
 Ecclefiallical J^aws : Concerning which, it is not eafy to guefs what 
 was the Claufe in it, that gave tlie Bifhops fo much Offence, that the 
 greatell Part of the Bench protefted againft it. For both the Arch- 
 bifhops, and the Bilhops of Ely, Durefme, Worcejkr, Wejhninjler^ 
 Chiche/fer, Lincoln, Rochejler^ and St. David's, joined in the Protefla- 
 tion. There were only Two Claufes, that I can imagine could give 
 them this Difguft, One is, That only Four Bilhops, and Four 
 Common Lawyers, were made neceffary to be of the Number of 
 the Thirty two Perfons. The other might be, the Limitation of 
 the Time to Three Years : Tho' that feems defigned, to make the 
 A<fl have its Effedl in a little Time. Two Years were almoft ended, 
 before any Steps were made towards the Execution of it. On the 
 bxhoi OBober, 1551, the Council wrote to the Lord Chancellor, 
 to make out a Commiflion for Thirty two Perfons, to Reform the 
 Ecclefiaflical Laws. Thefe were, the Archbijhop, the Bifliops of 
 Lojzdon, JVincbeJler, Ely, Exeter, Glocejler, Bath, and Rochejler. 
 The Eight Divines were, Taylor, Cox, Parker, Latimer, Cook, Peter 
 Martyr, Cheek, John Alafco. The Eight Civilians were, Petre, Ce- 
 cyl. Smith, Taylor of Hadley, May, Trahern, Lyell, Skinner. The 
 Eight Common Lawyers were. Hales, Bromley, Goodrich, Gojhald, 
 ., Stamford, Caryl, Lucas, Brook. 
 
 This, it feems, brought Peter Martyr from Oxford to London, 
 ^,,^A^ in March 1552. And on the 8th of that Month, he wrote to 
 Bnllinger from Lambeth, being lodged with the Archbilhop. He 
 tells him, " That the King did earneftly prefs the Bilhops, that 
 " lince the Papal Authority was caft out of this Church, the Ec- 
 " clefiaftical Laws might be fo reformed, that none of the Papal De- 
 " crees might continue to be of any Authority in the Bifliops Courts; 
 ", and that another Body of Laws ought to be compiled for them. 
 */f:He had therefore appointed Two and Thirty Perfons, to fet about 
 ** 'it, of which Number he himfelf was one. He fays, the greater 
 " Number of them, were Perfons both eminently Learned, and 
 " truly Pious : In this he delires both their Advices, and their 
 '-'.Prayers. This Work mull be fo prepared, as to receive a Confir- 
 *'r;ipation in Parliamenrj in which he forefaw fome Difficulties." 
 It feems, that this Number was thought too great, to bring any 
 Thiilg to a good Conclufion, or thefe Perfons had not all the fame 
 Views : For foon after, on the 9th of November after this, a New 
 CommilTjon was ordered to be made out to Eight Perfons, for prepa- 
 ring the lan>e Work. Thefe were the Archbifliop, the Bifliop of Ely, 
 LifeofCr/j>;- Dodtor Cox, Peter JSiartyr, Taylor, May, Lucas, Gcodrick. Strype 
 OTirB.i.c. 30. tells us he faw the Digeft of the Ecclefiaflical Laws, written out by 
 the Archbiftiop's Secretary : The Title being prefixed to each Chapter, 
 with an Index of the Chapters in the Archbifliop's own Hand. In 
 many Places there are Corredlions and Additions in his Hand, and 
 fome Lines are fcored out : Some of them were alfo reviled hy Peter 
 Martyr: The 7th Chapter in the Title de Prefcriptionibus is all writ- 
 ten by Peter Martyr. Several Chapters are added to the Firil Draught, 
 
 which 
 
 n^'-.j
 
 Book IV. of the Church of Kn^dind. 209 
 
 which is probably that which was prepared in King /^f-wrys Time. 1552.' : 
 
 There was a later, and more perfeft Draught of this Work, prepared ^— v— ' I 
 
 for King Edward, which coming into Fox's Hands, he printed it in | 
 
 the Year 1571 : The Differences between the Two Draughts, as \ 
 
 Mr. Sfrype alTures us, are not very material. But all this was brought ; 
 
 to no conclufion. "; 
 
 I find fomewhat to be added, concerning the Duke of .Sww^r/^/'s The D. of 5.- 
 Tragical Death, in a Letter that one Johi ab Vlmis, a Snvitzer, then paji'"'*'^ j 
 
 in England, wrote from Oxford \hc 4th of JDecember 1552, to Bul~ i 
 
 h/iger J That the Duke of Sotnerfet was cenfured, as having been ; 
 
 too gentle to the Lady Ma?j, in conniving at her mafs : But when 
 he propofed the doing that in council, the Earl of Warwick an- \ 
 
 fwered, " The Mafs is either of God, or of the Devil : If it is of j 
 
 " God, we ought all to go to it : If it is of the Devil, why fhould ■ 
 
 " it be connived at in any perfon ?" Yet ftill the gentlenels of the i 
 
 Duke of Somerfet, made him fuffer it to go on. But now, he adds, I 
 
 fince the Earl of Warwick had the greateft Share in the Govern- 
 ment, he had put her priefts in Prifon, and had given ftridl Orders, 
 to fuffer no Mafs to be faid in her Houfe. 
 
 He tells one Remarkable Particular in the Duke of Somerfef^ Trial : 
 " That after he was found guilty of the Confpiracy againft the j 
 
 " Earl of Warwick, (upon which the People expreffed a great Con- 
 " cern) the Earl of Warwick addreffed himfelf to the Duke, and ; 
 
 " told him, That now, fince by the Law he was adjudged to dye, ' 
 
 " He, as he had faved him formerly, fo he wo-Jd not now be I 
 
 " wanting to ferve him, how little foever he expected it from him. j 
 
 " He defired him, therefore, to fly to the King's Mercy, in which i 
 
 " he promifed he would faithfully ferve him. Upon this, the Duke i 
 
 " did petition the King ; and it was hoped, that he would reconcile 
 " thofe Two Great Men, and that by this means the Duke of So- 
 " merjet fhould be preferved." 1 
 
 It feems, there was fome Treaty about his Pardon : For tho' he | 
 
 was condemned on the ift of Dece?nber, he was not executed till 
 the 2 2d of January. What made it to be refpited fo long, and yet 
 executed at laft, does not appear. It is probable, it was from a Ma- ■ 
 
 nagement of the Duke of Northumberland' %, who, by the Delay, did 1 
 
 feem to adl in his Favour, that fo he might be cover'd from the Po- ] 
 
 pular Odium, which he faw his Death was like to bring upon him ; ' 
 
 and, at the fame time, by the Means of fome who had Credit with 
 the King, he poffeffed him with fo bad an Opinion of the Duke of So- < 
 
 merfet, that He, looking on him as an implacable Man, capable of 
 black Defigns, refolved to let the Sentence be executed upon him. \ 
 
 In the fame Letter, he gives an Inftance of Hooper's impartial Hooper\ Im-" ; 
 
 Zeal in the Difcharge of his Funftion in his Diocefe : That while P*"'^^ ^eal. j 
 
 he was Cenfuring fome Inferior People, for their fcandalous Life, 1 
 
 one faid to him, " We Poor People mufl do Penance for thefe ' 
 
 " Things ; while Great and Rich Men, as guilty as we, are over- \ 
 
 " looked. Upon that. He faid, name any Perfon, how Great fo- 1 
 
 " ever, that was guilty of Adultery, fo that it could be proved ) 
 
 " againft him, and he would leave himfelf in their Hands, to be j 
 
 " ufed by them as they pleafed, if he did not proceed equally againft < 
 
 Vol. III. H h h !' i^l. 1
 
 21 o I'he Hiftory of the Refonnation Part III. 
 
 1552. " all. So, in a few Days, Sir Anthony Kingftoti, a Great Mania 
 w-v — ' " thofe Parts, being accufed of Adultery, he cited him into his 
 " Court. He, for fome Time, refufed to appear. At laft he came -, 
 " and when the Bifliop was Chai-ging his Sin feverely upon him, he 
 "■ gave him very foul Language, and at laft fell to beat him. This 
 " was prefently followed fo feverely, that he was Fined in 500 /. and 
 *' forced to fubmit to do Penance. 
 
 This raifed the Bifhop's Charadler, as it contributed not a litdc 
 to eftablifli his Authority in his Diocefe. He fet himfelf to do his 
 Duty there with fo much Zeal, that his Wife, who was a Gentian, 
 wrote to Bullifiger^ praying him to write to her Hufband, to take a 
 little more Care of himfelf: For he preached commonly Thrice, 
 fometimes Four times in One Day. The Crowds of thofe who came 
 conflantly to hear him, made him look on them, as Perfons that 
 were hungring for the Word of Life, So She apprehending, that 
 his Zeal made him labour beyond his Strength, ftudied to get others 
 to put fome Stop to that, which, it feems, She could not prevail with 
 him fo far as to reftrain. 
 
 About this Time, the Bifhops and Divines were employed in the 
 Review of the Common-Prayer ; but I have met with nothing new 
 with relation to that matter, fave that on the 6th of May 1551, 
 there was an Order of Council, for Preferving Peace, fent to all the 
 Reg. ExoH. Cathedrals, at leaft to that of Exeter, for it is in that Regifter. And 
 on the 1 8th of January, there was a Commiflion iffued out for the 
 Reprcfllng of Herefy, and for Obferving the Common-Prayer. And 
 on the 27th of OSlober 1552, the Council-Book mentions alfo a Let- 
 ter, written to the Lord Chancellor, to add in the Edition of the new 
 Common-Prayer-Book, a Declaration touching Kneeling at the Recei- 
 ving the Communion. 
 The Articles It remains that I give the beft account I can of the Articles of 
 of Religion Religion. It feemed to be a great Want that this was fo long delayed, 
 prepared. ^^^^^ ^^ q^^ Dodrine had ftill the Legal Authority of its Side. One 
 Reafon of delaying the publifhing them, probably was, tliat the King, 
 in whofe Name, and by whofe Authority they were to be publilhed, 
 might be fo far advanced in Years, and out of the Time of Pupillage, 
 t^iat they might have the more Credit, and be of the more Weight : 
 For though it was a Point fettled in Law, that the King's Authority 
 was at all Ages the fame, yet the World would ftill make a Differ- 
 ence in their Regard to Things paffed while he was a Child, and thofe 
 Things authorized by him when he was in tlie i6th Year of his 
 Age. 
 Nm paffed in The firft Impreffion of thefe Articles appeared with a Title apt to 
 Convocation, j^^j^g ^^^ think they had been agreed on in the Convocation. It runs 
 thus in EngliJJ:), Articles which were agreed to in the Synod of London, 
 in the Tear 1552, by the Bijhops and other Godly and Learned Men, 
 tQ root out the Difcord of Opinions, and ejiablijh the Agreement of 
 true Religion. But there is Reafon to believe that no fuch Articles 
 were offered to the Convocation, JVefton objedled afterwards to Can- 
 mer that he had fet forth a Catechiim in the Name of the Synod in 
 London, and yet, faid he, there be 50 which witneffing that they 
 were of the Number of the Convocation, never heard one Word of 
 
 this
 
 Book IV. of the Church o/' England. 211 
 
 this Catechifm. And in a long and much laboured Sermon of Brooks, i cc-2. 
 preached at St. Paul's Crofs in November 1553, there is an Intimation 
 that makes it indeed probable that the Articles were brought into the 
 Upper-Houfe of Convocation. For when he complains that they 
 were fct forth as allowed by the Clergy, he adds, Whereas the Con- 
 vocation without all doubt (for the Lbwer-Houfe at leafl) wag never 
 made privy thereto: That Referve feems to make it probable that they 
 were brought into the Upper-Houfe. In the firft Impreflion of the 
 Articles, the Catechifm is printed Firfi: before the Articles : So this 
 is to be underftood of that whole Book, which is indeed a very fmall 
 one. 
 
 When this was objefted to Cranmer, he anfwered, I was igjiorant 
 of the Jetting to of that Tattle, and as foon as I had knowledge thereof 
 I did not like it. T'herefore when I complained thereof to the Council, 
 it was anfwered by them, that the Book was fo Entitled, becaife it 
 •was Jet forth in the Time of the Convocation. In the Interrogatories 
 that were afterwards exhibited to him, in order to his Final Cenfure, 
 the 7th ends thus. That he did compile and catjed to be fent abroad 
 divers Books : The laft Part of his Anfwer to that was, As for the 
 Catechifm, the Book of Articles, with the other Book againjl Win- 
 chefter, he gra7its the fame to be his Doings. 
 
 It is true in the Firft Convocation under Queen Mai-y, when the 
 Prolocutor charged Philpot with this, that a Catechifm was put forth 
 without their Confent, He anfwered on the fudden, that the Houfe 
 had granted an Authority to make Ecclefiaftical Laws, to certain Per- 
 fons to be appointed by the King's Majefly : And what was fet forth 
 by them, might be well faid to be done in the Synod of Lmidon, 
 altho' the Houfe had no Notice thereof before the Promulgation. But 
 JVefton alfo faid. That the Catechifm beareth the Title of the laft Synod 
 bejore this, although many of them who were then prefent were ?iever made 
 privy thereof in Jettiiig it forth : So that both ^^o« and Pfo'^o/ agree 
 that the Book was never brought before the Convocation. In this 
 Matter Philpot, as he could not deny the Fa(^, fo he made ufc of 
 the befl Anfwer that then occurred to him, without confidering that 
 the Convocation had not agreed to any fuch Deputation of 3 2 Perfons : 
 For that was fettled by an Adl of Parliament ; nor did the Deputation 
 relate to Matters of Docflrine, but only to the Canons and Proceed- 
 ings in the Ecclefiaftical Courts : For it was a Revival of the Adls 
 pafled in King Henrys Time, fo it run in the fame Stram with them; 
 Thefe Evidences make it plain that the Articles of Religion did not 
 pafs in Convocation. We have Cra?imers own word for it, that he 
 drew them, and that he, who was always plain and fincere, did not 
 approve of that deceitful Title that was prefixed to them, to impofe 
 upon the unwary Vulgar. He alfo owns that they were his doing?. 
 One Reafon that may feem probable, for his not offering them to the 
 Convocation, might be, that he had obferved that many made a dif- 
 ference between obeying Orders already made, and the confenting 
 before-hand to the making of them : A greater Degree of Authority 
 and Evidence feemed neceffary for the one, than for the other : Be- 
 fides that the offering Things to debate, while it was free to argue on 
 either fide of the Queftion, might carry fome to engage themfelves 
 
 fo
 
 212 
 
 T'he Hiflory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1553- 
 
 fo far, that they could not after that fubmit with any Decency. This 
 as far as I can judge, feems to be Cra7imer% Reafon for not olttring 
 the Articles to be debated and pafled in Convocation. 
 But Publiftied Bm; now that they were to be publifhed with Authority, that was 
 Authorhy"^ ' to be done in the King's Name: So a very few Days before the King's 
 Death, he fent a Mandate to Cranmer to publifli the Articles, and to 
 caufe them to be fubfcribed : This was done purfuant to the Arch- 
 bifhop's Motion to the King and Council ; for he had defired, " Ihat 
 " all Biftiops might have Authority from him to caufe all their 
 " Preachers, Archdeacons, Deans, Prebendaries, Parfons, Vicars, 
 •' Curates, with all their Clergy, to fubfcribe the faid Articles : And 
 " he trufled that fuch a Concord and Quietnefs in Religion flior-ld 
 *' fhortly follow thereon, as elfe is not to be looked foi in many Years. 
 " God ftiall thereby be glorified : Plis Truth fhall be advanced, and 
 " your Lordfliips (for he writes it to the Privy Council) iliall be re- 
 " warded of him, as the Setters forward of his true Word and Gof- 
 " pel." Dated from Ford the 24th of November. It feems they were 
 prepared fome Time before that, for on the 20th oi Ocfohcr, in the 
 Year 1552, the Council had Written to the Six Preachers, iJ^^r/cj, 
 Bell^ Horn, Grindall, Pern, and Kiiox, to confider of fome Articles 
 then offered to be fubfcribed by all Preachers, which can be no other 
 than thefe Articles : But as this Matter was long delayed formerly, fo 
 when it was now ordered, it was fent about with all the Diligence that 
 fo important a Work required. The i ing aifu Jiicded his Orders to 
 all the Archbifhop's Officers, enjoin; ii; them to caufe all Reclors, 
 Vicars, or thofe in any Ecclefiaftical Kinployments to appear before 
 the Arcbbifliop, to obey, and do on the King's Part, as ihall be 
 fignified to them. 
 And fent to The Mandate that upon this was fent out by the Archbifhop's 
 the Archbi- Officers, which is in the Collediion, though it is in the King's 
 teXur' ' Name, yet was ilTued out by Cranmer himfelf, in Execution of the 
 Mandate; it is mentioned in it that it was fent to him by the King. It 
 was thus put in the King's Name, purfuant to the Adl paiTed in the 
 Beginning of this Reign, that all Procefs in the Ecclefiaftical Courts 
 fliould be in the King's Name: But its being tefted by the Archbifliop, 
 fhews it was the Aft of his Court. For though there is an Exception 
 in that Aft: for the Archbifhops, yet that only related to what they 
 fhould a<St in their Provinces as Metropolitans, but not to their Pro- 
 ceedings in their particular Diocefes ; in which it feems they were put 
 on the fame Foot with the other Bifhops. The King's Mandate to him- 
 felf is not in any Record that I was able to find out. After the Mandate, 
 the Execution of it by his Officers was certified to him on the 2 2d of 
 y««^, which is in his Regifter, and is added in the Colledlion to the 
 Mandate, But probably the Time given them run further than the 
 King's Life : For nothing farther appears to have been done upon it. 
 The Clergy of the City of London (probably only his Poculiars) ap- 
 peared before him, and he exhorted them to fubfcribe the Articles : 
 No Mention is made of any one's refufing to do it ; bnt he compelled 
 none to fubfcribe, which he affirmed in his Anfwer to an Interrogatory 
 put to him by Queen Mary'% Commiffioners j for he faid that he com- 
 pelled none, but exhorted fuch to fubfcribe as v ere willing to do it, 
 
 before 
 
 Coiha. 
 
 Numb. 7
 
 Book IV. of the Church of Y.Ti<^?ind, 2,1^ 
 
 before they did it. It came to Nor-ioicb -where T/Mrleiy wzs Bifiiop, 1553. • 
 
 who complied readily with every Thing that he v/as required to do, ^■■-v' — ^ < 
 
 though by his fudden Turn, and his Employments in the next Reign, ! 
 
 it appears that he ad:ed, at leaft, againft his Heart, if not againft i 
 
 his Confcitnce. ; 
 
 The M.mdate for Norwich, which will be found in the Colledion, ^"<^ *« Bi- 
 bears Da^.e the 9th of June, in the 7th Year of this Reign : And itS°^^"" : 
 
 is not to be doubted but that the like Mandates were diredled to all Co//. N„mlr: \ 
 
 the Bifhops, though they do not appear upon Record. " It fets forth ^' i 
 
 " that whereas after a long Time of Darknefs, the Light Was now 
 " Revealed to the Ineftimable Benefit of the Nation : The Kino- i 
 
 " thought it his Duty to have a Uniform Profeffionj Dodlrine, and ' 
 
 " Preaching for the evading Dangerous Opinions and Errors : And j 
 
 " therefore he fent him certain Articles gathered with great Judgment, , ' 
 
 " of the greateft Part of the Learned Bifliops of the Kingdom, and ■ 
 
 *' fundry others of the Clergy: Which he required and exhorted him j 
 
 " to fign, and in his Preaching to Obferve, and to Caufe them to be \ 
 
 " fubfcribed by all others, who do, or iliall preach, or read within i 
 
 " his Diocefs : And if any fhall not only refufe to fubfcribe, but fhall ' 
 
 *' preach contrary to them, he is required to give Notice of it to the ' 
 
 " King and his Council, that further Order may be given in the 
 " Matter. And for fuch Perfons as Came to be admitted to any 
 " Benefice, or Cure, he was to confer with them on thefe Articles, 
 " and to caufe them to fubfcribe them, otherwife not to admit them I 
 
 " to any fuch Benefice, to which they were prefented. But if the ! 
 
 " Perfon was Ignorant, and did not underftand them, Pains was to be ' 
 
 " taken on him to Inftruft himj and Six Weeks Time might be given \ 
 
 ** him to examine them by the Scriptures : But at the End of Six ! 
 
 " Weeks, if he did not fubfcribe them, he was to be rejedted. Then 
 " follows an Order for him to receive the Catechifm, and to give it 
 " to all Mafters of Schools, that it may be taught in them all, and 
 " he is required to make Report to the Archbifhop of the Province, ; 
 
 " of the Obedience given to thefe Orders." This Order was fo readiy '\ 
 
 executed, that about 50 of the Clergy fubfcribed it. This Inftrument \ 
 
 was Examined, and fent to me by Dr. Tanner ^ the Learned Chancel- 
 lor of Norwich. ] 
 But befides the Evidence that appears from the Regifters of Canter- And to the j 
 bury and Norwich, I have a further Proof that the Articles of Reli- gj^^^^'y "'f \ 
 gion were only promulgated by the King's Authority, in an Injutic- ""' " ^ ' 
 tion fent to the Univerfity of Catnbridge, figned by the Bifliop of Ely, •: 
 Sir Jo. Check, Mayo, and Wendy, who were the Vifitors of the 1 
 Univerfity, bearing Date the i^ of Jmie, 1553: dire<3:ed to all the ' 
 Regents, and Non-Regents ; fetting forth that great and long Pains i 
 had been taken by the King's Authority, and the Judgments of Good 
 and Learned Men, concerning fome Articles, defcribed according to , 
 the Title with which they were printed y thefe being promulgated j 
 by the King's Authority, and delivered to all the Bifhops, for the \ 
 better Government of their Diocefes, they did commend them to i 
 them, and by their Vifitatorial Authority, they do enjoin that all ; 
 Doftors and Batchelors of Divinity, and all Dodors of Arts fliould ' 
 publicly before their Creation fwear to them and fubfcribe themj 
 Vol. III. lii and
 
 214 "fhe Hiftory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1553. and fuch as refufe to do it, are to be denied their Degree. To this 
 ' — ^— ' is added the Form of the Oath to be taken: The Injundtion will be 
 Coll. -Numb, found in the Colle<aion. 
 
 Craumir de- Thus it appears by a Variety of Evidences, that thefe Articles were 
 fignedto fet ^^^ paffed in Convocation, nor fo much as offered to it. And as far 
 ml Synods, as can be judged from Cranmer\ Proceedings, he intended to put the 
 Government of the Church in another Method, different from the 
 Common Way by Convocation; and to fet up Provincial Synods of 
 Bifhops, to be called as the Archbifhop faw Caufe, he having firft 
 obtained the King's Licenfe for it. This appears by the i8th Chapter 
 of the Reformation of the Ecclefajlical Laws prepared by him, in 
 which it is plain that thefe Provincial Synods were to be compofed 
 only of ths Bifhops of the Province. The Convocations now in ufe 
 by a long Prefcription, in which Deans, Archdeacons, and Cathe- 
 drals, have an Interefl, far fuperior in Number to thofe eledled to 
 reprelent the Clergy, can in no fort pretend to be more than a Part 
 of our Civil Conftitution : And have no Foundation either in any 
 Warrant from Scripture, or from the Firfl Ages of the Church: But 
 did arife out of that Second Model of the Church, fet out by Charles 
 the Great, and formed according to the Feu ila I L^w ; by which a 
 Right of giving Subfidies, was vefled in all who were poffcffed of 
 fuch Tenures, as qualified them to contribute towards the Supporting 
 of the State. 
 
 As for the Catechifnii it was printed with a Preface prefixed to it 
 in the King's Name, bearing Date the 24th of May, about 7 Weeks 
 before his Death : In which he fets forth that it was drawn by a pious 
 and learned Man, (fuppofed to be Bifhop Poinet,) and was given to be 
 revifed by fomc Bifhops and other Learned Men ; he therefore Com- 
 mands all Schoolmaflers to teach it. 
 King £</- J come now to fet forth the Difmal Overturning of all that had 
 
 10, 
 
 Scheme oFthe been done now in the Courfe of Twenty Years. King Edward was 
 Succeflion. for fome Months under a vifible Decay: His Thoughts were much 
 poffeffed of the Apprehenfions of the Danger Religion muft be in, 
 if his Sifter Ma)-y fhould Succeed him. This fet him on contriving 
 a Defign to hinder that. He feemed to be againfl all Females Suc- 
 ceffion to the Crown. I have put in the Colleftion, a Paper that I 
 an. Numb. Copied out of a Manufcript of the late Mr. Petyt's, all written in 
 that King's own Hand, with this Title, My Device for the Succefjion. 
 " By it the Crown was to go to the Iffue Male of his own Body, or 
 " if he had only Female Iffue, to the Iffue Male coming of the 
 " Iffue Female : Next to the Iffue Male of the Lady Frances; then 
 " in Succeffion to her Three Daughters, and to their Iffue Male: And 
 " if they had only Female Iffue, to the Firft Iffue Male of any of her 
 *' Daughters. The Heir Male after 1 8 was to enter upon the Govern- 
 " ment: But his Mother was to Govern /till he was of that Age, 
 " with the Advice of Six of that Council of Twenty Perfons, which 
 " he fliould Name by his laft Will : But if the Mother of the Iffue 
 " Male fliould not be 18, then the Realm was to be governed by the 
 " Council, provided that after the Iffue Male was of the Age of 14, 
 *' all Matters of Importance fliould be opened to him. If at his 
 " Death there were no Iffue Male, the Lady Frances was to be 
 
 " Cover nefs
 
 Book IV. of the Church ^England. 215 j 
 
 " Governefs-Regtnt ; and after her Life, her Three Daughters were 1553- ' 
 
 " to be Governeffes in Succeflion, till an Heir-Male was born : And '-"'^ — ^ ] 
 " then the Mother of that Heir-Male was to be Governefs. If Four ' 
 
 "of the Council fnould die, the Governefs was ordered, within a j 
 
 " Month, to fummon the whole Council, to chufe Four in their ' 
 
 " Stead, in which the Governefs was to have Three Voices. But af- ] 
 
 " ter the Death of the Governefs, the Council was to chufe the New j 
 
 " Counfellors, till the King was Fourteen, and then He was to chufe ■ 
 
 " them, by their Advice." 
 
 It may feem by this, that the King defigned this fome Time before , 
 
 his Death ; while he thdught that he himfelf might have Iflue : But \ 
 
 he was prevailed on, to change a great deal of this Scheme ; efpecially i 
 
 thofe Claufes, that kept the Crown as in an Abeyance, till an IfTue- i 
 
 Male fhould be born ; which would have totally changed the Govern- ^ 
 
 ment : So he departed from thefe Claufes. i 
 
 This was afterwards put in another Form by the Judges ; and that M"<^^ a'ts"'^- j 
 Scheme which they prepared, was, in fix feveral Places, fuperfcribed i 
 
 by the King's Hand. Probably it confifted of fo many Pages. I ne- i 
 
 ver faw that Paper; but I have put in the Cplleftion, the Paper that ^"^''- ■^«'"^- 
 was fubfcribed by 24 Counfellors and Judges: In which theyfet"' i 
 
 forth, " That they had often heard the King's earneft Defire, touch- I 
 
 " ing the Limitation of the SuccefTion of the Crown, and had ktxi j 
 
 " his Device written in his own Hand : And after that was copied \ 
 
 " out, and delivered to Judges, and other Learned Men, they did ; 
 
 " Sign with their Hands, Seal with their Seals, and Promife by their i 
 
 •' Oaths and Honours, to obferTC every Article in that Writing, and i 
 
 " all fuch other Matter, as the King fhould by his laft Will declare, \ 
 
 " touching the Limitation of the Crown ; and never to vary from ' 
 
 *' it, but to defend and maintain it to the utmoft of their Power. j 
 
 *' And they alfo promifed, that they would profecute any of their . 
 
 *' Number, or any other, that fhould depart from it, and do their ' 
 
 ** utmoft to fee them feverely puniflied." 
 
 I gave an Account in my Hiflory, of the Oppofition that Cranmer o^^oki long < 
 made to this : But Mr. Strype has difcovered more Particulars con- ^y Cranmer. 
 cerning it. He tells us, " That he argued with the King himfelf 
 " once about it, in the Hearing of the Marquis of Northampfo?jy 
 " and the Lord Darcy. He defired Leave to fpeak to the King alone j 
 
 " about it, that fo he might be more free with him : but that was ] 
 
 *' not allowed him. He hoped, if he had obtained that Liberty, i 
 
 " he {hould have diverted the King from it. He argued againft it 
 " in Conncil, and pleaded that the Lady Mary was Legitimate : 
 " But fome Lawyers were prevailed on to fay, That the King being 
 " in Poffeffion of the Crown, might difpofe of it as he pleafed. 
 " He ftood firm, and faid, that he could not fubfcribe it with- 
 " out Perjury ; having fworn to the Obfervance of King Renrf^ 
 " Will. Some Counfellors faid, they had fworn to that Will, as 
 " well as he ; and that they had Confciences, as well as he. He 
 " faid. Every Man was to anfwcr to God for his own Deeds, and 
 " not for other Mens : He did not take upon him to judge any 
 " Man's Confcience, but his own. He fpake with the Judges about 
 
 " the
 
 ai6 l^he Hiftory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1553. " the Matter J and they agreed, that the King might fettle the Suc- 
 ^— '^v*— ' " ceflion, notwithflanding King Henry's Will : Yet he remained ftill 
 " unfatisfied ; till the King himfelf required him to fet his Hand to 
 " his Will ; faying, He hoped he alone would not fland out, and be 
 " more repugnant to his Will, than all the reft of the Council 
 " were. This made a great ImprefTion on him ; it grieved him 
 " much : But fuch was the Love that he bore to the King, that in 
 " Conclufion he yielded, and figned it." 
 The Primate A little before the King's Death, a very extraordinary Thing hap- 
 **oifoned'' pened in Ire!a?id. I had told in my former Work, that Goodacre and 
 Bale were fent over to promote the Reformation in Irelond. The 
 former was made Primate of Armagh : Of whofe Death, there is a 
 Report, that has been all along believed by his Pofterity. A Reve- 
 rend and worthy Clergyman of HampJJoire, not far from Salijbury\ 
 (who is the fourth in Defcent from that Primate ; they having been 
 all Clergymen but one) told me he had it from his Grandfather, who 
 was the Primate's Grandfon. " That he being invited to a Popifh 
 " Lord's Houfe, a Monk there drank to him in a poifoned Liquor, 
 ** on defign to poifon him ; of which they both died." This I fet 
 down from the venerable Perfon's own Mouth, as a Thing known 
 and believed in the Family. 
 A charaaer I have no particulars to add, neither concerning the Death, nor 
 ?[j^''^2^'^jthe Charad:er of ihat Good Prince, King Edward ; whofe untimely 
 Time. End was looked on, by all People, as a juft Judgment of God, upon 
 
 thofe who pretended to Love and Promote a Reformation, but whofe 
 Impious and Flagitious Lives were a Reproach to it. The open 
 Lewdnefs in which many lived, without Shame or Remorfe, gave 
 great Occafion to their Adverfaries to fay, they were in the right^ 
 to aflert Juftification by Faith without Works; fince they were, 
 as to every Good Work, Reprobate. Their Grofs and Infatiable 
 fcrambling after the Goods and Wealth, that had been Dedicated 
 with Good Deligns, tho' to fuperftitious Ufes, without applying any 
 Part of it to the Promoting the Gofpel, the Inftrudling the Youth, 
 and Relieving the Poor, made all People conclude, that it was for 
 Robbery, and not for Reformation, that their Zeal made them fo 
 adlive. 
 
 I will here give an eminent Inftance of fraudulent Proceedings 
 in the Beginning of this Reign ; of which the prefent Learned and 
 Zealous Dean of Norwich was pleafed to fend me a Copious Account 
 out of their Regifters. The Prior, when indudted into that Dignity, 
 took an Oath not to alienate any of their Lands ; which was con- 
 firmed by Injunctions, exhibited to the Convent in the Royal Vifita- 
 tion. But the King, upon certain Reafons fuggefted by the Prior 
 and Convent, and approved by him, did difpenfe with that Oath ; fo 
 that notwithftanding the Oath, they were left at Liberty to alienate 
 feme Lands, fet forth in the Inftrument dated the ift oi April 1538. 
 counterfigned by Cromwell. A Month after that, on the 2d of May^ 
 that Year, the Church was converted from a Prior and Convent, to 
 a Dean and Chapter j and the Laft Prior was made the Firft Dean of 
 the Church. 
 
 But
 
 Book IV. of the Church of England. 217 
 
 But on the 26th o^i May 1547, in the Ccginning of King Ed- 155^" 
 ■ward's, Reign, a Letter was fent to that Church, figncd by the Duke '— -v---J 
 oi Sojnerfct, Rich the Lord Chancellor, and Six other Frivy-Coun- 
 fellors; pretending, that they defigned the Advancement of Coil's 
 Glory, and the trueft Litent of the late King's Determination : Ey 
 which. Sir Richard Southivell, Sir Roger TowriJJjend, and Sir William 
 Pa/ion, were authorized to receive a full Surrender of the whole 
 Chapter ; afluring both the Dean, and every one of the Prebenda- 
 ries, that there (hould be no Alteration made in their yearly Profits : 
 And that there fhould bs a juft Contentation given to the Refidue 
 of the Minillers there. A Commillion was granted on the 27th, to 
 thefe Perfons, to take the Surrender, with Articles and Inftrudions 
 annexed to it : Which, becaufe, probably, many others were of the 
 fame Sort, are put in the Colledtion. But, for all this Appearance Co//. iVa«^. 
 of fair Dealing, it being pretended, that this was only deiigned that '2- 
 the King {hould be the Founder, and that the Church fhould lofe 
 nothing by the Surrender ; yet when they had made the Surrender, 
 in the Hope of New Letters-Patents, they could not obtain them. 
 And Lands, to the Value of 200/. a Year, were taken from them. 
 Upon which that Corporation tried, in Queen Mary's Time, to get 
 a Bill to pafs, to rellore them to the State they were in, before they 
 were prevailed on to make the Surrender, But the Bill did not pafs. 
 Perliaps it might be fuggefted, that it would alarm the Nation too 
 much, if any AUenation of Church-Lands, how fraudulently foever *" 
 
 obtained, were meddled with. I give this as a well- attelted In- 
 ftance ; by which it may appear, how Things of this Kind were ob- 
 tained and managed, chiefly in the Beginnings of this Reign. For I 
 am not fo much fet on juilyfying every Thing that was done in this 
 Reign, as another Voluminous Writer is on Condemning almofl every S£' p"'" 
 Thing done in it, with a particular Virulence againft the Memory Col. 2. 
 of that pious Prince. This, from one of another Communion, is 
 that which might have been expeded ; but it is a little fingular, when 
 it comes from one, who fays he is of our Church. 
 
 The irregular and immoral Lives of many of the Profeflbrs of the ^ j^g^g ^yJ^^^J^ 
 Gofpel, gave their Enemies great Advantages, to fay, they run away profeffed the 
 from Confeflion, Penance, Failing, and Prayers, only that they might ^^''^P*'' 
 be under no Reftraint, but indulge themfelves in a Licentious aijd 
 Diffolute Courfe of Life. By thefe Things, that were but too vifible 
 in fome of the more eminent among them, the People were much 
 alienated from them : And as much as they were formerly pre- 
 judiced againft Popery, they grew to have kinder Thoughts of it, 
 and to look on all the Changes that had been made, as Defigns to en- 
 rich fome Vicious Courtiers; and to let in an Inundation of Vice 
 and Wickednefs upon the Nation. Some of the Clergy that 
 promoted the Reformation, were not without very vifible Ble- 
 mifhes : Some Indifcretions, both in their Marriages, and in their 
 Behaviour, contributed not a little to raife a General Averfion to 
 them. > 
 
 Vol. in. K k k It 
 
 i
 
 2, 1 8 I'he Hiftory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1553. It is true, there were great and Shining Lights among them, 
 ^— •">r-— ' whofe Exemplary Deportment, Continual Labours, Fervent Chari- 
 ty, and Conftant Zeal, both during their Lives, and at their Deaths, 
 kept up the Credit of that Work, as much as it was difgraced by 
 others : But they were Few, in Comparilbn of the 7nany Bad, and 
 thofe of the Clergy, in whom the Old Leaven had llill a deep Root, 
 tho' they complied in every Thing that was impofed on them : See- 
 ing that' they had loft thofe Perquifites of MalTes, and other Prafti- 
 ces, which brought them their Chief Gains, and faw nothing came 
 in Lieu of them, for their Subfiftance ; they, who in their Hearts 
 hated all that they were forced to profefs outwardly, did fecretly 
 polTefs fuch as were influenced by them, with an Abhorrence of all 
 that was done : And they difpofed the Nation to be ready to tiirow it 
 all off. 
 Much la- That which was above all, was, that God was highly difhonour- 
 
 Rdbmers''''^^^' ^X ^^'"^ ^^^° pretended Zeal for his Glory, but with their Works 
 diHionoured him. They talked of the Purity of the Gofpcl, while 
 they were wallowing in all Senfuality and Uncleannefs : Pretending 
 to put all their Confidence in the Merits and Sufterings of Ciirifr, 
 while they were Crucifying him afrefli, and putting him to open 
 Shame. In fuch Lamentations as thefe, I find the Good Men of 
 that Time did often vent their Sorrows, in their Letters to one 
 another, and break out into fevere Reflexions on them. Some did 
 it afterwards abroad in their Exile, and others at Home in their 
 Sufferings. Their only Human Hope was in the King himfelf j ra 
 whom there appeared fuch a Progrefs, both in Knowledge and Zeal, 
 that they expelled to fee him compleat the Reformation, and redrefs 
 thofe Crying Abufes, in which the Men in Power found their Ac- 
 count too evidently, to exped: a Remedy from them. They were 
 Men, in whofe Hands Things grew every Day worfe and worfe ; 
 and whofe Arrogance, and other Difcrders, our Chief Reformers 
 were forced in fome Meafure to connive at, that tliey might not 
 provoke them to retard a Work, that could in no wife be carri- 
 ed on without their Countenance and Authority ; tho' they faw 
 the Prejudice it brought upon them, to be obliged to apply to, 
 and to make ufe of fuch Tools, with which the Righteous Souls ■ 
 of our beft Reformers were much grieved. They were engaged- 
 with Men, that were ready to Pull down, efpecially when any 
 Thing was to be got by it ; but were as backward in Building up, 
 as they were forward in Plucking down. So that they feemed to 
 defign to leave all in a great Ruin. Thefe were great Hindrances to 
 the Progrefs of the Reformation, as they were both the Burden, and 
 the Shame of our Reformers. 
 
 I thought it not amifs to open this as fully as I found it lying be- 
 fore me : And I hope the Reader will not only confider this as a 
 Part of the Hiftory of a former Age, but as an Admonition to us in 
 the Prefent : If we fall under the Diforders and Corruptions that then 
 reigned, why fliould not we expe6t fuch a Calamity as overtook and 
 overwhelmed them ? We may juftly look for worfe, fince we have 
 the Advantages of much more Light, and many more Bleffnigs, as 
 well as many alarming Terrors, which have all gone over us without 
 
 thofe .
 
 ' ' ' ■■!■■ » ^ I . I. . _ ^ .^_l. 
 
 Book IV. of the Church of England. 219 
 
 thofe difmal Convulfions that we might have looked for : And they irr-?. ' i 
 
 liave as eafily llipt out of our Thoughts, as if we had never feen, or ^— -y — ^ j 
 
 felt them. To the Vicioufnefs of Life, and the Open Immoralities \ 
 
 and Negleil of Religion, that were the Sins of the former Age, many ' 
 
 among us have added a Studied Impiety, and a Laboured Oppofition \ 
 
 to all Revealed Religion : Which fome have owned in fo barefaced 
 
 a Manner, that perhaps no Age of the World can Hiew any Thing 
 
 like it. If others with Secular Views have declaimed againft this, \ 
 
 and put on fome Shew of Zeal, how much more of Party than of . i 
 
 True Religion has appeared in it. The divided Parties among us have \ 
 
 fhewed little true Regard to Religion, and to a Courfe of Virtue and i 
 
 Piety, which can only give both Strength and Honour to a Church ; 
 
 and this does too plainly appear in many, who Talk the mofl of it, 
 
 or for it. ; 
 
 Have we of the Clergy made the Steps that became us, and that , 
 
 were defigned in the former Age, for throwing out Abufes, for re- ; 
 
 gulating the Courts, and reftoring Difcipline ? While we have for ' 
 
 above 1 50 Years expreffcd once a Year a faint Wifli that the Primitive ' 
 
 Difcipline were again reftored, and yet have not made one Step to- \ 
 
 ward it : What a Venality of the Advowfons to Livings do we hear \ 
 
 of, and at beft the Difpofing of them goes generally by Secular Re- i 
 
 gards, by Importunities, Obligations, or Friendlliip : And above all, \ 
 
 how few of thofe that Labour in the Gofpel, do Labour indeed, and \ 
 
 give themfelves wholly to it ? How much of their Time and Zeal ] 
 
 is employed in Things that do not deferve it fo well, as the Watching j 
 
 over, the Inftru(fling, and the Building up their Flock in their moll \ : 
 
 Holy Faith ? How few do Fad and Pray, and Study to prepare them- '. 
 
 felves and their People for the Evil Day, that feems much nearer us, i 
 
 than the greateft Part are willing to apprehend ; that fo we may by \ 
 
 our Interceflions deliver our Church and Nation from that which is ; 
 
 ready to fwallow us up ; or at leafl be fo fortified and affifled, that . | 
 
 we ourfelves, and others, by what they fee in us, may Glorify God 
 in that Day of Vifitation. \ 
 
 I fhall conclude this Book with one Refledlion that may make us The Provi- ' 
 
 hope, that the Reformation was under a particular and watchful CaredenceofGod 
 
 of Providence : When the Light feemed almofl extinguiflied in one ^^^^^^^^^ ^ j 
 
 Place, it broke out in another : By which as it was flill kept Shining ' 
 
 fomewhere, fo there was a Sandtuary opened, to which thofe who i 
 
 were forced to fly from one Place, might in their Flight find a Covert ; 
 
 in another from the Storm. In the Beginning of this Reign, by the \ 
 
 breaking of the Smalcaldick League, by the taking of the Eleftor of i 
 
 Saxonv, and 'the Landgrave of Heffe, and by the Interim., the Refor- ; 
 
 mation feemed to be near extinguiflied in Gerfjiany. In this Church ,i 
 
 it was at that Time advanced ; and we kindly then received thofe 
 
 who were forced to fly hither for Shelter. And now in the Year, 5 
 
 before the Death of this Good King, there was not only a Revival, ^ 
 
 but a lafting Settlement procured in Germany to the Reformation there. ! 
 
 So that thofe who fled from hence, found a fafe and kind Harbour in 'j 
 
 all the Places of the Empire, to which they were driven by the Storm , 
 
 and Tempeft that arofe here. Of which! go next to gather up fuch ■ 
 
 Gleanings as have come in my way. 
 
 ^ ^ BOOK i
 
 220 "The Hiflory of the Reformation. Part III. 
 
 BOOK V. 
 
 Of what happened during ^lueen Mary'j- Reign ^ 
 from the Tear 1553, to the Tear 1558. 
 
 1553- 
 
 7'he Queen's 
 Words were 
 foft, 
 
 But her Pro- 
 ceedings fe- 
 verc. 
 
 Rt 
 
 MSS. 
 
 S foon as the Queen came to the T'ower of Lofuhn, She 
 fent for the Lord Mayor, and the Aldermen of the City, 
 and told them, " That though her own Confcience was 
 " flayed in Matters of ReHgion, yet fhe meaneth graci- 
 " oufly not to compel or ftrain other Peoples Confciences, 
 " otherwife than God fliall, as flie trufteth, put in their Hearts a Per- 
 " fuafion of the Truth." Thefe foft Words were not long remem- 
 bred : Of the Progrefs of the Severities in her Reign, I have a very 
 Authentical Account before me, in the Original Council-Book, that 
 begins on the 17th of Aiigufi 1553, and goes to the End of the 
 Year 1557 : But from that to her Death I have not fure a Thread. 
 The Book begins with Orders for Letters to be written to Coverdale 
 and Hooper for their undelayed Repair to the Court : And a Com- 
 plaint being made of a Sermon preached by FiJJoer, Parfon of Amer- 
 Jl.mm ; he was ordered to appear the next Day, and to bring the Notes 
 of his Sermon with him. A Parliament was fummoned to meet in 
 November : On the 1 4th of Aiigujl the Writ for the Convocation was 
 direded to Cranmer. A Letter was foon after written by the Queen 
 and Council to the Bifhop of Norwich, to fuffer none to preach 
 without a Special Licence j the fame Order was intimated to the 
 Lord Mayor of London ; and the fame was no doubt Univerfally both 
 ordered and executed. 
 
 On the 20th oi Atiguji there was an Order for Guards to defend 
 the Preacher at St. Paul's Crofs, occafioned by what had happened to 
 Bourn : It feems few came to hear the Sermons, for the Lord Mayor 
 was ordered " to make the Antients of the Companies refort to the 
 " Sermons, left the Preacher jfhould be difcouraged by a fmall Au- 
 " dience." On the T.'^Aoi AugiiJ} Gardiner was declared Lord Chan- 
 cellor : Here I fhall fet down the Appointments of the Lord Chrncel- 
 lor as they were fettled at that Time. There was a Privy Seal given 
 for Wages and Dyets, and for the Mafters in Chancery, for 542 Pound 
 15 Shillings, Yearly: Fifty Pound was ordered for attending on the 
 Star-Chamber every Term : And befides that, a Salary was given of 
 300 Pound, and 64 Pound for 12 Tun of Wine, and 16 Pound for 
 Wax. All thefe were granted the 21ft oi September, but were to com- 
 mence from the 23d oi Augiiji. On the 24th oi Augujl there was an 
 
 Order
 
 Book IV. of the Church of ^w(^2ivA. 221 J 
 
 Order fent to the Keeper of Newgate to receive and keep John Melvil^ J 553- i 
 
 a Scot, and a very Seditious Preacher ; fo he was called in the War- *— *-v— -> 
 
 rant. On the fame Day a Letter was written to the Mayor of Can- j 
 
 terbiiry, to fet Panton, Vicar of St. Dunjians, and one Burden, on the i 
 
 Pillory for Seditious Words againft the Queen ; and to take Bonds at 
 
 their Difcretion for their good Abearing. On the 26th oi Augujl, a ; 
 
 Letter was writ to the Mayor of Coventry to apprehend Symonds, a 
 
 Vicar there, and to fend him up with fuch Matter as can be procured 
 
 to charge him with : " And to punifh at their Difcretion, fuch Slan- 
 
 " derous Talkers, as by his leud Preaching have had Diflblute and 
 
 *• Seditious Talk." 
 
 Here is a great deal of Heat in Ten Days Time. Cranmer was Againft Can'- \ 
 
 called before the Council in the Beginning of Augtijl ; probably on '"'^' ^t^''' : 
 
 the Account of his Signing King Edward's Will, and adling upon it: ; 
 
 But fince fo many of thofe who had figned it, were then at the Coun- 
 cil Board, they were perhaps afhamed to proceed further againfl him, * 
 who had oppofed it fo much. He had for that Time only a fevere 
 Reprimand, and was commanded to keep his Houfe. He was brought ' 
 again before fome of the Queen's Commiflioners, being cited to ap- < 
 pear, and to bring the Inventory of his Goods with him. He brought ■ 
 it, but no further Proceedings againft him are mentioned at that Time. 
 On the 29th of Augii/l Hooper appeared before the Council : On the 
 I ft oi September he was fent to the Fleet, no Regard being had to the \ 
 Adlive Zeal that he had expreffed in aflerting the Queen's Right, i 
 and againft the Lady Jane ; fo fincerely did he follow the Did:ates of 
 his Confcience, when he could not but fee what Confequences it was ; 
 like to have. On the 2d, Order was given that his Servant might ■\ 
 attend on him. On the 31ft of Aiiguji, Coverdale appeared before 1 
 them, and in refpedt that he was a Foreigner, he was ordered to attend j 
 till further Order. On the 2d of September, Satiders, Vicar in Co- \ 
 ventry, appeared before the Council, and a Letter was written to the i 
 Mayor of Leicejler to bring up their Vicar : On the 4th of September^ j 
 Latimer was fummoned to appear, and a Letter was written to the 
 Mayor of Coventry, to fet Symonds at Liberty, upon his Repentance, \ 
 for a WiHi he had uttered, wifhing they were hanged that faid Mafs: \ 
 If he refufed to do that, the Mayor was to give Notice of it. 
 
 On the 5th of September a Letter was written to Sir John Siden- 
 ham to let the Strangers depart, and to give them a PafTport. This 
 related to the Congregation of the Foreigners that had fettled, in 
 order to fet up a Manufadlure at Glajfenbury. On the loth of Sep- 
 tember, a Letter of Thanks was ordered for the Gentlemen of Cornwall^ \ 
 for their honeft Proceeding in eledling Knights for the Parliament : ; 
 It feems there was fome Debate about it with the Sheriff: For a \ 
 Letter was written to him to accept of the Eledion ; and not to trou- | 
 ble the County for any Alteration : On the 13th of September, it is ' 
 entred, that Latimer for his Seditious Demeanor fhould be clofe Pri- | 
 foner in the Tower, with a Servant to attend him : On the fame Day ; 
 Cranmer was ordered to appear the next Day at the Star-Chamber. j 
 On the J 4th, in the Star-Chamber, Cranmer, as well for his Treafon \ 
 againft the Queen, as for fpreading Seditious Bills moving Tumults, 
 
 Vol. III. Lll to '\
 
 221 T'he Hiftory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1553. to the Difquieting the Prefent State, was fent to the Toicrr, and re- 
 
 ^ V ^ ferred to Juftice. There are feveral Orders made for reftoring all 
 
 ChaHces to Churches, together with all other Goods belonging to 
 them, though they had been fent into the Great Wardrobe. On the 
 4th of OBober the Archbifliop of Tork was committed to the Tower 
 for divers Offences ; and Horn the Dean of Diirefme was fummoned 
 again and again, but he thought fit to go beyond Sea. Nothing gave 
 more Offence than the promoting Petitions for retaining the Dodtrine 
 and Service fettled in King Edward's Time. Thofe of Maidfione 
 were charged with it ; and this is on feveral Occafions mentioned ia 
 the Council-Book : But as the Government was thus fet to overthrow 
 all that had been done in King Edward's Time ; fo the Ficrccnefs 
 of the Popifh Party made them on many Occafions out-run the 
 Government : Some of the Clergy continued to perform the Daily 
 Worfhip, and to Celebrate the Sacrament : More they durft not do 
 in Public, all Preaching being forbidden. The People that favoured 
 the Reformation frequented the Service with great Devotion and Zeal, 
 for all faw what was coming on them : And fo they ftudied to pre- 
 pare themfelves for it. Some of the Ruder Multitudes came to their 
 Churches and diffurbed them while they were at their Devotions ; 
 They infulted the Miniders, and laughed at their Worfliip ; and 
 there were every where Informers with falfe Stories to charge the 
 more Zealous Preachers : In many Places the People broke in vio- 
 lently into Churches and fet up Altars, and the Mafs in them, be- 
 fore the Parliament met to change the Laws. 
 The Dake of The Duke of Northumberland {hewed that Abjetflnefs of Mind, 
 Northumbcr- tj-j^t might havc been expedted from fo infolent a Man, loaded with 
 Life, LuiVii'i' fo much Guilt: He begg'd his Life with all poffible Meanhefs, That 
 vain. he flight do Pe?iafice all the Days of his Life, if it were in a Moufe- 
 
 Hole. He went to Mafs in the Tower, and received the Sacrament 
 in the Popifli Mauner. He fent for Gardiner, and afked him if there 
 was no hope for him, to live, and do Penance for his Sins. The 
 Bifhop faid, his Offence was great, and he would do well to provide 
 for the worfl: ; efpecially to fee that he flood well with God in Mat- 
 ters of Confcience and Religion. For to fpeak plainly, he faid, he 
 thought he mufl: Die. The Duke defired he might have a Learned 
 Prieff fent him, for his Confeffion and Spiritual Comfort. " For 
 " Religion, he faid, he could be of ho other but of his : He nevef 
 " was of any other indeed: He complied in King Edward's Days. 
 " only out of Ambition, for which he prayed God to forgive him, 
 "and he promifed that he would declare that at his Death." The 
 Bifliop flied many Tears, and feemed to be troubled for him : And, 
 as he reported himfelf, he preffed the Queen fo much, that he had 
 almoft gained her Confent for his Life. But the Emperor who was 
 then defigning the Marriage, that took Effedl afterwards, faw what 
 a Struggle there might be againft that, and what Mifchief fuch a 
 Man might afterwards do : So he wrote his Advice for his Death 
 pofitively to the Queen : And he was Executed, and Died as he had 
 lived. 
 
 Gates
 
 Book IV. of the Church <?/ England. 223 
 
 Gates and Palmer, ^ who fuffered with him, had tried how far the i CC-^. ' 
 
 Going to Mais, and Receiving the Sacrament in the Popifh Way, <■ ^^ — ■> i 
 
 could fave them: But when they were brought to Suffer, G^/^J ^/J'^^'j^ hiS'' i 
 
 confelTed, " That he had Hved as vicioully, as any in the World. ; 
 
 " He was a great Reader of the Scriptures j but no Man followed ] 
 
 " them lefs : He read them only to Difpute. He exhorted People^ i 
 
 " to confider how they read God's Holy Word, otherwife it would j 
 " be but Foyfon to them. Palmer thanked God for his Afflidion, 
 
 " and faid, He had learned more in one Dark Corner of the Tower, \ 
 
 " than \\z had ever learned formerly : He had there come to fee God j 
 " in his Works, and in his Mercies j and had feen himlclf a Mafs of 
 
 " Sin, and of all Vilenefs the Vileft." He feemed not daunted vv'ith ■ 
 
 the Fear of Death, tho' he faw Two die before him, and the bloody ^ 
 Axe coming to finifli the Bufinefs on himfelf. I find nothing new, 
 with Relation to the Seffion of Parliament. 
 
 The Writ, upon which the Convocation was fummoned, was dl~ A ConvocatJ- \ 
 refted to Cranmer, but executed by Boner, Bifliop oi London. Wepn °"f"'"'"°"''^- 
 
 was chofen Prolocutor : And the Queen fent a Meffage to them, to ^ 
 
 Difpute about Religion. I gave formerly an Account of that Difpu- : 
 
 tation, and can add little to it. The Minutes tell us, that Philips^ \ 
 
 who was one of the Five that refufed to Subfcribe, did, on the 30th i 
 
 Gl April, Recant, and Subfcribe. It is indeed of little Confequence, ; 
 
 to enquire into the Proceedings of the Convocation during this Reign j ! 
 
 in which, all the Old Notions of Popery were taken up, even 1 
 
 before they were enaded. Tho' both this Convocation, and the next, I 
 
 were Summoned by the Queen's Writ, with the Title of Supreme \ 
 
 Tie ad of the Church. ^ 
 
 There was at this Time an infamous Slander fet about, of the : 
 
 Queen's being with Child by Gardiner. The Queen's whole Life { 
 
 being innocent as to all fuch Things, that might have made them to i 
 
 defpife fuch a Report, rather than to trace it up : Befides, Gardiner's ' 
 great Age made, that none could believe it. But the Earl of SuJJ'eXy 
 in his Officious Zeal, purfued it thro' Eight or Ten Hands : And 
 
 one at laft was indifted, for having reported it ; tho' fuch an abfurd MSS. Petyt. \ 
 
 Lie had, perhaps, been better negledled, than fo minutely enquired i 
 
 into. In the fame Letter that mentions this, the Earl of Sujjex gives ' 
 an Account of Examinations, touching a Defign for an Infurredion, 
 upon the Arrival of the Prince o^ Spain. 
 
 The Emperor had, on the 21ft oi December, figned a Commiflion, ^ Treaty of j 
 
 Empowering the Count of Egmont, and others, to Treat a Marriage ^ith^he Pr. ' 
 between his Son and the Queen. Upon their Coming to England, oi Spain. 
 
 the Queen gave a Commiffion, on the ift oi January, to the Lord \ 
 
 Chancellor, and others, to Treat with them. And Prince Philip of ■ 
 
 Spain, did, on the 28th of April, fend from Vallidolid, full Powers i 
 
 to the fame Effed. That which quickened the Treaty, was an Ac- ; 
 count of a Vaft Treafure that was come with the Fleet, from the 
 
 Wejl-Indies, to Seville; reckoned to have brought over Five IVIilli- • 
 ons, as Mafon wrote from Brujjels. He does not denominate the 
 
 Millions, whether Pounds, or Crowns. He wifhes the Half were \ 
 
 true. It was neceffary to have a great Treafure in View.: For tho' \ 
 
 I never found any Hint of the Corrupting of Parliament-Men, be- j 
 
 fore
 
 224 ^^ Hiftory of the Reformation Part III, 
 
 1553. fore this Time, yet there was now an extraordinary Occafion for it; 
 <-— -V-— ' and they faw, where only the Treafure to furnifh it, could be had. 
 A Concurrence of many Circumftances feemed to determine all 
 Things for this Marriage. Every Thing was agreed to : The Con- 
 ditions feemed to be of great Advantage to the Nation. In this Treaty 
 of Marriage, if Ccejar Catnpana (who wrote Philip's Life very co- 
 Part, 3. B.6.pioufly) was well informed, Philip himfelf was extremely difgufted 
 at it : For he defired to be Married to a Wife, more fuited to his 
 own Age. He adds another Particular, " That the Nation fhewed 
 " fuch an Averfion to it, that the Count of Egtno7id_ with the others 
 " fent over to treat about it, faw themfelves in fuch Danger, that 
 " they were forced to fly away, that they might avoid it : And a Par- 
 " iiament was to be called, to approve of the Conditions of the 
 " Treaty." 
 ^/>^'s Rifing Sir Thomas Wyat was a Man that had been oft employed in Em- 
 del^""" baflies, particularly in Spaift ; where he had made fuch Obfervations 
 upon the Subtilty and Cruelty of the Spa7iiards, and of the Treat- 
 ment that fuch Kingdoms and Provinces met with, that came under 
 their Yoke, that he could not look on the Mifery that his Country 
 was like to fall under, without a juft Concern about it. He was the 
 Duke of Northii7nberla7id\ Kinfman, yet he would not join in 
 Lady Ja7ies Bufinefs : and before he knew that any others had done 
 it, he proclaimed the Queen at MaidJlo7ie : But he did not, upon 
 that, run to Her for Thanks, as others did : Yet the Queen was fo 
 fenfible of his Loyalty and Zeal for her, that She fent her Thanks 
 to him by the Earl oi Aru72del; to whom he appealed, as to this 
 particular, when he was under Examination in the Tower. He had 
 obtained a Pafs to go beyond Sea ; but his Lady being with Child, 
 he flayed to fee the End of that. Nothing fet him on to raife the 
 Country as he did, but his Love and Zeal for the Publick. He 
 never pretended that Religion was his Motive : Many Papifts joined 
 with him. When he palTed by Charing-Crofs, he might have turn- 
 ed to Whitehall., which was but ill defended ; for many of the Earl 
 of Pembroke s Men came over to him. This fhewed, that he meant 
 no Harm to the Queen's Pcrfon. His Marching into LoTidon was, 
 on Defign to engage the City, to come and join with him in a Pe- 
 tition to the Queen, againft the SpaTiijh Match. The Queen her- 
 felf was fo fatisfied, as to his good Intentions, that She intended to 
 have pardoned him, had not a McfTage from the Prince of Spain, 
 determined her to order his Head to be cut off. I fuppofe, there 
 may be a Miftake here j and that it was the Emperor, then in Fla7t- 
 ders, and not the Prince of Spai/i, who was yet in SpaiTt, that fent 
 this Advice. He never accufed the Lady Elizabeth : But being in- 
 tangled by Queflions in one Examination, he had faid fomewhat re- 
 fledling on the Earl of T)evonJhire : For this he begged his Pardon. 
 And when he was on the Scaffold, he not only cleared the Lady Eli- 
 zabeth, but referred himfelf with Relation to her Innocence, and 
 that She was not privy to their Matters, to the Declaration he had 
 made to the Council. All this Account concerning him, I take from 
 ExUS.PetyH.'A Relation, that his Son gave afterwards to the Lord Burleigh, 
 
 marked
 
 Book IV. of the Church of England. 22.5 \ 
 
 marked with that Lord's Hand on it. It feems, the Pricfts at"this ~f^'i^7' \ 
 
 Time, underilood the Interefts of their Caufe, better than others did ' — "v — -^ J 
 
 above an Age after. For they moved the Queen to fliew a Signal Atfl ■ ; 
 
 of Mercy, and to pardon all that had been engaged in this Riling. ; 
 
 Only it gave a Colour to the Severity againft the Lady '^am Gray, Liiy Jave ] 
 
 and her Hufband. She was the Wonder, and Delight of all that '^'^'^ ^-^^"^"^ • 
 
 knew her. I have two of lier Letters in Latin, writ to Btilli?iger, ^'^' \ 
 
 copied from the Originals all in her own Hand, written in a pure \ 
 
 and unaffeded Stile. She was then entring on the Study of the Hf- \ 
 
 brew, m the Method that BiiUinger advifed her. SheexpreiTes, in • 
 
 her Letters, a wonderful Refpedl and Submiflion to him, with a 
 
 great Strain of IVlodefty, and a very fingular Zeal for Religion. There \ 
 
 being nothing in thofe Letters, that is in any fort HifLorical, I thought ! 
 
 it was not proper to put them in my Colledlion ; tho' one cannot ' 
 
 read them, without a particular Veneration for the Memory of fo 
 
 Young, and fo Rare a Creature. 
 
 And now the Government finding all Things under their Feet, Severities 
 did begin to /hew to the whole Nation what was to be expefted.^JIJ";'^^'^* 
 All that adhered to the Reformation, v/ere fure to be excluded from Clergy, 
 
 all Favour : Commiflions were fent over the whole Kingdom, to \ 
 proceed, as upon other Points, fo particularly againft the Married 
 
 Clergy. Thefe came to York., dirccfted to the Guardian of the Spi- . 
 
 ritualities in that Place : And the Dean and Chapter were authorized \ 
 
 by the Queen, to acft purfuant to their Inftrudions. And they ad:ed ' 
 
 as in a Vacancy : Tho' the Commiffion to proceed againft the Arch- : 
 biihop bears Date the i6th of March; yet on the 9th of March, ■ ] 
 
 they fent out a General Citation of the Clergv, to appear before I 
 
 them on the 12th of Afdrr/^. They did not, indeed, begin to de- Reg. ^^sr. \ 
 
 prive any before the 27th oi April : and from that Day, to the 2oth'^^<'''^ ^''''^- \ 
 
 of December, they deprived One and Fifty, of whom feveral were^' ^^' ^^' ' 
 
 Prebendaries. i 
 
 I will here infert a fliort Account of the Unjuft and Arbitrary \ 
 
 Deprivations of the Married Clergy, that was publiflaed by Parker, ' 
 
 afterwards Archbifhop of Ca?itcrhtiry, " What Examples have they i 
 " in Stories before-time, that Deprivations have been thus handled, 
 " before our Days.-* I will not fpeak of particular Cafes; where fome 
 
 " Men have been deprived, never convift, no nor never called : ' 
 *' Some called, that were faft locked in Prifon ; and yet they were 
 " neverthelefs deprived immediately. Some were deprived without 
 
 " the Cafe of Marriage after their Order : Some induced to refign, ; 
 " upon Promife of Penfion, and the Promife as yet never perform- 
 " ed. Some fo deprived that they were fpoiled of their Wages, for 
 
 " the which they ferved the Half- Year before ; and not Ten Days i 
 
 •' before the Receipt, fequeftred from it : Some prevented from the -J 
 
 " Half-Year's Receipt, after Charges of Tenths and Subfidies paid, j 
 
 " and yet not deprived Six Weeks after. Some deprived of their \ 
 
 " Receipt fomewhat before the Day, with the which their Fruits to I 
 " the Queen's Majefly fliould be contented ; and fome yet in the 
 
 " like Cafe chargeable hereafter, if the Queen's Merciful Grace be . 
 " not informed thereof, by the Mediation of fome Charitable SoUi- 
 
 VoL. m. Mmm " citoi:, J
 
 226 'The Hijlory of the Reformation Part IIL 
 
 1554. " citor." — And a little after, " There were deprived, or driven away, 
 
 V— •'v---' « Twelve of Sixteen Thoufand, as fome Writer maketh his Account." 
 
 Aggravated But therC are good Reafons to think, that Numbers have been wrong 
 
 by fome. i^ktvi of this. Among other Suggeftions, Dr. "^ayincr has fent me 
 
 this ; That the Diocefe of Norwich is reckoned almoft an 8th Part of 
 
 all England ; and he finds, there were only 335 Clergymen deprived 
 
 on that Account : By this, the whole Number will fall fhort of 3000. 
 
 This, it is true, is but a Conjedure j yet it is a very probable one : 
 
 and the other Account is no way credible. 
 
 I fliall, to this, only add another fliort Account of the Proceed- 
 ings at that Time, publiihed by Ailmer, afterwards Bifhop of London. 
 " The Biftiops that were married, were thruft out of the Parliament 
 " Houfe ; and all married Deans, and Archdeacons, out of the Con- 
 " vocation. Many put out of their livings, and others reftored, 
 
 " without Form of Law. Many Churches were changed, many 
 
 " Altars fet up, many Maffes faid, many Dirges fung, before the 
 *' Law was repealed." From thefe Accounts, we may eafily believe, 
 that when the Laws wore altered, there was a vigorous and a fpeedy 
 Execution of them. 
 The Queen After all Matters relating to the Queen's Marriage were fettled, 
 writes the firft the Emperor fent a Fleet for the Prince of Spain : And upon that 
 pTift '° ^ Occafion, the Queen was prevailed on to break thro' all Forms, and 
 to write the firft Love-Letter to him ; of which, having met with 
 Coll. Numb, the Original, I have put it in the Colledlion, as a Singularity in fuch 
 •3« Matters. She tells him, " That She underftanding that the Empe- 
 
 " ror's Ambaflador was fending the Bearer to him, tho' He had not 
 *' written fince their Alliance had been a Treating j yet She, think- 
 " ing herfelf obliged by the fincere Affedlion tliat He had for her, 
 " confirmed by good Effedls, and by the Letters that he had written 
 *' to the Emperor's Ambaflador, could not reftrain herfelf from let- 
 •' ting him know the Duty, in which fhe intended to correfpond al- 
 ** ways with him : And She thanked him for all his Good Offices. 
 *' She acquainted him, that her Parliament had, without any Oppo- 
 " fition, agreed to the Articles of their Marriage, and thought them 
 " Honourable, Advantageous, and more than Reafonable. This gave 
 *' her an entire Confidence, that his Coming to England fhould be 
 ** Safe, and Agreeable to him. She ends, recommending herfelf 
 *♦ moft affedlionately and humbly to his Highnefs, as being his en- 
 " tirely aflured, and moft obliged Ally." 
 TaS'^Hfre ^"^' *^^ Matter of the Marriage being fettled, and afterwards exe- 
 tkkj, ^ ' cuted, I will now look again into the Proceedings of the Council. 
 On the 1 6th of January, one Wotton, called an Efquire, was com- 
 mitted to be clofe Prifoner in the Fleet, for his obftinate Standing 
 againft Matters of Religion. On the 14th of February, Letters 
 were written to the Lord Rich, and to Sir John Wentwortb, to pu- 
 nifh fome in Colchejkr, Coxall, and other Places j who difTuaded 
 People from frequenting fuch Divine Service, as was then appointed 
 by Law to be obferved. Upon this, many were committed, and 
 others put under Recognifances to appear. On the 8th of March, 
 an Order was fent to the Lieutenant of the Tower, to deliver Cran- 
 
 nier.
 
 w tt«. 1 WW W< i 
 
 Book IV. of the ChurcJj of England. 227 
 
 mer, Ridley, zudi Latimer, to Sir John IVilliafm, who was to carry 1554. \ 
 
 them to Oxford. On the 26th of March, an Order was given to *— -v~— ' ! 
 
 fend up Taylor, Parfon of Hadley ; and AJkeiv of WelUHillcpy. Bar- ) 
 
 low Bilhop of Bath and Welh was carried beyond Sea, by one Wiil- \ 
 
 Hams, a Mariner of Briftol ; who returning to PembrokcJJjire, fomc ' 
 
 Gentlemen there feized on him, and fent him to London : So he was 
 
 fent to the Marjhalfca, and a Letter of Thanks was written to thofe i 
 
 who had feized on him 3 fo careful were they to encourage every 
 
 officious Shew of Zeal. ; 
 
 But now came on the 2d Convocation in this Reign, in whidi all A Convoca- ■ 
 
 that was done, was, that the Prolocutor Wejhn, with fome deputed "°"- .: 
 to go along with him, were ordered to go to Oxford, to difpute with 
 
 the Three Bifhops. Of which I can add nothing to the Account I j 
 
 formerly gave of it. On the 27th of April Wejlon returned and re- j 
 
 ported the Conference, or Examination of Cranmer, and the TwvO ". 
 
 other Bifhops, attefled under the Seal of the Univerfity : And foon j 
 
 after that they were difmifled ; for the Pariiament met on the tA q£ \ 
 
 April, and was difmilTed on the 5th of May. \ 
 
 On the 3d of May, Cratimer, Ridley, and Latinier, being judged Cranmer's \ 
 obftinate Hereticks, the Judges were afked what the Queen might Treafon par- 
 do, fince Cranmer was attainted. He was a Man Dead in Law, and he mighfbe \ 
 not capable of any other Cenfure : And this feems to be the true burned. ' 
 Reafon that moved the Queen to Pardon the Treafon, upon which ' 
 he was already condemned : For though he was very earneft to obtain 
 a Pardon for that, it does not appear that tliere was any Regard had 
 to him in granting it, but on the contrary it feems it was refolved . 
 that he fliould be burned as a Heretick : And lincc that could not be \ 
 done while he flood condemned of Treafon, this feems to be the only j 
 Motive of that Mercy ; which in this Cafe, was certainly done out '' 
 pf Cruelty. On the 20th of May, a Servant of the Lady EUzabeth'e 
 was brought before the Council : But there is nothing in particular * • 
 mentioned, only he was required to attend. There were Sufpicions i 
 of her being concerned in JVyat'% Rebellion, as appeared in the Ac- j 
 count given of Wyat himfelf. It is alleged that Gardiner ftudied to ' 
 /uborn falfe WitnelTes to charge her with that ; and that this went \ 
 {o far, riiat a Warrant was brought to Bridges, the Lieutenant of ] 
 the Tower, for her Execution ; but that he would not Obey it, 'till Reply to Par- I 
 he knew the Queen's Pleafure. Some Credit feems due to this, fince-^""^' ^' ^^- \ 
 it was publifhed in her Reign, and was not contradifted, nor denied i 
 as far as I can find. But it feems to be denied in a Declaration fet 1 
 forth many Years after, by herfejf when fhe was Queen ; which j 
 ihall be mentioned in its proper Place. On tlie 25th of May, fome I 
 in Stepmey were ordered to be fet on the Pillory for fpreading falfe ! 
 News ; the Ears of one were ordered to be nailed to the Pillory, ! 
 and then cut o£F. On the 26th of May, Sir Henry Beding field was 
 /cnt with Inftrudtions, figned by the Queen, for the ordering the 
 Lady Elizabeth. ' 
 
 On the I ft of June, an Order was fent to the Bifliop of London, i 
 
 to fend difcreet and learned Preachers into Ejfex, to reduce the Peo- | 
 
 pie there. Boner feemed to think of no way of reducing any, hut ' 
 
 by Severity and Force ; fo that the Council found it neceffary to put I 
 
 him
 
 The Council 
 orders fevere 
 Proceedings. 
 
 2,28 The Hijlory of the Reformation. Part III. 
 
 1554. him in mind of his Paftoral Care. Orders were then given for the 
 Reception of the Prince of Spam. Some were ordered to be fet on 
 a Pillory, and their Ears were to be nailed to it, and cut off. The 
 Dutchefs of Northimberland defired that her Sons might hear Mafs 
 in tlie T^ower : This was granted, but Order was given that none 
 might fpeak with them. On the nth of Jwie, Orders were given 
 to receive the Duke of Savoy at Dover. And on the 5th of Jf^h, 
 Order was given to punifli thofe who were concerned in the Impollure, 
 called, tbe Spirit in the Wall. On the 6th of July, fome of the Lady 
 Elizabeth's Servants were committed for lewd Words of the State of 
 the Kingdom : On the 24th of July, Two Treaties for the Queen's 
 Marriage, made by the Lord Fitzivater, who had been Amballador 
 in Spain, were given to the Lord Treafurer. 
 
 Now the Marriage was made, and the Jollities on fuch Occafions 
 put fome ftop to Severities : But it was a iliort one, for on the 15th 
 of Aiigitjl Letters were writ to the Juftices of Peace in SujJ'ex, to 
 punifli thofe who railed at the Myfleries of Chrift's Religion. I muft 
 obferve here once for all, that the Letters themfelvcs, writ by the 
 Council, are not entred in the Book : Thefe \\'ould have fet out Par- 
 ticulars much more clearly, than thofe ihort Entries do : But there 
 -were Forms of thofe Letters put in a Chef!:, and the Council-Book 
 refers us often to the Letter in the Cheft. On the 19th oi Augiift^ 
 Letters of Thanks are ordered to Tirrell, and others, for their Care, 
 ordering them to imprifon all fuch as came not to Divine Service ; and 
 to keep them in Prifon 'till they had the Comfort of their Amendment : 
 Several Men and Women were impriibned in Himtingicnjlnre. The 
 '2.o\)s\ of Augujl mention is made of fome in prifon for Words. On 
 the 2ift of Augiiji an Order was fent to examine into a Confpiracy 
 in Suffolk, by certain lewd Perfons : On the 16th of September, a 
 Letter was ordered to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of London, to 
 punifli the Spreaders of falfe Rumours. 
 
 But now came on the great Affair of the Reconciling the Nation to 
 the See of Rome. The two former Parliaments could not be brought 
 up to that ; fo the Court was willing to accept all that they could be 
 brought to ; but when they faw at what they iluck, they were fent 
 home : And fome were fo weak as to think that by Yielding in fome 
 Things, they fliould give the Court fuch Content, as to fave the reflr. 
 They were willing to return back to that State of Religion, in which 
 King Henry left it ; and did not rightly apprehend that nothing could 
 give the Queen an entire Content, but a total Reconciliation with the 
 Pope : Whereas thofe who could not come up to this, ought to have 
 flood firm at firft, and not by giving Ground have encouraged the 
 Court to compafs their whole Deiign. The Queen was more than 
 ordinary foUicitous to get a Parliament chofen to her Mind, She 
 wrote a Letter to the Earl of SiiJJex, and probably fl:e wrote to all 
 thofe in whom flie confided, in the fame Strain. It v/iil be found in 
 Colli ff. Numk the Colledlion. " She had now fummoned a Parliament to the 12th 
 '♦• " of November, in which fhe expefted to be affifted by him ; and 
 
 " that he would admonifli her good Subjefts who had a Ri^ht to 
 " Elea the Members, to chufe Men of the Wife, Grave, and Catho- 
 ^ lick Sortj^fucli as" indeed meant .the. true Honour of God, and the 
 t-z;;i *' Profperity 
 
 The Reconci 
 liation with 
 Rome defign'd
 
 Book IV. of the Church of England. 220 
 
 " Profperity of the Common- Wealth ; which fhe and the King her i CC4 
 
 " Hufband did intend, without the Alteration of any particular 
 
 " Man's PolTcilion ; which among other falfe Rumours, the Hin- 
 
 " derers of her Good Purpofes, and the Favourers of Heretics, did 
 
 " mofi: untruly report. She defired him to come up againft the \ 
 
 " Feafl: of All-Saints^ at the furthcft, that flie might confer with him i 
 
 " about thofe Matters, that were to be treated of in Parliament." This 
 
 is dated the 6th of OBober, and fo careful was that Lord to Merit \ 
 
 the Continuance of the Queen's Confidence, that on the 14th of i 
 
 OBobcr, he wrote to the Gentlemen of the County, to referve their i 
 
 Voices for the Perfon wiiom he fhould Name : He alfo wrote to the ,j 
 
 Town of Yarmouth for a Burgefs. But now to open more particularly ■ 
 
 the Great Matter that was to be tranfafted in this Parliament. j 
 
 When the News of the Change of Government in E^igland, and of^'"''^<enf Le- | 
 the Queen's Intentions, were brought to Rome, it was not poffible to |*j|^_ "^ t at 
 
 deliberate long, who was the propereft Perfon to be fent Legate. j 
 
 Pole had fo many meritorious Charadlers on him, that befides the i 
 
 Signification of the Dclire, no other Perfon could be thought "< 
 
 on. A. Harmer has given the Bull, upon which he was fent from j 
 
 Rome. It is dated the 5th of Auguji, 1553, though the Queen ! 
 
 came not to hondon 'till the 3d of Augufl., and Comendone-, who car- ] 
 
 ried her Meffage to the Pope, was in London on the 23d: For he j 
 
 faw the Duke of Northumberland's Execution. It feems that at Rome^ * 
 
 upon King Edward's Death, they took it for granted, both that her j 
 
 R'cht would take Place, and that flie would reconcile her Kingdom j 
 
 again to that See : and therefore the B«'ll was prepared. Pole had j 
 
 at that Time retired 300 Miles from Rottie, to an Abbey upon che I 
 
 Lake, now called De Garda: In his Abfencehe was declared Legate: • 
 
 Upon which he wrote a Letter to the Queen on the 13th oi Augufl ^CoU. Numb. \ 
 
 which I have put in the Colledlion. «5- ' 
 
 " He begins, exprefling his Joy at her Exaltation, more P^rticu- ^^ q^J^J^^^'" j 
 
 " larly at the Manner of it; which he reckons a fingular Work of 1 
 
 " an immediate Providence ; in which, as indeed the Subjedt feem- * 
 •' ed to allow it, he enlarges very copioufly. And fince fhe carried 
 
 " the Name of the BleJJ'ed Virgin, he calls on her to fay the Mag- ; 
 •' nificat, applying it to the late Providences of God towards herfelf. 
 " He defires her to confider what was the Beginning of all the Mife- 
 
 " ries that England had felt ; it was the King her Father's departing ' 
 " from the Apoftolic See, and the Catholick Church. He was a 
 
 " Witnefs to all the Steps made in that Matter : He had upon all ] 
 
 " Occafions aflerted both her Mother's Marriage, and her own Right: J 
 
 " And had done and fuffered much on that Account. He was there- ! 
 
 " fore now moft particularly concerned to know what her Mind was i 
 
 " wi:h Relation to Religion : and though he was then 300 Miles j 
 
 " from Rome, he was named Legate to be fent, to her, to the Empe- j 
 
 " ror, and to the French King ; therefore he fent one to her to j 
 
 " know her Mind. He did not doubt of it; for no Perfon owed I 
 
 " more to the Apoftolic See than fhe did, fince it was upon her j 
 
 " Account that fo much Outrage had been done to it. So before I 
 " he would proceed in his Legatine Fundion, he defired to know her 
 " Plcafure more particularly." 
 
 Vol. m. Nnn Upon
 
 230 The Hiftory of the Reformation. Part lil. 
 
 1554- Upon this (he wrote an Anfwer on the loth oiOBcbcr, which is 
 
 V- — r — ' alfo in the CoUedion. " She thanked him for all the kind Ex- 
 Coll.Numb. „ preffions in his Letter; and in particular for the good Advice he 
 The Queen's " gave her. She was full of Reverence and Obedience to the Holy 
 Anfwer.j tc ggg . bm jt vvas a great Trouble to her, that fhe could not yet 
 " declare her Mind openly in that Matter. As foon as it was fafe 
 " for her to do it fhe would let him know it. His Meflengcr would 
 " tell him all Particulars: She was then Crowned. She hoped the 
 " Parliament would repeal all the bad Laws : And that fhe fhould 
 " obtain the Pope's Pardon for all her own Faults. She fends by 
 " him her mofl humble Thanks to the Pope for his Clemency to 
 " her, and for his Readinefs to forget all that is paft :" With this fhe 
 fent back Ormanet to him. The Bull that the Pope fent to Pole, is 
 all a Rhetorical Panegyrick upon the Queen's coming to the Crown, 
 and on her Pious Intentions. But Bulls being often in a Common 
 Form, it is not in it, but in the Breves, that we are to feek the Powers, 
 or Inflrudlions, given to Fole. There was a Part of Cardinal Pole% 
 Regifler conveyed to me, about a Year after my lid Volume was 
 printed : A fhort Account of the mofl remarkable Things in it was 
 then printed, in a Letter diredted to me. The Charadlers of the 
 Truth of the Papers are Vifible : fome of them are in Latin, and 
 fome in Italian : And becaufe I look on this as a Matter of great Con- 
 fequence, I will give a very particular Account of them. 
 
 The firft Paper, which will be found in the CoUedion, is the 
 Coll. Numb. Bj-eve, that was at firfl fent him, of the Pope's own Motion ; and 
 His Firft Pow- bears Date the 8th of March 1554. By it, " Pole is empowered to 
 ««• " receive all Heretics, of both Sexes, and of all Ranks, even Bi- 
 
 " fliops and Archbifhops, Communities as well as Single Perfons, of 
 " what Herefies foever guilty, tho' relapfed in them, upon their true 
 " and unfeigned Repentance ; and to abfolve them from all Pains 
 " and Cenfures, how long foever they had continued in their Errors, 
 " and tho' their Sins were referved immediately to the Holy See. 
 " And he was impowered, to pardon all Irregularities run into by 
 •' them, and all the Bigamies of Ecclefiaflical Perfons : They firft 
 " relinquifliing their Wives ; notwithflanding which, they might be 
 " continued in their Orders and Fundlions, and might be capable of 
 " all Ecclefiaftical Promotions: All Infamy being pardoned, provi- 
 " ded they, with a Contrite Heart, fhould Sacramentally Confefs 
 " their Sins to any Catholic Priefl, at their Choice, and fubmit to 
 *' fuch Penance as he fhould enjoin: Excufing them from all Public 
 " ConfefTion, Abjuration, or open Penance. Abfolving all Commu- 
 " nities from any unlawful Pactions, in Favour of others, tho' con- 
 " firmed by Oaths. Empowering him to receive all Regulars, and 
 *' to abfolve them from the Cenfures of Apoftacy ; allowing them 
 *' to pofTefs Benefices as Seculars. Difpenfing with the flridt Obfer- 
 " vation of Lent, as to Milk, Meats, and Eggs ; and even Flefh, 
 " upon the Allowance of either the ConfefTor, or the Phyfician. 
 " Giving him Authority, to fufFer fuch of the Clergy, under the 
 ** Degree of a Bifliop, who were married, upon their true Converfi- 
 " on, to live in that State, fo that no Scandals were given by it : 
 Only they were not to Minifler at the Altar, nor to do any Ec- 
 
 •' clefiaflical 
 
 li
 
 Book IV. of the Church of England. 231 
 
 " clefiailical Funftion ; but they might lawfully continue in the Mar- 1554. 
 
 " ried State, the IfTue being declared Lawful. To this is added, a Vi* - -<"•« ■«> ■ 
 
 " Power of Uniting of Benefices." : 
 
 Next comes the Claufc concerning the PoffefTors of Ecclefiaftical ■ 
 
 Goods. " He is empowered to agree, tranfadt, and difcharge them, 'i 
 
 " for all the Profits they had wickedly received, and for the Moveable ; 
 
 " Goods that they had confumed ; the Im7noveable Goods that have ■ 
 
 " been by them unduly detained, being fir Jl rejlored, if that Jljould feem \ 
 
 " to be convenient to him. And whatever fhould arife out of any fuch \ 
 
 " Agreement, was to be applied to the Church, to which fuch Goods i 
 
 " had belonged, or for the Advancement of Studies, and to Schools. ; 
 
 " There is likewife a Power granted, to delegate others under him, "i 
 
 " for the Care and Performance of all thefe Particulars. But becaufe il 
 
 " he was to go firil to Flanders, and flay in thofe Parts for fome 
 
 " Time ; the Pope gave him Authority to execute thefe Powers, 
 
 " even while he was without the Kingdom, to all Perfons belonging ' 
 
 " to it, that Ihould apply to him, particularly, with Relation to all i 
 
 " Orders unduly received ; and to confirm Bifliops, or Archbifhops, ■ 
 
 " who had been promoted by a Secular Nomination, during the \ 
 
 " Schifm, and had afhfted the former Kings, tho' they had fallen 
 
 " into Herefy, upon their Return to the Unity of the Church : And \ 
 
 " to provide to Mctropolitical or Cathedral Churches, fuch Perfons j 
 
 " as fhould be recommended to him by the Queen, according to the "\ 
 
 " Cuftoms of the Kingdom, upon any Vacancy : And to Abfolve, 
 
 " and Rcabilitate all Clergymen, of all Ranks, notwithftanding their j 
 
 " pafl Errors, All thefe Powers are confirmed, with a full Non i 
 
 " Ohjlante to all Conftitutions whatfoever." ' 
 
 Here was a great Fulnefs of Favour, with Relation to all Perfonal ^^^^- ^"J^ I 
 
 Things. When Pole (whofe Name I write as he himfelf did, and ir/^Wfr/br ' 
 
 not as we ufually do) came to Flanders, he was flopped by the Em- the Emperor. ; 
 
 peror's Order, till his Powers were feen, and fent to England. When , 
 
 they were feen, they were confidered as far fhort of what was ex- j 
 
 pefted, and of what leemed neceffary, for the Carrying on the Re- \ 
 
 conciliation quietly thro' the Nation : So Pole fent Ormanet to Rome, \ 
 
 for fuller Powers, and retired to Diligam- Abbey, near Bruffels. While I 
 
 he was there, he heard the News of Philip's Arrival in England, and 
 
 of the Queen's being married to him : Upon which, he wrote a Let- 1 
 
 ter of Conp-ratulation to the Bifhop of Arras, which is in the CoUec- Colh Numh. : 
 
 tion : And on the fame Day, he wrote this acceptable Piece of News ^ :, j, , 
 
 to the Cardinal de Monte ; which is alfo in the CoUedlion. In the 19."' j 
 
 Poflfcript to the Bifliop of Arras, he tells him, that Ormanet was re- \ 
 
 turned with fuller Powers. He brought with him two Breves. j 
 
 The firfl is of no Importance to this Matter ; but becaufe it was 1 
 
 thought to be fuppreffed on Defign, by the Writer of the Letter di- i 
 
 redled to me, by him that wrote on this Subjedl in K. 'Ja77ies\ Time, I 
 
 is is put in the Colledion. It fets forth, " That he was fent firfl to Coll. Numb. \ 
 
 " the Queen of England; and after that he was conftituted Legate ao. 
 
 " a Latere, for Mediating a Peace between the Emperor and the ig^^po J'grj " " 
 
 *' K^m^ o^ France. He had alfo very ample Powers given him, while fent to Pe/c. j 
 
 " he remained in Flanders, with Relation to Englijli Perfons and I 
 
 " Affairs. !
 
 2,32 ^he Hiftory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1554- 
 
 Coll. Numb. 
 21. ,t 
 
 With Relation 
 to Church- " 
 Lands. (c 
 
 ti 
 
 <f 
 
 ic 
 
 Coll. NumB. 
 
 22. 
 
 Col/. Numb. 
 23- 
 
 Affairs. But fince, by reafon of the Schifm, and other Errors, 
 many Cafes might happen, that wanted a Provifion from the Apo- 
 " ftolical See, which could not be comprehended within the Facul- 
 " ties given him ; and becaufe it is doubtful, whether he may yet ufe 
 " them in the Queen's Dominions ; and which of them fliall be 
 " made ufe of, while he is either with the Emperor, or the King of 
 " France ; the Pope gives him full Power, to make ufe of all Facul- 
 " ties fent to him, by himfelf, or by any other deputed by him ; and 
 •' to do every Thing, that he fhall think will conduce to the Glory 
 '' of God, the Honour of the Holy See, and the bringing the Queen's 
 *' Dominions to the Communion of the Church, as fully as may be. 
 " And while he remained with the Emperor, he gave him all the 
 " Powers of a Legate a Latere, for all his Dominions : And he 
 " gave him the fame Powers, while he fliould be witli the King of 
 " France." 
 
 The other Breve, which is alfo in the CoUedlion, fets forth, 
 " That upon the Hopes of Reducing the Kingdom of England, that 
 had been torn from the Body of the Catholick Church, to an 
 Union with it, out of which there is no Salvation ; the Pope had 
 fent him his Legate a Latere, with all the Powers that feemed 
 neceffary, or proper, for Effecting that Work : In particular, to 
 agree, and tranfaft with the Poffeffors of Church-Goods, concern- 
 ing them. And whereas, by the Beginnings and Progrefs already 
 made, there is good Hopes of bringing that Work to a full Per- 
 fedlion ; which will go on the eafier, the more indulgent and 
 bountiful the Pope (hews himfelf, with Relation to the Pofleffions 
 of thofe Goods : The Pope therefore, not willing that the Reco- 
 vering that Nation, and the Salvation of So many Souls, fliould 
 be obftrudred, by any worldly Regards j in Imitation of the good 
 Father, who received the returning Prodigal, he empowered Polcj 
 in whofe Prudence and Dexterity, he put an entire Confidence ; 
 to Treat with all the Poffeffors, or Detainers of Ecclefiaftical 
 Goods, for whom the Queen fhould interceed ; and to tranfadt 
 and compound with them, that they might, without any Scruple, 
 enjoy and retain the faid Goods : And to conclude every Thing, 
 that was proper or neceffary, with Relation to them. Savi??g al- 
 ways ftich Things, in which, for the Greatf7efs and Importance of 
 them, it JJmU feem ft to you to confidt this Holy See, to obtain our 
 " Approbation and Confirmation." Upon which, he is fully em- 
 power'd to proceed, with a full Non Obfante, bearing Date the 28th 
 of June. With thefe Breves, Cardinal de Monte wrote him a Letter, 
 in the Roman Way, of a High Compliment j which is in the Col- 
 lediion. 
 
 The next Letter is from Cardinal Morone ; which is likewife in 
 the Collection. By this it appears, that Pole had gone to France, 
 upon his Legatine Commiffion : And after the ufual Roman Civili- 
 ties, " He tells him, he had laid his Letter before the Pope, who 
 " was beginning to defpair of the Affairs of England : And tho' the 
 " Pope had not the Patience to read, or hear his Letter, which was 
 " his ordinary Cuftom, yet he told him the Sum of it ; with which 
 
 « he
 
 Book IV. of the Church (j/' England. 2,3,3^, \ 
 
 " he was fatisfied : and faid, He had given no Caufe, neither jto the i c ca. \ 
 
 " Emperor, nor to any other, to ufe fuch extravagant Words to <-*-%■* ■w' j 
 
 *'• him. It feems, Po/ifhad defired to be recalled; but the Pope faid, I 
 
 " that could not be done. It would be a great Difgrace both to the ^ 
 
 " Pope, and to the Apoftolical See, to the Emperor himfelf, and to i 
 
 " Cardinal Po/(? ; and a great Prejudice to £»^/^«^. But he would ' 
 
 «' not write to the Emperor upon it : Nor was he refolved about \ 
 
 *' the Goods of the Church, concerning which, he fpoke often very ! 
 " varioufly. He refolved to write, both to the Queen, and to the 
 
 " Prince o^ Spain; which Letters, he adds, will be fent by Ormanet, j 
 
 " who is difpatched with every Thing neceffary for the Bufineft, ' 
 
 " conform to his Defire." The reft is all Compliment ; dated the ij 
 
 X3th of July. Then follows a Breve, merely in Point of Form, ex- \ 
 
 tending the former Powers that were addrefled only to the Queen, 5 
 to Philip her Huiband ; dated the i oth of July. All was laid 
 
 Upon this, the Emperor being then at Vahiciennes, the Cardinal ^^^°^^ the ; 
 
 fent Ormanet thither; who gave an Account of his Audience to Priidi, ™P"°''' . 
 
 the Legate's Great and Generous Friend, which will be found in the Coika. \ 
 CoUedlion. The Bifhop of Arras told him, how much the Emperor^'""*' ^''' 
 had the Matters of Religion at Heart ; and that he would be always 
 
 ready to promote them. But when Ormanet prefled him for a pre- j 
 fent Difpatch, he faid, they had no News from Etiglajid fince the 
 Marriage : And that before any other Step was made, it would be 
 
 neceffary to know what Ply the Affairs of that Kingdom were like to j 
 
 take. It was fit to confider, whether the Powers of Securing the ! 
 
 Goods of the Church, fliould come from the Legate, or from the \ 
 
 King and Queen. Then he defired to fee the Copy of the Cardinal's 1 
 
 Faculties. As to the Point of Time, Ormanet izxA, it was not fit to i 
 lofe a Moment, fince fo many Souls were endangered by the Delay : 
 And the firft Coming of the Prince of Spain ought not to be let flip, 
 
 by which, the Honour of the Work would be chiefly due to him. j 
 
 As for his Faculties, all Things neceffary were committed to the Car- < 
 
 dinal in the ampleft Manner ; and more particular Refolutions could i 
 not be taken, but upon the Place. Somewhat further paffed be- 
 tween them, which Ormanet referves till he faw the Cardinal. Thi 
 Bifbop of Arras promifed to lay all before the Emperor, and to do 
 all Good Oflices. The Emperor was at that Time fo well, that he 
 was often on Horfeback, to View his Army ; which had then marchr 
 ed to St. Amand, and the Two Armies were very near one another. 
 This is dated the lafl: of July. Yet he was 
 
 On the 3d oi Auguft, the Billiop of Arras wrote to the Cardi-ftillputoffby j 
 
 nal, " That the Emperor received his Congratulations on the Mar- *^'" j 
 
 " riage very kindly ; but did not think it was yet proper for him to j 
 
 " go to England^ till they had a perfed: Account of the Prefent State 'i 
 f' of Affaiis there. To know that, he -had that Day fent an Ex- 
 
 " prefs thither: Upon his Return, he fhould be able to give him j 
 
 " a more pofitive Anfwer, He knew, the Zeal of the King and j 
 
 " Queen was fuch, that they would lofe no Time ; but yet they \ 
 " mufl: proceed with fuch Moderation, that the Way to a true Re- 
 
 " medy might not be cut off, by too much Hafl:e." This is in the j 
 
 Colledion. The Cardinal had a Letter from Bartholomew de Mi-^^^'"- ^'^- [ 
 
 Vol. lU. Ooo randa,^^' \
 
 234 The Hijlory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1C54. randa, a Friar, who (I fuppofe) Was K. Philip's Confeflbr, and after- 
 L-—V'—' wards Archbifliop oiToledo, ixom Winchejler, July 2'i. It is only a 
 Letter of Relped, defiring his Commands, The Cardinal wrote to the 
 Bifliop oiuirras on the 5th of Augiift : He fent him the Copy of his 
 Faculties, and expreffed a great Earneftnefs in his Delign of Going 
 fpeedily into Eiigl-and, as foon as the Courier, fent by the Emperor, 
 fhould return. He fhewed himfelf as impatient of the Delays, as in 
 Coll Numh. good Manners he could well do. This is alfo in the Colledion. 
 ii. ' King Philip flayed at JVi?icheJler fome Days after the Marriage : 
 
 For, on the 4th of Augujl, he fent the Count of Horn over to the 
 Emperor from thence ; and by him he wrote a Letter, partly of 
 Refpedl, partly of Credit, to the Cardinal. To this the Cardinal 
 Coll Numh. wrote an Anfwer, which I have put in the CoUedlion : Tho', befides 
 27. fuch High Compliments as are ufually given to Princes, there is no- 
 
 thing particular in it; only he ftill infills earneflly, for Leave to come 
 over. On the nth oi Auguji, the Bifhop oi Arras wrote to him, 
 " That he had feen the Copy of his Faculties, and he joins with him 
 " in his Wiflies, to fee that Kingdom reftored to its ancient Obedi- 
 " ence; he allures him, the Emperor was preffing the Difpatch of the 
 " Matter, and he did not doubt, but that it would be fpeedily ac- 
 " complifhed." Pole wrote on the 2d oi Septanber^ to Soto the Em- 
 peror's Confeffor, " thanking him for thofe preffing Letters that he 
 " had written, both to the Emperor, and to the Duke Alonfo d'Aqui- 
 " laro ; with which the Legate was fo delighted, that he writes as 
 " one in a Rapture upon it ; and he animates him to perfifl in that 
 *' Zeal, for Promoting this Great Work." 
 The Reafon j^e was fliU put off with new Delays ; of which, the beft Ac- 
 lays.° ^ ^ ' count I can give, is, that this being the Decifive Stroke, there was 
 a clofe Canvaffing over 'England for the Eleftions to this Parliament. 
 Since Nothing can effedlually ruin this Nation, but a Bad Choice; 
 therefore, as it is the conftant Charadler of a Good Minillry, who 
 delign nothing but the Welfare and Happinefs of the Nation, to leave 
 all Men to a due Freedom in their Eledlions ; fo it is the conftant 
 DiftincSion of a Bad Miniftry, that have Wicked Defigns, to try all 
 the Methods of Pradlice and Corruption poffible, to Carry fuch an 
 Election, that the Nation being ill reprefented by a Bad Choice, it 
 may be eafy to impofe any Thing on a Body of Vicious, Ignorant, 
 and Ill-principled Men, who may find their own Mercenary Account, 
 in Selling and Betraying their Country. It appeared in the Two 
 former Parliaments, who They were, that could not bear the Re- 
 turning to their Old Servitude to the Papacy. It was, no doubt, 
 fpread over Englafid, that they faw the Legate was kept in Flanders ; 
 and not fuffered yet to come over : This feems the true Caufe, why 
 his Coming was fo long put off. It might be likewife an Artifice of 
 Gardiner's, to make the Difficulties appear the greater, and by that, 
 toenhanfehis own Merit the more. It is plain, that till the Elediion 
 was over, and till the Pulfes of the Majority were firft tried, it 
 was refolved not to fuffer the Legate to come over. This feems to 
 be that which he infinuates, in his Letter to the Confeffor, when he 
 fays, thzttbe Wifdom of the Wife has kept the Gate fo higjhut againji 
 him. 
 
 On
 
 Book IV. of the Church o/* England. 235 
 
 On the 13th of OSlcber Pole wrote the Pope an Account of what 155A. 
 had pafled between him and the Bifhop of Arras and the Emperors'— "v--^ 
 himfelf: The Bilhop of ^rr^j, as he writes, came to him and ailured ^f ' ''^"'^^' 
 him that the Emperor was in the beft Difpofition poffible : But it was 
 necefTary to come to Particulars, to examine all the Impediments, and 
 the beft Methods to put them out of the Way- The Legate faid he 
 had full Powers, and defired to know from England what Impedi- 
 ments were fuggefled. He added, this was not a Negotiation like 
 that in making a Peace, where both Sides did conceal their own De- 
 signs all they could, 'till they difcovered thofe of the Contrary Side : 
 Here all had but one Defign, and he was ready to enter into Particu- 
 lars when they pleafed. He had an Audience of the Emperor, none 
 but the Nuntio, and the Bifliop oi Arras, being prefent. In it, after 
 ufual Compliments, the Impediments propofed were Two ; the Firft 
 related to the Dodlrine, in which there was no abatement to be made, 
 nor Indulgence to be fhewed. The other was concerning the Lands ; 
 for the Ufurpers of them knowing the Severity of the Ecclefiaflical 
 Laws, were afraid to return to the Obedience of the Church : To 
 this the Legate anfwered, that the Pope was refolved to extend his 
 Indulgence in this Cafe ; Firft, as to all the mean Profits already re- 
 ceived, and the Cenfures incurred by that, which was a- great Point ; 
 the Pope was willing freely to difcharge that intirely : Nor did he 
 intend to apply any Part of thefe to himfelf, or to the Apoftolical 
 See, as many feared he would : Though that might feem reafonable, 
 as a Compenfation for Damages fuftaincd, but he would convert all 
 to the Service of God, and to the Benefit of the Kingdom : And he 
 had fuch Regard to the Piety of thofe Princes, that he had empowered 
 him to grant fuch Favours as they fhould interceed for, and to fuch 
 Perfons as they ftiould think worthy to be gratified, and were capable 
 to afilft him in the Matter of Religion. The Emperor underftand- 
 ing all this, thanked the Pope very heartily for his Favour in that 
 Matter : He faid he had granted enough ; he excufed himfelf, that 
 being wholly taken up with the prefent War, he had no fooner ap- 
 plied himfelf to confider the Matter : Now he knew it well : He had 
 already v/ritten to England, and he expefted a fpeedy Anfwer from 
 thence, by which he would know the State of Affairs there. He 
 knew bv his own Experience in Germany, that this of the Church 
 Lands was the Point that was moft ftood on : As to Matters of Doc- 
 trine, he did not believe that they ftood much upon that, they nei- 
 ther believing the one, nor the other : Yet thofe Lands (or Goods) 
 being dedicated to God, he thought it was not fit to yield all up, to 
 thofe who pofleffed them : He added, that though the Legate had 
 told him the whole Extent of his Powers, yet he would do well not 
 to open that to others. He then defired to fee his Faculties. The 
 Legate upon that apprehending this would give a Handle to a new 
 Delay, faid he had already {hewed them to the Biftiop of Arras, and 
 he told the Emperor, what a Scandal it would give to the Whole 
 World, if the Reconciliation fhould not be fettled by this Parliament,* 
 The Queen did not think fit to prefs it formerly, 'till fhe had received 
 that Mighty Afliftance which was now come to her by her Marriage; 
 yet if this which ought to have been the Beginning, and the Foun-' 
 
 dation
 
 236 'T'he Hifiory of the Refortnation Part III'. 
 
 Cardinal Tale 
 much efteem- 
 cd by the 
 Englijh Am- 
 balFador. 
 Coll. Numb. 
 29. 
 
 He writes to 
 King Philip. 
 Coll. Numb. 
 3°- 
 
 dation of all the reft. Were delayed any longer, it muft give great 
 Offence both to God and Man. The Emperor faid. Regard was to 
 be had to the ill Difpofition of the People concerned, who had form- 
 ed? in themfelves, and others, an Averfion to the Name of Obedi- 
 ence, and to a Red Cap, and a Religious Habit. He laid fome Fryars 
 whom his Son had brought with him out of Spai7i, were advifed to 
 change their Habits. They had not indeed done it, nor was it con- 
 venient that they fhould do it. He alfo touched on the ill Offices 
 that would be done them by their Enemies abroad, in order to the 
 raifing of Tumults : (meaning the French.) The Legate anfwered, 
 if he muft ftay 'till all Impediments were removed, that would be 
 endlefs. The Audience ended with this, that he muft have a little 
 Patience, 'till tlie Secretary whorn he had fent into England ftiould 
 return. 
 
 Mafon was then the Queen's Ambaffador at the Emperor's Court : 
 He in a Letter on the 5th of OSlober, writ towards the End of it 
 (the reft being a long Account of the War between the Emperor and 
 the French King,) concerning the Cardinal, (which will be found 
 in the Colledlion;) that he was feht by the Pope on Two defigns; the 
 one to mediate a Peace between thofe two Powers ; the other to me- 
 diate a Spiritual Peace, as he called it, in the Kingdom of £7;^/^^: 
 But feeing no hope of fucceeding, either in the one, or the other, 
 He began to defpair : And if he did not quickly fee fome Appearance 
 df Succefs in the laft, he would go back to Rome, a Sorrowful! Man : 
 and here Mafon runs out, either to make his Court to the Queen, or 
 to the Legate, or that he Was really poflefled with a very high Opi- 
 nion of him, which feems the mot-e probable, as well as the more 
 honeft Motive : He fays, " all the World adores him for his Wifdom, 
 " Learning, Virtue, and Godlinefs. God feems to dwell in him ; 
 " his Converfation, with his other Godly Qualities, was above the 
 *' Orclinary Sort of Men. It would bea ftrong Heart, that he would 
 " not foften in half an Hour's Talk. 
 
 At this Time the Cardinal wrote a long Letter to King Philip m 
 
 jLa'tin : He tells him he had been now for a Year knocking at the 
 
 Gales of the Palace, and no Body opened to him : Though he is the 
 
 Perfon that was driven from his Country into an Exile of above 20 
 
 Years continuance, becaufe he was againft {hutting the Queen out of 
 
 that Palace, in which he now liVed \vith her: But becomes with a 
 
 Hig'her Authority, in the Name of the Vicar of the Great King, and 
 
 Shepherd, St. Peter's Succeffor, or rather St. Peter himfelf j who 
 
 was fo longdrivenout of £«^/««</: Upon this he runs out into a long 
 
 Allegory, taken from S't. Peter's being delivered out of Prifon, from 
 
 Herod's cruel Purpofe, and coming to the Gate of Mary, where 
 
 though his Voice was known, yet he was kept long knocking at the 
 
 Door ; Mary "no"t being fure that it was he himfelf. He dreffes this 
 
 out wltli mucTi Pomp, and in many Words, as a Man that had prac- 
 
 tifed Eloquence much, "and had allowed himfelf in Flights of forced 
 
 ^Tietoric; liker indeed to tlie Declamation of a Student in Rhetoric, 
 
 tlian the Solemn Letter of fo great a Man on fuch an Occalion. It is 
 
 true that this Way o'f XVrltihg had been early praftifed, and had been 
 
 fo long ufed, even by Popes themfelves, that thefe Precedents might 
 
 warrant him to Copy after fuch Originals. At
 
 Book V. of the Church of England. 237 
 
 At laft the Queen fent the l^Qxil Paget and Lord Hajlings to bring 1554. 
 
 him over : Their Letter upon their coming to the Emperor's Court is '^ v i 
 
 dated from Brujfeh the 13th of November. In it they give an Ac-^jj^^j^^,^" 
 count of their Waiting upon the Emperor with the King and Queen's him over to 
 Compliments. The Emperor had that Day received the Sacrament, ^/'j!"^' , 
 yet they were admitted to Audience in the Afternoon : He exprefled 3^' 
 great Joy when he heard them give an Account how Matters were in 
 England, and roufed himfelf up in a chearful manner, and faid, That 
 among many great Benefits, he was bound to thank God for this as a 
 main One, that he now faw England brought back to a good State. 
 He had feen what the Kingdom had once been, and into what Cala- 
 mities it fell afterwards : And now he thanked God for the Miracles 
 fhewed to the Queen, to make her the Minifter to bring it again to 
 its ancient Dignity, "Wealth and Renown. He alfo rejoiced that God 
 had given her fo foon fuch a certain Hope of Succeflion : Thefe Tid- 
 ings of the State of her Perfon, with the Report of the Confent of the 
 Noblemen and others touching the Cardinal, and their Obedience and 
 Union with the Catholick Church, were fo pleafant to him, that if he 
 had been half dead, they would have revived him : He promifed 
 them alt Afliflance, as they fhould come to need it. 
 
 From the Emperor they went to the Cardinal, who welcomed them 
 with great Joy, and with Expreflions full of Duty and Thankfulnels 
 to the Queen. Here they enlarge on his Praifes : " They call him 
 " the Man of God, full of Godlinefs and Virtue j and fo eminently 
 ** humble, that he was contented to come into England in fuch fort as 
 " the Queen had commanded ; not as a Legate, but as a Cardinal, 
 •' and an Ambaffador fent to the Q^een : and they allured the Queen, 
 " that touching the Matter of Poffeffions, all things fliould pafs on 
 *' the Pope's Behalf fo, that every Man there fhall have Caufe to be 
 " contented." Fok took Leave of the Emperor on the 12th ; he was 
 to fet out in flow Journeys, his Body being then too weak for great 
 ones ; in fix Days he was to be at Calais, where they had ordered 
 every thing to be ready for his Tranfportation. 
 
 It feems by this that the Queen reckoned on it, as fure, that fhe The Queen 
 was with Child; tho' in that, after the Hopes of it were publiflied f^^^'^^^^j^'^^ J^?[- 
 with too much Precipitation, llie found herfelf fo much miftaken, child, 
 that it was believed the Grief and Shame of it, both together, had 
 an ill Effeft on her Health and Life. 
 
 About this time there was a very abufive Libel, printed in the Form 
 of a Letter as writ by Bradford to the Queen ; in which it was faid, 
 " That it was believed the Queen intended to give the Crown to the 
 " King, hoping that then he would keep Company with her- more ; 
 " and live more Chaft, contrary to his Nature ; for peradventure after 
 " he was Crowned, he would be content with one Whore ; whereas 
 " he had then three or four in a Night : and thefe not Ladies, but 
 " Common Proftltutes." One John Capftoke the Printer was difco- ^iw^'-- T"- is* 
 vered ; he was condemned to be imprifoned, and to have his Ears 
 nailed to the Pillory and cut off; yet he v/as pardoned. The Con- 
 fideration is not mentioned ; it may be eafily imagined it was no fmall 
 one, probably enough it was upon the Difcovery of fome of thofe 
 whom they were feeking out for the Slaughter. 
 
 Vol. m. Ppp I have
 
 238 T'he Hiflory of the Reformation. Part III. 
 
 1554. I have nothing to add to what I wrote formerly, with relation to 
 V-T"^^"^ this Parhament, and the ReconciUation made in it : No doubt Po/?, 
 ca^rrieThis " ' according to the Powers in his Breve^ defired the Queen would name 
 Powers be- fuch Perfons to whom the Favour of Confirming them in their Pof- 
 mitf fet\fm. f^^ons fliould be granted ; but it feems they durft not venture on any 
 Difcrimination, left that fliould have made the excepted Perfons de- 
 fperate. So it is evident, that the confirming of all without exception, 
 was, if not beyond his Powers, yet at leaft a Matter of fuch Import- 
 ance, that he ought to have confulted the Pope upon it ; and to have 
 ftayed till he had new and fpecial Orders to pafs it in fo full a Man- 
 ner as he did. But ftill it is plain by the Melfage fent to Rome^ that 
 he made the Council at leaft, to apprehend that it was neceffary to 
 fend thither for a Confirmation of what he had done ; without any 
 Limits, upon Powers that were exprefsly limited, and referved to a 
 Confirmation. 
 Coll. Numb. Qp, j.|-jg J 2|-h of December Mafon wrote from Brujfeh y and after he 
 Some preach bad given in his Letter an Account of what paffed in the Diet, upon 
 f°''^^*°"ng a Letter written to it by t\\t French ¥An^: He alfo writes, "That 
 Lands. '^^" " o^^ of the Emperor's Council had told him, that his Mafter was 
 " difpleafed to hear that a Preacher was beating the Pulpit JoUily 
 " (I ufe his own Words) for the Reftitution of the Abbey-Lands : 
 " Upon this he writes, That if it be fo meant by the Prince, and the 
 " Thing be thought convenient, he did his Duty : but if it was not 
 •' fo, it was a ftrange thing, that in a well-ordered Common-wealth, 
 " a Subject fliould be fo hardy as to cry thus to the People, to raife 
 " Storms next Summer, againft what they were then doing in Win- 
 " ter ; and if the Thing were to be talked of, it ought to be to the 
 " Prince and Council, and not to the People : He reflefts on the un- 
 " bridled Sermons in the former Times, that they were much mif- 
 " liked : So he hoped, that in a good Government that fhould have 
 " been amended. He thought the Perfon that preached this might 
 " be well put to Silence ; for he being a Monk, and having vowed 
 " Poverty, pofTefled a Deanry and three or four Benefices. He tells 
 " them he had heard by the Report of other Ambaffadors, that Etig- 
 " /a/id was now returned to the Unity of the Chriftian Church. He 
 " fliould have been glad that he might have been able to confirm this 
 " by fome certain Knowledge of it j but it was ordinary for the Am- 
 " bafTadors of England to know the leaft of all others, of the Matters 
 " of their own Kingdom." A Cuftom of a long Continuance, of 
 which I have heard great Complaints made of a later Date. On the 
 Paper-Office. 25th oi Decctubcr lie wrote, that according to his Orders, he had let 
 the Emperor know the Apprehenfions the Queen had of the Progrefs 
 of her Big-belly : and that all was quiet, and every thing went on 
 happily in Etigland. Upon this the Emperor fell into a free Difcourfe 
 with him of the Difference between governing with Rigor and Seve- 
 rity J and the governing in fuch fort, that both Prince and People 
 might Sentre entendre (i fentre aimer, mutually underftand and mu- 
 tually love one another. This, as it is at all times, a noble Meafure 
 of Government ; fo it was more neceffary to offer fuch an Advice, at 
 a time in which it was refolved to proceed with an unmerciful Rigor, 
 againft thofe whom they called Hereticks. The Queen feemed to be 
 
 fo
 
 Book V. of the Church of England. 2,39 
 
 fo fure, that flie was Quick with Child, that the Privy-Council wrote j f 1^4."" \ 
 
 upon it a Letter to Boner, and ordered him to caufe Te Deum to be *— v-^ ' 
 
 fang upon it. With fuch a Precipitation was this defired Piece of < 
 
 News publifhed. i 
 
 Some fmall Favour was at King Philip\ Defire, rtiewed to fome. yan. 18. i 
 
 The Archbifhop of 2or^ was releafed, upon a Bond of 20000 Marks 155-. ' 
 
 for his Good Behaviour. How far he recanted, or complied, does The Archbi- ,! 
 
 not appear: One thing may be reafonably concluded; That f>nce j^°^j°Li^°^* ■: 
 
 no more mention is made of the Complaint put in againft him, for * \ 
 
 keeping another Man's Wife from him, there is no Reafon to think ; 
 
 there was any Truth in it. For there being fo particular a Zeal then I 
 
 on foot, to difgrace the Marriage of the Clergy, fo flagrant an In- : 
 
 fiance as this, in a Man put in fo eminent a Pof!:, would not have i 
 been pafs'd over, if there had been any Colour of Truth, or Proof 
 
 for it. On the 27th of "January, Hopkins, Sheriff of the City of | 
 Coventry, was put in \\-\t Fleet for 111 Religion. On the 19th of Fe- 
 bruary, fome fmall Regard was had to Miles Coverdale, as being a 
 
 Foreigner ; for he was a Dane : He had a Pafl"port to go to Denmarkj j 
 
 with Two Servants, without any unlawful Let or Search. I 
 
 On the 29th of January, Cardinal Pole gave Deputed Powers to 
 the Billiops, to reconcile all Perfons to the Church, purfuant to the 
 firfl Breve he had from the Pope ; by which the Reconciliation was. 1 
 made very eafy J every one being left at his Liberty to chufe his 
 own ConfeflTor, who was to enjoin him his Penance : Upon which, j 
 the Clergy, both Regulars and Seculars, were to be intirely refto- \ 
 red, confirmed in their Benefices, and made capable of all further j 
 Favours : But thofe who were accufed, or condemned for Herefy, ! 
 were only to be reflored to the Peace of the Church, for the Quiet j 
 of their Confciences. All Canonical Irregularities were alfo taken. ] 
 off; all Public Abjurations, or Renunciations, were, at Difcretion, - j 
 to be either moderated, or intirely forgiven ; with a Power to the 
 Bifliop, to depute fuch Reftors and Curates, as he lliall think fit, to | 
 Abfolve and reconcile all Lay-Perfons to the Church. That fent to 
 the Bilhop of Norwich, is ftill upon Record, and was collated with 
 the Regifier, and fent me by Dr. T'aniwr. With this, I have like- p , , ^,- , i 
 wife put in the Colledtion, the Method in which it was executed. 33.' "'" ' " 1 
 Firil, the Articles of the Vifitation are in it, in Englijlj ; then follow Co/l. Numb. 
 Rules, in Latin, given by the Cardinal, to all Bifliops, and their ^^' I 
 Officials. Tiie mofl material of thefe is, " That all who were em- 
 ", powered to reconcile Perfons to the Church, were required to en- j 
 " ter into a Rcgifter, the Names of all fuch as they fhould Receive : \ 
 • *' That it might appear upon Record, who were, and who were not '• 
 " Reconciled ; and to proceed againft all fuch, as were not Reconcil- ' 
 " ed : In particular, they were to infert Thomas Becket\ Name, and 
 *' aifo the Pone's, in all their OfHces." ; 
 Now cams on the Burning of Heretics. Many had been kept ] 
 above a Year and a half in Prifon, when yet there was no Law I 
 againft them : And now a Law was made againft them, which it 1 
 could no; be pretended that they had tranfgreffed. But Articles were \ 
 obje<5led to them, to which they were, by the Ecclefiaftical Law, ' 
 obliged to make Anfvver: and upon their Anfwers, they were con- 
 demned :
 
 I40 'The Hiftory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1555. demned. SampJo?t\n2i Letter to Cahi 71, wrote on the 23dofiv/^- 
 *^— -"v^ — ' ruary, " That GaT'dhter had ordered Fourfcore of the Prifoners to 
 from z«wi. " be brought before him, and had tried to prevail on them, both hy 
 The Reform- " Pi-omifes and Threacnings, to return, as he called it, to the Union 
 m^enxth&ix of the Church: But not one of them yielded, txcc.^t Baj-loiv, that 
 Jerfe fe^f'^ " had been Bifliop of Bath and Wells, and Cardmaker, an Archdeacon 
 " there." So this proved ineifedVual. How far thefe yielded, does 
 not appear. 
 
 It was refolved to begin with Hooper ; againft whom, both Gardi- 
 ner and Bo7ier had fo peculiar an 111 Will, that he was lingled out, of 
 all the Bifliops, to be the firft Sacrifice. A Copy of his Procefs and 
 ^ Sentence was fent me by Dr. Tamier, which I have put in the Col- 
 2j/ '"" * ledtion. On the 28th o^ January he was brought before Gardi- 
 ner, in his Court in Southivark, and is called only John Hooper, 
 Clerk. Gardiner fet forth, " That the Day before he had been 
 " brought before him, and others of the Privy-Council, and exhort- 
 " ed to confefs his Errors and Herefies, and to return to the Unity 
 " of the Church; a Pardon being offered him for all that was paf- 
 " fed ; but that his Heart was fo hardened, that he would not ac- 
 " cept of it : So he was then brought, to anfwer to certain Articles j 
 " but he had again the Offer made him, to be received into the 
 " Bofom of the Church, if he delired it. He rejedled that ; and, 
 " as the A6ls of the Court have it, he did impudently break out 
 " into fome Blafphemies." The Articles that were objefted to him, 
 were Three: " i. That He, being a Prieft, and of a Religious 
 " Order, had married a Wife, and lived with her ; and did, both 
 " by Preaching and Writing, juftify and defend that his Marriage. 
 " To which he anfwered, acknowledging it was true ; and that 
 " he was ftill ready to defend it. 2. That Perfons married, might, 
 " for the Caufe of Fornication or Adultery, according to the Word 
 " of God, be fo divorced, that they might lawfully Marry again. 
 " To this he likewife anfwered, confeffing it, and faying. That 
 '' he was ready to defend it, againft all who would oppofe it. 3. 
 *' That he had publicly taught and maintained. That in the Sacra- 
 " ment of the Altar, the True and Natural Body and Blood of 
 " Chrift, are not prefent under the Accidents of Bread and Wine j 
 " fo that there is no material Bread and Wine in it." To which 
 his Anfwer is fet down in EngliJJo Words; " That the very Natural 
 " Body and Blood of Chrifl, is not Really and Subflantially in the 
 " Sacrament of the Altar : Saying alfo. That the Mafs was of the 
 " Devil, and was an Idol." Gardiner, upon this, ordered him to 
 come again into Court the next Day ; and then he did again try, by 
 many Perfuafions to prevail on him : but he continued ftill obfli- 
 nate, and faid further, " That Marriage was none of the Seven Sa- 
 " craments ; and if it was a Sacrament, he could prove there were 
 " Sevenfcore Sacraments." After all this, Gardi7ier gave Sentence, and 
 ^''^'''■''''^'^'■il delivered him over to the Secular Arm. Upon which, the She- 
 fuffer'd ' bar- "^^ ol London took him into their Hands, as their Prifoner : Eut it 
 barouflyufed. vi'as refolved to fend him to Glocefler, there to receive his Crown of 
 Martyrdom. And there was a particular Order fent along with him 
 to Glocejler ; in which he is defigned " John Hooper, that was cal- 
 
 " led
 
 Book V. Qf the Church ^England. 241 
 
 " led Bllhop of Worcejler and Ghcefter, who was judged to be a i ccc. 
 
 " mod obtlinate, iaUe, deteftable Heretick, and did ftill periift ob- '— \r— ' ' 
 
 " ftinate, and rcfufcd Mercy, tho' it was ofFered to him : He was clT'Zb' i 
 
 " fent to be bm-ned at Glocc/h'r, to the Example and Terror of thofe 36.' ' \ 
 
 " whom he had feduced. Order is alfo given, to call fome of Re- \ 
 
 *' putation in that Shire, to affift the Mayor and the Sheriffs of that j 
 
 " City. And becaufe this Hooper is, as all Hereticks are, a vain- 1 
 
 " glorious Perfon ; and if he have Liberty to fpeak, he may per- 1 
 
 " fuade fiich as he has feduced, to perfift in the miferable Opinions ' 
 
 " that he hath taught them ; Therefore ftridt Order is given, that | 
 
 " neither at his Execution, nor in going to the Place of it, he be ' 
 *' futfered to fpeak at large ; but that he be led quietly, and in Si- 
 
 " Icnce, for avoiding further Infeftion." Tliis will be found in the \ 
 Colled:ion. But tho' his Words could not be fuffered to be heard, 
 
 yet the Voice of his Sufferings, which were extreamly violent, had ''■ 
 
 probably the bell Effect on thofe who faw both them, and his ': 
 
 Conftancy in them. He had been above a Year and a Half in Prifon, j 
 
 under much hard Ufage. He fent his Wife out of Knglandy to de- j 
 
 liver himfelf from that which might raife too great Tendernefs in \ 
 
 him, cfpccially if he had i^&n her ill ufed, which the Wives of the ; 
 
 Clergy were in danger of daily. He wrote feveral Letters to Bui- \ 
 
 linger from the Prifon, hut was fo watched, that he durfl: not enter I 
 
 into any Particulars. Mod of his Letters were Recommendations of j 
 
 fome, who were then flying out of England : He, in them all, ex- i 
 preffed much Conftancy and Patience : And he was preparing him- 
 felf for that, in which he reckoned his Imprifonment would foon 
 
 end. He had no other Profpeft, but of Sealing the Truth with his \ 
 
 Blood. He was very glad, when he knew his Wife had got fafe to \ 
 
 Frankfort; where (he lived, and wrote feveral Letters to Bidlinger \ 
 
 In a very clean and natural Stile of Latin : They do chiefly relate to > 
 
 'her Hulband's Condition. | 
 
 Among feveral Letters that Hooper wrote, during his Imprifon- ■ 
 ment, to Bidlinger, I find one that is fo full, and fhews fo clearly 
 
 the Temper of that Holy Man in his Imprifonment, that I have put ^"^^^ ^""'^- ! 
 
 it in the CoUedllon. He had writen feveral Letters to him, that it ^^' \ 
 
 fcems fell into ill Hands, and fo came not to Zurich, as they were i 
 
 direfted ; as he found by Bi dinger's laft Letter, that fome of his \ 
 were alfo intercepted. " That laft which he had, was direcfled to 
 
 *' him, to be communicated to all his Fellow-Prifoners : He \ 
 
 " promifed, that he would take Care to fend it round among them. 1 
 
 " The Wound that the Papacy had received in England, was then i 
 
 " entirely healed: The Pope was now declared the Head of that i 
 
 " Church. The Prifoners, who had been fhut up for a Year and a i 
 
 " Half, were daily troubled by the Enemies of the Gofpel: They I 
 
 " were kept afunder from one annother, and treated with all man- j 
 
 " ner of Indignities; and they were daily threatened with the laft i 
 
 " Extremities, which did not terrify them. ■ 
 
 " They were fo inwardly fortified, that they defpifed both Fire 
 
 " and Sword. They knew in whom they believed ; and were fare I 
 
 " they were to fuffer for Well-doing. He defires the Continuance | 
 
 " of their Prayers, let God do with them what feemed good in his ] 
 
 Vol. in. Q q (1 ." Eyes. ■
 
 242. l^he Hijhry of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1555. " Eyes. He fent over to him Two Books that he had written, the 
 '— — •\^ — ~^ " one of True Religion, and the other of Falfe Religion, which he 
 " had dedicated to the Parliament, as an Apology for the Reforma- 
 " tion. He gives them Liberty to corrc6t them as they thought 
 " fit ; and delired, that they might be quickly printed ; for they 
 " were well approved by the Pious and Learned about him. He 
 " defircs they may not be frighted from doing it, by the Apprehen- 
 " fionsofany Harm that might happen to himfelf upon that Ac- 
 " count: He committed himfelfto God, who was his Defence and 
 " his Guard, thro' Jefus Chrifl: ; to whom he had entirely dedicated 
 " himfelf. If God would prolong his Life, lie prayed it might be 
 " to the Glory of his Name ; but if he would put an End to this 
 " fliort and wicked Life, which of thefe foever it pleafed God to or- 
 " der, his Will be done." This is dated from his Prifon, the xith 
 oi Dccer/iber \^^i^. It appears that Hoopers Wife was a German -y 
 fo his fending her in Time out of EnglanJ, was a jufS: Expreifion 
 cf his Care of Her. 
 
 On the 1 8th of March, fome Sacrifices being to be made in Ef- 
 Jex, " Letters were written by the Council to the Earl of Oxford, 
 " and the Lord R:c/:, to be prefent at the Burning of thofe obftinate 
 " Heretics, that were fent to divers Parts of that County. And on 
 the I ft oi April, Informations being brought, that there were Preach- 
 ers at Work in feveral Parts of the Kingdom, a General Order was 
 fent to all Sherift's, to feize on them. When that Madman, Wiiliam 
 T'hom'zs, called otherwife Flower, or Branch, was feized on, for 
 wounding a Priefl in the Church, they found a Cloth about his Neck, 
 with thefe Words, 'Deiim time, Idolum fuge : Fear God, and fly from 
 Idolatry. He was feized on by Sir Nicholas Hare, and Sir Thor/ias 
 Cor?iiaaU : They had Letters of Thanks from the Council for their 
 Pains. They were ordered firfl to Examine him, then to fend him' 
 to the Bifliop of Lo^i^c;;, to proceed again fir him for Herefv ; and to 
 the Juflices of Peace, to punifli him for the Shedding of Blood in the 
 Church : And if he perfifls in his Herefy, Order is given, that he be 
 executed in the latter End of the Week, but that his Right Hand 
 fhould be cut off the Day before. 
 Pc-rfonsap- On the i6thof Mt)', fome Perfons were named, and their Ap- 
 pointed to pointments ordered, who fhould be in Readincfs to carry the Nev/s 
 News'oAhe °^ ^^^ Queen's Delivery to Foreign Princes. The Lord Admiral 
 Queen's being was appointed to go to the Emperor ; and was allowed Four Pounds 
 Delivered. ^ ^^y, and Two Hundred Pounds for Equipage. The Lord Fitz- 
 •water was to go to the French Court, and was to have 200 Maries 
 for Equipage. Sir He?iry Sydney was to go to the King of the Ro- 
 mans, and to have 500 Marks : And Shelley was to carry the News 
 to the King oi Portugal, and to have 400 Marks. This was repeat- 
 ed on the 28th of May. The Money was ordered to be ready, for 
 the immediate Difpatchof thofe Envoys. And on the 29th oi May 
 Orders were given,, that the Perfons named fliould be ready to go 
 when warned. On the ift of 'jiine, a Letter was ordered to the 
 Bifhop of London, to proceed againfl: fome, who were fufpecled to 
 be of Evil Religion. And on the 3d of ^une. Letters were v/rit- 
 
 ten
 
 Book V. of the Church o/^ England. 247 
 
 ten to the Lord Rich to aflift at the Execution of fome Hereticks at i c c c. 
 Colchejier, Harwich, and Meaintru ; a Letter was alfo written to the <— ^v— o 
 Earl of Oxford, to fend his oervants to attend on the Lord Rich at 
 thofe Executions, It is not eafy to gucfs whether the many Letters 
 written upon hofe Occafions, were to prevent Tumults, becaule they 
 apprehended the People might refcue thofe Vidlims out of the Sheriff's 
 Haiids, if he had not been well guarded j or whether it was to cele- 
 brate thofe Triumphs over Herefy, with much Solemnity ; which is 
 commonly done in thofe Countries where the L^quifxiion is received. 
 At the fame Time Entries are made in the Council-Books of the Exa- 
 minations of feveral Perfoas for fpreading falfe Rumors. 
 
 Oil the 9th of 'June, Letters were written to the Lord Noj-fh, and Orders for 
 others, to put fuch obflinate Perfons as would not Confefs to the Tor- J^p^^^ ^^ 
 fure, and there to order them at their Difcretion : And a Letter was 
 written to the Lieutenant of the Tower to the fame Effedt : Whctiier 
 this pretended Obftinacy was a Concealing of Hereticks, or of the 
 Reporters of falfe News, does not appear : But whatever the Matter 
 was, the putting People not yet Convid:, by that which the Civil Law 
 called a half Proof (Semiplena Prchatio) to the Torture, becaufe they 
 v/ere thought obftinate, and would not confefs, that the leaving the 
 Degree of the Torture to the Difcretion of thofe appointed for their 
 Examination, was a great Step towards the moll: Rigorous Part of the 
 Proceedings of Inquifitors. On the i 2th of yiwe. Orders were given 
 for making out Writs for the Burning of Three Perfons condemned 
 for Herefy in Suffex. On the 13 th of yuiie Letters of Thanks were 
 ordered to Sir Henry Tirrel, and Mr. Anthony Brcivn, for their aflift- 
 ing at the Execution of Hereticks. And on the i 5th of yioie. Let- 
 ters of Thanks were ordered to the Earl of Oxford, and the Lord Ricby 
 on the fame Account. On the 17th oifiine. Letters of Thanks were 
 written to thofe in Cambridge, who had committed fome Priefts to 
 Prifon : But they are ordered to releafe them, if thoroughly Penitent. 
 And on the i8th of June, a Letter was written to the Bifhop of 
 London, informing him that Four Parifhes in Ejfex did flill ufe the 
 Englijb Service : He is required to examine into this, and to punifh 
 it, and to fend fome of his Chaplains to preach to them. 
 
 On that Day a Letter was written from London to Peter Martyr, The Queen 
 telling him that it was given out that the Queen had faid, fhe could ^^^ looted to 
 not be happily delivered 'till all the Hereticks then in Prifon wereof a^^hifd. 
 burned : For flie continued flill expecting to be delivered j and on P- Mar. Loci. 
 the 24th of Jwie, an Order was given to have a Paflport ready for poT 76^*^" 
 Shelly, that was to carry the News to Portugal. On the 27th of 
 June, Letters were written to the Lord Rich, to give the Queen's 
 Thanks to fome Gentlemen of Rochford in Effex, for coming fo honejlly 
 of themfehes to Colchefter, and other Places, to afjijl the Sheriff at 
 Executions. At this Time a Condition was put in all Paffports and 
 Licences, to go beyond Sea, that they (hall avoid all Hereticks, and 
 all Places infedled with Herefy. 
 
 I fliall here add a Paffage, recorded by Fox, of a Declaration that Pox P. 1450. 
 was made to himfelf before Witnelfcs, in the Year 1568. A Woman j'^J^'g^^'^^^® 
 told him that fhe lived near Aiderfgate, and was delivered of a Boy Sufpkion of 
 
 on ^^ ^efigns.
 
 244 ^^^ Hiftory of the Reformation Part IIL 
 
 1555. on the Jitb of June 1555; and after flie had born it, the Lord 
 V^ — V""^ Nortl\ and another Lord, came to her, and defired to have her 
 Child from her, with very fair Offers, as that her Child fliould be 
 well provided for ; fo that flie fliould take no Care for it, if flie would 
 fwear that flie never knew, or had fuch a Child : And after this feme 
 Women came to her, of whom, one they faid was to be the Rocker. 
 But flie would in no Cafe part with her Child. This being at the 
 Time that the Queen feemcd to be every Day looking for her Deli- 
 very, may give fome Sufpicions, and puts us in mind of the Words 
 of the Preacher y That which is, is that 'which has been. On the 30th 
 of Jime, Letters were written to the Gentlemen in Kent, to affift the 
 Sheriff at the Execution of Hereticks in Roche/ier, Dartford, and 
 Timbridge. 
 
 On the 2d of July, upon an Information of a Commotion de/igned 
 in Sujfex, the Opinion of the Judges was afked about it ; and fome 
 Judges were fent to proceed in it, according to Law. Great Occa- 
 Plots pretend- lion was taken from FooHfh Difcourfes to allarm the Nation with the 
 *^" Apprehenfion of Plots, and the Blame of all was to be caff on the 
 
 concealed Preachers, that were now hid in Corners, inftrudling the 
 People at the Peril of their Lives : Twelve Perfons were brouglit up 
 out of StiJJex, as guilty of a Confpiracy : But I find no more of that 
 Matter. Bird, that had been Bilhop of Chejier, and was deprived 
 for his Marriage, did now think fit to repent ; and engaged fo far, 
 that Boner made him his Suffragan. He was blind of an Eye, and be- 
 ing appointed to preach before the Bifliop, he chofe thofe Words for 
 his Text, Thou art Peter : But whether his Confcience fmote him, or 
 his Memory failed, he could go no farther : So inflead of Matter of 
 Triumph upon the Apoftacy of fuch a Man, the Shame of fuch a 
 dumb Adion, turned the Triumph to the other fide. 
 
 On the 9th of July, a Letter was written to the Bifhop of LondcM, 
 djredling him, that the Three condemned Hereticks fliould be burnt 
 at Uxbridge, Stratford, and Walden : And he was ordered to proceed 
 againfl: the refl. At this Time Pole thought it became him to write to 
 Cranmer to try how far a Piece of Highflown Rhetorick could work 
 Card. Pok-% on him, though fome think this Letter was written a very little 
 Letter to while before Cranmer^ Execution ; the Original is yet extant. It does 
 raimer. ^^^^ \\X!CiQ Honour to his Memory, being only a Declamation againfl 
 Herefy and Schifm, againfl a Married Clergy, and Separation from 
 the See of Rome, and the rejecting of Tranfubfiantiation. In it all he 
 proves nothing, and argces nothing, but luppofes all his own Prin- 
 ciples to be true and fure : He inveighs againfl the poor Prifoner with 
 fome feeming Tendernefs, but with a great Acrimony of Stile, and 
 in an infulting Manner, like one that knew he might fay what he 
 pleafed ; and that there was no room for making Remarks and An- 
 fwers to fo poor an Epiflle ; which Mr. Le Grand has thought fit to 
 tranflate into French, but I do not think it worth the while to put it 
 in the CoUedlion. 
 
 On tlie 14th of July, the Archbifhop of York was ordered to 
 appear, but no more is faid concerning him. There were Intimations 
 given of Commotions defigned at Fairs, and Orders were fent to She- 
 riffs.
 
 Book V. of the Church of England. 245 
 
 rifts and Gentlemen to watch them: Informations were alio brouglit 1355. 
 of a Confpiracy in EjJ'ex and Suffolk, and of another in DorfetJJjire. ^ — ^v — -* 
 On the 6th of Aiigiiji, Thanks were written to the Earl of Oxford 
 and the Lord Rich, with the other Juftices of Peace in Efjcx for their 
 Diligence ; defiring them to proceed in their Examination of the late 
 intended Confpiracy, and to bring the Offenders before them : If their 
 Offence was found to be Treafon, they were to fuifer as Traytors : 
 Or if their Guilt did not rife up to that, they were to order them to 
 be puniflied according to the Statutes. 
 
 On the 28th of AnguJ}, Notice was given to the Sheriffs and Juftices AmhafTaJors 
 of Peace, that the King was going to Flanders. The Ambaffadors ff"^ '° ''^^ 
 
 . ^ 00 i ope cumc 
 
 fent to Rome, did return about the middle oi September; and in Coun- bick'with a 
 
 cil, on the 1 6th of September, the BiHiop of £/y produced the Pope's B"''- ^'•^'^''"g 
 
 Bull, erefting Ireland into a Kingdom ; and beftowing on the Crown Kingdom. 
 
 of England, the Title of King of Ireland. This was given to the 
 
 Bifhop of Dublin, with an Order to publifli it in Ireland: For that 
 
 Infolent Pope would not give them Audience upon their Powers from 
 
 the King and Queen of England, and Ireland, pretending that none 
 
 had a Right to aflume the Title King, but as it was derived from 
 
 him. So as a Special Grace, he conferred that Regal Title on the 
 
 Queen, and then admitted them to Audience, after he had made them 
 
 ftay a Month waiting for it at Rome It feems they knew the Bigotry 
 
 of the Englijlo Court too well to difpute this Point. So they yielded 
 
 it up very tamely, fearing that they fhould be difowned, if they had 
 
 made any Oppofition to it. But the main Errand they came upon, was 
 
 to obtain a Confirmation of the Setdement of the Church-Lands, made 
 
 in Parliament by Cardinal Pole: That was not only fiatly refufed, but 
 
 a Bull was publifhed, that in Effed:, repealed it all. 
 
 " It begins fetting forth what Pope Sytnmachus decreed againfl the See the Coll. 
 " Alienating of any Lands belonging to the Church upon any Pre- "^ ''j,^/"™" 
 " tence whatfoever, or Farming out the Rights of the v. hurch : He 1. The Pope's 
 " laid an Anathema on all who fliould be any way concerned in fuch2"''f°'|'«''°'"- 
 " Bargains ; and gave an Authority to any Ecclefiaftical Perfon to Lfnds. 
 " recover all with the mean Profits ; and this was to take Place in all 
 " Churches. Pope Paul the 2d had likewife condemned all Alicna- 
 " tions of Church Goods, and all Farms of Leafes beyond the Term 
 " of Three Years, and had annulled all fuch Agreements, Farms, or 
 " Leafes. Both the Parties, as well the Granter, as the Receiver of 
 " fuch Leafes, were put under Excommunication ; and the Goods 
 " fo alienated, were to revert to the Church. But thefe Prohibitions 
 " notwithftanding, of late Years feveral Perfons both of the Laity, . 
 " and of the Clergy, had pofTefTed themfelves of Caflles and Lands, 
 " belonging both to the Church of Ro7ne, and to other Cathedrals, 
 " and even to Metropolitan Churches ; and to Monafleries, Regular 
 " Houfes, and Hofpitals, under the Pretence of Alienations, to the. 
 " evident Damage of thofe Churches and Monafleries, without ob- 
 " ferving the Solemnities required by Law in fuch Cafes j and they. 
 " continue their PofTeffion, by which the Incumbents in thofe 
 " Churches are great Sufferers ; and the Popes themfelves, who^ 
 " were wont to fupply the Poor who came to Rome out of thefe" 
 " Lands, are no more able to do that,, and can fcarce maintain them- 
 
 Vol. III. R r r felves
 
 1^6 The Hiftory of the Reformatmi. Part HI. 
 
 1555. " felves and their Families; which turns to the Offence of God, the 
 ».— -Y— ' " Reproach of the Clergy, and is Matter of Scandal to the Faithful : 
 " Therefore the Pope of his own Motion, upon certain Knowledge, 
 " and by vertue of the Plenitude of the Apoftolic Power, does an- 
 " nul all the Alienations, or Impropriations, either perpetual, or 
 •' Leafes to the Third, or to a fmgle Life, or beyond the Term of 
 " Three Years ; or Exchanges and Farms of Cities, or Lands, or 
 •' Goods or Rights, belonging to the Roman Church; or to any 
 " Cathedral, Monaftery, Regular Houfe, or to any Ecclefiaftical 
 " Benefice, with, or without Cure ; to Seculars, or Regulars ; Ho- 
 " fpitals , and other Pious Foundations, by whomfoever made, tho' 
 " by Popes, or by their Authority ; or by the Prelates of Cathe- 
 " drals, Monafteries, or Hofpitals ; or the Redors of Churches, 
 " though Cardinals, that had been made without the Solemnities re- 
 " quired by Law, in what Form of Words foever they have been 
 " made, though confirmed by Oath, and eftabliflied by a long Pre- 
 " fcription: All thefe are by the Apoftolic Authority, refcinded, 
 " annulled, and made void, and the Poffeffors of fuch Lands are to 
 " be compelled by all Cenfures, and Pecuniary Pains, to make Sa- 
 " tisfadtion for all the mean Profits received, or to be received ; and 
 *' all Judges are required to give Judgment conform to this Bull." 
 Dated the 1 2th of July. 
 
 Thus the Pope, inftead of confirming what the Legate had done, 
 mSeS. ^^^ i" the moft formal Terms poffible, leverfe and annul it all. Even 
 Papal Alienations, or made by the Papal Authority are made void. 
 The pretended Confent of the Convocation is declared null ; and 
 all Ratifications of what was at firft illegally made, are annulled. By 
 this alfo, not only the Poffefifors of Church Lands, but all the Te- 
 nants to any Eftate belonging to the Church, who hold for Lives, 
 or Years, beyond the Term of Three Years, may fee in this Bull, 
 how that all they now hold by thofe Tenures, is made void. No 
 doubt the Amballadors of England did all that in them lay, to have 
 this Bull foftened, or to have an Exception made for England : But 
 that Pope was not to be moved, and perhaps he thought he fliewed 
 no fmall Favour to England, on the Queen's Account, in not naming 
 it in this Bull : And m not fulminating on the Account of the late 
 Settlement, Thus the Matter of fecuring the Abbey Lands by that 
 fraudulent Tranfaftion, is now pretty apparent. 
 
 Pope Paul was in the Right in one Thing, to prefs the fetting up 
 Courts of Inquifition every where, as the only fure Method to ex- 
 tirpate Herefy. And it is highly probable that the King, or his 
 Spa?iifj Minifters, made the Court of England apprehend, that Tor- 
 ture and Inquifition, were the only fure Courfes to root out Herefy. 
 It has appeared already what Orders are given about 'To7-ture, even 
 to ufe it at Difcreiion ; but another Step was made that carried this 
 Matter much further. 
 
 Inftrudlions had been given in March, iSSS^ ^o the Juftices of 
 Peace to have one or more honeft Men in every Parifh, fecretly in-' 
 ftrudled to give Information of the Behaviour of the Inhabitants a- 
 mongft, or about them. One of thefe was direfted to the Earl of 
 SuffeXf who afted with a Superlative Meafure of Zeal : He wrote 
 
 on
 
 Book V. of the Church of England. 247 
 
 on the 1 8th oi Aprlly this Year, to the Bifliop oi Norivich; com- 1555. 
 
 plaining, that at a Town near him, there had baen no Sepulchre, 
 
 nor Creeping to the Crofs before Eafter. The Day after he wrote 
 
 that Letter, it appears by another of his Letters, that Ket, wiio led 
 
 the Infurredion in Ncrfolky in King Edward's Reign, and whofe 
 
 Body was hanged in Chains, had fallen down from the Callows ; 
 
 and that Prophecies were fpread about the Country, of what fliould 
 
 follow when that fhould happen. He ordered the Body to be hanged 
 
 up again, if it was not walled ; and he imprifoned thofe that gave 
 
 out thefe Prophecies. He went on to greater Matters, and drew up 
 
 an Account of the Obedience that the Juftices had paid, to all the 
 
 Inftrudions and Orders that had been fent them. I had a Volume 
 
 of his Letters in my Hands fome Years ago ; but I wrote out of it 
 
 only the Anfwers he returned to the 6th Article, in thefe Words : 
 
 " It is agreed, that the Juftices of the Peace, in every of their Li- 
 
 " mits, Ihall call fecretly before them. One or Two Honeft and Se- 
 
 " cret Perfons, or more, by their Difcretions ; and fuch as they fhall 
 
 " think good ; and command them, by Oath, or otherwife, as the 
 
 *^' fame Juftice fhall think good. That they (hall fecretly learn, and 
 
 " fearch out fuch Perfon and Perfons, as fliall evil-behave themfelves 
 
 " in the Church, or idly, or defpife openly by Words, the King's 
 
 " and Queen's Proceedings ; or go about to make or move, any Stir, 
 
 " Commotion, or unlawful Gatliering together of the People ; or 
 
 " that tell any Lewd or Seditious Tales, Rumors, or News, to move 
 
 *' or flir any Perfon or Perfons, to rife, ftir or make any Commo- 
 
 " tion or Infurreftion, or to confent to any fuch Intent or Purpofe. 
 
 " And alfo, that the fame Perfons fo to be appointed, fliall declare 
 
 *' to the fame Juftices of Peace, the 111 Behaviour of Lewd, Difor- 
 
 " dered Perfons ; whether it (liall be for ufing unlawful Games, Idle- 
 
 ** nefs, and fuch other light Behaviour of fuch fufpefted Perfons, as 
 
 " ftiall be in the fame Town, or near thereabouts : And that the lame 
 
 " Informations fliall be given fecretly to the Juftices ; and the fame 
 
 " Juftices ftiall call fuch accufed Perfons before them, and examine 
 
 " them, without declaring by whom they be accufed. And that the 
 
 " fame Juftices lliall, upon their Examination, punifli the Offenders, 
 
 •' according as their Offences fliall appear to them, upon tho Accufe-' 
 
 '* ment and Examination, by their Difcretion, either by open Punilh- 
 
 " ment, or by good Abearing." 
 
 Here was a great Step made towards an Inquifitlon : This being 
 the fettled Method of that Court, to have fworn Spies and In- 
 formers every where, upon whofe fecret Advertifements, Perfons are 
 taken up : And the firft Step in their Examination, is, to know of 
 them, for what Reafon they are brought before them : Upon which, 
 they are tortured, till they tell as much as the Inquifitors defire to 
 know, either againft themfelves, or others. But they are not fuffer- 
 ed to know, neither what is informed againft them, nor who are the 
 Informers. Arbitrary Torture, and now Secret Informers, feem to 
 be Two great Steps, made to prepare the Nation for an Inqui- 
 fition. 
 
 In
 
 248 'The Hiftory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1555. In September, the Dutchefs of Suffolk, who had married Mr. Ber- 
 
 '— — /■**-' tie, went out of the Kingdom without a Licenfe : Upon which, a 
 CommifTion was fent into Lincobiffire, to take an Account of lier 
 Eftate. On the 19th of September, there was a Paper caft into a Houfe 
 near Fiilbam, with fome Intimations of 111 Defigns in Effex. The Ma- 
 iler of the Houfe brought it to the Council ; upon which, they fent 
 Orders to that Country, to fee what Foundation there was for fuch 
 Sufpicions. 'Tracy (probably the Son of him, concerning whofe Will 
 there was much ado made in King Hen7-y\ Time) had been brought 
 before the Bifliop of Glocefter ; and he, as was informed, behaved 
 himfelf flubbornly towards him : Upon which, he was brought be- 
 fore the Council, and was required to declare his Conformity in Mat- 
 ters of Religion. He promifed to do it ; and upon that, he was fent 
 back, to his Country. On the 23d of September there were fome 
 Hopes given of the King's Coming back ; upon which, Sir Richard 
 Southwell was fent to attend on him. On the 9th of OBober, the Go- 
 vernor of Jerjey having examined one Gardiner, for fpeaking fome 
 indecent Words of the King, defired Onlers how to proceed againft 
 him : Upon which, he was ordered to proceed according to the 
 Statutes, if thefe took place in that Ifland : but if not, according to 
 the Cuftom of the Place. 
 Cranmer On the 1 2th of September, Brooks, Bifhop of Glocefter, who was 
 
 proceeded conftitutcd Subdclcgate to Cardinal Puteo, the Pope's Delegate, to 
 ^S*'" • try Cranmer, (it being, it feems, thought indecent that Fcle, who 
 
 was to fucceed him, fliould be his Judge) came to Oxford, with Mar- 
 tin and Story, who were the King and Queen's Commiflioners, to de- 
 mand Juftice againft Cranmer ; exhibiting Articles againft him. Cran- 
 mer made a long Apology for himfelf. Among other Things, he faid, 
 *' The Lofs of his Promotion grieved him not : He thanked God as 
 *' heartily for that poor and afflidled State in which he was then, as 
 ** ever he did for the Times of his Profperity. But that which ftuck 
 *' clofeft to him, and created him the greatefl Sorrow, was, to think 
 ** that all that Pains and Trouble, that had been taken by King Henry 
 *' and himfelf for fo many Years, to retrieve the Ancient Authority 
 *' of the Kings of Rngland, and to vindicate the Nation from a Fo- 
 ** reign Yoke, and from the Bafenefs and infinite Inconveniences of 
 *' Crouching to the Bifhops of Rome, fliould now thus eafily be quite 
 *' undone : And that the King and Queen fliould, in their own 
 *' Realm, become his Accufers, before a Foreign Power. If he had 
 ** tranfgrefled the Law, they had fufficient Authority to punifh him ; 
 •' and to that, he would at all Times fubmit himfelf." They ex- 
 hibited Interrogatories to him ; and he gave his Anfwer to them. 
 In Conclufion, they required him to go to Rome, within fourfcore 
 Days, to make his Anfwer in Perfon. He faid, he was moft willing 
 to go, if the King and Queen would fend him. 
 
 On the 6th of OSlober, Ridley and Latimer fuffered Martyrdom : 
 But Gardiner, who was with Impatience waiting for the News, was, 
 foon after he heard it, flruck with an Illnefs, in which he languifh- 
 ed for fome Time. Piklington, Bifliop of Dureftn, in a Sermon that 
 he preached, faid. He rotted above Ground, Jo that is was fcarce
 
 Book V. of the Church ^England. 249 
 
 pojjibk to get any to come near him. He died on the I2th of Novem- 1555. 
 ber. On tiie 5th of November, Orders were given for to difpofe of 
 many Prifoners. 
 
 Cranmcr was now to be offered up. Some have thought, that up- 
 on his Attainder, the See of Canterbury was vacant ; and indeed, the 
 Chapter of Canterbury afted accordingly : But the Papal Authority 
 being rcftored, he was ftill, according to the Papal Law, Archbifhop, 
 till by a Commiflion from Rome, he was judged an obflinate Heretick, 
 and was thereupon deprived. When the eighty Days were out, a 
 Mock Procefs was made at Rome ; in which it was falfely faid, that 
 he did not care to appear ; upon which he was declared Contumacious : 
 And then a formal Sentence was given in the Pope's Name, as fittiiig 
 on the Throne of Jujiice, having before his Eyes God alone, ivho is the 
 Righteous Lord, and judgeth the World in Righteoufnefs. With fuch 
 fpecious Words was that grofsly Unrighteous Judgment introduced. 
 And upon that, a Letter came from Rome on the 14th oi December, 
 mentioning his being Condemned and Deprived, and delivering him 
 over to the Secular Arm. The Deprivation muft have palTed fome 
 Days before : For, on the nth oi December, Pole's Bulls were grant- 
 ed ; in which, mention is made of the See's being vacant, by the 
 Deprivation of Cranmer. The Writ for Burning him, mentions his 
 being judged an obftinate Heretick by the Pope, and deprived by him ; 
 and that he had been degraded by the Bifliops of London and Ely, by 
 Commiffion from the Pope : So on the 24th of February, the Writ 
 was fealed. I have nothing to add to the fad Narration I gave, both 
 of his Fall, and of his Repentance, and his firm Conilancy to the laft, 
 in that amazing Inftance of Holding his Hand in the Fire, till it was 
 almoft burnt away ; of which Thuanus gives a very particular Account, 
 fo that the Truth of the Fad: cannot be difputed. 
 » On the 13 th of March, the Privy Council were concerned when 
 they heard his Paper of Recantation was printed. Rydall and Cope- 
 land, Two Printers, were required to deliver to Caivood the Queen's 
 Printer, the Books of his Recantation to be burned by him. One 
 Part of his Charadler may be added out of Pole\ Letter to him. In 
 one place he fays, he hears " it was pretended that he forced no Man 
 " in Points of Religion, but behaved himfelf mildly towards all Per- 
 " fons." And in another place he writes, " that it was faid his Life 
 *' was unblameable," But tho' Pole throws that off, as of no Im- 
 portance, yet upon his mentioning thefe good Charadlers, it may be 
 depended on, that they were true. Ridley, in that Noble Letter 
 that he wrote to Grindall, when they were every Day looking for 
 their Crown, fays of him, " That he then fliewed, how well he 
 " deferved the Great Charadler of the Chief Paftor'and Archbifhop 
 " of this Church." To which he adds, of Latittier, " That he was 
 " the Ancient, and True Apoftle of Chrift to the EngliJJj Nation." 
 In a word, if it had not been for Cranmer^ too feeble Compliance 
 in King Hcnry% Time, and this laft inexcufable Slip, he might well 
 be propofed as one of the Greateft Patterns in Hiftory. And if the 
 ExceiTes to which fome Opinions had formerly carried Men, did in 
 fome Particulars incline him to the Oppofite Extreams, this muft 
 
 Vol. III. Sff be
 
 250 "The Hiftory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1555. be reckoned a very pardonable Inftance, of managing the Counter- 
 *— -v-*— ' poife without due Caution. He was a Pattern of Humility, Meek- 
 nefs and Charity. He had a true and generous Contempt of Wealth ; 
 and of thofe Shews of Greatnefs, that belong to a High Station. 
 His Labours, in Searching into all Ecclefiaftical Authors, both An- 
 cient and Modern, are amazing to thofe, who have feen the Vafb 
 Colleftions that he writ out, on all Matters of Divinity, with his 
 own Hand. But now, after a long Courfe of Vexation and Contra- 
 didion, and, in Conclufion, after a long and fevere Imprifonment, 
 he was put to a Cruel Death, by Perfons whom he had ferved faith- 
 fully and effeftually. For he had both ferved the Queen, and re- 
 conciled her to her Father ; and he had fliewed a molt particular Fa- 
 vour to 'Thirleby, and others, who concurred to finifli this Tragedy. 
 I have put all this Matter together ; and now I mufl look back to 
 Publick Affairs. 
 Proceedings There was a Convocation fat with the Parliament in OBober ; and 
 Ifon""'""' to ^^^ Middle of Ncuember 1555. Chriftopherfo?i was chofen Prolo- 
 cutor : And after Boner had confirmed him, he defired, that the 
 Lower-Houfe would name Eight or Ten Perfons, to hear fome fecret 
 Propofitions, that were to be made to them by the King and Queen, 
 and by the Cardinal, concerning the Publick Good of the Kingdom, 
 and of the Church. They, upon that, did chufe the Prolocutor, and 
 Ten more : And to thefe theBirtiop of Ely propofed to offer the Queen 
 a Siibfidy, in Return for the great Favour She had fliewed the Clergy, 
 in Forgiving the Firft-Fruits and Tenths, and in Reftoring to the 
 Church all the Impropriations of Benefices, that were then, by the 
 Suppreffion of the Monafteries, vefled in the Crown : For all which, 
 the Bifliop of Ely propofed a Subfidy of Eight Shillings in the Pound, 
 to be paid in Four Years. The lafl; Sefuon of Convocation was on the 
 1 5th of November : And a Memorarulum was inferted in thefe Words ; 
 " After this Convocation was begun, there was a National Synod ; 
 " the Clergy of Tork being joined with them." For which, the 
 Cardinal thought it fafe and fit to take out a Licenfe under the 
 Great Seal. The firfl Seffion was on the 4th of Nove??>ber ; and 
 in this the Cardinal fet himfelf fo zealoufly to remove many Abufes, 
 that Mafon wrote, that many of the Clergy wiflied he were in Rome 
 
 tion. 
 
 agrain 
 
 The Earl of DevonJJ^ire went out of England this Summer. As 
 he paffcd thro' Flanders, he waited on the Emperor ; and, as Mafon 
 wrote, he owned that he owed his Liberty to him. The Queen fent, 
 and offered her Mediation between the Emperor and the French King ; 
 The Emperor accepted it ; but with very fharp Reflections on thq 
 French King. 
 
 There was in Aprils a Treaty of Peace between the Emperor and 
 the King of France, fet on Foot : In which the Queen was Media- 
 tor, and fent over both Fole and Gardiner to Calais in order to it. 
 The Conftable, and the Cardinal of Lorrain, were ordered to come 
 from the Court ; but the Pope's Death made it be thought more ne- 
 ceffary to fend that Cardinal to Ro?ne : What further Progrefs was 
 made in this does not appear to me, for I take it from a Letter of Ma- 
 
 fon's
 
 Book V. of tide Church ^England. ^cr 
 
 /9/7's to Vcvines, then the Queen's Ambaffador at ^^wV^. It will be irrg 
 found in the Colledion, the Original being in Dr. Tan7ier\ Hands u^-^-v-— 
 who lent me this Copy. By this Letter it appears, that Bolh oi^"" ^""^^ 
 Camh ridge fl:irt\ and S. P^Yrr Meivtas^ were there in Prilbn upon Suf-^ 
 picion, but nothing appeared againft them. That Letter tells us, 
 that the Princes of Gcrmrjiy were allarmed upon the Cardinal Moro7ic% 
 coming to Aujbourg, apprehending probably that he came to difturb 
 the Settlement, then made in the Matters of Religion in the Empire : 
 But the Emperor had fent fuch Powers to his Brother Ferdinajid^ 
 that his coming was like to have no Effedl. He alfo tells in that 
 Letter, that the Dean and Prebendaries oi Wcftminlicr, were u fin o- 
 all Endeavours to hinder the converting that Foundation into an Ab- 
 bey : And that Dr* Cole was adive in it, affirming that Monks had 
 not their Inftitution from Chrifl as Priefts had : But he faw the Court 
 was refolved to have no Regard to the Oppofition they made. He 
 adds, that the Duke of Alva was ftill in England, though he had 
 fent his Baggage and Servants to Calais. 
 
 Majon writes News from the Diet, that Matters of Religion had Motions in 
 not been quite fettled, but all were to continue in the State in which 'l!'^ P'^'.°*^ 
 they were then, 'till the next Meeting : And it was provided, that 
 all Parties fliould live according to the Religion then accepted of them: 
 The Emperor feemed refolved not to confentto this. He writes that 
 the Allowance of the Marriage of the Clergy, and in particular of 
 Bifhops, had been earneftly demanded, but was utterly refufed. On 
 the 28th oi Oclobcr, he writes that Two Monks of the Chart cr-Houfe 
 had defired the King's Letter that they might return to their Houfe, 
 and at leaft receive their Penfion : The King anfwered, that as touch- 
 ing their Houfe, fmce the Parliament was then fitting, it was not a 
 proper Time to move it : But when he fliould come to England, 
 he would help tlicm the beft he could : And as to their Penfions, 
 he ordered Mafon to write concerning that to Secretary Petre. On 
 the 7th of January 1 5 54 a Letter was written to the Mayor and Alder- 
 men of Coventry, to chufe fome Catholic Grave Man for their May- 
 or for that Year : A Lift of Three Perfons was fent to them, and ' 
 they were required to give their Voices for one of them. Thefe 
 were "John Fitz-Herbert, Richard Wheeler, and one Coleman. 
 
 On the 1 4th of January a Letter cf a very lingular Nature was Compaffioa 
 written to the Lord Mnyor, and the Sheriffs of London, •' requiring ^j^P^/*^^/* JP 
 ". them to give fuch fubflantial Order, that when any Obflinatefereu, pu°nilh' 
 " Man, condemned by the Order of the Laws, fhall be delivered ^'^ 
 " to be puniflied for Herefy, that there be a great Number of Officers, 
 " and other Men appointed to be at the Execution : who may be 
 " charged to fee fuch as fliall mifufe themfelves, either by comfort- 
 " ing, aiding, or praifing the Offenders; or otherwife, ufe themfelves 
 *' to the ill Example of others, to be apprehended and committed to 
 " Ward : And befides, to give Commandment that no Houfliolder 
 " fuffer any of his Apprentices, or other Servants, to be abroad, 
 " other than fuch as their Mafter will Anfwer for. And that this 
 " Order be always obferved in like Cafes hereafter." Philpot's Mar- 
 tyrdom had been about a Month before this, and he being a Man 
 highly efteemed, who went thoough all his Sufferings with Heroic 
 
 Courage,
 
 2^2 I'he Hiftory of the Reformation Part 111. 
 
 15^6. Courage, and Chriftian Conftancy, it it probable there was more than 
 ' — --Y— ^ Ordinary Concern expreffed by the People at his Sufferings ; which 
 drew this Inhuman Letter from the Council j for they had no Sacri- 
 fices at that Time ready to be offered. 
 
 While thefe Things paft in England, the Scene abroad was consi- 
 derably altered, by the Refignation of Charles the Vth, who deli- 
 vered over his Hereditary Dominions to his Son Philip. He began 
 that with the Dominions derived from the Houfe of Burgimdy ; after 
 that, he refigned up to him the Crown of Spain, and all that belong- 
 ed to it : Upon that. Letters were written to the feveral States, and 
 Cities of Spain, on the 17th of January. Thefe were all in one Torm : 
 So that which was addreffed to the City of Toledo, was fent over to 
 the Queen, tranflated out of Spanip into Englip, which for the Cu- 
 riofity of the Thing, I have put into the Colleftion. 
 Charles the In it, " he tclls them that which he always denied to the Gennans, 
 Vth, the Re- cc that for Religion's Sake he had enterprized the War of Gi'/';;;^/;_)', 
 5f"/H.'°"* " upon the Defire he had to reduce thofe Countries to the Unity cf 
 Coll. Numb. «' the Church ; that fo he might procure an univerfal Peace to all 
 ^^' " Chrijlendom, and to affemble and affift at a General Council, for 
 
 " the Reformation of many Things, that fo with the lefs Difficulty 
 " he might bring Home thofe who had feparated themfelves, and de- 
 " parted from the Faith. This he had brought to a very good Point, 
 " when the French King allured the Germans to a League with him, 
 " againft their Oaths and Fidelity to tlie Emperor, and fo they 
 " made War on him both by Sea and Land; and then the French 
 " King procured the coming of the 'Turks Army into Hungary, to 
 " the great Damage of Chz-ijlendom ; upon which he was forced to 
 " bring down an Army, to the great Prejudice of his own Perfon, 
 *■ by his being obliged to keep the Field fo long, that it had brought 
 " on him painful Infirmities : He was upon that become fo deflitute 
 *' of Health, that he was not able in his own Perfon to endure the 
 " Travel, and to ufe that Diligence that was requifite : which proved 
 " a graat Hindrance to many Things, of which he had a deep Senfe : 
 " He wirtied he had taken the Refolution he was now taking fooner : 
 " Yet he could not well do it, by reafon of his Son's Abfence : For 
 " it was neceffary to communicate many Things to him. So he took 
 " Order for his Marriage, and to bring him over to him, and foon af- 
 " ter that he refigned to him all his States, Kingdoms, and the Seig- 
 " neuries of the Crown oi Cajiile and Leon, with all their Appurte- 
 " nances, which are more amply contained in Inftruments which he 
 " had figned of the fame Date with this Letter. Trufting that he 
 " with his great Wifdom and Experience, of which he had great 
 " Proof in all that he had hitherto handled in his Father's Name, 
 *' would now order and defend the fame with Peace and Juflice. 
 " He therefore having had large Experience of their Loyalty, Fide- 
 " lity, and Obedience, did not doubt but that they would continue 
 *' to ferve and obey him in the fame Manner, and Sort, as if God 
 " had taken him into his Mercy. Dated at Brujfels the 17th of 
 " January 1556. 
 
 • Soon
 
 Book V. of the Church of England. 253 
 
 Soon after that, he retired to the Place he had defigned to fpend 1556. 
 die reft of his Days in ; and, according to the Account given by my ^^"^ ^ 
 worthy Friend Dr. Geddes, there is great Reafon to believe, that think he died 
 he applied himfelf to ferious Refledlions on Religion. No Prince knew a Proteftant. 
 better than he did, both the Corruptions and the Pradlices of the Court 
 of Rome ; and the Artifices and Methods by which two Seffions of the 
 Council o[ Trent had been condudted. He muft likewife have under- 
 ftood the Grounds upon which both the Lutherans, and the Reformed 
 in Germany, built their Perfuafions : He had heard them often fet 
 out : But the Hurry of Bufinefs, the Prepofleflion of Education, and' 
 the Views of Intereft, had prejudiced him fo far againft them, that 
 he continued in a moft violent Enmity to them : But now that he was 
 at full Leifure to bring all his Obfervations together, and that Paflion 
 and Intereft had no more Power over him, there are preat Prefump- 
 tions to believe, that he died perfuaded of the Dodlrines of the Re- 
 formed Religion. Augu/lin Cafal, a Canon of the Church of Sala- 
 manca, was his Preacher, and was efteemed the moft Eloquent Preacher 
 that Spain ever produced : He was taken up in the Year 1558, and 
 with thirteen more was publickly burned at Vallidolid, in the Year 1559. 
 The unfortunate Prince Charles, and his Aunt, Donna Juana, then 
 Governefs, looking on that barbarous Execution. Conftantine Fontius^ 
 a Canon of Sevil, who was his ConfefTor, efteemed a Man of great 
 Piety and Learning, was likewife taken up by the Inquifition for being 
 a Proteftant : He died in Prifon, probably enough by the Torture the 
 Inquifitors put him to : But his Bones, with his Effigies, were burnt 
 at Sevil : So were the Bones of the Learned Egidius, whom the Em- 
 peror had named to the Biftioprick of Tortoja-, one of the richeft in 
 Spain : And at the fame Time eighteen were burnt alive for being 
 Proteftants ; of which the Hiftory of the Inquifition gives this Ac- 
 count, That had not the Holy Tribunal put a Stop tothofe Reformers, 
 the Proteftant Religion had run through Spain like Wild-fire. People 
 of all Degrees, and of both Sexes, being wonderfully difpofed at that 
 Time to have embraced it : And the Writer of the Pontifical Hiftory, 
 who was prefent at fome of thofe Executions, fays, that had thofe 
 Learned Men been let alone but Three Months longer, all Spain 
 would have been put into a Flame by them. 
 
 The moft Eminent of them all was Bartholomew d^ GarofTza, a 
 Dominican, who had been Confefi^or to King Philip and to Queen 
 Mary, and had been by her recommended to the Archbiflioprick of 
 toledo. He had aflifted Charles in the laft Minutes of his Life. He 
 was within a few Months after his Death, upon Sufpicion of his be- 
 ing a Proteftant, firft confined by the Inquifition to his own Palace at 
 Tordelaguna : And after he had been for feven Years kept within that 
 Confinement, he was carried to Rome, and kept Ten Years a Prifoner 
 in the Caftle of St. Angela % and was at laft condemned as one fufpe<Sted 
 of Herefy. That great Man had been fent by Charles as one of his 
 Divines to the Council of Trent, where he preached, and wrote a 
 Treatife of the Perfonal Refidence of Bifhops. Thefe Things put to- 
 gether, make it highly probable, that Charles himfelf was pofFefled 
 with that Dodirine that was fo much fpread among thofe who were 
 then moft about him. Mezeray tell us, " That at Philip'^ Arrival 
 Vol. III. Ttt 1' in
 
 2,54 ^^^ Hiftory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1556. " in Spain he caufed a great many to be burned lor Hcreticks in his 
 *— ""^v"-— ' " own Prefence, both at »St"u//, and at ValUddid., botli Seculars and 
 " Ecclefiafticks, Men and Women, and in particular the Effigies of 
 " his Father's Confeffor : And if Reports may be believed, he in- 
 " tended to have made his Father's Procefs, and to have had his 
 " Bones burnt for Herefy ; being only hindred from doing it by this 
 " Confideration, That if his Father was an Heretick, he had for- 
 " feited all his Dominions, and by Confequence he had no Right to 
 *' refign them to his Son." This Digreflion will be forgiven me, I 
 hope, both becaufe it belongs to the main Delign upon which I write, 
 and fince our Queen, was Queen of Spain, when this Pcrfecution was 
 firft begun. 
 The Method There are in my Hands Two Papers concerning the Method in 
 in which the which the Queen ordered her Council to proceed ; there is no Date 
 ASairsf" ^"^ put to them : But they were written, either foon after the King went 
 beyond Sea, or perhaps about this Time ; for now King Philip hav- 
 ing the Spa^iijh Monarchy put in his Hands, and being engaged in a 
 War with France, the Queen had Reafon to exped: that her Domi- 
 nions might feel the War very fenfibly, as afterwards they did : And 
 fo it might feem neceffary to put the Adminiftration of her Affairs 
 into a good Method. One of thefe Papers is writ in Cardinal Po/e-'s 
 own Hand, and is a Memorial prepared for the Queen, of the Things 
 that fhe was to recommend to her Council, for llie had ordered them 
 c // l^umh '° attend on her. It is in the Collection, " Firft flie was to put 
 40.* * " them in Mind of the Charge that the King gave them at his De- 
 " parture, which was to be rehearfed to them ; and that is, perhaps, 
 " the following Paper : They were ftill to attend at Court, the Mat- 
 " ters they were to treat about being of great Weight ; and they 
 *' were to lay fuch Matters as were propofed in Council, before the 
 '' King, that they might have his Pleafure, before they were to be 
 " executed. They were in particular to know the Refolution of 
 " the Council, touching thofe Things that were to be propofed in 
 *' this Parliament, and thefe were to be fent to the King that very 
 *' Day : And fmce the King delayed his commg over, they were to 
 *' confider whether it were not better to delay the Parliament 'till 
 " Candlemas, if there fhould be :no Prejudice to her Affairs, that 
 *' Money was fo long wanted ; for there was great need of it at pre- 
 •* fent, for the fetting out of Ships, both for the Emperor's Palfage 
 " to Spain, and for the King's Return, for the Payments due at 
 *' Calais, for the Debt owing to the Merchants, tlie Day of Pay^ 
 " ment approaching, and for the Debt of Ireland : And fhe was to 
 " afk of her Council an Account concerning all thefe Things : She 
 !if., was likewife to charge them to call in her own Debts, as the befl 
 " way to clear what fhe owed to others : And flie was' to offer them 
 " All Authority for doing it effedlually ; and to require them that at 
 " the End of every Week, flie might know what came in that Week, 
 ." and what Order was taken for the reft. And that all thofe who 
 .•,',1 h^'^Q any Commiflion to execute any Matter, fliall at the End of 
 f every Week inform the Council, what Progrels they have made 
 *' that Week : And that the Council fliould never begin to treat of 
 •*',^y Matter in the Second Week, 'till they were informed of what 
 
 " was
 
 Book V. of the Church of England. 2 c c 
 
 " was done in the former Week." Thus fhe was to be taught what 15^6. \ 
 
 She was to fay to them : Upon which they, who did not know how '— -v-*-' \ 
 
 weak a Woman flie was, might imagine that fhe underflood her own ! 
 
 Affairs well, and thought much of them : Whereas the poor bigotted 
 
 Woman was only, as a Machine, made to Speak and to Adl as flie i 
 
 was prompted, by thofe who had the Management of her : For, of 
 
 herfelf, She feemed capable to think of nothing, but how to deftroy \ 
 
 the Hereticks, and to extirpate Herefy. 
 
 The other Paper is in Latin, and feems to be that which the King \ 
 
 had left behind him. It is alfo in the Colledlion. " He named m Coll. Kuml\ ^ 
 
 " it a Sclefl: Committee, to whom the Special Care of Matters of 4'- j 
 
 " State, of the Revenue, and the weighty Affairs of the Kingdom, \ 
 
 " were to be referred. Thefe (in a modern Term) were the Cabi- ] 
 " net-Council ; and the Perfons were, the Cardinal, (in all great 
 
 " Matters, when he could conveniently come) then the Lord Chan- , 
 
 " cellor, the Lord Treafurer, the Earl of Ariaidel, the Earl of Pern- 1 
 
 " bi'oke, the Bifliop of £/)', the Lord P^^^if, Rochejler the Comptrol- \ 
 
 " ler, and Pctre the Secretary. Every one of thefe was confiantly ; 
 " to attend, to Determine in all Matters of State and Revenue, and 
 " to make Honourable Payment of all Debts, and to do every Thing 
 
 *' in which the Honour and Dignity of the Crown was concerned. i 
 " They were alfo earneftly prayed, to lay all Differences, or Quar- 
 " rels amongfl: themfelves afide ; that fo they might amicably, and in 
 
 " the Fear of God, deliver fuch Things in Council, as might tend 1 
 
 *' to the Glory of God, and the Honour and Good of the Crown | 
 
 " and Kingdom. And when there is Occafion for it, they were either ; 
 
 *' to come to the Queen, or to fend fome of their Body, to in- \ 
 
 " form her of every Thing that came before them : And at leaft \ 
 
 " Thrice a Week, they were to give her an Account of all their 1 
 
 " Confultations and Adtings. In particular, they were to confider • 
 
 " when the Parliament was to meet, and what Things were to be | 
 
 " propofed, and done in it, and to digeft all that in Writing. On | 
 
 " Sundays, they were to communicate fuch Things to the whole ] 
 
 " Council, as fhould be thought convenient to be laid before them. i 
 
 " They were to take fpecial Care for the Payment of Debts, for the \ 
 
 " Retrenching of Expence, and for the Good Management of the | 
 " Queen's Eftate, Revenues, and Cufloms, and for the Adminiftra- 
 
 " tion of Juftice." Such were the Orders laid down : How they were ; 
 executed, does not appear. 
 
 The Queen herfelf never came to Council, and the Cardinal ve- Proceedings '> 
 
 ry feldom. Sometimes they were very few that attended at that ^^^^ ^^"^^^ ■ 
 
 Board : often, not above Three or Four. And now I return, to ' " ] 
 give an Account of what I find in the Council-Book. On the 1 9th 
 of January, a Letter of Thanks was ordered to the Lord JVillough- 
 by, and others in LincolnPdi?'e. At firft, upon the Condemnation of 
 
 Hereticks, Notice was given to the Council, before the Execution, j 
 
 to fee if a Pardon fhould be offered them : But they found fo few, ! 
 
 if any, inclined to accept of it, that they did not think fit to ex- \ 
 
 pofe the Queen's Pardon to any further Contempt : So thofe Per- j 
 
 fons are required to proceed thereafter, againfl: all fuch as fhould be : 
 
 condemned before them, according to the Laws, and not to llay for ^ 
 
 any I
 
 2,56 'The Hiflcry of the Reformation Part J 1 1. 
 
 1556. any Order. On the 20th oi "January , Letters were written to the 
 
 * V ' Sheriffs of Warwickjhire^ Bedfordjlnre, and Cambridgcjhire, ordering 
 
 them, that the' the Prifoners fhould be acquitted by Order of Law, 
 yet to detain them in fafe Cuftody, till they {hould hear from the 
 Earl of Sujfex. On the 14th of February, the Council was alarm- 
 ed with this. That a Stage Play was to be adled in Sh7-ovetide ; and 
 that many were to run to it : So the Lord Rich was ordered to hin- 
 der the Adting of it, and to examine and report what he could 
 learn concerning it. On the i6th of February, there was an Or- 
 der fent to Sir Henry Bedingfield, Lieutenant of the I'ower, to put 
 Two to the Torturey and to Pain them at his Difcretioti. On the 
 19th of February, a Letter of Thanks was ordered to the Lord 
 Rich, for Stopping the Stage-Play. He had put the Adtors in Pri- 
 fon, but he gave a good Charadter of them : So he was ordered to 
 fet them at Liberty; but to have an Eye on all fuch Meetings. 
 Several Inquiries were made at this Time, after Seditious Books : 
 Many Examinations and Commitments were made on that Ac- 
 count. 
 
 On the 20th of April, one Harris, a Carpenter and Guvner at 
 Deptford, was brought before the Council, for having faid on Maun- 
 dy-Tburfday, •' The Queen hath this Day given a great Alms ; and 
 " has given that away, that fhould have paid us our Wages. She 
 " hath undone the Realm too ; for She loveth another Realm bet- 
 " ter than this," He confeffed the Words, but afkcd Pardon, and 
 was difmilTed. It feems, about that Time, they expedted the King's 
 Coming over : For, on the ifl of June, the Lord- Admiral was or- 
 dered to attend him. On the 21ft of June an Order was ftnt 
 to the Lieutenant of the Tower, and to a Mafter of Requcfls, to put 
 one to the Torture, if he thought it convenient. Information was 
 given to the Queen, by Wotton, her AmbafTador in France, that fe- 
 veral Hereticks had fled over to France, and were well received 
 Paper-Offiu. there : In particular, that Henry Dudley (perhaps a Son of the 
 Duke of Northumberlajid) and Chrijlopher Afiton, were Plotting 
 there againft the Queen. Upon that, a Letter was written to Wot- 
 to»y to demand that they might be feized on, and fent at her Charge 
 to the Frontier, to be delivered to her Officers. When the Draught 
 of this was brought to Her to be Signed by Her, She, with her [own 
 Hand, interlined thefe Words ; Confidering that when the King my 
 Hujband and he were Enemies^ I neither did, nor woidd have done 
 the like. 
 Jn^aT^wV^r ^^*^^^ wfotc over, that the Hereticks took great Advantage from 
 after a Truce t^e- nevT War, that the Pope engaged the French King to make on 
 'was fworn to, the King, after a Truce for Five Years had been agreed to, and fworn 
 ^li'^thf"'""^by both Kings. But the Pope fent a Legate to France, to perfuade 
 French King's that King to begin the War. And tho' the Confciences of Princes 
 Oath. 2yg jjQ( apj. tQ J3g ^gj.y Scrupulous in the Obferving, or Breaking their 
 
 Treaties j yet a Treaty, made and confirmed by an Oath fo very late- 
 Ly,; it feems, made fuch an Impreffion on that King, that fo great an 
 Authoritiy was to be interpofed, to give a Colour for the Breaking it. 
 Thofo called Heretiek& took great Advantages from this to infufe a 
 
 Horror
 
 Book V. of the Church of ^.n^l-^nd. 257 ! 
 
 Horror in People at the Papacy, fince one who pretended to be the i 557T i 
 
 Vicar of the Prince of Peace, became thus an open, and a perfidious «—->,—» | 
 
 Incendiary. \ 
 
 This of the Pope's Difpenfing with a Prince's Oath, gave fo threat ; 
 a Diftafte every-where, that I do not remember an Inftance, in which 
 it was openly put in Pra6lice luice that Tim.e. But the Protcftant ■ \ 
 
 Princes of Germany do be'jeve, as one of the greatefl of them told me, j 
 that the ConfciTors of the Princes of that Communion, have fccret 
 
 Faculties, to difpenfe with their Breach of Faith : Which is fo much ' 
 
 the more dangerous, the more fecretly it may be managed. On that ] 
 
 Ground it was, that the Prince who told me this, faid, that in all ' 
 their Dealings with Princes of that Communion, they took their 
 Word, but would never put any Thing to their Oaths : For they 
 knew, that the Popiili Princes reckoned they were bound by their 
 
 Word, as they were Men, and Mem.bers of Human Society ; but for I 
 
 their Oaths, they reckoned thefe being Adls of Religion, their Con- | 
 feflbrs had it in their Breaft, to tell them how far they were bound 
 
 to keep them ; and when they were abfolved from any Obligation by i 
 them. But we have feen in our Days, to the no fmall Repioach of 
 
 the Reformation, that Princes profcffing it, have in an avowed man- • 
 ner fhaken off their Leagues and Alliances, with this Ihort Declara- 
 
 tion, That they reckoned themfehes freed from them: As if they had \ 
 been Things of fo little Force, that they might be departed from at 
 Pleafure. 
 
 Fole was now, in his Synod, labouring to bring the Clergy to ?ok\ Ka- i 
 
 their Duty. On the J3th oi December, The Inftitution of a Chri-^^'^'^^^^^^°^- \ 
 
 Jlian Man was divided in Parcels, to be examined by them : And ' 
 
 fome were appointed to prepare a Book of H'milies. On the i6th I 
 
 of December, a Tranflation of the New Tejiament was ordered, and < 
 
 •parcelled out : The Seven Sacraments were alfo treated of. On the ; 
 
 20th of December, the Cardinal fent an Order to the Prolocutor, to 1 
 
 intimate to all the Clergy, more particularly to all Deans, tjiat they ' 
 fhould confirm no Leafes, that had been made of their Benefices : 
 
 This feems to be done in Obedience ro the Pope's Bull, formerly j 
 
 mentioned, that condemned all Leafes for a longer Term than Three ] 
 
 Years. There was offered to them a Schedule, of fome Terms that \ 
 
 were to be carefully confidcred in the Tranflation of the New Te- ! 
 
 llament. On the 8th of January, that was again confidered : Pro- i 
 
 pofitions were alfo made, for having Schools in all Cathedral * 
 
 Churches. Thus Pole found it neceffary, to give fome Inftru<flion . 
 
 in the Matters of Religion to the Nation : For an earneft: Defire of I 
 
 Knowledge in thefe Points, being once raifed and encouraged, it was j 
 
 neither fafe nor eafy, quite to extinguifli that, which is fo natural ; 
 
 to Man : And therefore, inftead of difcouraging all Knowledge, and. \ 
 
 bringing Men to the State of Implicit Faith, without any Sort of ■ 
 
 Enquiry, he chofe to give them fuch a Meafure of Knowledge, as j 
 
 might be governed, and kept within its own Bounds. There was . 
 
 in this Synod a Queftion moved ; What fhould be done with fuch ; 
 
 of the Clergy, as fhould refufe to fay, or come to Mafs ? But I do \ 
 not fee what was determined upon it. Nor ^o ^- fee what Reafon 
 Vol. in. U u u was
 
 "The Hifioryofthe Reformation Part IIL 
 
 I C57. was given them, for another Petition to the Queen, Lords and Com- 
 <— -V---' mons, for Maintaining their Liberties and Immunities, nor what Ef- 
 
 fedl it had. 
 
 Pole prorogued the Synod to the loth of November, and from 
 thence to the loth of May. The Reafon given, is, Becaufe the Ei- 
 IZorumTak- fliops Were in their Vilitations, which could not be foon ended ; fince 
 fiajUcorum a large Space of Time feemed neceffary, for their taking an exaifl Ac- 
 "^"ualUat'hrf- count of the Qnantity and Quality of all Ecclefiaftical Goods. I 
 Vh»e Vabnda, fuppofe, this was the Procuring Terriers of the Lands, and Inven- 
 pmjus tempofis j^j-jeg ^f t^g Goods belonging to the Churches : For many Orders 
 ^l^idTatlr"'" were given out, for Reftoring fuch Plate and Furniture, as could be 
 found, that had belonged to any Church, 
 reat Scar From the I oth of May, Pole prorogued the Synod to the 1 oth of 
 ckfoT^ir'' November : The Reafon given, is, for the great Want and Penury of 
 Things. Vidluals. For, I find, the Dearth at this Time was very great. Wheat 
 ■was at 4 Marks the Quarter ; Malt, at 2 Pound 4 Shillings ; -Peafe, 
 at 2 Pound 5 Shillings : But the next Harvefi: proving plentiful, it fell 
 as low as it had been high. Wheat was at 5 Shillings, Malt at a 
 Noble, and Rye at 3 Shillings 4 Pence a Quarter. 
 
 On the 28th of July, the Council hearing that fome naughty Books 
 Avere fent over, and concealed in the Dutchefs of Suffolk's Hoiifc, or- 
 dered the Bifhop of Liticoln to fearch for them, and to fend them 
 up. On the 19th of "July the Council was alarmed with Reports of 
 Confpiracies in Suffolk and Effex : So they fent Orders to enquire 
 about them ; and about a Zealous Man, that went about carrying 
 letters and Books over the Country} from whence he was called 
 grudge-over; fo he was ordered to be fought for. On the 15th of 
 'Augufi, a Letter was written to the Mayor, Jurats, and Commons at 
 Rye, to chufc one of the Queen's Servants, to be Mayor for the enfu- 
 ing Year. 
 Profecutlonof On the 2 1 ft oi Augufi, a Letter of Thanks was ordered for the 
 Hereticks. Earl of Suffex, for his Diligence in apprehending thofe who fpread 
 about Lewd and Seditious Reports ; with whom he is defired to pro- 
 ceed according to the Laws : And as for thofe Lewd Priefts that had 
 been married, and were found ftill to repair to their Women ; they 
 lell him, They had written to the Bifhop of Norwich, to caufe them 
 to be apprehended and punifhed. And a Letter was at the fame 
 Time ordered for the Bilhop of Norwich, io that Purpofe. On the 
 23d of Augujl, a Letter of Thanks was ordered to the Lord Darcy, 
 for his apprehending fome ill-difpofed Perfons, who ufed Corwenticles, 
 and Readings, zhoxjX Harwich. He was to get them to be Fined ac- 
 cording to their Quality, and as he thought fit; and to bind them to 
 appear before the Bifhop of i/0«^(9« : And a Letter was ordered to the 
 Bifhop, either to reduce them to the Church, or to order them ac- 
 cording to the Laws. 
 
 On the 4th of September, the Earl of Suffex had moved, that Of- 
 fenders fhould be proceeded againft by Martial Law : His Zeal is 
 commended ; and it was written back to him, " That thefe deferved 
 " to be fo ufed ; but that is not thought bcft : They are to be pu- 
 " niihed as the Laws order. But when they have had their Punifh- 
 
 " ment.
 
 Book V. of the Church of Kn^2ind. 2Co 
 
 " ment, hefhall caufe them tobekeptin Prifon, and in Irons, 'til! they i J7y 
 " know themfelves and their Duty. On the l (jth of September a <— ->^il» 
 Letter of Thanks was written to the Earl of Sicffex, and the Juflices 
 of Norfolk, for their Diligence in punilliing one" Thomas' Long-. 
 
 At this Time they were called on to confider 6f the Danger Calai.CaJaUlv^-b^^. 
 might be in : So a State of the Fortifications, and of what was ne-8"°^^^^''"g 
 ceflary to maintain the Place, was laid before the Council: But theHa°rd^Vtke 
 giving Orders in that Matter was delayed 'till the King fliould comz French. 
 over, of which they were in daily Expeftation, for on the 17th of 
 September, they underftood that the Emperor, with his Two Sifters 
 |iad embarked on the Tuifday before ; and that the King was to'come 
 to Calais, and from thence to England. Pi ivy Seals were at this 
 Time fent about every where, for a Loan of Money ; But it came 
 in very llowly. Some took the Privy Seal, but did not pay in the 
 Money. There was about 1000 Privy Seals ^iven out, at ioo7. 
 a piece. On the 6th of OBober, a Letter was fent to Calais to 
 fearch for fome who had fled from England thither ; It is directed to 
 the Earl of Sujex ; which makes it probable. they v/ere Hereticks': 
 For in that Matter his Heart was intirely as the Queen's Heart was. 
 On the 7th of October, the Lady Th?-og?norton was before the Coun- 
 cil, ailcing leave to fend fome fupply to her Huiband, Sir Nicfjolas, 
 .who was then in France : The Cardinal had told her in the ' Prefence 
 of the Lord Chancellor, and others, that for this one Time, the 
 Queen allowed of it, fo it did not exceed 40 Crowns. It feerhs the 
 Way of Exchange was much befct, when fo fmall a Supply, from To 
 jiear a Relation, could, not be conveyed without fjch an Application. 
 On the 17th of November, a Letter was ordered for the BifTiop of 
 J^ondon, to receive a Companion of him who was called Trud_ge-over, 
 t6 be ordered by him according to Law; and they complain to hirfi, 
 that a Man and a Woman oi Colchejler , that had been fent.fo Lim 
 charged with Herefy, were returned back difchargcd by nim'^ but 
 .were now worfe than they were before. In another Book that feerhs 
 ,to be the Minutes of the Council, it is entred that 24 Perfons were 
 difcharged by him, who were ftill rank Hereticks. 
 
 I find at this Time the Council was much employed. in the Matter 
 • of the Privy Seals. Our Fleet was then fo inconfiderable, tKat 
 1 4000/. being ordered to be applyed to the Fleet, by the Lord Trea- ' 
 furer, and the Lord Admiral, both for Repairing, Fui-hilhing, and 
 VidluaUing it, they reckoned that when that Was done, loopo/. 
 a Year afterwards,, would anfwer what was necelTary. ' On the 19th 
 oi February., one Chrilhpher Howe, was ordered to be proceeded 
 againfl for fome deteflable Words, not fit to be heard: So it was, or- 
 dered that only fuch Parts of them fliould be opened, as, might ferve 
 ; for Evidence to the Jury. On the 21ft, complaints were brought 
 ,pf a Jay lor who fuftered Hereticks to go freely about. On, the 24th^ 
 the Queen expefted Hourly to hear of the King's Arrival ; fo the 
 Lord Admiral and others were ordered to attend on him. An Airi- 
 baffador came at this Time from Riijia ; he landed in the North of 
 Scotland, and was well received, and nobly treated by the Lord 
 Wloarton j for which. Thanks were written to him. Here feveral 
 
 Qrders
 
 26o The Hiftory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 J r rj^ Orders are entred concerning the Lord Sturton, and his Servants : 
 v»— v—-* ■ Three of them were ordered to be hanged in Chains at Mere. 
 An Account I had in my fonner Work, given a due Commendajion to that 
 of Lord 5/ttf- which feemed tome ajuft Firmnefs in the Queen, not to Pardon the' 
 ton% Execu- Lqj.j StiirtoTiy for fo heinous a Crime, as the Murdering Father and 
 Son in fo Barbarous a Manner. But fince I have hvcd long in ll^ilt- 
 pircy I find there is a different Account of this Matter in that Neigh- 
 bourhood. The Story as it has been handed down by very old Pec- 
 ple, is this. The Day before the Execution was appointed, there 
 was a Report fet about, that a Pardon, or a Reprieve, was coming 
 down : Upon which the Sheriff came to the Earl of Penibrcke, who 
 was then at Wilton, for Advice. That Lord heard the Report, 
 and was much troubled at it : So apprehending fome MelTage might;, 
 come to him from the Court, he ordered his Gates to be fhut fome- 
 what early, and not to be opened 'till next Morning. My Lord 
 Sturtotis Son came down with the Order : But fince the Gates were 
 not to be opened, he rode over to his Father, who received the News 
 with great Joy. In the Night the Sheriflf left Wilton, and came fo 
 fecretly to Salijhury, that Sturton knew nothing of it, and believed 
 he was flill at Wilton, where he knew he was the Night before. But 
 when he was fo far gone, that the Sheriff knew he could not come 
 back in Time to hinder the Execution, he brought his Men together 
 whom he ordered to attend on him that Day , and fo the Lord was 
 executed before his Son could come back with the Order to flop it : 
 I fet down this Story upon a Popular Report, of which I have 
 had the Pedigree vouched to me, by thofe whofe Authors, upon the 
 Authority of their Grandfather's did give an entire Credit to it. So 
 meritorious a Man as the Lord Sturton was, who had protefled againft 
 every Thing done in King Edward'^ Parliament, had no doubt many 
 Interceffors tor plead for him in this his Extremity. I leave this with 
 my Reader as I found it. 
 
 On the 20th of March the King came to England. Orders being 
 fent into Kent, that the Gentlemen fhould attend upon him in their 
 bed Apparel: Thanks were afterwards written to them for their Readi- 
 nefs in furnifhing him with Pofl-Horfes. On the 17th of u4pril. 
 Proceedings are ordered to be made upon a Book that is called Lewd 
 and Seditious : And the Countefs of Sujfex coming over at this Time, 
 and bringing Letters which gave fome Sufpicion, fhe was fent to the 
 Fleet. She had been for fome Years feparated from her Hufband : 
 She was ordered to be examined flriilly ; but upon this and many 
 other Occafions, Particulars are not fet forth, and only a general 
 Mention is made of the Minutes put in the Cheft. 
 
 There is, befides the great Council Book, another Council Book, 
 which, I fuppofe, might be the Minute Book, which was perufed 
 by my Learned Friend, Dodtor Kennet, and who communicated to 
 me all the Extradls that he had made out of it, and fome other 
 Manufcripts, which I never faw. It feems, it was apprehended that 
 the French defigned a Defcent in JJorfetJlnre : So Orders were fent 
 to make Muflers in that County, and to have them in readinefs, in 
 Cafe of ari Invafion, or a Rebellion: And 300 Men were fent over 
 to Calais, with Orders concerning the Fortifications,
 
 Book V. of the Church of England. 261 
 
 On the 14th of 7//;/c, Complaint was made of fome naughty Plays -i^Sl- 
 
 and lewd Books. The Council was often alarmed v/ith thefe Plays ; ^— — v ^ 
 
 but it does not appear whether there was any Thing in the Plays with The Aiiarmj 
 relation to Religion, or the Government; or whether it was, that p^l^l'J'''" ° 
 they apprehended fome Mifchief from the Concourfe of the People 
 that thofe Reprefentations brought together. One Sir 'Thomas Caw- 
 nvarden was committed to the Fleets for his Mifbehaviour to the State : 
 He was ordered to be kept a clofe Prifoner, with only one Servant, 
 fince he had made no manner of Submiflion, and had not acknow- 
 ledged his Offence : but what this Offence was does not appear to me. 
 On the 29th of Jtine^ Orders were given for fending 2000 Men to 
 Calais, with Directions to diflribute them to the Places about, that 
 wanted a Reinforcement the mofl. 860 of them were ordered for 
 Giiijnes, and a Letter was written to the Mayor and Jurats of Calais, 
 to continue their Mayor for another Year. On the 3d of July, the 
 Cardinal made an Offer of lOO Men to ferve the Queen : He was 
 ordered to Levy them immediately, and to fend them to Dover. 200 
 Foot, and 600 Horfe more, were ordered in all hafte for Calais : And 
 AfTurance was given, that more fliould quickly follow. There were 
 then great Apprehenfions of Difbrders on the Borders of Scotlatid, 
 which were wholly in the Hands of the French. 
 
 Bofier at this Time gave the City of London a moft difmal Spedtacle, A feverePro^ 
 a little removed from the City, perhaps for fear of a Tumult, at^^*^""""- 
 Stratford, where Thirteen Perfons, Eleven Men, and two Women, 
 were burnt in one Fire. He had condemned Sixteen to be thus facri- 
 ficed : But Cardinal Pole heard there was fome Hope of working on p"J,"J^' ^"^ 
 Three of them ; fo there came an Order to put them in his Hands : perfous.^ 
 And he by the 26th of Jitfy, prevailed fo far on Two of them, that 
 a Pardon was granted to thofe Two who had been condemned by the^^'"^'' ■^^'^^•- 
 Bifhop of London, but were prevailed on by the Cardinal to abjure 
 (a very extraordinary Thing, as is mentioned in the Pardon) and he ^^^^f^J'"' 
 had received them into the Communion of the Church, " and had 
 " upon that interceeded with the King and Queen for their Pardon, 
 " which they, as true Sons of the Church, did willingly imitate, and 
 " embraced this Occafion of fliewing their Zeal." I cannot tell what 
 became of the Third Perfon, whom he had taken out of Bo7ier% Hands. 
 But here I mufl leffen the Charadrer of the Cardinal's Mildnefs to- 
 wards Hereticks: For on the 28th of March this Year, he fent Or- 
 ders to proceed againft the Hereticks in his Diocefe ; and on the 7th 
 of Jxdy, he fent a Signifcavit of fome Hereticks to be delivered to the 
 Secular Arm. 
 
 I find likewife by other Evidences, fuggefled to me by the Labo- 
 rious Mr. Strype, that Pole was not fo mild as I had reprefented him. 
 Parker in his Britifi Antiquities, which Strype believes afTuredly he 
 can prove that it was written by him -, he calls him Ecclefia Angli' 
 cance Carnifex ©" Flagellum ; The Whip and the Executioner of the 
 Church of England: And CalfhU, a Canon of Chriji-Church in Ox- 
 ford, in a Letter he wrote to Grindall Bifliop of London, mentions 
 the Proceedings of the Vifitors fent to Oxford by Pole ; who were 
 Brooks, Bifliop of Gloiicejler ; Cole, Dean of St. Paul's, and Ormanet j 
 Vol. in. Xxx he-
 
 26 a The Hiftory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1557. he fent them thither, not only to reftore the Pope's Authority, but 
 ^•-■*/~"*^ dihgently to enquire if there were any who negledled the Pope's Ce- 
 remonies ; and if there were any found, that were under the lealt 
 Sufpicion (lewJIima Sufpicio) they were without any Delay to ejedl 
 them : He writes, there was nothing eminent in Ormatiet, but into- 
 lerable Infolence ; nothing could be imagined more Arrogant than he 
 was. They raged, as he adds, againft a great many in the Univerfity ; 
 and burned in the open Market-Place an infinite Number of Bibles, 
 and other Books. The like Severity was pradlifed at Cambridge ; of 
 which Mr. Strype promifes an Account in the Life of tVhitgift, now 
 ready for the Prefs. 
 
 The Nation began to grow every-where weary of the Cruel Exe- 
 cutions of fo many Hereticks : The great Promoter of thefe Barbarous 
 Proceedings was the Earl of Siijfex. He died in March this Year : 
 For his Son I'homas, who fucceeded to him in his Honour, was then 
 Deputy of Irehnci ; and on the i ft of April, Order was given for a 
 New Patent to him, by the Title of the Earl of SuJJ'ex. 
 The Nation At one Time Complaints were brought of the Sheriffs of Koit^ 
 Sel[^'^ '^'' ^^'^' ^"P^'^^ ^"^^ Staffordjljire, and of the Mayor of Rocbe/ler, and 
 the Bailiff of Cokhefter ; that when fome Perfons being condemned 
 for Herefy, were delivered to them by their Ordinaries, they, inftead 
 of proceeding to a prefent Execution, had delayed it : So Letters were 
 ordered to them, requiring them to fignify what it was that had moved 
 them to ftop the ufual Proceedings. Information was alfo given of fome 
 lewd and feditious Words, fpokcn by fome of the Queen's Houfliold ; 
 Upon which they were fent to Prifon : And Orders were given to pro- 
 fecute them. On the 3d of Aigii/l, Thanks were ordered to be given 
 to Serjeant Brown for his Proceedings with 'Trudge-over ; and Orders 
 were given for the difpofing of his Head and Quarters. On the 7th 
 oi Aiiguji, Sir yoh7i Butler, Sheriff of EJfex, was fined 10/. becaufe 
 his Deputy had refpited the Execution of a Woman, condemned for 
 Herefy, that fhould have been executed at Colchejler j and he was to 
 Anfwer for his Deputy's Fault. This perhaps is the fame with that 
 which was mentioned on the 28th of yuly. Many were ordered to 
 be proceeded againft for writing and fpreading kwd and feditious 
 Books. It feems the Lord Rich continued to give the Council no- 
 tice, before they proceeded to any Executions in Eff'ex, and fo laid 
 the Odium of the Severity on the Council, for fliewing no Pity : So 
 on the 6th oi Aiiguji, they wrote to him to proceed according to 
 Law, and not to give them any more trouble on thofe Occafions. 
 Complaint was made on the loth oi Auguji, of a bad Choice that the 
 Town of Calais had made of a Mayor for enfuing Year ; efpecially in 
 fo critical a Time. They were told that by fuch an Eleftion, they 
 might have their Charter to be brought in Queftion. On the 12th 
 of Augiift, Orders were fent to Canterbury, to proceed without delay 
 againft thofe who adled there a lewd Play that was fent up. 
 AcreatCold- C)n the 15th o{ Auguft, the News came of the great Defeat given 
 nefs in thofe the French at St. Slui?itins : So an Order was fent to the Biftiop of 
 ^^f^'f ^' London, to publifh that at St. Paul's Crofs. On the 24th of Augu/f, 
 Letters were ordered to be written to the Mayor and Aldermen o^ 
 
 Brijfol,
 
 Book V. of the Church of England, 2,63 
 
 Brijiol, requiring them to conform themfelves, in frequenting Ser- 1557. ' 
 
 mens, Proceflions, and other Ceremonies, at the Cathedral : And <— ■■-•»— ^J . 
 
 not to abfent themfelves, as they had done of late, nor to exped: i 
 
 that the Dean and Chapter (hould come with their Crofs, and in Pro- • 
 
 ceffion to fetch them out of the City : which was a Thing unfeemly, 
 
 and out of Order. On the 2d of September^ News came of the Tak- j 
 
 ingofSt. ^intin'z; upon which, an Order was fent to the Lord- i 
 
 Mayor of London, to have Bonfires at Night, and to come the Next 
 
 Day to High-Mafs. On the 6th oi September, and Order was fent to 
 
 the Lord-Mayor o^ London, to apprehend thofe who had adled a Play, 
 
 called, A Sack-full of News ; but there was an Order fent foon after, ' 
 
 to fct them at Liberty. On the 6th of O<^0(^^r, News came that Peace 1 
 
 was made between the Pope and the King ; upon which, the Council \ 
 
 ordered High-Mafs to be at St. Paul's; and the Lord-Mayor was 
 
 required to be there, and to have Bonfires over the City. The Coun- ] 
 
 cil was, for fome Time, wholly taken up with the Matter of the 
 
 Loan, and the Privy Seals : And tho' the Government had certain '• 
 
 Notice of the Defign of the Frejich upon Calais, yet no Parliament 
 
 was called, by which Money, and every Thing elfe that was necef- 
 
 fary to the Preferving it, could have been furniflied. But the Spirit j 
 
 of the Nation was now much turned ; and Compaflion began to rife 
 
 towards thefe Poor People, that were thus Sacrificed to the Cruelty of 
 
 the Priefts, and the Bigotry of a weak peevifli Woman, fo that they i 
 
 would not venture on Calling one ; but tried other ineffc(ftual Me- ■ 
 
 thods of Raifing Money ; which increafed the Jealoufy of the Nation, ' 
 
 more than it added to the Queen's Treafure. 
 
 Bener was again quickned, by another Letter, to proceed againft Bo/arcaWdon ' 
 Hereticks; Upon which, he fent down Dr. Chedfey to Colche/ler :^y,l\^°''''' 
 
 irri • T IT r. n*^ r > •; n Cil to be more 
 
 Who, in a Letter that he wrote to Boner, on 2 lit or April ijjojfevere. ■ ] 
 
 tells him, That while he was Sitting at Colchefier, Examining Here- i 
 
 ticks, he received a Summons to appear before the Council : But he j 
 
 defines, that Boner would make his Excufe, fince he was on the Great 1 
 Work of finding out Hereticks, Anabaptifts, and other unruly Per- 
 fons, fuchas the like was never heard. 
 
 There is alfo in the Minute-Book, an Entry of the Letter of the i 
 
 ifl oi Auguft 1558, written on Betibridge's Account; who, when i 
 
 he was ready to be burnt, ofi^ered to Recant ; upon which, the She- ; 
 
 riff of Hampfhire ftayed the Execution : For that he was chid ; but i 
 
 a Letter was written to the Birtiop of JViticbe/ler, to examine whether ] 
 
 his Converfion was intire and fincere. i 
 
 And now I have no more Light from the Council-Book: For 
 that Authentick Volume goes only to the End of the Year 1557} i 
 the lalt Palllige I find in it relating to Religion, being on the 1 5th of J 
 December : Then they wrote a Letter to the Bifliop of London, and \ 
 fent with it the Examination of John Rough, a ScottiJJo Minifter, 
 whom they had fent to Newgate^ and required him to proceed 
 againft him according to the Laws. It may be, perhaps, thought, ■ 
 that I have taken out of it nothing, but what related to Proceed- 
 ings againft Hereticks : but that is, becaufe there is fcarce any thing i 
 elfe in it ; for I have taken out of it every Thing that related to the ] 
 Government, or that was in any fort Hiftorical, But the Council knew j 
 
 what '
 
 264 'The Hijlory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1557. what it was that the Queen's Heart was fet on, and what would pleafe 
 ^•—'• y ''— — ^ Her moft ; and fo they applied their Care and Diligence chiefly to 
 that. 
 
 There was a ftrange Spirit of Cruelty, that run thro' the Body of 
 the Clergy : It was animated by the Government, and lliewed itfelf 
 in fo many difmal Inftances, in all the Parts of the Nation, that it 
 ftruck People with- Horror. This, joined with the intolerable Haugh- 
 tinefs of the King, and the fliameful Lofs oi Calais, brought the Go- 
 vernment under an univerfal Hatred and Contempt. In a Book cor- 
 redted, if not written by the Lord Burleigh, in Queen Elizabeth's 
 Time, entitled. The Executions for T'reajon, the Sum of thofe who 
 fufFered in this wretched Reign, is thus reckoned. " Four Hundred 
 " Perfons fufFered publickly in Queen Marys Days, befides thofe who 
 " were fecretly murdered in Prifon : Of thefe. Twenty were Bifnops^ 
 " and Dignified Clergymen : Sixty were Women : Children, more 
 " than Forty : Some Women big with Child ; one bore a Child in 
 " the Fire, and the Child was burned." 
 
 It does not appear, that the Bifliops, or Clergy, fliewed any great 
 Inclination, to entertain Pole's Projed: for the Reformation of Abufes; 
 or that they were at much Pains, in the way of Inftrudion, to reduce 
 the People. All that I find in this way, is, that Bcner fet out an In- 
 ftrudlion for his Diocefe, in the Year 1555. The People had heard 
 fo much of the Second Commandment, that he did not think fit to 
 leave it quite out, as is done in moft Catechifms of the Church of 
 Rome : But yet he durfl not venture on giving it honeflly ; therefore, 
 inftead of the Words, Nor worJJ.^ip them ; he gave it thus, Nor adore 
 them with God's Honour. Wat/on, Bifhop of Lincoln, did irt yu72e 
 1^58, put another out for his Diocefe. It feems, he was in a high 
 Degree of Favour with the Cardinal j fince, notwithftanding the Zeal 
 he expreffed againft Plurality of Benefices in One Perfon, he was al- 
 f^er-Off.ce lowed to hold the Deanery of Durefm in Commcndam, when he was 
 promoted to Lincoln. The Licenfe is in 'January 1557; in which it 
 is faid, that the Cardinal confented to it. 
 
 The firll public Occafion, that the ill-natured Pope found to ex- 
 
 prefs his Difpleafure at PcA', was, upon the Death cf L>ay, Bifliop 
 
 of Chichejler. The Pope would not fuffer Chrijlopherjon, the New 
 
 Bifliop, to be preconized in Tale's Name, but did it himfelf, as Karn 
 
 wrote over on the i oth of April. Karn, after that, on the 1 5th of 
 
 "Juney wrote to the Queen, that the Pope had ordered Cardinal Morons 
 
 to be imprifoned on the Account of Religion. Four Cardinals were 
 
 lent to examine him. Karn adds, that he was in high Reputation at 
 
 Rome, for his Sandtity : And he believed him a good Catholick, and 
 
 a holy Man. 
 
 Rymer. The Stile in which all the Bifliops Bulls, during this Reign, did 
 
 The Papal Tun, was. That the Pope, by his Apofl:olical Authority, did pro- 
 
 Provifions in vide the Perfon to the See, and fet him over it. Upon which, the 
 
 IS eign. gj^jjQp {q named did renounce every Claufe in his Bull, that was in 
 
 any fort prejudicial to the Crown : And the Renunciation being fo 
 
 made, the Cufliody of the Temporalties was given to the Bifhop 
 
 Eledt. In the Bulls^ no mention is made either of the Queen's 
 
 Recom-
 
 Book V. of the Church of England. 26 c 
 
 Recommending, nor of the Chapter's Eledting. Rymer has gathered 1558. i 
 
 the Bulls for Exeter, Bangnor, St. Afaph, CarliJIe, Chefter, Peterbo- *— "v — J \ 
 
 rough, and Lincoln, befides thofe for Canterbury and York ; and they \ 
 
 all run in the Stile of Papal Provifions. Nor does he mention a 1 
 
 Conge d' Eli re, except for CheJIer, Wiiichefier, CarliJIe, Lincoln, Chi- ; 
 
 chejler, and Feterborough. There is fomething particular in the Re- i 
 
 ftitution of the Temporalties of Caj-lijle to Oglethorpe : It is added, \ 
 
 That he was to pay 400 Marks. I do not comprehend, what could i 
 
 be the Reafon of this Singularity. 1 
 
 There was another Convocation in January \ 5 5^. Hatpsfield was Proceedingsin ! 
 
 chofen Prolocutor. On the 28th oi January, Boner, as the Cardi- ^'"^°*^^"°"- '> 
 nal's CommilTary, propofed fome Heads of Reformation ; and the 
 
 Lower-Houfe defired Leave to offer their Propofitions. On the 4th * 
 of February, a Subfidy was agreed to of Eight Shillings in the Pound, 
 to be paid in Four Years ; and on the 9th, he told the Bifliops, that 
 the Lower-Houfe had agreed to it. Complaint was made of a Want 
 
 of Priefts, to ferve the Cures : \\\ order to remedy this, and to pro- \ 
 vide a Supply for the Smaller Benefices, it was propofed, that no 
 Priefl fhould be taken up to Serve in the Wars. 2. That the Bi- 
 (hops might have Authority to unite Small Benefices, which the 
 
 •Priefl fliould ferve by Turns. 3. That the Pariihioners of Chap- 1 
 pels of Eafe, might be obliged to come to the Parifh-Church, till 
 
 Curates could be provided. 4. That Bifliops might be authorized \ 
 
 by the Pope, to ordain extra Tcmpora. There was alfo fome Con- '] 
 
 fideration had, about the furnifliing of Arms ; and a Decree pafTed, .1 
 
 for the Provifion of them, after the fame Rate that the Laity had ' 
 
 agreed to. But then the Convocation was prorogued, firft to the nth I 
 of November, and then to the 1 7th ; on which Day the Queen 
 died. 
 
 But now to open the State of the Nation : Calais, and the Places A General . 
 
 about, were loft ; and the Nation was fo exhaufled, that the Support- p ''"*>' °^ ' 
 
 ing the Government was no eafy Thing. The Perfons moft in Fa- opened. i 
 
 vour with the Two Kings of France and Spain, were Two Clergy- I 
 men, the Cardinal of Lorrain, and the Bifliop of Arras, foon after 
 
 promoted to be a Cardinal. They faw, that the Continuance of the ' 
 War made it reafonable on both Sides, not to put a Stop to the Pro- • ; 
 
 grefs of Herefy ; tho' it had not that Effed: in Englaiid : They there- ! 
 
 fore, at an Interview, projedted a Peace ; that fo both Kings might i 
 
 be at full Leifure to extirpate Herefy out of their Dominions. \ 
 
 In order to this, France was willing to make great Reftitutions : ' 
 Onlv, from the firft Opening of the Treaty, they declared very po- 
 
 fitively, that they refolved never to part with Calais. A Treaty was \ 
 
 opened ; and the Earl of Arundel, the Bifhop of Ely, and Dean .; 
 
 Wotton, were fent to Treat in the Queen's Name. I fliall here only \ 
 
 give the Abftraft of Two Papers, which I found relating to this " 
 Matter. 
 
 The firfl is, the Council's Letter to the AmbafTadors, written on Paper-Offict. ' 
 
 the 8th of November; which is in the CoUedion. The Ambalfa- SmallHopeof \ 
 
 dors faw no Hope of the Reftoring of Cdais ; fo they had moved rgftorld ^'^^'"' ' 
 
 the Council, to lay the Matter before the Parliament. " It wasco// i^^^^A ' 
 
 Vol. III. Yyy "not 42-' ' ' 
 
 « I 
 i
 
 266 T'he Hiftory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1558. " not thought convenient, to break it to the whole Houfc : It was 
 thought beft to begin with the NobiHty, and feme of the beft 
 and graveft Sort. But before they made that Step, they thought 
 " it neceffary to afk the Queen's Mind : She thought it was beft 
 " to lay it firft before the King. Upon which, they fent the Am- 
 " bafladors with a Letter to the King ; and refolved to ftay till his 
 " Anfwer came. They write, that the Queen was ftill Tick, and 
 " weak : they hoped for her Amendment ; but they were driven to 
 " fear, and miftruft the worft. In a Poftfcript, they tell them, 
 " they had received the Ambaffadors Letters of the 4th, by which, 
 " they faw the French were refolved not to reftore Calais : And 
 " that the King told them, that his CommiiTioners had almoft agreed 
 " with the French in all other Matters ; but he would agree to no- 
 " thing, unlefs the Queen was fatisfied. The Council ordered the 
 " Ambaffadors to lay before the King, the Importance of leaving 
 " Calais in the Hands of the French ; and how much it would touch 
 " the Honour of the King and Queen, that fo many Reftitutions 
 " being to be made on both Sides, this alone fliould not be reftored. 
 " The Subjedls of this Realm would certainly be very uneafy at 
 " this. The War was begun at the King's Rcqueft, and for his 
 *' Sake. If to other of the King's Allies, Places are to he reftored, 
 " that were taken from them fome Years ago ; what then can be 
 " judged, if a Peace is concluded, without this Reftitution ? Yet, 
 " on the other Hand, if there is an Agreement in all other Matters," 
 (which is like a giving up of the Point) " much were to be endur- 
 " ed for the Wealth of Chriflendom. In thefe Matters, the Ambaf- 
 " fadors were ordered to deal plainly with the King, and to ftudy 
 " to know his Mind ; fince the French, keeping thefe Places, might 
 " be as great Prejudice to his Low-Coti7itries, as to England. They 
 " defire a plain and fpeedy Anfwer, that they might know what to 
 " offer to the Nobility and Parliament, with Relation to this 
 " Matter." 
 
 The Anfwer to this belongs to this Reign ; tho' it was written 
 on the Day after the Queen died, figned by the Three Ambafla- 
 dors. It is in the Colledlion. " They had written formerly, that 
 " the French King had faid, he would hazard his Crown, rather 
 " than reftore Calais : Yet, for all thofe high Words, they did not 
 " quite defpair. The Commiflioners of both Kings had broke up 
 " their Conferences, and returned to their Mafters, to give an Ac- 
 " count of what they had done, and to receive their final Orders. 
 " The Ambaffadors believed, that if the King infifted politively on 
 " the Reftitution of Calais, that this might induce the French to 
 •' agree to it : Whereas, if the King and his Minifters fpoke but 
 " faintly of that Matter, they were fure, the French would ftill re- 
 " fufe to do it. Therefore they did not think fit to ufe any Words 
 " to the King, to make him imagine, that the Queen, or the King- 
 " dom, would confent to a Peace, without the Reftoring of Calais : 
 " becaufe their Inftrudlions were exprefs in that Point. The King 
 " continued to fay, that he would make no Peace, unlefs the Queen 
 " fliould be fatisfied : So that if She and her Council continued to 
 
 " infift 
 
 Co//. Numb. 
 43-
 
 Book V. of the Church ^England. 267 
 
 " infilton that Point, they did believe the Frtm-/' would reftore it, iccS. 
 " rather than lofe the View they had of Peace. And whereas the 
 " Council wrote to them, that if all other Things were near agreed 
 " much were to be endured for the Vtzcc oi Chrijietido?/? ; yet that 
 " all others fliould have Rellitution, and that poor England fhould 
 " only bear the Lofs, was hard ; Efpecially fo great a Lofs : And 
 " they were fo far from thinking that the leaving Calais to the French 
 " would purchafe a fure Peace, that they thought on the contrary 
 *' that nothing fhewed more evidently, that the French did not intend 
 " to continue the Peace, with England efpeciaiiy, than their keep- 
 " ing oi Calais. The French could ealily unnoy England on the 
 " fide of Scotlafid: The Dauphin being then Married to the Queen 
 " of Scots : And what the French pretend to by that Marriage, was 
 " not unknown to them. (This probably was to claim the Crown of 
 " England upon the Queen's Death; Now if the French kept Calais 
 " the Englijh could neither hurt their Enemies, nor affift their Friends. 
 " or be affifted by them fo eafily, as when that Place was in their 
 " Hands. £«^AW would be fliut out from the reft oi Europe : The 
 *' very Knowledge of the Tranfadlions abroad would come late to 
 " them, and that Place would be a Scourge for England, as it was 
 " before ErtWrtrJ the Hid took it ; which made him come with his 
 " Son, and but with a fmall Army from Nonnandy into France^ 
 " and to march through Ficardy to befiege it, the Enemy purfuing 
 '' him with a greater Army ; but he Fought through them, 'till at 
 " laft he Fought them at Crejfy, where, though the French were Three 
 " to One, yet he totally defeated them, and continued the Siege 
 " 'till he took it. So the French having Scotland on the one Pland, 
 " and Calais on the other, it was eafy to apprehend what might fol- 
 *' low on this. The French would fign any Terms with them to 
 " keep that Place. Thefe would be only Parchment and Wax. 
 " They knew how many Parchments King Francis fealed to King 
 . " Hen?y ; and the prefent King to King Edward. They faw the 
 " Effefts they had, and if a War fhould follow between England 
 " and France, they were not fure that Spain would join with Eng- 
 " land : Whereas now the King could not Honourably make any 
 " Peace without us : And he himfelf faid he would not : So they 
 *' did not think Chrijiendom fhould have a good Peace, if Calais were 
 " left to the French : And it was certainly more the Intereft of Eng- 
 " land to continue the War in Conjundtion with the King, than to 
 " make a Peace, letting it go, and then be forced to begin a New 
 " War, and to have all the Burden of it lie upon E?igla?id. All 
 " this they thought themfelves bound to lay before the Council. The 
 " Bidiop of Ely adds, that he was with the Commiflioners by the 
 " King's Order, they had not yet agreed .concerning the Matters of 
 " Corjica and Siena ; the French have likewife demanded the Reftitu- 
 " tion of Navarre : So that fome thought the Treaty would be 
 " broken off without concluding in a Peace. The Earl of Arundel 
 " adds, that after they had gone fo far in their Letter, he received 
 " a Letter from the Bifhop oi Arras, dated the i7th, in which he 
 " writes thus ; The Bifhop of Ely has told you on what Terms we 
 " were in this Purgatory, at his leaving us. The French told us 
 
 Yefterday
 
 268 "the Hiftoryofthe Reformation Part III. 
 
 icc8. " Yellerday that they would condefcend to every Thing rather than 
 «— -v~' " yield to the Matter of Calais ; or let that Place go out of their 
 " Hands. And we on our Part told them, that without full Satif- 
 «' fadion to the Kingdom of E?igla?iJ, we would not treat with them 
 " in any fort. And we parted fo, that there is more Appearance of 
 " a Rupture than a Conclufion of a Treaty." But after all, our 
 Ambaffadors doubted much whether it would break off only on the 
 Account of Calais. If they were in doubt about it, while the Queen 
 was yet alive, it may be eafily fuppofed that her Death put them out 
 of all doubt concerning it. 
 A particular And now I am come to the Conclufion of this Inglorious Reign. 
 Relarion of Qampana gives a different Account of the immediate Occafion of the 
 o'f'th°(Se°n"s Queen's Death, from what is to be found in other Authors. He tells 
 Death. us that King Philip, feeing no Hope of Iffue by her, and that flie was 
 
 in an ill State of Health, defigned a Marriage between the Duke of 
 Savoy and the Lady Elizabeth : The Queen had a very bad Opini- 
 on of her Sifter, fufpeding flie had ill Principles in Religion. King 
 Philip thought the Duke of Savoy would be a firm Friend to him, 
 and a conftant Enemy to France. But he could never bring the 
 Queen to hearken to this : Yet now that {he was declining very faft 
 he fent over the Duke of Feria to propofe the Match to the Privy 
 Council, without any Regard to the Queen ; or to the Oppofition 
 fhe might make to it. And he ordered him to ufe all poffible Means 
 ' to bring it to a Conclufion. The Queen refented this highly ; and 
 when ihe faw it was defigned to force her to it, fhe fell into an ex- 
 treme Melancholy. The Privy Council did not entertain the Mo- 
 tion ; and the Queen dying in a few Days, an End was put to it : 
 For though 1 find the Duke of Fcria was in Engla?id, upon Queen 
 Elizabeth's coming to the Crown, it does not appear that he made 
 any Propofition of that Matter to her. What Truth foever may be 
 in this, the Nation was now delivered from a fevcre and unhappy, 
 though fliort Reign : In which, Superftition and Cruelty had the 
 Afcendant to fuch a Degree, that it does not appear that there was 
 any one Great, or Good Defign ever fet on Foot, either for the 
 Wealth, or Glory of the Nation. The Poor Queen delivered herfelt 
 up to her Peevifli and Fretful Humours, and to her Confeffor : And 
 feemed to have no other Thoughts, but about the Extirpation of Fle- 
 refy, and the Endowing of Monafteries. Even the War, that com- 
 monly ilackens Vigorous Proceedings, had not that Effedl here. Her 
 inexorable Hatred of all fhe accounted Hereticks, was fuch, that I 
 find but one fingle Inftance of a Pardon of any condemned of He- 
 refy : And that was upon the Cardinal's Interceffion. God fliortened 
 the Time of her Reign for his Eleft's Sake : And he feemed to have 
 fuffered Popery to fliew itfelf in its true and natural Colours, all over 
 both Falfe and Bloody ; even in a Female Reign, from whence all 
 Mildnefs and Gentlenefs might have been expeded ; to give this 
 Nation fuch an evident and demonftrative Proof of the Barbarous 
 Cruelty of that Religion, as might raife a lafting Abhorrence and De- 
 teftation of it. 
 
 It'
 
 Book V. of the Church of England. 269 
 
 It was vilible that the Providence of God made a very remarkable 1558. 
 
 DitFerence in all Rcfoeds, between this poor, fhort, and defpifed *■ v — -J 
 
 Reign, and the Glory,' the Length, and the Profperity of the Succeed- ^Zfuarl 
 ing Reign. So that as far as we can Reafon from the outward Cha- and Queen 
 radlers of Things, tiie one was all over Mean and Black, while the J^''^^'''^'* 
 other fliined with a Superior Brightnefs, to the Admiration of all the 
 World. It wanted no Foyl to fet it off, being all over Luftre and 
 Glory. But if that was wanting, the Bafe and Contemptible Reign 
 that went before it, could not but add to its Brightnefs. 
 
 One amazing Charadler of Providence in her Death, and in the 
 Great Succeflbr that came after her, was, that at the Time that the 
 Two Miniflers, being both Ecclefiaflicks, of the Kings of France and 
 SpatTi, were defigning a Peace, with the View of deftroying Herefy 
 upon the Concluiion of it ; their Projedl was entirely blafted in fo 
 Critical a Minute : Firft by the Death of Queen Mary, and the Suc- 
 ceflion of Queen Elizabeth ; and next by the unlooked-for Death of 
 the King of France in July after : So that not only the Defign totally 
 mifcarried, but France fell under the Confufions of a Minority j un- 
 der which, that they called Herefy, gathered great Strength : And 
 the Cruelty of the Spanifi Government occafioned the Revolt of the 
 Netherlands ; while the glorious Queen of Fngland protedled and af- 
 fifted both fd efFe(fluallyj that King Henry the IVth owned his being 
 fupported by hcf in his loweft State, was the Chief Means that brought 
 him to the PofTeflion of the Crown of France : And the United Pro- 
 •vinces had their main Depcndance on the Protedlion and Affiftance 
 that they had from her. So mercifully did God deal with this Na- 
 tion, by removing that Queen, that he had fet over it in his Wrath, 
 and fo gracioufly did he Watch over the Reformation, that in the very 
 Time, in which the Enemies of that Work, reckoned it was to be 
 rooted out, he raifed up a Glorious Inftrument, that not only re- 
 vived it among us, but by a kind and tender Influence watched over 
 it, and proteded it every where. So I now turn to View the Aufpi- 
 eious Beginnings of that Blefled Reign. 
 
 Vol. III. Zzz ^ O O K
 
 270 T'he Hiftory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 BOOK VI. 
 
 Of the Beginnings of iiueen Elizabeth 'j Reign. 
 
 O Prince ever came to the Throne in a more clouded State 
 of Affairs than this Queen did : The Nation was engaged 
 in a War, both with France and Scotland. The Queen 
 had no Ally, but King Fhilip : And though fhe was fen- 
 fible of her particular Obligations to him, yet being refolved 
 to make Alterations in Religion, (he knew flie could depend no longer 
 on him, when once thefe {hould be begun. The Duke of Feria^ 
 then his Ambaffador in England, took all Occafions to let her un- 
 derftand, that his Mafter was the Catholick King, and that therefore 
 he muft protedl that Religion. The Papifts whom flie found in the 
 Miniftry, pofTefled her with Fears of Rebellions at Home, and of 
 Wars from Abroad, if flie fet herfelf to alter Religion. Thofe fhe 
 brought into her Councils, in Conjundlion with the Papifls, chiefly 
 Bacon and Cecily had been fo accuflomed to comply with what they 
 condemned in Matters of Religion, that they brought themfelves to 
 bear what they did not approve : And they apprehended great Danger 
 if they fliould proceed too quick in thofe Matters. 
 Herlnclina- The Qoecn's Inclinations to the Reformation were univerfally re- 
 tions in Reii- \\^ q^ . fj^T Education and Knowledge ; her bad Ufage during the 
 ^'managed, former Reign ; and her Title to the Crown, that was grounded on 
 a Marriage, made in Defiance to the Pope, led all People to conclude, 
 that what flow Steps foever fhe might make in it, flie would certainly 
 declare for it, as foon as fhe faw flie could be fafe in doing it. Upon 
 this, fome, whether out of a Forwardnefs of Zeal, or on Defign to 
 Encourage her, began early to pull down Images, and to make 
 Changes : But on the other Hand, the Priefls apprehending what 
 was like to follow, begun at the fame Time to alarm the People : 
 Some broke out into Seditious Words, to animate the People againft 
 all Changes : And the Pulpits being all in their Hands, they had 
 free Scope there to give the Allarm : Some went further, and called 
 her Title to the Crown in Queftion ; and fet up the Pretenfions of 
 the Queen of Scotland. Of thefe, the Induftrious Mr. Strype has 
 gathered many Inflances, that fliewed on the one Hand their Sedi- 
 tious Tempers ; and on the other Hand, the great Mildnefs of the 
 Government, different from the Cruelty of the former Reign. To 
 put a flop to thefe, flie did by one Proclamation iirohibit aU Preach- 
 ing } and "by another, all Alterations bv private HauJ,. 
 
 As
 
 Book VI. of the Church of England. 271 I 
 
 As her Minifters advifed this Caution in Matters of Religion, fo icc8 ~ i 
 tlicy perfuaded her to digeft the Lofs of Calais, and to come into a v-^-y^o \ 
 Peace with France and Scotlajid. ' 
 They likewife thought of New Alliances. In order to this, Mount Mount itmto I 
 was brought into England again ; and had fecret Inftrudions wiven Germany, \ 
 him by Cecyl, to go to all the Princes of Germany, to know how far I 
 the Queen might depend on their AiTiftance ; and to receive the Ad- 1 
 vices that the Princes offered, with Relation to the Affairs o( Englaftd, 
 and in particular, concerning a proper Marriage for the Queen. He 
 found them ready to receive the Queen into the Smalcaldick League j 
 chiefly, if the Reformation that was intended, might be made upon 
 their Model. The Match they all propofed, was with Charles of '^^^'^^'^ with ] 
 Aujli'ia, the Emperor Ffrrt'/V/^Ws fecond Son, Brother to Maxi7nilian,f^Yj'l^^i^l', \ 
 the King of Bohemia and Hungary ; who was known to be a Pro- j 
 teftant : For tho' he complied in the outward Adts of the Popifli I 
 Worfhip, yet he had a Minifler in his Court, whom he heard fre- | 
 quently Preach. Both the Eleftor Palatine, and the Duke of Wir- i 
 tcmbcrg, affured Mount, that Charles defigned, as foon as he durft, for j 
 fear of his Father's Difpleafure, to declare himfelf of their Religion. i 
 He faid to one of thefe Princes ; " I love the Religion that my Brother \ 
 " holds, and approve of it ; and will, by the Grace of God, profefs ■ 
 " it openly. He told him, that his Father fufpedled tliis ; and had I 
 " preffed him to take an Oath, that he would never change his Reli- 
 " gion. He refufed that j but faid to his Father, that he believed, as ' 
 " he did, all that was in the New Teffament, and in the Orthodox 
 " Fathers. Upon which the Emperor faid, I fee this Son is likewife 
 *' corrupted." They thought this Match would be a great Strength- i 
 ning of the Queen : It would engage the whole Houfe of Aujlria in i 
 the Proteftant Religion, and unite the whole Empire in an Alliance ' 
 with the ^een. This was writ to the Queen in the Year 1559 i butcrt/la /i "^ i 
 in the Copy I faw, the particular Date is not added. ' \ 
 The News of the Queen's coming to the Crown no fooner reach- '^^^ Reform- ; 
 ed Zurich, than all thofe who had retired thither, refolved to re- ^Lwl^" ^° ' 
 turn to England. They had been entertained there both by the ; 
 Magiftrates and the Minifters, Bullinger, Gualter, Weidner, Siniler^ i 
 Lavafer, Gcfner, and all the rcfl of that Body, with a Tendernefs 
 and Affedion, that engaged them to the End of their Lives, to make ; 
 the greateft Acknowledgments poffible for it. The firft of thefe was, I 
 in all Refpedls, the Chief Perfon of that Society, with whom they 
 held the clofeft Correfpondence. Peter Martyr was likewife there, ' 
 and was treated by them all with a lingular Refpedt, even to a Sub- ; 
 miffion. ye-wel was firft formed by him at Oxford, and fo continued ' 
 to his Death in a conftant Commerce of Letters with him, writ- 
 ing always to him by the Title of Father. I faw a great Volume of ■ 
 thofe Letters, as I paffed thro' Zurich in the Year 1685 ; fo I was 
 defirous to have the Volume fent me ; but I found, that by their \ 
 Rules, that could not be done. I alfo underftood, that there were i 
 feveral Letters relating to our Affairs, fcattered thro' feveral other ] 
 Volumes ; fo Profeffor Otto did kindly, apd with much Zeal, under- 1 
 take to get them to be Copied for rac. The Perfon who managed I 
 
 and
 
 1^1 The Hi ft or y of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1558. and procured this for me, was that Pious and Learned ProfelTor at 
 *— ""v ^ Geneva^ Alphonfus T'lirretin, born to be a Ble fling to the State he 
 lives in. He has given the World already, on many Occafions, great 
 Inftances of his exquilite Learning, and of a moft penetrating Judg- 
 ment, having made a vaft Progrefs in a few Years ; in which, a fee- 
 ble and tender Body, tho' it is a great Clog that gives his Friends 
 many fad Apprehenfions, yet cannot keep down an exalted Mind, 
 from many Performances, that feem to be above both his Years and 
 his Strength. But how valuable foever thefe Qualities are, yet his 
 Zeal for the Great Things of Religion, and his Moderation in Lef- 
 fer Matters, together with a fublime and exalted Piety, is that which 
 I obferved in him, even when he was fcarce out of Childhood, and 
 have, with a continual Joy and Delight feen the Advances of it ever 
 fince. This grateful Account of him, I owe, not fo much to his 
 Friendfliip, (tho' I owe a great deal to that) but to his rare and 
 lingular Worth. By his means, I procured Copies of the Letters, 
 that our Reformers continued to write, chiefly to Peter Martyr, Bul~ 
 linger, and Giialter : And with them I have a folemn Attcilation, 
 under the Seal of that Noble Canton, of their being true Copies, 
 carefully collated with the Originals ; which I have put at the End 
 of the Collection. If there had not been many Interruptions in the 
 Series of thofe Letters, they are fo particular, that from them we 
 fliould have had a clear Thread of the Hiftory of that Time : But 
 many of them are loft ; and they are wanting on fome of the moft 
 critical Occafions. I fliall make the beft Ufe of them I can, as far 
 as they lead me. 
 They were /7or;? and Sands went firft to E?jg/and : So yeivel, who was fol- 
 well received lowing them, writcs from Strajbiirg, on the 26th of 'ja7iiiary 1559, 
 y ^'<i»='^"- {Q p^^^;- ^^,;Y_)'r ; and adds, "that they were well received by the 
 Coll. Numb. " Queen ; that many Bifliopricks were void ; Cbrijiopherfon was 
 ^^' " certainly dead : That White, whom Martyr knew well, had preach- 
 
 " ed the Funeral-Sermon, when Queen Mary was buried : The Text 
 " was, I praifed the dead more than the li-ving : In which he charged 
 " the Audience, by all means, not to fuffer any Change to be made 
 " in Religion. Inveighing againft the Fugitives, that might perhaps 
 " return into England, he faid, Whofoever fhould kill them, would 
 " do a Deed acceptable to God. Upon this he writes, That both 
 " the Marquis of ^/«c-Z'ty?fr, and Heath, Archbifliop of Jor/-, feem- 
 " ed highly difpleafed at it. He adds. That Boner was obliged to 
 " reftore to Ridley's Executors, all his Goods that he had violently 
 " feized on, and was confined to his Houfe." I have feen a Copy 
 of White's Sermon. In it he commends Queen Mary for this, that 
 She would never be called Head of the Church : Tho' the Falfe- 
 hood of that is on Record, in the Writs that were fealed for above 
 a Year after fhe came to the Crown. He runs out with great Fury 
 againft Herefy : Geneva is, in particular, named the Seat of it. He 
 fays, Queen Mary's Death was like the Death of an Angel, if they 
 were mortal. He infinuates his Fears oi jlying in the Winter, on the 
 Sabbath, or being with Child; all which he reprefents as Allegori- 
 cal. Yet he has fome decent Words of the Queen j and fiys, they 
 
 were
 
 I I 
 
 Book VI. of the Church of England. 2,73 
 
 were to comfort themfelves for the Death of one Sifter, in the other i c eg. 
 
 that furvived. \ ^— ^ 
 
 Gualter wrote to one Majiers, who was the Queen*s Phyfician, and Thofe of Z«- 
 was well known to him, on the i6th oi Jamiary. " He congratu- '"'^^ ^'^^'^^ * 
 " lates the Happy Change of their Affairs. He wiflies (I tranflate Wa£.'^'* 
 " his Words ftri<5tly) that they would not hearken to the Counfels ofCo/LNumL 
 " thofe Men j who, when they faw that Popery could not be honeftly '^^' 
 " defended, nor entirely retained, would ufe all Artifices, to have the 
 " outward Face of Religion to remain mixed, incertain, and doubt- 
 " fal : So that while an Evangelical Reformation is pretended, thofe 
 " Things (hould be obtruded on the Church, which will make the 
 " Returning back to Popery, to Superftition, and to Idolatry, very 
 •' eafy. I write not thefe Things to you (he adds) as knowing that 
 " there are any fuch among you ; but I write, from a Fear that there 
 " may be fome fuch. For we have had the Experience of this for 
 " fome Years in Germa?iy, and know what Influence fuch Perfons 
 ♦' may have. Their Counfels feem, to a Carnal Judgment, to be full 
 " of Modefty, and well fitted for carrying on an Univerfal Agree- 
 ** ment : And we may well believe, that the Common Enemy of 
 " our Salvation, will find out proper Inftruments, by whofe means 
 " the Seeds of Popery may ftill remain among you. A little after he 
 *' writes. That he apprehends, that in the firft Beginnings, while 
 " Men may ftudy to avoid the giving fome fmall Offence, many 
 " Things may be fuffered, under this Colour, that they will be con- 
 " tinned but for a little while ; and yet afterwards, it will fcarce be 
 " polnble, by all the Endeavours that can be ufed, to get them to 
 " be removed, at leaft not without great Strugglings." Dr. MalierSt 
 in Anfwer to this, tells him. He had laid his Letter before the Queen, 
 and that She had read it all. He promifes to ufe his beft Endea- 
 vours, for carrying on a Sound Reformation. This plainly infinuated. 
 their Fears, of fomewhat like what was defigned by the Interim in 
 Germany. 
 
 Francis, Earl of Bedford, had gone out of Rngland in Queen Mary's Tkt Earl of 
 Time, and had ftayed fome Time at Zurich : He had expreffed a ^^^/"'-'^ had 
 true Zeal for the Reformation, and a particular Regard for the Divines Time at z«- 
 there ; of which, a Letter in the CoUedlion gives a clear Account : "V-f, and wrote 
 And upon that they wrote often to him, and prefled him vehemently, ^ .*, ^^f,' . 
 
 , f . 1 /- ,1 T-. • • 1 II T-'i • r I 1 J ^ Coll. Numb. 
 
 to take care m the firlt Beginnings, to have ail Things fettled upon 46. 
 fure and found Foundations. 
 
 On the 24th of January the Convocation was opened ; but the Proceedbgsin 
 Bifliops, in Obedience to the Queen's Proclamation againft Preaching, Convocation, 
 did not think fit to open it with a Sermon. Thofe who I find are 
 marked as prefent, are, the Bifhops of London, Winchejler^ Lincoln, 
 Worcefter, Coventry and Litchfield, and the Abbot of Wejlminjter : 
 Thefe appeared perfonally. And the Bifhops of E.ly, Peterborough, 
 and St. Afaph, fent their Proxies. But no mention is made of the 
 Bifhops of Bath and JVells, St. David's, Landaffe and Exeter. All 
 the other Sees were then vacant ; Canterbury, Salijbury, Norwich, 
 Chichejier, Hereford, Glocejler, Oxford, Bangor, Briflol, and Rochejier , 
 Ten in all. Harpsfield was chofen Prolocutor. He afked. What they 
 
 Vol. IIL 4 A had
 
 irfj^ T'heHtftorj of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1559. had' to do, and what was to be done, to Preferve Religion ? The 
 '^ — /* — ' Bilhops anfvvered, they muft pray the Queen, that no New Burden 
 might be laid on the Clergy in this Parliament. This was to prevent 
 the Dfemand of a new Subfidy, die former not: being yet paid. In 
 the jth Seffion, the Prolocutor offered to the Eifhops the Five Ar- 
 ticles, mentioned in my Hiftory. Thefe they had drawn up, for the 
 Difcharge ' of their Confciences, and they defired the Bilhops to be 
 their Leaders in this Matter. The Biiliops received their Paper, and 
 m-omifed to otfer it next Day to the Houfe of Lords. Li the next 
 Sellion, the Prolocutor and Clergy came up, and afked the Bifliops, 
 if they had delivered their Paper to the Houfe of Lords ? Boner an- 
 fwered, That they had delivered it to the Lord-Keeper, the Mouth 
 of that Houfe ; who, to all Appearance-, received it kindly, or thank- 
 fully, (gratmitcr), but gave them no Anfwer. The Clergy delired 
 the Bifliops, to get an Anfwer from him, or at leafl to know his 
 Pleafure before their next Meeting. In the 9th Seffion, the Bilhops 
 told the Clergy, that they had not yet found a fit Opjxjrtunity, to 
 obtain an Anfwer from the Houfe of Lords. On the loth Seffion, 
 Boner told the Clergy, That all their Articles, except the laft, which 
 was, " Th.it the Authority of Treating and Defining, in Matters of 
 " the Faith, of the Sacraments, and of Ecclefiaftical Difcipiine, be- 
 " longed to the Pallors of the Church, and not to the Laity;" were 
 approved by the Two Univerfities. After this came only perpetual 
 Prorogations, from Day to Day, without any Bufinefs done, till the 
 9th of May, in which the Convocation was difiblved : So this was 
 the laft and feeble Struggle, that the Popifh Clergy made in Con- 
 vocation . 
 The Bifhops The Bifliops ftood firm in the Houfe of Lords ; where there were 
 Reformatron "°"^ ^^ ^'^^ Other Side to anfwcr them, few of the Temporal I.-ords 
 in the Houfe being Very Learned. They feemed to triumph there ; and hung fo 
 of Lords. upon the Wheels, that there was a flow Progrefs made. On the 20th 
 CnlliNumh ^f March, Jewel writes to Peter Martyr, " That after a Journey of 
 47. " 51 Days, from the Time he left Znrick, he got to London ; where 
 
 " he was amazed to find the Pope's Authority was not yet thrown 
 " off : Maffcs were ftill faid ; and the Bifhops continued ftill info- 
 " lent. Things were beginning to mend a little. A publick Difpu- 
 " tation was then refolved on : And he adds, that the Queen fpoke 
 " with great Efteem of Beter Martyr. The inferior Sort of the Po- 
 " pulace was both ignorant and perverfe. He tells him, B^-ooks, Bi- 
 " lliop of Glocejier, whom he calls an Impure Beajl, was newly dead j 
 ■" and cried out, as he was dying, that he was damned." 
 
 Jewel, in a Letter to Bidhiger from London on the 2 2d of May 
 "Coll. Niir/iL 1559, which is in the Colleftion, after great Acknowledgments of 
 ^^- his Obligations to him, and to all Zicrick, " Thanks him for quick- 
 
 *' ning them to adl with Zeal and Courage. There was need of it ; 
 *' for befides thofe who had always been their Enemies, the Deferters, 
 '" who had left them in the former Reign, were now their moft bit- 
 *' ter Enemies. Befides this, the Spaniards had corrupted the Morals 
 " of the Nation to a great Degree. They were doing what they 
 " could, and all Things were coming into a better State. The 
 
 " Queen
 
 Book VI. of the Church <?/" England. 275 
 
 " Queen did very folernnly refufe to be called Head of the Church. 1559. j 
 
 " She thought that Title was only due to Chrift. The Univerfities s» — - y^ . ^ 
 
 " were ftrangely corrupted by Soto, and another Spanijh Monk. It j 
 
 *' was fcarce credible how much Mifchief they had done in fo. little j 
 
 " Time. He tells him, that the Lord Bedford had afked him, what ! 
 
 " would be the moft acceptable Prefent that he could fend to him ^ 
 
 " and his Brethren ? He anfwered, Nothing could be more acceptable. ' 
 
 " to them, as his expreffing a Zeal for promoting the Gofpel, and ' 
 
 " againft Popery. That Lord allured him, he would do that Faitli- i 
 
 " fully ; which, as he writes, he was doing very Sincerely. He \ 
 
 " writes alfo, how that feveral Princes were making Addrefles to the ; 
 
 " Queen for her Marriage ; but many fufpecfted her Inclinatious lay \ 
 
 " to one Pickering, a Worthy and Pious Man ; and one of a moft i 
 
 " Noble Figure, as to his Perfon. He refers him for other Things i 
 
 " to his Letters to Peter Martyr." On the 6th oi April, Jewel wrote ! 
 
 a particular Account of the Difputation, which though it is upon the ■ 
 
 Matter, the fame that is in my Hiftory, yet iince it is both a Gonfir- i 
 
 mation of it, and has fome Circumftances that arc New, I have put \ 
 it in my Colledlion : " He tells him that Cole treated the Reformers 
 
 ♦' with many Reproaches, and much Scorn : And called them Sedi- I 
 
 " tious Incendiaries. He delivered his Speech with great Emotion, r // jv«w^» I 
 
 " Stamping with his Feet, and putting himfelf as in Convulfions : 49. i 
 " He faid the Apoftles divided their Work into Two Provinces, tlie 
 
 " IFifern and the Eafern : The Firft, St. Peter and St. Paul had ■ 
 
 " given to them, where the Worfliip was to be all in La/in : The i 
 
 " Eaficrn Divifion fell to the other Apoftles ; where all was to be ■ 
 
 " performed in Greek. This he introduced with Pomp as a Thing i 
 
 " certain. He affirmed that it was not fit the People fhould under- \ 
 
 " ftand the Publick Worfliip ; for Ignorance was the Mother of De- , 
 " votion. The Paper prepared by the Reformers was read Gravely 
 
 " and Modeftly by Horn : So that all who were prefent (he Names ■ 
 
 " the Earl of Shreivfhury in particular) acknowledged the Vidtory was ' 
 '* clearly on their Side : By this, and by what hapned the 2d Day, 
 " thePopifh Caufe funk much in the Opinion of the People." 
 
 On the 28th oi April, in another Letter, which is in the Colledlion, Colka. Numh. j 
 
 He tells Peter Martyr how earneftly the Bifliops contended in the 5°- \ 
 
 Houfe of Lords. " Fechiam defended Monaftick Orders, from the | 
 
 " Sons of the Prophets ; and the Nazarites among the Jews ; and i 
 " faid, Chrift and his Apoftles were Monks. None ftruggled more 
 
 <' vehemently than T'hirleby. He faw a Defign at Court of Seizing I 
 
 " on the Bifhop's Manors, and Affigning Parfonages to them inftead j 
 
 " of tliem J but he laments moft of all, that no Care was taken of j 
 " Schools, or of promoting Learning. The Univerfities were in a 
 
 " moft miferable Condition. The Earl of Bedford prefled the Queen \ 
 
 " to fend for Peter Martyr : She faid flie would do it : But as much ; 
 
 " as Jewel defired to fee him, he writes, that he would not advife ■ 
 " his coming over, if he was not fent for with fuch an Earneft jind 
 " Honourable Invitation as he deferved to have. He faw many of 
 
 " the Queen's Minifters were in hope to enter into the Stnalcaldick j 
 
 " League. And one who had been a Bithop, poffefted them with an : 
 
 " Opinion, that if Martyr were brought over-, th^t would obftrud: j 
 
 ^' the
 
 276 I'he Hiftory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1559- 
 
 He complains 
 of want of " 
 Zeal, and an <( 
 Excefs of 
 Caution. ' 
 
 Coll. Ni'mh. 
 
 51. 
 
 Coll. Numb. 
 
 the other Defign : He exprefles an ill Opinion of that Perfon, but 
 does not name him : " It muft have been either Barlo, Scory, or 
 Coverdale ; for thefe were al! the Bifliops of the Reformation, that 
 were then aUve : Coverdale, as being a Dane, is the likeft to have 
 been engaged in the Lutheran Opinion : He concludes his Letter, 
 that thofe who had returned from their Exile, were yet in great Mi- 
 fery, no Care being taken of them. 
 
 His next is on the loth oi April, " He Laments the Want of Zeal 
 and Induftry in promoting the Reformation ; far fliort of what the 
 " Papifts fliewed in Queen Mary's. Time. Then every Thing was 
 " carried on violently, without flaying either for Law, or Precedent. 
 " But now every Thing is managed in fo Slow, fo Cautious, and 
 " Prudent a Manner ; as if the Word of God was not to be received 
 " upon his own Authority : So that as Chrift was thrown out by 
 " his Enemies, he is now kept out by his Friends. This Caution 
 " made that the Spirits of thofe that favoured them were funk, while 
 " their Enemies were much exalted upon it. Yet he acknowledges 
 " that though no Law was made abrogating the Mafs, it was in many 
 " Places laid down. The Nobility feemed Zealous in their Hatred 
 " of Popery. The Queen had indeed foftned her Mafs much ; but 
 " there were many Things amifs that were left in it. If (he could 
 " be prevailed on to put the Crucifix out of her Chapel, it would 
 " give a general Encouragement : She was truly pious, but thought 
 *• it neceflary to proceed by Law, and that it was Dangerous to give 
 " way to a Furious Multitude." 
 
 Cox, on the 20th of May, wrote to TFeidtjer, another Divine of 
 Zurich, whom he calls a Venerable Old Man. " He tells him that 
 " they found the fhort Reign of Queen Mary had fuch Effedls in hard- 
 " ning the Minds of the People in their Superftition, that it would 
 " not be eafy to change the Nation. Great Oppofition was made to 
 " every good Motion, by the Scribes and Phartfees in the Houfe of 
 •' Lords ; for there was none there that could maintain Arguments 
 " againft the Bifhops : But the Divines who were returned from their 
 " Exile, were called to Preach at Court before the Queen ; where 
 " they plainly affirmed that the Pope was Antichrift, and that their 
 *' Traditions were Blafphemies. Some of the Nobility came every 
 *' Day over to them, and many of the People, but not one of the 
 " Clergy : They ftuck all together as a Body that was not to be mov- 
 " ed. He tells him the Event that the Publick Difputation had ; and 
 " that now King Edward'?, Laws were to be revived. Thus, fays he, 
 " God has regarded the low Eftate we were in, and with his Fa- 
 " therly Compaffion has pitied us ; and taken off the Crofs we lay 
 " under, God grant thefe his Great and Ineftimable Benefits may 
 " never be forgotten by us : But he Laments, that while there was fo 
 " great a Harveft, tliere were fo few Labourers." 
 
 All Bufinefs was brought to a good Conclufion in Parliament. The 
 King of France'% unlooked-for Death, had given fuch a Change to 
 the Face of Affairs abroad, that the Queen and her Minifters feemed 
 to be animated with more Courage than had appeared hitherto. Of 
 this there is a Letter of Jewel's in the CoUedion. In the Beginning 
 of Augujiy it appears from another Letter in the Colleftion, that 
 
 Preachers
 
 Book \l. of the Church of England. 277 \ 
 
 Preachers were lent to many different Parts : " Many Northern Coun- i 559- ; 
 
 " ties were affigned to Sands, yeivel had a large Province ; he was ^— ""v -> • 
 
 " to make a Circuit of about 700 Miles, through JStV/^vVc, Ghiiccf- ; 
 
 " ferfiire^ SoTnerJctJI:ire, De-oonjliire, Corntvall, DorfetJJ.Hrc, and Wilt- i 
 
 " JJnre. The Popifi Bifhops made a very poor Addrefs to the Queen, 
 " perfuading her not to change the State of Religion, to which flie i 
 
 " anfwered very refolutely : And they, rather than Abjure the Pope '' 
 
 " once more, which thev had often done before, were refolved now 
 " to relinquifli their Bilhopricks. It was plain they had no Religion j 
 
 " among them ; yet now they pretended Confcience. They were full 
 " of Rage, and one of the Artifices they ufed at that Time to keep ; 
 
 " the People from receiving the Reformation, was the giving out of 
 " Prophecies, that this Change would be fliort-lived. Howfoever ] 
 
 " the Qyeen had Courage : So he thanks God for the State to which 'i 
 
 " their Affairs were then brought. Matters went well in Scotland ^ 
 " Knox was preaching in many Places of the Country w^ell guarded ; 
 " the Monafferies were every-where pulled down, and all the Super- 
 " ftitious Stuff that was in them, was deltroyed. The Young jKing 
 " of France took among his Titles, both England and Scotland. He : 
 
 " underftood it was defigned to make himfelf Bifliop of Salijlitrji '■ 
 
 *' but he was pofitively refolved to decline it." In the Letters fent me \ 
 
 from Zurick, I find none of Griitdall's on this Occafion : But Mr. i 
 
 Strype in his Life has informed the World, that Grindall, when he ^ 
 
 knew he was defigned to be a Bifhop, wrote to Peter Martyr for his 
 Opinion in fevcral Matters. I fhall give you the Subflance of his Let- 
 ter : " He did not approve of the Queen's taking away the Eftates ;■ 
 " of the Bifliopricks, and giving them Parfonages inftead of them : 
 " He thought this was the Patrimony of the Inferior Clergy ; fo he ; 
 " did not fee how they could be fupplied, if thefe were given to the 
 " Biffiops. He had alfo a Doubt concerning the Popifli Veflments : 
 " At another Time he aiTced his Advice, whether the Popifh Priefts, ^ 
 " upon their changing again, fliould be received and continued in 
 " their Fun<flions ? Or whether fuch of them as had been concerned ■ 
 " in the late Cruelty, ought not to be profecuted for that ?" < 
 To all this Peter Martyr &n(\vcvtdL, " That for the taking away PeurMarijrs \ 
 " the Bifliops Eftates, and giving them Parfonages for them, they Advices to j 
 " could neither hinder, nor help it : But they ought out of them 
 " to fupport the Clergy, that laboured in thofe Parifhes : For the j 
 " Habits, he confeffed he did not love them : For while he was a | 
 " Canon in Oxford, he never would ufe the Surplice. He thought 
 '• they ought to do what they could to get them to be laid afide ; 
 " but that if that could not be done, he thought he might do more i 
 " Good even in that Particular, by fubmitting to it, and accepting a 
 " Biflioprick, v/hich might give him an Intereft to procure a Change i 
 " afterwards. As for the Popilh Priefts, he advifed the forgiving I 
 " all that was pall: ; and the receiving them according to the Prac- ! 
 " tice of the Primitive Church, in the Return of the Arians to the 
 " Orthodox Body. But they were to watch over them, and to in- 1 
 " ftruft and examine them with more Care." This Anfwer came too \ 
 late ; for Grindall was confecrated before he got it ; but it was, no ] 
 Vol. in. 4B doubt, i
 
 ,yS The Hijlory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1559. doubt, a great Satisfadlion to him, to find that a Perfon whom he 
 «--nr — ' efteemed lb highly, approved of the Refolution that he had taken : 
 In which it was probable Jewel's Opinion, of whom they had all a 
 high Efteem, might contribute to fettle him ; for though he difliked 
 the Ufe of thofe Veftments, and treats the Infixing lo much on it 
 with o-reat Contempt ; yet on the other Hand, he blames thofe who 
 laid too much Weight upon that Matter, and fo looked on it as a 
 Thing of more Importance than truly it was. 
 
 They all rejoyced in the happy Turn of Affairs then in Scotland, 
 the much greater Part of that Nation declaring themfelves openly, 
 and zealoully againft Popery. 
 The Begin- Here I fliall infert an Account concerning Scotland, of what hap- 
 ningsofthe ^e^l in the Reign of King Henry; but that came not to my Know- 
 ^^iTtiT. led?e, 'till the Imprefllon of this Volume was advanced to the Reign 
 mentofivs/- of Queen M7/-_)'. The 5<:o////6 Nation was fo well difpofed towards 
 ^""'- the Reformation, that immediately upon King James the Vth's Death, 
 
 which was in December 1541, there appeared a wonderful Inclination 
 among them to be better informed in Matters of Religion. Cardinal 
 Beaton to prevent this, had got a Will to be forged in the Name of 
 the deceafed King, conftltuting him Regent : But as that was difco- 
 vered to be a Forgery, fo the Nobility had no Regard to it, but owned 
 the Earl of Aran to be the Second Perfon in the Kingdom ; and that 
 he was next to the Young Queen, and the Heirs of her Body, the 
 Heir of the Crown. So they took the Oaths of Allegiance to the 
 (^iueen, as their Sovereign ; and to the Earl of Aran as their Go- 
 vernor till the Queen was of perfedl Age : And upon that the Cardinal 
 was fecured. 
 
 A Parliament was fummoned to meet in May 1542, in which the 
 Regency of the Earl of Aran was of new confirmed on the 13th of 
 May ; and all the Subjeds were required to obey him in all Things 
 pertaining to that Office, conform to the A6ls formerly made, which 
 were again ratified by that Parliament. They alfo ratified the Oaths 
 that had been taken to him by fome Lords Spiritual and Temporal j 
 and all who were prefent, were required to confirm thefe Oaths, by 
 Solemn Oaths in full Parliament j which they all did by the holding up 
 of their Right Hands, fwearing that they would be True and Obedient 
 to the Lord Governor, and ferve him with their Perfons, Kindred, 
 Friends, and Goods, and no other, during the Queen's Non-age. 
 
 On the 1 5th of May, they ordered an Authentick Publication to be 
 made of all they had done under the Great Seal ; and they all affixed 
 their Seals to the Inftrument made to confirm this Settlement. On 
 the fame Day a Council was named ; Six of thefe was the Number 
 that was at the leaft ncceffary to concur with the Governor. The 
 Cardinal was not one of them : The Archbifhop of Glafgow, who 
 was Lord Chancellor ; with the Bifliops of Aberdeen, Murray, Ork- 
 ney, Rofs, and Brichen ; and the Abbots of Diinfermlin, and Cow- 
 per, were for the Ecclefiaftical State. The Earls of Angus, Huntley^ 
 Murray, Argyle, Bothisoell, Marfiall, Cajfils, and Glencairn ; and 
 the Lords Erjkin, Riithuen, Maxwell, Seton, and Methuen, for the 
 Nobility ; with fome other Commoners of the Boroughs : After 
 
 whom,
 
 Book VI. of the Church of England. 279 \ 
 
 whom, the rreafarer, the Secretary, the Clerk of Regiiter, the ^S':,<^- \ 
 Jullice Clerk, and the Queen's Advocate are named. It Iccms thev * — v—- ' \ 
 intended that no Peers (hould be created, but with the Coacurrence 
 of the Parliament : For the Governor, with the Advice and Cohlent ■ 
 of the Eftates of Parliament, made the Lord Stewart of Ockilirx, a 
 Peer, to have Vote and Place in Parliament. In the fame Record I 
 mention is made of the Draught of an Aft offered by the Lord Max- 
 well, to the Lords of the Articles, in thefe Words. , 
 
 It is Jiatiite and ordained, that it JJja.U be lawful to all our Sove- ] 
 
 raigji Ladys Lieges, to have the Holy Writ of the New Tefaj/ie?;/ \ 
 
 and the Old, in the Vulgar Tongue, in Inglis or Scotts, oj a good -i 
 
 andtru Tranfation ; and that they Jloall incurre no Crime, for the hav- j 
 
 ing, or reding of the Jame. Provided always, that no Man difpute, I 
 
 or hold Opinions, under the Pains contained in the AlIs of Parlia- i 
 menf. 
 
 The Lords of Articles found this reafonable -, and thought, that j 
 
 the Bible might be ufed among all the Lieges of the Realm, in our j 
 
 Vulgar Tongue, of a good, true, and juft Tranflation ; becaufe there I 
 
 was no Law fliewed to the contrary. And therefore they agreed, : 
 that none fhould incur any Crime for having, or reading it, nor be ac- 
 
 cufed for it ; but added the Provifo, that was added to the Draught ' 
 
 offered to them. | 
 
 But the Archblfliop of Glafgow did, in his own Name, andTheUfeof 
 
 In the Name of all the Prelates of the Realm, that were prefent in .^^e Scriptures \ 
 
 _ ,. , , , n 1 1 • /- 11 T-. !• j-n- in the Vulgar 
 
 Parliament, when the Act came to be read mi full Parliament, aij/ent Tongnemwh 
 
 (fimpliciter) to it, as being One of the Three Eliates of the Parlia-°?V°^'^'^- ' 
 
 ment : And they opponed them thereto, unto the Time that a Provincial 
 
 Council might be had of all the Clergy of this Realm, to advife and 
 
 conclude thereupon \ if the fame be yieceffary to be had in the Vulgar | 
 
 Tongue, to be ifed atnong the ^leen's Lieges, or not ; and thereafter j 
 
 to JJjew the utter Determination, that Jljall be done in that Behalf \ 
 
 Upon this, he demanded an Inftrument to be made, according to the 1 
 
 Forms in that Kingdom. But notwithftanding this Oppofrtion, the i 
 
 A<ft paffed. For in the fame Record, there is an Order entred as ! 
 
 figned by the Governor, requiring the Clerk of Regifter, to caufe : 
 
 the Adls paffed in Parliament, to be proclaimed; And in fpecial, /^^ But granted; j 
 
 A(ft Jtiade for having the New Tef anient in Vidgar Tongue, with cer- j 
 
 tain Additions. In the Copy fent me, this bears Date the 1 9th of ' 
 
 March, but I believe it fliould be May ; fince the Matter was not be- ^ 
 
 fore the Parliament till May. I have fet down all this Matter, al- 
 
 moft in the Words of the Record of Parliament, that was fent ■ 
 
 me. ; 
 
 In the fame Record, the Inftrudlions are fet down, that were gi- ' 
 
 ven to the Ambaffadors, that were fent to Treat concerning the I 
 
 Queen's Marriage, with Edward, then Prince of Wales : In which ■ 
 
 it appears, that they thought it neceffary, if their Sovereign went \ 
 
 out of the Kingdom, even after She was of perfect Age, yet that , 
 
 the Governor of the Realm fhould continue to exercife his Authori- ; 
 
 ty all the Days of his Life : And that after his Death, the neareil ^ 
 
 Lawful Perfon of the Blood fliould fucceed to the faid Office, by a ; 
 
 I Large 1
 
 zSo The Hiflory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 3559. Large and Ample Commiirion ; of which, they order a Form to be 
 ^ — ~^ — -* devifed. 
 
 The free Ufe of the Scriptures, was a great Step to let the Nati- 
 on look into the Nature of the Chriftian Religion : And the Clergy 
 forefaw well the Confequences, that would naturally follow upon 
 it } fo it was no wonder, that this was oppofed fo zealoufly by them. 
 It was a great Piece of Forefight, to Secure the Nation, by having a 
 Governor with full Powers, flill refiding amongfl: them. In the fub- 
 fequent Treaty with France, there was not that Care nor Precaution 
 ufed : But at the Conclufion of the Marriage, the French proceeded in fo 
 perfidious a manner, as to give a Warning to all, who in future 
 Times fliould Treat with that Court. For on the 4th qI April 1558, 
 (a Fortnight before the Articles of the Marriage were fetded, which 
 was on the i9thof^r;7j the Young Queen being then but little 
 more than Fifteen, a Secret Adl was pafs'd ; In which, after She had 
 fet forth the Ancient Alliance between the Two Crowns, and the 
 Honourable Entertainment that She had received from the prefent 
 King of Fra7ice ; 
 A perfidious " She, to Confirm and Eflablifli the Affedtion between the Two 
 Proceeding of cc Kingdoms, and in order to Unite the Kingdom of Scotland to the 
 ?r«;^i"" °' " Crown of France, in cafe She fliould die without Heirs of her 
 " Body, had made fome Difpofitions in Favour of the Crown of 
 " France, which She intended fliould have their full Effedt : Yet 
 " She, by a Communication with the Deputies fent from Scotland, 
 " faw into the Secret Defigns of fome, who were prad:ifing to the 
 " Effed, that in Default of Heirs of her Body, the Crown fliould 
 " defcend to fome Lords of the Country j depriving her by that 
 " means, to her great Regret, of the Power of Difpofing of it. 
 " Yet fince She could not at that Time openly oppofe them for cer- 
 " tain jufl: Caufes of Fear ; and confidering that She was out of her 
 " Kingdom, and had no Strong Places in it at her own Difpofal j 
 " and that great Troubles might arife, if what fhe was then doing 
 " fliould be publickly known ; efpecially confidering the prefent 
 " War with the Kingdom of England : She therefore did proteft, 
 " that what Confent, or Agreement foever She fliould make to the 
 ■ " Articles and Infliraudions fent over by the States of her Kingdom, 
 " with Relation to the Succeflion, in cafe flie fliould die without 
 " Heirs of her Body ; She intended fl:ill, that the Difpofition then 
 " made in Favour of the Crown of France, fliould have its full 
 " and entire Effed:, notwithftanding any Agreement She had made, 
 " or fliould yet make, conform to thefe Infl:ru<Sions, as a Thing con- 
 " trary to her Will and Intention." Upon which. She demanded an 
 A&. from the Keeper of the Great Seal, Bertrandi, who was made a 
 Cardinal that Year. 
 Recueii des This Inftrumcut was figned by her, and by the Dauphin ; and is 
 ''''■'"^"''^°-^- printed in that Great CoUedtion of the Treaties of Fr^wr^, that was 
 ^ ^° ' publiflied Twenty Years ago. It opens a Scene of Treachery j that 
 
 how much foever the Defign was fufpeded, (as will appear by the 
 Paper, of which an Account will be given in the following Relation) 
 yet it was never certainly known, till they themfelves have made 
 
 their
 
 Book VI. of the Church of YM^2Si&, "281 
 
 their own Shame thus known to the World, But at this Time, this i CCO. 
 
 was fo carefully concealed, that Francis the lid fent a formal Obli- ' r—^ 
 
 gation under his great Seal j by which he bound himfelf to the 
 Duke of Cbatelheraidf, to maintain his Right df Succeeding to the 
 Crown of Scotland, in cafe the Queen fhould die without Heirs of 
 her own Body. The Original Obligation is ftill preferred in Hamod- 
 ton. The Queen's Secret A61 was as ill grounded in Law, as it w'as 
 perfidious in it felf : For certainly, what Power foever out* Princes, 
 with the Concurrence of their Parliaments, have to Limit the Suc- 
 ceflion to the Crown, our Princes themfelves cannot, by any pri- 
 vate Adl of their own, alter the Succeflion, or difpofe df it at Plea- 
 fure. But to return to that, which has led me into this Digreffion. 
 
 The Knowledge of Religion, that the free Ufe of the Scriptures 
 brought the Nation to, had fuch an effecft, that the Reformation was 
 every where defired ; and the Vices and Ignorance of the Popifh 
 Clergy, gave all People an Averfion to them. This was long con- 
 nived at even by the Queen Mother, during her Government : But 
 now that She thought all was fure. She threw off the Mafk, and 
 declared herfelf an open Enemy to thofe whom She had courted hi- 
 therto, . and feemed to favour. Upon this there was a great and a 
 fudderi' Turn. Popery was the Objedl of all Men's Hatred : The 
 Churches w'ere purged from Idolatry and Supefftition : The Mona- 
 fteries were broke into ; and many Afts of hot and irregular Zeal, 
 were complained of in all the Corners of the Kingdom. 
 
 One Thing is not a little .to the Honour of Knox, and his ¥o\-*NohU;umqui 
 lowers, in that Tumultuary Reformation, that the Multitude was (oHc^^fiasob- 
 governed, even amidft all that Popular Heat, that no Blood was ihtdLj/y'i",f„/X''ma' 
 and no Man was killed in it: Which being pofiitively delivered hy^''tasnonijire- 
 * LeJIey, Bifliop of i^^'^^, that muft be looked on as a Teftimony be-";j;°^;; 
 yond Exception. Caiholicos de 
 
 But fince the Affairs of Scotland have not hitherto been fo clearly ^'Y°"" ''* ^ 
 reprefcnted, as I find them ilated in fome Original Papers, that I i€\iiio,fauciores' 
 on in the Cotton Library ; I will give a full Account of them, as far ^""^'^^y «">"" 
 as thofe Papers do guide me. ^ Leflsusde 
 
 There is a long Reprefentation drawn tip, of the Breach of Faith, Rebus Scot. 
 and of the Violation of their Laws, during the Governmeut of the^" '°" 
 Queen Regent of Scotland : At the End of which, there is a Peti- 
 tion to the Queen, figned by the Great Lords of that Kingdom, in 
 which both Papifts and Proteftants concurred. And in order to ob- 
 tain that Concurrence, the Matters of Religion are not infifled on I 
 but the continued Courfe of a perfidious arid illegal Adminiftration,' 
 is charged on the Queen Dowager. So that from this it appears, 
 that the War was not begun, nor carried on upon the Account of 
 Religion, but upon the Pretence df Public and National Rights. I 
 have piit it in the Colledlion. ^"'f 
 
 " They begin it to lliew, that the Arms that they were forced '"" ' ^^' 
 " to fly to, was no Rebellion. They run the Matter back to the 
 " firft Propofition, for Carrying their Queen into France : Which, 
 " they fav, was obtained, partly by Corruption with Moneyj partly 
 ''by Authority, and partly by fair Promifes : Yet before that was 
 
 Vol. III. ^niA^u.,.. ,^.ci\. ^Q .v-^^^- •« agreed
 
 28z T'he Htftory of the Reformation Part lit. 
 
 1559. " agf eetl to a Treaty was made by the Parliament, and fworn to, 
 '• ^s well as ratifed by the Great Seals of the King, and Dauphin 
 " of France, That Scotland fliould be governed by their own Laws> 
 " and by the Nobility and People of Scotlatid : That all Offices 
 " Haould be given to them ; and. That no Garifons of the French 
 " fliould be admitted to Settle in the Kingdom. Great Pradlice was 
 " made after that, to bring the Parliament to confent, that their 
 " Queen fliould marry the Dauphin : And to obtain that, the Suc- 
 " ceflion to the Crown was declared to belong to the Duke of Cha- 
 " telhcrault and his Heirs, after the Heirs of the Queen's Body. 
 " New Oaths were then taken, and Charters given under the Great 
 " Seal of France, and under their Queen and the Dauphin's Seal, 
 " that Scotland fliould be governed by a Council of Natives : The 
 " Caflles were alfo to be put in fure Hands. Duplicates of thefe 
 ** ys^ere lodged in the Caftle of Edwhurgh, and with the Duke of 
 " Chatelhcrault . Upon this, an EmbafTy was fent to Frlince, of 
 *' Two Biflaops, Two Earls, and Four Lords j and the Marriage was 
 " concluded. They were upon that dealt with, to endeavour, that 
 " the Crown of Scotland might be given to the Dauphin. They 
 *' refufed to undertake that : and believed, that it could not be 
 *' brought about." The Word upon that was changed. And it was 
 defired only, that the Matrimonial Crown might be fent him ; 
 (which was afterwards explained in the Adt of Parliament that 
 granted it, that he fliould be King of ^c&//^Wduring Life.) " The 
 " Lords Were fuffered to return : But when they came to JDiep, Ond 
 " Bifliop, Two Earls, and Two Lords died in one Night. The 
 " Three that were left, came home much amazed, believing that the 
 *' others had been poifoned." 
 
 Here I muft add another Particular, relating to that Deputation. 
 In the Council-Book, that goes from ^r// 1554, to January i^S^i 
 that was caft by and negledled, many Leaves being cut out of it, 
 and was firft difcovered by a Nephew of mine, whom I defired to 
 fearch their Regifter for me ; it appears, that on the 13th of Decem- 
 ber 1557, there was a Tax laid on the Kingdom, to be paid in be- 
 fore Ea/ier, for the Expence of that EmbafTy, of j 5000 Pounds 
 Scots Money, that is 1250 /. Sterling ; which was to be Levied 
 by the fajaie Proportion that all the Taxes were then Levied ; of 
 which there are feveral Inftances in that Book : The One Half was 
 ^Levied on thp Spiritualty ; and Two Thirds of the other Half was 
 on Eftates in Land, and the other Third was Levied on the Bo- 
 roughs. This fliews, that the Eftates of the Spiritualty were then 
 reckoned, by a fettled Proportion, the full Half of the Kingdom. 
 The Perfons deputed were, the Archbifliop of Glafgow, the Bifliop 
 of Orkney, and the Prior of St. ^?idrews, (afterwards Earl of Mur- 
 ray) the Earl of CaJJiles and Rothes, and the Lord Flemi-ng ; with 
 the Provoft of Edinburgh, and of Montrofs. When I wonder'd how 
 fo fmall a Sum could anfwer the Expence of fo great an Embafly, 
 on fuch an Occafion ; he fliewed me, That either the Value of Mo- 
 ney, or, which is the fame Thing, the Value of Things to be pur- 
 chafcd by Money, is almoft incredibly changed now, in the Courfe 
 
 of
 
 Book VI. of the Church <?/' England. 283 
 
 of 160 Years ; of which he gave me this Inftance j the Tuh of Wine 155J9. 
 was then by Adl of ParHament to be Sold at 20 Livres ; or in Ster- 
 ling Monty, at I /. 13 J. 4^/. and in retaihng it, their Pint, which 
 is 4 Englifi Pints, was to be fold at 4 Farthings, their Peny having 
 6 Farthings ; fo that reducing this to EngliJJi Meafures, 3 Quarts of 
 Wine were to be fold at a Peny. This 1 thought was a fmall Di- 
 greflion, which the Reader would not be ill pleafed to find laid in 
 his Way. To return to the Scotch Memorial. 
 
 " The Queen Dowager took Two Methods to gain her Point : 
 ♦' The one was, to fhew Favour to all thofe who had received no 
 " Favour of the Duke during his Government, becaufe they were in 
 ** the Interefh of Etigland ; whereas he was at that Time in the In- 
 ** tereft of France : The other was, {lie offered them a Permiflion to 
 " live according to their Confcience in Religion ; in Conclufion, the 
 " Queen Dowager brought the Parliament to give the Matritnojiial 
 ** Crown to the Dauphin ; but with this Condition, that the Duke's 
 " Right fhould not be impaired by it." 
 
 When all this was obtained, riie Queen forgot all her Promifes i 
 " She began with the greateft of the Scoftijh Lords then in Office j 
 " the Earl of Htintly, who was then Lord Chancellor, and the Duke's 
 " particular Friend : She took the Great Seal from him, and gave it 
 " to one Rubay, a French Advocate : She alfo put the Earl of Huntly 
 " in Prifon, and fet a great Fine on him, and left him only the Name 
 " of Chancellor. She made another Frenchman Comptroller, who had 
 " the Charge of the Revenue of the Crown : And {lie put all Scotch- 
 " 7nen out of the Secrets of the Council, committing thefe only to 
 ." Frenchmen. She kept in feveral Places Garifons oi Frenchmen, who 
 ^' lived on Difcretion. She gave them no Pay. She fent the Revenue 
 " of the Crown to France; and brought over fome bafe Money that 
 " was decried in France, and made it current in Scotland. She alfo 
 " fet up a Mint for coining bafe Money, with which {he paid the 
 •' Soldiers. She tried to get the Caftle of Edinburgh into her Hands, 
 " but that failed her. She gave fuch Abbeys as fell void, to French- 
 " rneni as to her Brother the Cardinal of Guife, and others : And for 
 " the Space of Three Years, fhe kept all that fell void in her own 
 " Hands, except fuch as were of any Value ; and thefe fhe beflowed 
 " on Frenclmien. Nor did {lie ever follow the Advice of thofe Lords, 
 " who upon her firft entring upon the Government, were named to 
 " be of the Council. Many Interce{rions were made to her upon 
 " thefe Proceedings, by the Nobility : Sometimes Companies of them 
 " joined together ; and fometimes they applied to her more privately, 
 " for they forefaw that they could not be born long. 
 
 The Queen Dowager fet herfelf next to a Pradice, which of 
 " all others was both the mo{l: Dangerous, and the moft Di{honour- 
 " able, to fet afide the Duke and his Houfe : Pains was taken to en- 
 " gage the Lord 'James, and other Lords in it, who had no Friend- 
 " {liip for the Duke ; to whom the Queen Dowager promifed that 
 " {he would bear with their Devotion in Religion, if they would 
 " join with her againft the Duke, in Favour of the French. This 
 ♦' encouraged them to do thofe Things, by whieh tliey incurred the 
 
 ** Cenfuress
 
 '284 ^^^ Htftory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1559. " Cenfures of the Church ; and were by Reafon of a Law not much 
 " known, brought in Danger of the Guilt of Treafon : So Prccels 
 " was ordered againfi them : And upon that, the C^en Dowager 
 " tempted them to engage in the Vrench Intereft : But that not pre- 
 " vailing, they were declared Traytors. The reft of the Nobilityi 
 " being alarmed at this, the Qiieen Dowager brought out her french 
 " Garifons, and difpofed of their Eftates, and entered into St, John-^ 
 " Town, in a WarUke Manner : She changed the Magiftrates, and 
 " left a Garrifon in the Town. The Whole Nation was ailarmed 
 " at this, and were coming togedier in great Numbers. But (lie not 
 '^- having Force enough to conquer the Nation, fent for the Duke; 
 " and the Earl of Hwitly, and employed them to quiet the Country ; 
 *' promifing that every Thing fhould be redreifed in a Parliament that 
 " fliould be held next Spring, with many other more particular Pro- 
 " mifes : Upon this Affurance, thefe Lords quieted the Country; 
 *^ While this was a doing,, the Duke's Eldeft Son being then in 
 '* France, was fent for to Court, but he had fecret Advertifcments 
 " fent him, that it was refolved to proceed againft him to the utmoft 
 " "Extremity for Herefy : Upon which he kept out of tlie Way, 'till- 
 " an Order was fent to bring him in Dead or Alive : Upon that he 
 " made his Efcape ; but they feized on a Younger Brother of his,, of 
 " the Age of 15, and put him in Prifon. ^ ,^ ■> 
 
 " In Scotla)id the Nobility had feparated themfelves, trufting to 
 " the Faith that the Duke had given them, that all Things fhould be 
 " kept quiet 'till the Parliament. But fome Companies coming out 
 " of France to Leith, the Queen Dowager ordered that Town to be 
 " fortified, and put 22 Enfigns of Foot, with one Troop of Horfe 
 " in it. The Nobility upon that charged the Duke with Breach of 
 "Faith, who could do no more but prefs the Queen to forbear ta 
 **' give fuch Caufe of Jcaloufy ; but all was to no Purpofe. The 
 *' Town was fortified ; all the Ammunition fhe had, was carried into 
 " it, and the French continued ftill to be fending over more Forces. 
 " The Duke, with the Nobility, reprefented to the C^een Dowager, 
 " that it was now plain fhe defigned a Conquefi: : But flie defpifed 
 " all their Requefts, for by this Time the French thought they were 
 " lb ftrong, that they reckoned it would be a fhort Work to fubdue 
 " Scotland. There were but Two or Three mean Lords, Bothwell, 
 " and Seaton, that kept Company with the Queen Dowager j yet 
 " even thefe fignified to their Friends, that their Hearts were with 
 " their Countrymen : Upon all this, the Duke, with tlie reft of- 
 " the Nobility, and with the Barons, and BurgefTes of the Realm, 
 " feeing an Imminent Danger to the Whole Nation, and no Hope 
 *' of Remedy at her Hands, began deeply to confider the State of 
 " the Kingdom : Their Sovereign Lady was married to a ftrange 
 " Prince out of the Realm, and wholly in the Hands of Frenchmen j 
 " without any Council of her own Natural People j add they con- ■ 
 " fidered the Mortality of her Hufband, or of herfelf without Iflue. 
 " The Queen Dowager, Sifter to the Houfe that ruled all in France^ 
 perfifted in ruining the Liberties of her Daughter the Queen's 
 Subjects, on Defign to knit that Kingdom for ever to France -, •■ 
 ---'■■■ «. and 
 
 «
 
 Book VI. of the Church of England. 285 
 
 / and fo to execute the Old Malice of the French on the Crown of 1559. 
 ' England, of which they had already affumed the Title. 
 
 " They upon all thefe Grounds were conllrained to conftitute a 
 " Council, for the Government of the Kingdom, and for the Ufe of 
 " their Sovereign, to whom they had fignified the Sufpenfion of the 
 " Queen Dowager's Authority ; maintaining, that being fore op- 
 " prefled with French Power, they had, as natural Subjefts, fuftici- 
 " ent Strength for that ; tho' they are not able to ftand againft the 
 " Power of France^ but partly for the Right of their Sovereign j and 
 " partly for the Antient Rights of the Crown, they have been forced 
 " to fpend their Whole Subftance ; yet they cannot longer preferve 
 " themfelves from being conquered by the Power fent over from 
 " France ; a greater Force being promifed to be fent next Spring. 
 " They therefore lay the Whole Matter before the Queen of Eng- 
 " land\ Miniflers then upon their Borders ; and commit their Caufe 
 " to her Protection ; defiring nothing but that their Country may 
 " be preferved from France, together with the Rights of their Sove- 
 " reign, and of the Whole Nation." 
 
 To this they add a Petition, " That the Numbers of French Sol- 
 " diers then within the Kingdom, might be removed fpeedily ; that 
 " fo they might Live quietly, and be fuffered to offer to the King 
 " and Queen fuch Articles as were necefiary for the Peace and Good 
 " Government of the Kingdom, without Alteration of their Antient 
 " Liberties :" This was figned by the Earl of Aran, as he was then 
 called, but that was his Father's Title ; for he had no Higher 
 Title in Scotland: The Son therefore figned James Hamilton., It 
 was alfo figned by the Earls of Argyle and Glencairn ; by Lord 
 James, afterwards created Earl of Murray ; and by the Lords Boyd, 
 TJchiltry, Maxwell, and Ruthen ; and by a Son of the Earl of Himt- 
 ley's ; and a Son of the Earl of Athol's ; both thefe Families being at 
 that Time Papifts. And thus by the Tenor of this Whole Paper, it 
 appears that Religion was not pretended to be the Caufe of the War, 
 Upon the fufpending the Authority of the Queen Regent, I will 
 here add a particular Refleftion, which will fhew what Archbifhop 
 Spot/wood's Senfe was, when he firfl: wrote his Hiftory of that Tranf- 
 adion. He g've; an Account of the Opinion that Willcck and Ktiox 
 delivered, when they were called and required to give it, which they 
 did in Favour of that Sufpenfion : For which he Cenfures the Opini- 
 on it fsif, in thefe Words. Howbeit the Power of the Magiftrate be li- 
 mited, and their Office prefcribed by God, and that they may likewife 
 fall into great Offences ; yet it is 720 where permitted to SubjeBs to call 
 their Princes in ^efion ; or to make hifurreSlion c^gainjl them. God 
 having refcrved the Pimijhnent of Princes to himfelf. Yet in a fair 
 Manufcript of that Hiltory, written 'With great Care, as for the Prefs, 
 this Whole Period was firft penned quite in another Strain ; Allowing 
 the States of the Kingdom a Right to refrain their Prince, when he 
 breaks through Rules ; only ce?ifuring Clergymens meddling in thofe Mat- 
 ters : This is fcored thro', but fo that it is flill legible, and Spotf- 
 laood iiiterlined with his own Hand the Alteration ; according to 
 which, his Book was printed. This Manufcript belonged to me, 
 V'oL. III. 4D and
 
 28 6 The Hiflory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1559. and 42 Years ago, I prefented it to the Duke of Lauderdale^ and 
 ^•-"v— — ' {lie wed him that Paffage, on which he made great Refledtion. I can- 
 not find out in whofe Hands that Manufcript is fallen ; but whofo- 
 ever has it, will, I hope, juftify me in this Particular ; for the' I 
 am not fure, as to the Words, yet I am very fure they are to this 
 Purpofe. 
 
 When this Reprefentation and Petition was brought to the Queen, 
 Cecil drew up a State of the Matter, which will be found in the Col- 
 le(5lion ; putting this as the Queftion, Whether it was meet that England 
 ^ r, Ai ; /hoiild help Scotland to expel the French, or not ? For the Negative he 
 54.. " lays, It was againlt God s Law, to Aid anybubjects againlt theu•JNa- 
 
 *' tural Prince, or their Miniflers : It was alfo Dangerous to do it : 
 " For an Aid fecretly given, would be to no Purpofe: And an Aid 
 " publickly given, would draw on a War : And in that Cafe the 
 " French would come to any Compofition with the Scots, to join with 
 " them againft England: Since they will confent to any Thing, ra- 
 " ther than fuffer Scotland to be united to the Crown of England : 
 " He adds. It may alfo be apprehended that the Emperor, the King 
 " of Spain^ the Pope, and the Duke of Savoy, with the Potentates 
 " of Italy, will join with the French King, rather than fuffer thefe 
 " Two Kingdoms to be joined in one ?vlanner of Religion ; and many 
 " within both Kingdoms will not approve of this. But in Oppofition 
 " to all this, he concludes for affifting the Scots. 
 
 *' He lays it down for a Principle, that it is agreeable to the Laws 
 " of God, and of Nature, that every Prince and State fhould defend 
 " it feJf ; not only from Perils that are feen, but from thofe that may 
 " probably come after : To which he adds, that Nature and Reafon 
 " teach every Perfon Politick, or otlier, to ufe the fame Manner of 
 " Defence, that the Adverfary ufeth of Offence. Upon thefe 
 " Grounds, he concludes that England might, and ought to aflift the 
 *' Scots to keep out the French : And fo earnefl was that great Statef- 
 " man in this Matter, that he profecutes it very copioully. 
 
 " His firft Reafon is that which the Scots would never admit, but 
 " he might think it proper to offer it to an Englifi Council ; that 
 " the Crown oi Eiigland had a Superiority over Scotland, fuch as 
 " the Emperor had over Bohemia, or Milan. He next fliews that 
 " England mufl: be in great Danger from the French, if they became 
 " the abfolute Maflers of Scotla?id. Upon this he runs out to fhew 
 " that the French had been long Enemies to E?igland ; that they had 
 , *' been falfe, and double in all their Treaties with them thefe 700 
 
 " Years : And that the lafl Peace was forced from them by their 
 " Poverty. That France could not be Poor above Two Years ; nor 
 " could it be long without War; befide the Hatred that the Houfe 
 " of Guife, who then governed the French Councils, bore to Eng- 
 " land. They call in Queflion the Queen's Title, and fet up their 
 " own againft it ; and at the Treaty of Catnbray, they fet that Pre- 
 " tenfion on Foot ; but it was then ftoptby the Wifdom of the Con- 
 " ftable; yet they ufed Means at Rome, to get the Queen to be de- 
 ,'f clared Illegitimate : Upon which the Bull was brought into France : 
 " And at the Solemnities, in which the King was killed, the Arms 
 
 " of
 
 Book VI. of the Church of England. 287 
 
 " of England and Ireland were joined with the Qiieen of Scots Anns. 1 559- ~ I 
 
 " The prefent Embroihnent in Scotland, is the Stop that now re- * v—- *J \ 
 
 " flrains them from carrying thefe Pretcnfions further : But as foon j 
 
 " as they can, they will certainly fet them on foot : And the Af- \ 
 
 " faulting England by the way of Scotland is fo ealy, that it is not j 
 " poffible to avoid it, but by Stopping the Progrefs of that Conqueft. 
 
 " A War by the way of Scotland, puts France in no Danger, tho' it ' 
 
 '• Ihould miicarry ; but England is in the utmoft Danger, if it fliould ' 
 
 " fucceed. He concludes. That as-the Matter was of the laft Im- j 
 " porttnce, fo no Time was to be loft ; fmce the Prejudice, if too 
 " long delayed, would be irrecoverable." 
 
 What further Steps were made in the fecret Debating of this Pointj i 
 
 does not appear to me, but by the Conclufion of the Matter. For ' 
 the Queen fent Forces, under the Command of the Duke of No7-~ 
 
 folk, to tlie Borders of Scotland: What followed upon that, is fet \ 
 
 out fully in the Common Fliftorians, and from them in my former 1 
 
 Work. I 
 
 But a Copy of the Bond of AfTociation, into which the Lords and ' 
 
 others in Scotland entered, (the Original of which remains ftill in | 
 
 the PofTelfion of the Dutchefs of Hamilton) will fet out more parti- ; 
 cularly the Grounds that they went on. It is in the CoUediion : Ci/A A»«^. 
 And it fets forth, " That they promifed faithfully, and in the Pre- 55- 
 
 *' fence of God, that they would, to the utmoft of their Power, fet ; 
 
 " forward the Reformatien of Religion, according to God's Word j j 
 
 " that the true Preaching of it, might have a free PafHige thro' the ' 
 
 *' whole Kingdom ; together with the Adminiftration of the Sacra- ' 
 
 " ments. And that they, confidering the Mifbehaviour of the French \ 
 
 " among them, and the intolerable Oppreflion of the Poor by their ; 
 " Soldiers, maintained by the Queen Dowager, under Colour of Au- 
 
 " thority, together with the Tyranny of their Captains, and the ma- 1 
 
 " nifeft Danger of becoming their Conqueft, to which they were I 
 
 " thcH reduced, by Fortifications on the Sea-Coaft, and other At- ' 
 
 " tempts } do promife to join with the Queen of England's Army, , 
 
 " then come in to their Affiftance, for driving out thofe their Op- j 
 
 " preflbrs, and for Recovering their Ancient Liberty ; fo that they 1 
 
 " may be ruled by the Laws and CTuftoms of their Country, and i 
 
 " by the Natives of the Kingdom, under the Obedience of the King i 
 
 " and Queen their Sovereign. And they promife, that they fliall ! 
 
 " hold no private Intelligence with their Enemies, but by the Advice i 
 " of the reft, or at leaft of Five of their Number. And that they 
 " ftiall profecute this Caufe, as if it were the Caufe of every one of 
 
 " them in particular ; and hold all who withftand it, as their Ene- i 
 
 " mies ; and that they will profecute them as fuch, according to the j 
 
 " Orders of the Council ; to whom they refer the Diredion of the : 
 " whole Matter, promifing in all Things to fubmit to their Arbltra- 
 " tion." 
 
 This was firft fubfcribed at Edinburgh on the 27th of April, in I 
 
 the Year 1 560 % and is Signed by the Duke of Chatelherault, the j 
 
 Earls o^ Aran, Himlly, Argyle, Mortoune, and fome others, whofe j 
 
 Hands are u&t legible j and by the Lords Salton, Riithen, Boyd, | 
 
 Ogilby, ■
 
 288 I'he Hi/lory of the Reformatiojt Part III. 
 
 ^559- ^l^^hi Vcbikre, the Abbot of Kin 'of s, and the Commendator of Ki/- 
 
 ^— — V -' lijimuny : About 140 more Subfcrlbed it. This was the Bond that 
 
 was Signed by thofe, who were at that Time at Edhiburgh : And it 
 is probable, that many other Bonds of the fame Nature were Signed 
 about the fame Time, in other Parts of the Kingdom ; but they 
 have not been fo carefully preferved, as this has been. The Earl of 
 liuntly, tho' he continued ftill a Papift, figning it, fliews, that either 
 the ill Ufage he had met with from the Queen Dowager, had fhaken 
 him in his Religion, or that Provocation and Interefts were then 
 flronger in him than his Principles. But I leave my Conjeftures, to 
 go on with the Hiftory. 
 The greateft On the 2d of November, yeivel being returned from the Circuit, 
 Suplrftftionin^^^"'*^^ ^^ "^^^^ ordered to make, wrote, (in a Letter to Peter Martyr, 
 Queen M«;ys to be found in the Colledlion) " That the People were much better 
 Reign. u tlifpofed to the Gofpel, than it was apprehended they could be : 
 
 Coll. Numb. <t I3uj he adtis, that Superflition had made a moll: extraordinary Pro- 
 ^ ■ *' grefs in Queen Mary's fliort Reign. The People were made be- 
 
 *' lieve, they had in many Places Pieces of the true Crofs, and of the 
 " Nails, with which Chrifl: was crucified : So that the Cathedral 
 " Churches were Dens of Robbers ; and none were more violent and 
 " obftinate, than thofe who had been before of their Body ; as if, 
 " by that, they would juflify their Falling off from them. They 
 ■*' had turned them all out. Harding went away, and would not 
 " change again. Smith, who had been a violent Oppofer of Peter 
 " Martyr in Oxford, fled towards Scotland; But was taken on the 
 " Borders, and brought back ; and had abjured a Fifth Time, and 
 *' was then become a violent Enemy to the Papifts." In another Let- 
 ter he tells him, " Smith was married; and that being hated and de- 
 " fpifed by all Sides, he was forced to keep a Publick Houfe." 'Jewel 
 wrote, " That if they had more Hands, Matters would go well : But 
 " it was hard to make a Cart go without Horfes. He was glad to hear 
 " Peter Martyr was fent for. But he owns he had his Fears fWl, 
 " that tho' Things were begun well, they would not end fo well." 
 He adds, " We are Iflanders in all Refpe£ls. Oxford wanted him ex- 
 " tremely. The Queen was then Courted, both by the King of Swe- 
 *' derr, and by Charles of Jlu/Iria." It was then given out, that Sweden 
 was full of Mines of Gold, and only wanted Skill and Induflry to 
 work them : But he writes, " Perhaps the Queen meant to marry 
 " one nearer at Hand : " (He gives no other Hint in that Letter, to 
 let it be underflood of whom he meant : probably it was Pickering ; 
 as appears in another Letter.) He concludes, " That tho' Religion 
 " did make a quick Progrefs in Scotlatid, yet that the French did not 
 " defpair of bringing that Kingdom back to their Obedience, and of 
 " Reftoring their Religion in it." 
 _, ^ ^ On the fame Day he wrote to Simler, who had congratulated him 
 
 of Biihops upon the News they had of his being to be promoted to a Bifliop- 
 leflened, that ^ick. He wrote, " That there was yet nothing but a Nomination 
 mored'nfgent " °f h^wn. He adds, We hope our Bifliops fhall be Paftors, Labour- 
 in their Duty. " ers, and Watchmen. And that they may be better fitted for this, 
 " the Great Riches of Bifhopricks are to be diminillied, and to be 
 
 " reduced
 
 Book VJ. of the Church of England. 2,89 
 
 *' reduced to a certain Mediocrity : That fo being delivered from that i rrg, 
 " King-like Pomp, and the Noiiinefs of a Courtly Family, they may ^— '<— u 
 " live in greater Tranquillity, and may have more Leifure to take 
 " care of Chrill's Flock with due Attention." 
 
 On the 5th of November, he wrote, "That he found Debates Co//. AW^. 
 " raifed concerning the Veftments, which he calls the Habit of the Lv „ „ . 
 " Stage, and wilhcs they could be freed from it. He lays, they nion^of the' 
 " were not wanting to fo good a Caufe : But others feemed to love Difputes con 
 " thofe Things, and to follow the Ignorance of fome Priefts, who Veftments.^ 
 " were ftupid as Logs of Wood, having neither Spirit, Learning, 
 " nor Good Life to commend them ; but ftudicd to recommend 
 " themfelves by that Comical Habit ; while no Care was taken of 
 " Learning, or of Breeding up of Youth. They hoped to ftrike the 
 " Eyes of the People with thofe ridiculous Trifles. Thefe are the 
 " Relicks of the Amorites : That cannot be denied. He wifhes, that 
 " at fome Time or other, all thefe may be taken away and extirpat-^ 
 " ed, to the very deepeft Roots. He complains of a Feeblenefs in 
 " the Councils : They Hill talked of bringing ikf^r/jr over ; but he 
 " feared, that we looked too much toward Saxofiy, to exped: that. 
 " Some among them, he fays, were fo much fet on the Matter of 
 " the Habits, as if the Chriftian Religion confifted in Garments : 
 " But we (fays he) are not called to the Confultations concerning 
 " that Scenical Apparel : He could fet no Value on thofe Fopperies. 
 " Some were crying up a Golden Mediocrity; he was afraid it would 
 " prove a Leaden one." 
 
 On the J 6th of November he wrote, in a Letter to be found in the Coll. Numt. 
 Colledion, "That the Dodtrine was everywhere purely preached. ^^gQ^^gj^ 
 '* There was in many Places too much Folly, concerning Ceremonies kept a Cm-. 
 " and Mafks. The Crucifix continued ftill in the Queen's Chapeh g^^ '" ^" 
 " They all fpake freely againft it, but till then without eftedt. There *^* ' 
 " was a fecret Piece of worldly Policy in this, which he did not 
 " like. He complains of the uncertain, and Ifland-like State of their 
 " Affairs : All was loofe at prefent. He did not fee in what they 
 " would fettle ; and did not know, but he fhould be obliged to re- 
 " turn back to Zurich again." 
 
 In December and 'January the Confecration of the Bifhops came on, Bifhops con^ 
 But here a Stop lies in my way. For fome Months, the Thread of ^^"^'^^• 
 the Letters to Zurich, by which I have been hitherto guided, is dif- 
 continued. At this Time, an Ambaffador came over from ■Fi?^^?'^^«^ The Emperor 
 the Emperor, with Letters dated the i \\}i\ oi February 1560, propof- propofes to 
 ing a Match between his Son, Arch-Duke Charles, and the Queen. |^^j^","jf 
 He had writ of it to her before, but thought fit to follow thefe Let- his Son 
 ters with a formal Embally. The Originals are yet extant. The c/^arks. 
 Queen wrote an Anfwer in Form, and figned it : But, it feems, that gI/II, u.' 
 was, on fome Confiderations, not thought fit to be fent : For the Ori- ^a//^^. Numh. 
 ginal is in the Paper-Office. It will be found in the CoUedlion. 59. 
 
 " The Queen wrote. That examining her own Sentiments in that she excufe» 
 " Matter very carefully. She did not perceive any Inclination to change herfelf. 
 " her Solitary Life ; but found herfelf more fixed to continue ftill 
 ♦' in it. She hoped the Emperor would favourably receive, and 
 
 Vol. III. 4 E ** rightly
 
 290 'The Hiftory of the Reformation Part IlL 
 
 A Conference 
 concerning 
 the Queen's 
 Crucifix. 
 
 Coll. Numb. 
 60. 
 
 " rightly underftand what She wrote to \\\m. It might indeed feenl 
 " ftrange, confidering her Age and her Circumftanccs : But this was 
 " no new Refolution, nor taken up on the fudden, but was the ad- 
 " hering to an old fetded Purpofe. There had been a Time, in 
 " which her accepting fome Honourable Propolitions, might have 
 " delivered her out of very great Dangers and Troubles : On which 
 " She would make no other Reflexions, but that neither the Fear of 
 " Danger, nor Defire of Liberty, could then move her, to bring 
 " her Mind to hearken to them. She will not, by a plain Refufal, 
 " feem to offend him ; yet She cannot give Occafion, by any of her 
 " Words, to make him think, that She accepts of that, to whicli She 
 " cannot bring her Mind and Will." Dated the 5th of January 
 1559, Signed, Your Majefty's Good Sifter and Coulin, Elizabeth: 
 Counterfigned, Rog. Aj'cham. 
 
 The firft Letter ci Jewel's, after his Confecration, is on the 4th of 
 
 The Zeal in 
 
 finging 
 
 Pfalms, 
 
 February 1560. It is in the Colledion. He tells Peter- Martyr, 
 "■ they were then engaged in the Queftion about the Lawfulnefs of 
 " having Images in Churches, (which he calls Lis Crucularia.) It 
 " could fcarce be believed to what a Degree of Folly fome Men, who 
 " were thought to have a right Judgment of Things, were carried in 
 " that Matter. There was not one of all thofe whom he knew, that 
 " was drawn to be of that Mind, befides Cox. There was to be a 
 " Conference concerning it the Day following. Parker and Cox on 
 " the one hand, and Grindall and he on the other hand, were to de- 
 " bate it in the Hearing of fome of the Council : He could not but 
 " laugh within himfelf, when he thought what grave and folid Rea- 
 " fonings would be brought out on this Occafion. He was told, 
 " that it was refolved on to have Crucifixes, of Silver or Tin, fet up 
 " in all Churches ; and that fuch as would not obey this, would be 
 " turned out of their Bifliopricks : If that was true, he would be 
 " no longer a Bifliop. White, B'ldwp of Winche/ler, Oglethorp of Car- 
 " lijle. Bain of Coventry and Litchfield, and Tonjlal of Durefme, were 
 " lately dead." In another he writes, " That Bo?ier was fent to the 
 " 'Tower, and that he went to fee fome Criminals that were kept there, 
 " and called them his Friends and Neighbours : But one of them an- 
 " fwered. Go, you Beaft, into Hell, and find your Frie?ids there ; 
 " for we are none of them. I killed but one Man upon a Provoca- 
 " tion, and do truly repent of it ; but you have killed many Holy 
 " Perfons, of all forts, without any Provocation from them, and are 
 " hardncd in your Impenitence." 
 
 On the 5th of March he writes, " That a Change appeared now 
 " more vifible among the People. Nothing promoted it more than 
 " the Inviting the People to Sing Pfalms. That was begun in one 
 " Church in London, and did quickly fpread itfelf not only thro' the 
 " City, but in the Neighbouring Places : Sometimes at Paul's Crofs, 
 there will be 6000 People Singing together. This was very grie- 
 vous to the Papifts ; The Children began to laugh at the Priefls, 
 as they pafled in the Streets ; and the Bifliops were called Hangmen 
 " to their Faces. It was faid. White died of Rage. He commends 
 f Cecyl much." 
 
 Sands, 
 
 i(
 
 Book VI. of the Church o/' England. 291 
 
 Sands, Bifhop of JVorccftcr, wrote in a Letter on the i{\: of ^pril, 1560. 
 
 1560, which win be found in the Collection, " That after he returned •- — v ' 
 
 " from executing the Injundions and Preaching in the Norib, he 5";^'.;^f^^°P 
 
 " was prefTed to accept of the Billioprick of /i^orff/ft'r ; He law if hft mu^h offend'- 
 
 " abfokitely refufed it, the Queen would have been highly offended, f'^^'^ '^^ 
 
 *' He found it more truly a Burden, than an Honour. The Do£lrine (^efn's"cha- 
 
 " of the Sacrament was pure, to which he and his Brethren were re- P^'- 
 
 " folved to adhere firmly, as long as they lived. There was yet a 5^/ "'" ' 
 
 " Queftlon concerning Images : The Queen thought that was not 
 
 " contrary to the Word of God, and it feemed convenient to have a 
 
 " Crucifix, with the BlefTed Virgin, and Saint "John, ftill in her 
 
 " Chapel. Some of them could not bear this : We had, fays he, 
 
 " according to our Injundions taken away all the Images that we 
 
 " found in Churches, and burned them. We fee Superflitious Peo- 
 
 " pie plainly Worfliip this Idol : Upon this, he had fpoken freely to 
 
 " the Queen ; with that fl:ie was fo difpleafed as to threaten to de- 
 
 " prive him : She was fince that Time more foftned, and the Images 
 
 " were removed : But the Popifli Veftments were ftill ufed ; yet he 
 
 *' hoped that {liould not lafh long. He laments much that Feter 
 
 " Martyr was not fent for. It was eafy to guefs what it was that bin- I 
 
 " dred it; it was the Pretence of Unity, that gave Occafion to the 
 
 " greatefl; Divifions. 
 
 P ar khmjl c'xmc into England in the End of the Year 1559. He 
 went to his Church oiClcvc in Gloucejlerjhire, and kept out of the 
 Way of the Court. He writes, that many Bifhops would be glad to 
 change Conditions with him. He heard he had been named to a 
 Bifhoprick, but he had dealt earneftly with fome Great Men to fpare 
 him in that : When he came through London, both Parker, and a 
 Privy Councellor, had prefled him to accept of one, but he could not 
 relolve on being Mifcrable. 
 
 Sampfon had been with the other Divines at Zurich, and was Sampfinh Ex- 
 reckoned by them both a Learned, and a Pious Man : While he was ^^?'[!°'Jf ^^ 
 coming to England with the reft, he was informed that a Bifhoprick made a 6i- 
 was defigned for him ; fo he wrote while he was on his Journey to f^op- 
 Peter Martyr for his Advice, as will be found in the CoUeftion, (32. ' 
 " in this, whether it was lawful to fwear to the Queen, as Supreme 
 *' Head of the Church under Chrifl. He thought Chrift was the 
 " Sole Head of the Church, and no fuch Expreffion of any Inferior 
 " Head was found in the Scripture. He thought likewife, that the 
 " want of Difcipline made that a Bifhop could not do his Duty. 
 " Many Temporal PrefTures lay upon Bifhops, fuch as Firft Fruits 
 " and Tenths, befide the Expence of their Equipage and Attendance 
 " at Court : So that litde was left for the Breeding up of Youth, for 
 " the Relief of the Poor, and other more neceffary ^Occafions to 
 " make their Miniftry acceptable. The whole Method of eledling 1 
 
 " Bifliops was totally different from the Primitive Inftitution. The \ 
 
 " Confent either of the Clergy, or People, was notfo much as afked. , 
 
 " Their Superftitious Drefs feemed lilcewife unbecoming : He wrote I 
 
 *' all this only to him, not that he expected that a Biflioprick fhould 
 " be offered him, he prayed God that it might never happen. He i 
 
 " was refolved to apply himfelf to preach, but to avoid having any \ 
 
 " fliare \
 
 292 "the Hiftory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1560. 
 
 Coll. Numb. 
 
 " {Ivare in the Government, 'till he faw a full Reformation made in 
 " all Ecclefiaftical Fundions, both as to Do6trine and Difcipline, 
 " and with Relation to the Goods of the Church. He defires his 
 " Anfwer as foon as was poffible. 
 
 Peter Martyr anfwered his Letter on the i ft: of No'veniber ; but 
 what it was, can only be gathered from Sa7}ipfon% Reply to it : He 
 received it on the 3d of January, and anfwered it on the 6th, 1560. 
 It is in the Colkaion. " They were then under fad Apprehenfions, 
 6°"" ■"""""■ " for which he defires their Prayers in a very folemn Manner. Tliey 
 " were afraid left the Truth of Religion ftiould either be overturned, 
 " or very much darkned in Enghjid. The Bifhops oi Canterbury , 
 " London, Ely, and Worccftcr, were confecrated ; Pilkinfon was de- 
 " figned for fVinche/ler ; Bentham for Coventry and Litchfield ; and 
 " Feter Martyrs Jewel, for Salijhiiry. 
 
 " Things fiill ftuck with him, he could neither have ingrefs, nor 
 " egrefs : God knew how glad he would be to find an egrefs ; let 
 " others be Biftiops, he defired only to be a Preacher, but no Bilhop. 
 " There was yet a General Prohibition of all Preaching : And tb.ere 
 " was a Crucifix on the Altar ftill at Court, with Lights burning be- 
 " fore it : And though by the Queen's Order, Images were removed 
 " outof Churches all the Kingdom over, yet the People rejoyced to 
 " fee this was ftill kept in the Queen's Chapel. Three Bilhops officiated 
 "■ at this Altar ; One as Prieft, another as Deacon, and a Third as 
 " Sub-Deacon, all before this Idol, in rich Copes : And there was 
 " a Sacrament without any Sermon. He adds, that Injundlions 
 " were fent to Preachers not to ufe Freedom in the reproving of Vice j 
 " fo he afks what both iV/rtr/)'r, Bullinger, and Beniardln thought cf 
 " this : Whether they looked on it as a Thing indifferent, and what 
 " they would advife him to do, if Injundions ftiould be fent out, re- 
 *' quiring the like to be done in all Churches ; whether they ought 
 " to be obeyed, or if the Clergy ought not to fufter Deprivation, 
 " rather than obey ? Some among themfelves thought that all this was 
 " indifterent, and fo might be obeyed : He underftood that the Queen 
 " had a great Regard to Bernardin Ochino, fo he defires that he would 
 " write to her, to carry on the Work of God diligently. He folemn- 
 ?' ly afiiires them, that flie was truly a Child of God. But Princes had 
 " not fo many Friends to their Souls, as they had to their other 
 5' Concerns. He wiflies they would all write to her ; for ftie under- 
 *• ftood both Italian, Latin, and Greek well. So they might write 
 " in any Language to her : But if they wrote, they muft write as of 
 " their own Motion, and not as if any Complaints had been writ over 
 " to them. 
 
 " On the 1 3th of May, he wrote again that a Biftioprick had been 
 Sifcopdck. ^ • ' offered to him, but that he had refufed it : And he defires Peter 
 " Martyr, to whom he wrote, not to Cenfure this 'till he knew the 
 'A whole State of the Matter :" But he rejoices that Parkhurfi was 
 made Biftiop of Norwich ' And by his Letter, it feems Norwich was 
 the Biftioprick that was off^ered to him. Parkhurfi wrote foon after 
 his Promotion to Martyr, and aflbred him there was no Danger 
 of fetting up Lutheramfin in England; only he writes, " We are 
 ". fighting about Ceremonies, Veftments, and Matters of no Moment. 
 
 Jewel
 
 Book VI. of the Church of England, 293 ; 
 
 'Je^vel wrote to Fettr Martyr on the 2 2d of May, "- That the 1560. I 
 
 i' Church of Salijbiiry was fo ftruck with Thunder, that there was v-— V^*-* 1 
 
 '' a Clift all down for 60 Feet: He was not got thither ; fo he ^ 
 
 " could not tell whether Foolifli People made Judgments upon this, i 
 
 " with Relation to him, or not. He writes, that Boner, Fecknam, \ 
 
 " Pole, Scorv, and IVatfon, were all put in Prifon for railing at the ' 
 
 " Changes that were made. The Qiieen exprefled great Firmnefs 
 
 " and Courage in maintaining, the Eftablirtiment flie had made in 
 
 *' Matters of Religion. He tells him that not only Gr/Vand Knells, 
 
 " dehred to be kindly remembered to him, but Petre likewife, which 
 
 " perhaps he did not look for." ' 
 
 On the 17th of Juh' he writes to him, that there was a Peace A Peace made 
 " made in Scotland, and that the French were fent away. Scotland^'^ Scotland. 
 
 *' was to be governed by a Council of 1 2 Perfons ; only all greater j 
 
 " Matters were to be referred to a Parliament. He writes, that the- ' 
 
 " Duke of Hollhin was come over to fee the Queen, and was j 
 
 " nobly treated by her, and made a Knight of the Garter : The i 
 " King of Sweden's coming over was ftill talked of. After "Jewel 
 
 had been fome Time in his Diocefe, he wrote to Guaker on the 2d ; 
 
 o( Noveml^er, 1560, " That he now felt what a Load Government ^ 
 
 " was to him, who had led liis Life in the Shade, and at Study : '. 
 
 " And had never turned his Thoughts to Government; but he would j 
 
 " make up in his Diligence what might be otherwife wanting : The | 
 
 " Oppofition he met with from the Rage of the Papifts was in- i 
 ** credible," 
 
 On the 6th of November, he wrote that May, Dean of Saint PauPs, 
 
 who was defigned to be Archbifhop of Tork was Dead : It docs not \ 
 
 appear on what Views that See was long kept void, after the reft [ 
 
 were filled. Parker was much troubled at this, and wote very ear- '. 
 
 neftly about it to Cecil. The Letter will be found in the Colledion. Co/L Numb. ' 
 
 " There were great Complaints in the No7'th : The People there ^'^•, , p ^ i 
 
 " were offended to fee no more Care had of them ; and for want oi■^^'^^^^ ^^J^^ \ 
 
 " Inftruftion they were become rude : This was like to have/*^^« 
 
 " an ill Influence on the Quiet and Order of the Country. It was ^^^*- i 
 
 " perhaps fo long delayed for the Advantage the Queen's Exchequer \ 
 
 " made by the Vacancy : but if, for want of good Inftrudfion, the ,: 
 
 " People (hould grow Savage, like the /r//Z^ it might run to a far j 
 
 " greater Charge to reduce them. Why fhould any Perfon hinder : 
 
 " the Queen's Zeal to have her People taught to know, and to fear ■ 
 
 " God. If thofe hitherto named for the North, were not liked, or not 
 
 •• willing to go thither, he propofed, that fome of thofe already placed : 
 
 " might'be removed thither. And he named Tow2g, Bifhop of Saint 
 
 " David's, for Tork ; and the Bifliop of Rochefter, Guejl, for Durefme : ^ 
 
 •' And if any Sufpicions were had of any of their Pradtifing to the ] 
 
 " Prejudice of their Succeflbrs, there were Precedents ufed in for- 3 
 
 " mer Times to take Bifliops bound to leave their Churches in no ■ 
 
 " worfe Cafe than they found them : He had preffed them formerly j 
 
 " with relation to thofe vacant Sees : He faw the Matter was ftill 
 
 *' delayed : He would never give over his Importunity 'till the Thing ■, 
 
 " was done ; which he hoped he would inftantly promote} out of ^ 
 
 " the Zeal he bore to Souls fo dear to Chrift." ] 
 
 Vol. III. 4 F "^^'^ '
 
 294 T'he Hiftory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1560. This he wrote on the i6th of O^ober ; fo it does not appear if the 
 «— \ — ' Dcfia;!! for May was then fo well fixed as Jewel apprehended. The 
 Sop" made Hint^ in this Letter of the Praftices of Bifhops, was occafionedby the 
 great Aliena- ruinous Leafes that the Popifli Bifliops had made; for feeing the 
 """'• Change that was defigned, they had by the Law at that Time fo 
 
 Abfolute a Power over their Eftates, having no Reftraints laid on 
 them, but thofe of their own Canons, that their Leafes how Mif- 
 chievous foever to their Succeflbrs, were good in Law. The Ne\v 
 Bifliops in many Places had fcarce neceflliry Subfiflence, or Houfes 
 left them, and were to be fupported by Dignities given them in Com- 
 mendam : And it was perhaps fuggefted, that they to procure a little 
 better Subfiftence to themfelves, might be prevailed on to prolong, or 
 confirm fuch Leafes. 
 Seemdreof yj^g Archbifliop's Importunity had its Effed: For in February 
 AnnaVof the thereafter, Towig was removed to Tork ; and Pilkinton, a Learned 
 kefor. and Zealous Man, was made Bifliop of Dureftne. And thus the Sees 
 
 CM^Nlmb. of England were filled. Jewel in a Letter foon after to Peter Martyr, 
 65.' m February \ ^60, which will be found in the CoUedlion : " Wiflies 
 
 " that all the Remnants of former Errors, with all the Rubbifli, and 
 " even the Dufi: that might yet remain, might be taken away : He 
 " willies they could have obtained it. It feems by this, that their 
 *' Wiflies had not prevailed. The Council of Tre?it was then to be 
 " opened again, but the Queen was refolved to take no notice of it. 
 " He gives an Account of his Apology that was then fet out. This 
 has been fo often printed, and is (o well known, that it is not necef- 
 fary to enlarge more upon it : As it was one of the Firft Books pub- 
 liflied in this Reign, fo it was written with that Strength and Clear- 
 >iiW's Apo- nefs^ ti;,at it, together with the Defence of it, is flill to this Day 
 °^) pu I - j.g(,]^Q^£(j Qj^e of Q^j. i^ef^ Books. In that Letter he writes of the 
 Countefs of Lenox, the Mother to the Lord Da?-nly, " That flie was 
 *' a more violent Papifl than even Queen Mary herfelf. Her Son was 
 " gone to Scotland, and it was believed he might marry the Queen 
 " of Scotland : The Earl of Hartford had a Son by the Lady Catha- 
 " rine Gray; fome called him a Baftard, but others affirmed that 
 " they were married. If this was true, then according to King Hen- 
 " ry's Will, he muft be the Heir of the Crown. But he adds, ^b ! 
 " Unhappy we, that cannot hiow under what Prmce we are to live. 
 " He complains that Schools are forfaken, and that they were under 
 " a great want of Preachers. The few they had were every where 
 " well received : He writes in another Letter, that in Queen Mary\ 
 " Time, for want of good Inftrudlion, tlie Anabaptijh and Arians 
 " did much increafe ; but now they difappeared every v/here." 
 
 The Popifli Clerg)', when they faw no Appearance of any new Change, 
 did generally comply with the Laws then made ; but in fo untoward 
 a Manner, that they made it very vifible that what they did was 
 againft both their Heart and their Confcience. This put the Bifliops 
 on receiving many into Orders, that were not thoroughly well quali- 
 fied ; which expofed them to much Cenfure. They thought that 
 in that Neceffity, Men of good Hearts, that loved the Gofpelj the' 
 not fo Learned as might be wiflied for, were to be brought into the 
 Service of the Church. But Pains was taken, and Methods were laid 
 
 down,
 
 Book VI. of the Church of England* ipj 
 
 down, to breed up a more knowing Race of Men, as foon as pof- i c6o 
 fible. J^ 
 
 I turn now, to fliew how the Affairs of Religion went chj parti- 
 cularly with Relation to Scotland, of which mention was made in 
 fomc of Jewel'?. Letters. 
 
 But before I open this, I will give an Account of Two Inftruments 
 fent me from Scotland^ that came not to my Hands, but fince the 
 Pages 2 So and 281 were printed offi yet they are fo important, that 
 as I have put them in the Colleftion, fo I will give a fhort iVccount Coll. Humh 
 of them here. On the 1 9th of April, Fifteen Days after the Qiieen ^^• 
 of Scotland had paffed that fecret fraudulent Proteftation, formerly 
 mentioned, when the Articles of the Marriage were mutually figned, 
 it was not only provided, that the Crown of Scotland, in cafe She 
 ihould die without Children, lliould defcend to the Duke of Chatel- 
 herault and his Heirs ; the Inftrument itfelf being publifhed in the 
 French Colledlion : But the Dauphin did, on the fame Day, fet his 
 Seal to a Charter ftill preferved at Hatnilton, fetting forth the Faith and 
 Engagements that the King his Father had formerly made, to Secure 
 to the Earl of Aran the Succeffion to the Crown of Scotland^ in cafe 
 the Queen fhould die without Children ; to which he promifes he 
 will pay all Obedience. He confirms and ratifies that Promife, for 
 himfelf, and his Succeffors ; Promifing in Good Faith, (Bona Fide), 
 that in that Cafe, he will not only fuffer that Lord to Enjoy that 
 Crown, but he will Affift and Maintain him in it. 
 
 The Promife made by his Father, King Hefiry, to which this re- 
 fers, bears Date the 1 7th Day of Jimc, Anno 1 549 ; and was fent 
 over to Scotland, in order to the getting of Queen Mary to be fent 
 to France. By it the King promifed, in the Word of a King, That 
 in cafe the Queen fliould die without Children, he would affift the 
 Earl of Aran, in the Succeflion to the Crown, againft all that fhould 
 oppofe him. Thefe Liflruments I have put in the Colledlion, as lafl- 
 ing Memorials of the Fidelity and Sincerity of that Court ; to give a 
 juft Precaution to Poflerity in future Ages : By which it will appear, 
 how little Contradls, Promifes, and Publick Stipulations are to be de- 
 pended on : Where a Secret Proteflation, lodged in a Clandefline 
 Manner, is fet up to make all this void ; which, I hope, will not be 
 foon forgotten, or neglecfted. 
 
 But to return from this DigrefBon, which, tho' a little out of its 
 Place, feemed too Important to be omitted. 
 
 The Diflradtion that France was in, made it not eafy to them The frm* 
 to carry on the War of Scotland, by reafon of the Charge, that S^^^w ^^«^^y °f 
 the Sending Forces to fo great a Diflance put them to: Whereas t^e War in" 
 it was but a fhort March to the Englip, to go the Affiflance oi Scotland. 
 the Lords of Scotland; fo they were willing to make up Matters 
 the befl they could by a Treaty. Commiffioners were appointed 
 to Treat on both Sides. In the mean while, the Queen Regent 
 of Scotland died : So Cecyl and Wotton, who were employed by the 
 Queen in that Treaty, apprehending the French might, upon this 
 Emergent, ftudy to gain more Time, wrote to the Queen for pofitive 
 Orders. 
 
 A Let-
 
 296 'The Hiftory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1560. A Letter was written to them on the 15th of "Juyie^ Signed by 
 " — < — ' Five Privy-Counfellors ; which is in the CoUedion, taken from the 
 CM. humb. Qj-jgi,-,^!^ gy it it appears, that this Treaty was then a Secret, which 
 they faw muft foon break out ; fo the Perions employed in Scotland., 
 advifed the Acquainting King Philip with it, becaufe they looked on 
 it as brought very near a total Agreement. To this the Queen's Coun- 
 cil agreed. Thofe in Scotland apprehended, that perhaps the French 
 would, upon the Regent's Death, go away, and leave the Kingdom, 
 without coming to any Agreement. If they fliould do fo, they did 
 order them to advife with the Duke of f^orfolky and the Lords of 
 Scotland in League with them, how the French may be forthwith ex- 
 pelled the Kingdom, without any Lofs of Time. For by all the Ad- 
 vertifements they had, they underftood that the French intended to 
 gain Time, as much as was poffible. If the French defired to have 
 fome of their Colleagues in the Town, to alTift them in Managing the 
 Treaty, that was by no means to be granted : But if they defired the 
 Afflllance of fuch ScottiJJj Men, as were of their Fadion ; and if their 
 Friends in Scotland conlented to it, that fcemed reafonable. The rell 
 of the Letter relates to one Parrys an Irijhman. 
 itwasbrought The Treaty, by Reafon of the Weaknefs of the French Force, was 
 i»agoodend. ^QQj^ brought to a Conclufion. The French were to be fent away in 
 Three Weeks. An AiTembly of .the States was to meet, and to fet- 
 tle the Affairs of the Kingdom : It was to be governed by a Council 
 of Twelve Perfons ; of whom the King and Queen were to name 
 Seven, and the States to chufe Five : And by thefe, all Affairs were 
 to be governed, they being made accountable to the Parliament. The 
 lafl: Article was, " That the King and Queen fliould not ufe the Title 
 " or Arms of England and Ireland any more." 
 
 When Matters were brought to a Settlement in Scotlajid, the Scots 
 fet up the Earls of Morton and Glrncairn to the Queen. Their 
 Meffage will beft appear, from the Inftrud:ions which will be found 
 Co//. Numi. in the CoUedlion, Copied from the Original, that is flill preferved, 
 ^- and in the Poffeffion of the Dutchefs of Hamilton : By which, " the 
 
 " Eftates of Parliament, confidering how the Two Kingdoms lay 
 " joined together ; and reflecting on the Inconveniences that they 
 " and their Anceftors had fuffered by continual Wars, and on the 
 " Advantages of a perpetual Friend (hip between them ; therefore 
 " they did order a Propofition of Marriage, to be made to the 
 " Queen of England, with the Earl of Aran ; who, after his Fa- 
 " ther, in Default of Succeffion of the Queen's Body, was the 
 " next Heir of the Crown of Scotland. And they relblved, that 
 " an Embaffy fhould be appointed, to make the Propofition in the 
 " Honourableft Manner that could be devifed. They alfo order 
 " Thanks to be given to the Queen, for the Good Will She has on 
 " all Occafions expreffed for their Kingdom ; which She had parti- 
 . " cularly declared of late, by the Support She had given them for 
 " their Relief; by the Means of which, they enjoyed their pre- 
 " fent Quiet. And they were alfo ordered to move the Queen, to 
 " fend llrid: Commands to her Wardens, and other Officers on the 
 " Borders, to fupprefs all broken Men, and to reftrain all Thefts." 
 
 Thefc
 
 Book VI. of the Church of England. 297 
 
 Thefe Inflrufbions were appointed to be Sealed, and Subrcribed by 1 560. \ 
 
 Six of every Eflate ; and that was to be held as Valid, as if all the ^— — v—-^ • 
 
 Ellates hadSoaled and Subfcribtd them. . 
 
 This Order of Parliament is figned by the Archbifliop of St. An- Signed by the J 
 drews, the Bidiops of Dunkeld, Gallcivay, Dumblane, Argyle^ ^j^^j Three Eftatei. 
 the Eledl Bifliop of the i/Z?5; And by as many Abbots and Priors ; | 
 the Prior of St. Andrews^ afterwards Earl of Murray ; the Abbot of ] 
 Arbroth, afterwards Marquis of Hamilton ; the Abbots of Neivbotle, 
 and Culros ; the Commendator of Kilivifining, and the Prior of 
 Lochlevin. So many of the Ecclefiaftical State of both Ranks con- 
 curring, {hews, that they rejoiced in the Deliverance that they had ; 
 from the Servitude, under which the French had almoft brought j 
 them. f 
 
 Thefe Inn:ru*Slion3 are alfo Signed by the Duke of Chatelherault^ ', 
 
 who fubfcribed only 'James \ and by the Earls of Argyle, Athol, ; 
 
 Morton, Crawford, and Sutherland ; and by the Lords, Erjkine, Gor~ '\ 
 
 don. Saltan, Hay, Uchiltry, Innermeth, Boyd, Lmdj'ay, Gray, and \ 
 fome others, whofe Names cannot be read. And by Eight Provofts 
 
 of Boroughs. But no Seals are in this Noble Inftrument ; fo pro- ' 
 
 bably it was an Authentick Duplicate, that was depofited in that Fa- ; 
 mily, to remain as an undoubted Proof, of the Right of Succeeding 
 
 to the Crown of Scotland, if the Queen had left no Iflue of her own ; 
 Body. 
 
 To this an Anfwer was given, which I have put in the Colleftion,^^//^^. 
 from the Draught of it in Cf^^/'s Hand. " The Queen received ih&N"'»l>(>9- 
 '.' Hearty Thanks that the Three Eftates fent her, very kindly ;JJp2-rAn^ 
 
 *■'- and was glad the Afliftance She had given then, was fo well ac-fwerw it. • 
 
 " cepted by them. She was fo well fatisfied with the Effedls it had, 1 
 
 " that if the like Caufe fhould happen, in which they might need | 
 
 " Aid from her, She aflures them it fhall not be wanting. The ' 
 
 " Queen did perceive the Difference, between the Benefits beftow- \ 
 
 " ed by her Father, on many of the Nobility of that Nation, which l 
 
 " were fuppofed tobe to the Prejudice of the Kingdom, and fo had i 
 
 " not the Succefs expedied : And thofe they had received from her, ! 
 " which were direded to the Safety of the Realm : So the Diverfity 
 " in the Beftowing them, had made this Diverfity in the Acceptation 
 
 " of them. i 
 
 " She received that Propofitlon of Marriage, as a Mark of the 
 
 *' good Intention of the Eflates, for Knitting the Kingdoms in Ami- i 
 
 " ty ; in Offering to her the befl and choiceft Perfon that they had, ] 
 
 " tho' not without danger of the Difpleafure of the French King. 1 
 
 " But the Queen was not difpofed prefently to Marry ; tho' the Ne- i 
 
 " cefTity of the Kingdom might, perhaps, conftrain her afterwards I 
 
 " to it. Yet She defired, that the Earl of Aran might not forbear j 
 
 " to marry on her Account : But that the Amity between the Two i 
 
 " Kingdoms might remain firm ; fince it was fo neceffary to their ; 
 
 " Prefervation, tho' no Marriage were made upon it. The Queen ' 
 
 " had heard a very good Report of the Earl of Aran, and thought ' 
 
 " him a Noble Gentleman of great Worth, and did not doubt, but i 
 
 " he would prove to be fuch. In the lafl place, The Queen defired j 
 
 " the States would rci[Q&. on former Pradices among them, and I 
 
 Vol. III. 4G " would ^
 
 The Death of 
 
 Francis the 
 
 lid. 
 
 Coll. Numi, 
 70. 
 
 77:)e Hiflory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1 560. " would continue in a good Agreement among themfelves, and not 
 " fall into Fadlions. And She concluded with a Promife, that on 
 " her Part no Reafonable Thing fhould be negledled, that might 
 " tend to the Common Defence of both the Realms, againft any 
 " Common Enemy." 
 
 Things went on purfuant to this Treaty ; to which it was not 
 thought the French would have any Regard, when their Affairs 
 fliould be in a better Condition. The Apprehenfions of that were 
 foon at an end. \n December 1560 the Union which that Kingdom 
 had with France was totally broke, by the Death of Francis the lid. 
 fo that Mary, Queen of Scotland, had nothing left, but her own 
 Strength to depend upon. The Treaty of Lett h being in all other 
 Points executed, the Queen ordered both 'Throckmorton, her Ordinary 
 AmbafTador in France, and the Earl of Bedford, whom She had fent 
 over Extraordinary, to demand Queen Mary's Ratification of that 
 Treaty. Which I fhall open more particularly, becaufe upon this Oc-' 
 eafion, that Jealoufy was raifed between the Two Queens, that ended 
 fo fatally to the one. The Queen of Scots ufed many Shifts, to ex- 
 cufe her not doing it. 
 
 In a Letter of Throckmorton s, of the i6th of April, which is irt 
 the Colleftion ; he tells the Queen, " That having prefled the 
 " Qiieen of Scots to it ; She faid. She had not her Council about 
 " her, particularly the Cardinal of Lorain, her Uncle, by whom 
 " She was advifed in all her Affairs : Nor had She heard from her 
 " Council in Scotland. She protnifed that when She heard from 
 *' them, and had advifed with her Council about her. She would 
 *.' give an Anfwer that fliould fatisfy the Queen. But her Natural 
 " Brother, the Lord James, being come over to her, the Queeft 
 •^ had commanded Throckmorton, to demand again the Confir- 
 
 V mation of the Treaty. Upon which, the AmbafTador fdnt a 
 
 V Gentleman to know her Pleafure, when he fliould wait on her, 
 " to receive it from her Hand. This, as he wrote to her, was de- 
 *• fired by the Queen, as a Mean to make them live hereafter in all 
 *' Love, Peace, and Amity together. And nothing could fo de- 
 " monflrate that Queen's Intention, to entertain this, as the Efta- 
 " blifhing that Knot of Friehdfhip between them, for both their 
 'f Quiet and Comfort, which was at that Time the only Refuge of 
 *' them both." Of this he fent the Queen, his Miflrefs, a 
 Copy. 
 
 On the Firfl of May, Mr. Somer, whom the AmbafTador had fent 
 to Nancy, where the Queen of Scotland was at that Time, camfe 
 back with her Anfwer : Which is in the Collection j it being the 
 only Original Paper, that ever I faw in her Hand. Dated from Nan- 
 cy, the 2 2d of April, 1 56 1. 
 
 " She writes. She was then leaving that Place; fo fhe could give 
 " no Anfwer 'till fhe came to Rheims, where fhe intended to be at 
 ji^gPggj" " the King's Coronation : And flie fays that Loid James was only 
 " 'ccme to do his Duty about her, as his Sovereign Lady, without 
 "any Charge or Commiflion whatfoever." T\ns Thrcgmorton ftnt to 
 die Queen, together with a Letter from the Cardinal of Lorain to 
 
 the 
 
 Coll. Numb. 
 7'- 
 
 The Queen 
 of Scotland
 
 Book VI. of the Chi^rch of Eng\?ind. 299 
 
 the fame Purpofe, which he alfo fent her in a Letter, which will be 156 1. 
 
 found in the Colledion j in which he writes, " That though Somer ' v— — / 
 
 " had ufed the beft Means he could, to put tlie Scottijh Queen in ?l^- ^''"^''• 
 " Mind of the Promile llie had made to the Earl oi Bedford, and to '*" 
 " Throgmorton liimfelf, yet he could get no other Anfwer from her." 
 The Ambaflador was ordered by the Qiieen not to be prefent at the 
 Coronation : So he did not know when, or where, he flaould fee 
 her ; for it was faid flie did not intend for fome Time to come into the 
 Neighbourhood of Paris : He therefore propofed to the Qiieen to 
 fend a Letter of Credit by Mr. Somer to that Queen ; and with it to 
 order him to go and demand her Anfwer. By that Queen's Difcourfe 
 with Lord James, it feemed flie did not intend to give a plain An- 
 fwer, but ftill to fliift it off: But he thought the Queen infifting on 
 it by a Perfon {cut Exprefs to ftay for an Anfwer, fhe would be able 
 to judge from thence what Meafures flie ought to take. The Queen 
 of Scot/and had faid to the Ambaflador, that fhe intended to give 
 Lord James a Commiflion, with a Charge to look to the Affairs of 
 Scotland during her Abfence : And he, when he took Leave of her, 
 left one to bring that after him : But that Perfon was come with 
 Letters from that Queen, but with no Commiflion ; And he under- 
 ftood by him that flie had changed her Mind, and would give no 
 fuch Commiirion, till Hie fliould come to Scotlajid herfelf : Nor would 
 fhe difpofe of any Thing till then. This was eafily ken to be on 
 Dfifign to let all People underftand on what Terms they might expe(5l 
 Benefices, Grants, or other Favours from her. 1 
 
 The true Reafon why flie would not employ Lord James, was She is Jealous \ 
 
 becaufe fhe found flie could not draw him from his Devotion to the ofLord/aw/. , 
 
 Queen ; nor from his Refolution to obferve the late Treaty, and i 
 
 League between England and Scotland: And it is added, that the j 
 
 Cardinal of Lorain faw he could not draw him from his Religion, : 
 
 though he ufed great Perfuafions to prevail on him. Upon thefe , 
 
 Accounts, the Ambaffador wrote over, " That he faw he might be j 
 
 " much depended on : So he advifes the Qiieen to confider him as i 
 
 " one that may ferve her to good Purpofe, and to ufe him liberally I 
 
 " and honourably. He had made great Acknowledgements of the j 
 
 " good Reception he met with as he came through Londoti : So he . i 
 
 ** on many Accounts deferved to be both well ufed, and muck 
 " trufted. The Queen of Scotland had great Expedations from the \ 
 
 " Popifh Party ; and from the Earl of Hiintly in particular. He gives j 
 
 " in that Letter an Account of a great Tumult that had then hap- ; 
 
 •* ned at Paris, upon Occafion of an AfTembly of Proteftants for 
 " Worflfip in a private Houfe, in the Suburbs. The Rabble met 
 " about the Houfe, threatning Violence : Upon which thofe within, j 
 
 " feeing Perfuafions had no Effed, fired and killed 7 or 8 of them. j 
 
 *' The Court of Parliament fent an Order to fupprefs the Tumult, \ 
 
 " and difperfe the Multitude. This was plainly contrary to the 1 
 
 " Edift lately made : But the AmbafTador apprehended that greater ( 
 
 " Difoiders wculd follow : And that I may end all this Matter at ) 
 
 " once, 
 
 I find i
 
 300 The Hiftory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 The Duke .,f 
 Guife ftudied 
 to divert the 
 Queen from 
 aflifling the 
 Prince of 
 Qonde, 
 Coil. Numi. 
 73- 
 
 But in vain. 
 
 Proceedings 
 in Convoca- 
 tion. 
 
 I find in a Letter of Jeweh, that is in the Colledion, that the 
 Duke of Guife fent to the Princes of Germany, to divert them from 
 affifting the Prince of Conde ; afluring them that he hinifelf was very 
 moderate in the Points of Rehgion, and had very favourable Thoughts 
 of the Aufburg Confeffion : He ftudied alfo to perfuade the Queen, 
 that the War which was then breaking out in France^ was not for 
 Rehgion ; but was a Confpiracy againft the Government: Which he 
 hoped fhe as a Queen would not aftift. At the fame Time the Queen 
 of Scotland fent the Queen a Prefent of a Diamond of Value, with 
 fame very fine Verfes made by Buchanan then in her Court. She 
 alfo in her Letters, vowed a perpetual Friendfhip with her, and wrote 
 that fhe would pafs through England. Yet the Queen faw th.rough 
 all this, and was not diverted by it from affifting the Prince of Ccnde. 
 Upon this the Duke of Guife did openly charge all the Dlforders in 
 iFratice on her, as the Principal Author of them : By this tlie Mafk 
 was thrown away, and thcfe Jealoufies broke out into an open W^ar. 
 Jewel wlfhes the Queen had begun it fooner, and that the Princes of 
 Germany would follow her Example ; now that flie was engaged, 
 and had fent one to engage them likewife. 
 
 By that Time the Queen of Scotland had got by Sea into her King- 
 dom : She alone had her Mafs, which was put down all the King- 
 dom over. 
 
 There was this Year an extraordinary bad Seafon through every 
 Quarter of the Year, and perpetual Rains. There was alfo much 
 talk of many monftrous Births, both by Women and Beafts, Hogs, 
 Mares, Cows, and Hens : Some Births were without Heads, or 
 Heads of a ftrange Form ; and fome without Arms, or Legs : Very 
 probably Things of that Sort were magnified by thofe who reported 
 them ; and, no doubt, they were made the Prefages of fome difmal 
 Events to be looked for ; it being ordinary in all great Changes to en- 
 large, and even to forge Stories of that fort, on Dcfign to alarm Peo- 
 ple with the Apprehenfions of fome fignal Judgment to follow after 
 fuch unufual Warnings. This laft Letter being written fome Time 
 after the Great Convocation that fettled our Reformation, is mentioned 
 here out of its Place, to finifti a Matter to which I have nothing here 
 to add. 
 
 But now to return to give an Account of that Famous Meeting of 
 the Clergy. I muft firft lament that here there is anotlier total Stop 
 in the Correfpondence with Zurich, that has hitherto furniHicd me 
 with fo many Particulars. I cannot think but that there were copious 
 Accounts of the Progrefs of Matters in it given to them, if not during 
 the Convocation, in which the Bifhops were no doubt much employed, 
 yet at leaft foon after the Prorogation ; which was in the Beginning of 
 jipril : But in all- the Volume of Letters that is fent me, I find rot one, 
 either during their fitting, or after it was ended, till that I m.entioned 
 laft, which is of the 14th o{ Auguft. Being then deftitute of thofe 
 Authentick Vouchers, I muft gather up what Remains I could find to 
 give a clear Account of the Great Tranfadlions then on Foot. 
 
 The imperfed: Abftradt which 1 have often vouched, gives us but 
 a very defedive Account of their Proceedings. Their firft Seffion 
 
 was
 
 Book VI. of the Church of England. 301 
 
 was on the 13th of ya?iuary, D^y, Provoft oi Eaton preached: 1562. 
 Pa}-ker told them them they had now in their Hands an Opportunity 
 of Reforming all Things in the Church, The Queen did earnefHy 
 defire it, and fo did many of the Nobility. He fent them to chufe a j 
 Prolocutor, and recommended Noivel, Dean of St. Paul's, to them. ' 
 They chofe him upon that} and on the i6i\\ oi yanuary, Parker \ 
 exhorted them to confider ajrainft the next Sellion what Things want- 
 ed a Reformation. On the 19th, he fent for the Prolocutor, who 
 came up with Six of the Clergy. He faid they had before them . 
 fome Sheets of Matters to be offered for a Reformation, which were 1 
 then referred to be confidered by a Committee. He alio iaid that ; 
 the Articles fet forth in a Synod at London, in King Eikcard'^ Time, 
 were likewife before a Committee to be conlidered, and if need was, \ 
 to be corrected by them. On the 20th, the Archbifliop and Biibops \ 
 were for the Space of Three Hours confulting fecretly about thofe : 
 Articles. On the 2 2d, they were again for Three Hours confider- i 
 ing the fame Matter. On the 25th, they were Two Hours. And i 
 on the 27th, they were for Three Hours more upon the fame Mat- 
 ter. And on the 29th of y^w/^zrv, all in the Upper-Houfe agreed ] 
 unanimoufly in fettling the Articles of Religion, and they fubfcribed \ 
 them. ' 
 
 The Differences between thefe Articles, and thofe fet forth by Some Altera- 
 
 Ki n g £</uwr^, are very particularly marked in the ColledVions, add- "ons made m ^ 
 
 ed to my Second Volume. The mofl: material is the leaving out Religion. ' 
 
 that exprefs Declaration that was made againfl: the Corporal Prefence < 
 
 of Chrift: in the Sacrament, which I then thought was done in com- j 
 
 pliance with the Opinion prevalent among the People of the Popilli \ 
 
 Perfuafion, who were ffrangely poffeffed with the Belief of fuch a : 
 
 Prefence j but I am convinced by the Letters fent me from Zurick^ 
 
 that in this great Regard was likewife had to the Lutheran Churches, 
 
 with whom a Conjunftion was much endeavoured by fome : So that ^ 
 
 perhaps this was one Confideration that made it be thought conve- \ 
 
 nient to fupprefs the Definition then made in this Matter by the j 
 
 Convocation : But it does no way appear to me, whether thefe Words j 
 
 were fuppreffed by the Confcnt of the Convocation ; or whether the ! 
 
 Queen ordered it to be done, either by a diredl Command : or by de- ! 
 
 nying to give her Affent to that Part of the Article. i 
 
 I mufl alfo add, that the Homily dgainji wilful Rebellion, for that 1 
 
 is its true Title, was not drawn up 'till fome Years after this Convo- • ' 
 
 cation had fettled thofe Articles ; in which the Title of the Homilies 
 
 are fet forth, though it is added in the Manufcript to the Reft, with ; 
 
 the Title againfl Rebellion. It is plain both by the Body of the \ 
 
 Homily, and by the Prayer at the End of it, that it was penned after 1 
 
 the Rebellion that was ralfed by the Earls of Northumberland and ; 
 
 Wejlmorland many Years after this. And while there were Wars 
 
 abroad on the Account of Religion. This I do not write as difigree- \ 
 
 ing in any Part from the Dodlrine delivered in that Homily, but only < 
 
 as a Hiftorian, in order to the fctting Matters of Fad in a true \ 
 
 Light. ■ j 
 
 But now I go on as the Minutes, or rather the Abftrads lead me. ! 
 
 When the great Matter of the Articles was fettled ; the Bifliops of ] 
 
 Vol. IIL 4 H London, j
 
 302 I'he Hiftory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1 1:62. Lotidon, Wincbeftcr, Lincoln, and Hereford, were appointed to draw 
 \-,.-Sr-— ' Articles of Difcipline. On the 3d oi February, the Archbifhop and 
 Bifliops were in a Secret Conference for the Space of Three Hours. 
 On the 5th of February a Committee was appointed to examine the 
 Catechifm. Then the Prolocutor with Six of the Clergy, brought 
 up the Articles of Religion, that had been fent by the Archbifliop to 
 the Lower-Houfe : Many had already fubfcribed them, but he pro- 
 pofed that fuch as had not yet done it, might be required either to 
 fuhfcribe them in the Lower-Houfe, or to do it in the Prefence of 
 the Bifhops. Upon this the Upper-Houfe ordered that the Names of 
 thofe who had not fubfcribed them, might be laid before them next 
 Sefllon: On the loth, the Prolocutor with Eight of the Clergy came 
 up and told the Bifliops, that many had fubfcribed fince their lafl: 
 Meeting : Upon that the Bifliops renewed their former Order. 
 
 On the 13th, there was fome Treaty concerning the Subfidy ; but 
 on that Day, and it feems, on fome Days following, there were very 
 warm Debates in the Lower-Houfe, of which I fliall give a parti- 
 cular Account, from a Copy taken from the Minutes of the Proceed- 
 ings of the Lower-Houfe, which will be found in the Colledlion. 
 Coll. Numb. Q„ jj^g j^jl-j Pay, Six Articles were offered to the Houfe, which 
 Great De- foUow ; Firfl:, " That all Holy-Days, except Sundays, and the 
 batesconcern- cc Feafts that related to Chrift, fliould be abrogated. Second, That 
 tcrations^in' " J" the Common-Praycr, the Minifl:er fliould always turn his 
 intheBookof" Facc towards the People, fo as to be heard by the People, that 
 Pr°aTr°'' " ^"^^^ m\p\t be Edified. Third, That the Ceremony of the Crofs 
 *' in Baptifm may be omitted, as tending to Superftiition, Fourth, 
 " That forafniuch as diverfe Communicants were not able to Kneel 
 *' during the Time of Communion, for Age, Sicknefs, and other 
 A Praaice " Infirmities ; and fome alfo do Superftitioufly both Kneel and Knocks 
 mongPaptiis " that the Order of Kneeling may be left to the Difcretion of the 
 of knocking " Ordinary within his Jurifdidion. Fifth, That it be fufiicient for 
 on their tc ^]^g Miuiflier in Time of faying Divine Service, and Miniftring the 
 ing Ca//>«/wff, " Sacraments to ufe a Surplice ; and that no Minifler fay Service, or 
 at the Eleva- << Minifter the Sacraments, but in a comely Garment, or Habit. The 
 *'°°- " Sixth and lafl: is. That the Ufe of Organs be removed." The Words 
 
 are fl:ri(ftly as I took them from the Copy of the Journal : But the 
 Senfe of the 5th is not clear, except we fuppofe the Word once to have 
 come after the Mhiifter ; fo that it was propofed that it fliould be fuf- 
 ficient once to ufe the Surplice. 
 
 There arofe great Difputes concerning thefe Propofitions ; fome 
 approving, and others rejeding them : And it was propofed by fome, 
 to refer the Matter to the Archbifliop and Bifliops. Many protefted, 
 that they could in no Manner confent to any one of them ; fince 
 they were contrary to the Book of Common-Prayer, that was rati- 
 fied by an Aft of Parliament : Nor would they admit of any Alte- 
 ration of the Orders, Rules, Rites or Regulations, already fettled by 
 that Book. There were Publick Difputations between 'Learned Men, 
 fome approving, and others condemning the Propofitions. Thirteen 
 Perfons were named, as the Difputants. In Conclufion, the Houfe 
 was divided, and counted. Forty three voted for the Propofitions, 
 
 and
 
 Book VI. of the Church of Kn^?ind. 30'^ 
 
 and Thirty-five voted againft them, and that no Change Ihould be 11:62. 
 made in the Book of Common-Prayer then eftabhflied. But when 
 the Proxies were counted, thole who were for the Propofitions, were 
 in all Fifty-eiglit -, and thole who were againft them, were Fifty-nine. 
 So that they v.^ere agreed to by a Majority of Eight, of tliofe who 
 were prefent, and who had heard the Dilputations ; yet thofe were 
 out-voted by a Majority of One Vote, by the Proxy of an abfent Per- ^"^ ^y. o"^ 
 fon. All their Names are let down in the Paper. One Thing ob-far^" that 
 fervable, is, That in this Minute it is added, that thofe who rejeded none (h'ould 
 the Articles, feemed to go chiefly on this Ground ; That they were^^ ^^^^' 
 contrary to the Authorized Book of Common-Prayer : As if this had 
 been the Alluming an Authority, to alter what was fettled by the 
 Leglllature. It is not to be imagined, but if the Affirmative Vote 
 
 ■ had prevailed, that it could not be intended to have any other Effedt, 
 but to make an Addrefs to the Parliament, to alter the Book in tliofe '■ 
 
 Particulars. I have reprcfented this Matter as I found it, and will 
 not make any Judgment upon it, either on the one Side, or the other ; 
 but will leave that to the Reader, and go on with what remains in i 
 
 the Abftraft. 
 
 • This Debate in the Lower-Houfe put a Stop to the Bufmefs of 
 the Convocation for Six Days, in which they only treated of the Sub- j 
 
 iidy. On the 1 9th of Feh-i/nry fome Articles were communicated ' 
 
 to the Lower-Houfe ; and they were ordered to bring them back, \ 
 
 with their Obfervations on them. Thefe feem to relate to Benefices j 
 
 and Dilapidations. And they were ordered to enquire, how many | 
 
 Benefices were then vacant. On the 22d, the Subfidy was agreed to. 
 On the 24th, the Prolocutor being abfent, his Surrogate, with the \ 
 
 Clergy, were called up ; and the IngrofiTed Bill of Subfidy was read ! 
 
 to them, and they all unanimoufly agreed to it. ] 
 
 On the 26th, A Book of Difcipline was brought to the Uppcr-Houfe, A Booko/Dij. ' 
 
 by the Prolocutor, with Ten of the Clergy ; to which, as it was then Vf^'"" °^^''^'* ' 
 
 fald, the whole Clergy did unanimoufly con fent. This was referred to Houfe. °"*^"^ ! 
 
 ih^ Archbifliop, with the Bifliops of hondon, Winchejier, Chichejlei\ \ 
 
 'Hereford^ and Rly. On the ift of March., the Prolocutor brought ! 
 
 up fome Additional Articles, which they defired might be added to i 
 
 the Book of Difcipline., that they had formerly brought up. The 
 Archbifliop gave them the Book back again j and ordered them to i 
 
 bring It back, together with the Additions they had made to it. ■ ■ 
 
 On the 3d of March, the Prolocutor brought up the Catechifm ; 
 to which, he faid, the Ploufe did unanimoufly agree : The Confi- i 
 
 dering, of it was committed to the Bifliops of Winchejier, Hereford, I 
 
 Ijincok, and Coventry. (This feems to be the Catechifin, drawn by j 
 
 J<[o'wel, Dean of St. Paid'?..) After that, there was a Conference \ 
 
 among the Bifliops, for the Space of Two Hours. On the 5th of \ 
 
 March, the Prolocutor brought up the Book of Difciplitie, with fome ] 
 
 Additional Chapters : One only is named. Of Adultery, with an &c. ' 
 
 On the 10th, there was a Conference among the Bifliops for Two ' 
 
 Hours; and on the 12th, for Two Hours more; and on the i6th, ■ 
 
 for other Two Hours ; and on the 19th, for Two Hours more. Af- ^ 
 
 ter that, nothing is marked, but feveral Prorogations, till the loth 
 
 of
 
 tion. 
 
 304 'The Hiftory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1562. oi April, that the Royal Writ came for the Prorogation. And this 
 * V — ^ is all that remains of this Great Convocation. 
 
 It does not appear, what that Book of Difcipline was. In one of 
 the Zurkk Letters, as fliall be told afterwards, it is faid, That fome 
 Things agreed to in this Synod, were afterwards fuppreffed. This, 
 I fuppofe, relates to that Book of Dffcipline : But whether this was 
 the Reformation of the Ecclefiaftical Laws, prepared by Cranmer^ 
 and others ; or whether it was modelled in any other manner, cannot 
 now be certainly known. 
 
 But, to this Account that I have given, I will add fome other 
 Particulars, that the Diligent Mr. Strype has laid together ; referring 
 my Reader, for a more Copious Account of them, to his An- 
 nals. 
 Other Things " It was dcfigned, to have y^w^/'s Apology joined to the Articles : 
 prepared for cc Which Archbifliop P^zr/^^r intended fliould be in all Cathedral and 
 'f Collegiate Churches, and alfo in Private Houfes. 
 
 " Degrees of Punifliment were propofed, for all thofe who fliould 
 " Preach, Write, or Speak, in Derogation or Contempt of this Book, 
 " for the ill, 2d, and 3d Offence. 
 
 " It was propofed. That all Veftments, Copes and Surplices, fhould 
 " be taken away ; that none but Minifters fhould baptize : that the 
 " Table for the Sacrament lliould not fland Altar- wife j that Organs 
 " and Curious Singing Ihould be removed. 
 
 " That Godfathers and Godmothers fhould not anfwer In the 
 " Child's Name ; but lliould recite the Creed, and defire that the 
 " Child may be baptized in that Faith. Heix, on the Margin, Par- 
 " ker writes. Let this be conjidered. 
 
 " That none fliould be Married, but after the Banns have been 
 " afked for Three Sundays, or Holidays. On the Margin, Parker 
 " writes, Priefts folomiiz.tiig Matrijiiony, laithout 'Tejlitnonial of Ba7imj 
 " to fiiffer grievous Punijbment. 
 
 " That the Queen and Parliament be prayed to renew the AQ, for 
 " Empowering Thirty-two Perfons to gather Eccleliaflical Laws, 
 " and to review thofe appointed in K. Edward's Time. 
 
 " That all Peculiar Jurifdiclions fliould be extinguiflied, fo that 
 " the whole Diocefe be put under the Jurifdiftion of the Bifhop ; 
 " that no Appeal lliall lie, in Cafes of Corred:ion. On the Margin 
 " Parker writes. Let this be thought on. 
 
 " That in every Cathedral, a Divinity Le<Slure fhould be read 
 " Thrice a Week. 
 
 " That the Apparel of the Clergy fliould be Uniform. That no 
 " Perfon, not in Priefls Orders, fliall hold any Ecclefiaftical Dignity 
 " above a Year, if he does not take Priefls Orders. Parker writes, 
 " Too much : Afjd let it be thought on. 
 
 " That none be capable of a Difpenfation for a Plurality of Be- 
 " nefices with Cure of Souls, if he is not at leafl a Mafler of Arts, 
 " and they not beyond Twelve Miles Diflance. Parker writes. Let 
 l^it be conjidered, whether this ought to be refrained to Degrees. 
 
 " That
 
 ~ — I 
 
 Book VI. of the Church of England, 30c 
 
 " That if any has Two Cures, he fhall reiide conftantly on one, IC62. 
 " unlefs at feme Times to go and Preach in the other ; under the 
 " Pain of Lofmg the greater Benefice. Parke}- adds, Let this be 
 " thought on. 
 
 " That no Patron Sell, or Affign the next Advowfon ; and that no ; 
 
 " Grant be made of any Benefice, till it is void. 
 
 " That all Incumbents, or Curates, fliall, on Simdays in the Af- \ 
 
 " ternoon, offer to teach the Children of the Parifh the Cate- { 
 
 " chifm." . i 
 
 . The next Paper is, of Remedies, for the Poverty of Mimfters Liv- 
 ings: But the Remedies, how good foever, were not found pradli- 
 cable ; fo all this Matter was let fall. ' 
 
 With this Convocation, my Defign of Continuing the Hifiiory of A further 1 
 
 the FN^eformation is now concluded. And here I once intended to 'v^^'^i'.^j'"" \ 
 
 have ended my Work : But the Letters fentme from Ziirick, give me beyond my ^' ' 
 
 fuch a full and particular Account, of the firft Unhappy Breach that f°''™'^'^ Work. ^ 
 
 v/as made in our Church, with fo many Curious Incidents, that I am 
 
 by thefe invited to fet that Matter out in a clear Light, fince I have it 
 
 before me, in the Letters of the moft eminent of our Bifhops. \ 
 
 1 
 I 
 
 There was a great Variety of Sentiments among our Reformers, AControverfy ' 
 
 on this Point; Whether it loas fit, fo retain an External Face of^\''^V!^^^''^ \ 
 
 rwi • ; 111 ■ r I • I rr-- 1 iiings in- ; 
 
 jCmngs, near to ivbat had been praaijed in the Times of Popery ; or ^zc/?* different. 
 The doing that, made the People come eafily in, to the more Real \ 
 
 Changes that were made in the Docflrines, when they faw the out- 1 
 
 ward Appearances fo little altered : So this Method feemed the fafer, \ 
 
 and the readier way to wean the People, from the Fondnefs they had 
 for a Splendid Face of Things, by that which was ftill kept up. But ' 
 
 on the other Hand, it was faid. That this kept up ftill the Inclination ' 
 
 in the People to the former Pradlices : They were by thefe made to ' 
 
 think, that the Reformed State of the Church did not differ much ' 
 
 from them ; and that they imitated them. And they apprehended, I 
 
 that this outward Refemblance made the Old Root of Popery to live j 
 
 ftill in their Thoughts ; fo that if it made them conform at prefent ] 
 
 more eafily to the Change that was now made, it would make it ftill j 
 
 much the cafier for them to fall back to Popery : So, for this \ 
 
 very Reafon, they ftood upon it ; and thought it better to put Mat- , 
 
 ters in as great an Oppolition to the Pradlices of Popery, as was pof- 
 fible, or convenient. 
 
 The Queen had, in her firft Injunftions, ordered the Clergy to 
 wear Seemly Garments, and Square Caps ; adding. That this was 
 only for Decency, and not to afcribe any Worthinefs to the Gar- 
 ments : But when the AEl of Uniformity was fettled, whereas in the 
 Liturgy paffed in the Second Year of King Edivard, Copes, and other 
 Garments were ordered to be ufed ; but in the Second Book, pafled 
 in the 6th Year of that King, all was laid afide except the Surplice : 
 Yet the Queen, who loved Magnificence in every Thing, returned 
 back to the Rules in King Edward's Firft Book, till other Order 
 fliould be taken therein by the Queen. There was likewife a Claufe 
 , Vol. III. 4 I put
 
 3o6 T'he Hijlory of the Reformation Part 111. 
 
 1564. put in the AB of Uniformity, impowering the Queen, to Ordam and 
 ^ r-"^ Ptiblifi fiich jurther Cerewotiies and Rites, as fnight be for the Advance- 
 ment of God's Glory, the Edifying oj his Church, and the due Reverence 
 of Chrif's Holy Myjleries and Sacraments. 
 ^ . The Matter being thus fettled, there followed a great Diverfity in 
 ty'hi Praftice! Pradlicc : Many conforming themfelves in all Points to the Law ; 
 while others did not ufe either the Surplice, or the Square Caps and 
 Hoods, according to their Degree. This vifible Difference began to 
 give great Offence, and to ftate Two Parties in the Church. The 
 People obferved it, and run into Parties upon it. Many forfook their 
 Churches, of both Sides : Some, becaufe thofe Habits were ufed j and 
 fome, becaufe they were not ufed. It is likewife fuggefted, that the 
 Papifts infulted, upon this Divilion among the Proteftants ; and faid, 
 it was impoffible it fliould be otherwife, till all returned, to come 
 under One Abfolutc Obedience. 
 The Queen Upon this, the Queen, in January 1561, wrote to the Archbifliop 
 Archbinio^^of°^ Canterbury, " reflefting (not without fome Acrimony of Stile) 
 cllt. to bring " ou thefc Dlvcrfities ; as if they were the Effedl of fome Remif- 
 aiitoan Uni- u nefs in him, and in the other Bifliops ; Requiring him, that, with 
 fomuty. ., the Affiftance of other Bifliops, Commiffioned by Her for Caufes 
 " Ecclefiaftical, he (hould give ftrict Orders, that all Diveriities and 
 *' Varieties, both among the Clergy and People, might be reformed 
 *• and repreffcd ; and that all fliould be brought to one Manner of 
 *' Unformity, thro' the whole Kingdom, that fo the People might 
 " quietly honour and ferve God." 
 
 Upon that, fome of the Bifliops met ; Six in all. Of thefe. Four 
 ■were upon the Ecclefiaftical Commiflion : The Archbifliop of Cafi- 
 tcrbiiry, the Bifliops of London, Ely, and Rochejier : And with thefe 
 joined, the Bifliops of Winchejler and Lincoln. They agreed on fome 
 Rules and Orders meet to be obferved, not as equivalent to the Word 
 of God, nor as Laws that did bind the Confcience, from the Nature 
 of the Things confidered in themfelves; or, as that they did add 
 any Efficacy, or more Holinefs to the Publick Prayers and Sacra- 
 ments ; but as Temporary Orders, merely Ecclefiaftick, and as Rules 
 concerning Decency, Diftinftion, and Order for the Time. 
 
 They begun with Articles of Dodtrine and Preaching : " That 
 bythcBimops. " ^^ Preachers fhould fludy to preach to Edification, and handle 
 " Matters of Controverfy with Sobriety and Difcretion j exhorting 
 " People to receive the Sacrament frequently, and to continue in all 
 " Obedience to the Laws, and to the Queen's Injundlions. All 
 " former Licences are declared void ; but are to be renewed, to fuch 
 " as the Bifhops thought meet for the Office; they paying only a 
 ** Groat for the Writing. If any fliould preach unfound Doftrine, 
 " they were to be denounced to the Bifliop, but not to be contra- 
 " dided in the Church. All were to be required to preach once in 
 " Throe Months, either in Perfon, or by one in their Stead, Such 
 " as were not Licenfed to Preach, were to Read the Homilies, or 
 " fuch other neceffary Dodtrine as fliould be prefcribed. In the Sa- 
 " crament, the Principal Minifl:er was to wear a Cope ; but at all 
 *' other Prayers, only Surplices. That Deans and Prebendaries 
 
 " ihould
 
 Book VI. of the Church of England. 307 
 
 " fhould wear a Hood in the Choir, and Preach with their Hood : i C64.. 
 
 " all Communicants were to receive the Sacrament kneelino- : Then v— ->r°«^ 
 
 ** follow Rules about tolling the Bell when People Die ; about the 
 
 " Altar ; the Font ; and who may be Godfathers in Baptifm : That 
 
 " no Shops be opened on Sundays : That Bifhops fhall give Notice 
 
 " againft the Day of giving Orders, that all Men may except againfl 
 
 " fuch as are Unworthy : That none be Ordained, but within their 
 
 " own Diocefe, except thofe who have Degrees in the Univeriity, 
 
 " Rules follow for Licences, for Archdeacons to appoint Curates to 
 
 " get fome Texts of the New Teftament by Heart ; and at the next 
 
 " Synod to hear them rehearfe them. Ordinaries were to guard 
 
 " againft Simoniacal Pradlices, and none were to Marry within the 
 
 " Levitical Degrees : Then follow Rules of their wearing Apparel, 
 
 " Gowns and Caps : They were to wear no Hats, but in Travellino- : 
 
 " But thofe who were deprived, might not wear them. To this 
 
 " they added a Form of Subfcription to be required of all that were 
 
 *' to be admitted to any Office, or Cure, in the Church ; to this 
 
 " Effed:, that they fliould not Preach, but by the Bifliop's Special 
 
 " Licence ; that they fliould read the Service diftindtly and audibly ; 
 
 " that they fliould keep a Regifter Book, and ufefuch Apparel, fpe- 
 
 " cially at Prayers, as was appointed ; that they fliould endeavour 
 
 " to keep Peace and Quiet in their Parifhes, That they fliould every 
 
 *' Day read a Chapter in the Old and New Teftament, conlidering 
 
 " it well, to the Increafe of their Knowledge ; and in Conclufion, 
 
 '• that they fliould Exercife their Office to the Honour of God, and 
 
 *' the Qmet of the Queen's Subjedls ; and obferve an Uniformity in 
 
 " all Laws and Orders already eftabliflied ; and that they fliould ufe 
 
 " no Sort of Trade, if their Living amounted to Twenty Nobles, or 
 
 " upwards." 
 
 The Proceedings here in England, are fully coUedled by Mr. 
 Sfrype ; fo as to thefe, I refer my Reader to the Account given by him, 
 which is both full and impartial. I fliall only give the Abftradls of 
 the Letters that palTed in this Matter between our Bifliops and Bul- 
 linger, Gualtcr, and the other Divines in Zurich. Thefe Foreign 
 Divines did not officioufly, nor of their own Motion intermeddle in 
 this Matter. It began in January 1564-5, for then the Queen wrote 
 to the Archbifliop, and in March the Order was fettled by the Arch- 
 bifliop and Bifliops : But when the Bifhops faw the Oppofition that 
 many were making to this, Sampfon and Humphreys being the mofl: 
 Eminent of thofe who oppofed it, who were in great Reputation, par- 
 ticularly in the Univerfity of Oxford, where the one was Dean of 
 Chriji's Church, and the other was Prefident of Magdalen's, and Divi- 
 nity Profcflbr : And they were much diftinguiflied for their Learning, 
 Piety, and Zeal in Religion : Upon this, Horn, Bifliop of Winchejier^ ^^^^ ^-^^^ 
 wrote on the 1 6th of Jidy to Gualtcr, and ftated the Matter clearly ofmnchejier 
 to him : I have put his Letter in the Collection, though it is already^"'" '°^"" 
 printed ; but I thought it convenient to infert it, lince the Letters Diveifuie' 
 that are to follow depend upon it. Praftice. 
 
 After he had mentioned fome of Gwrt/Ztr's Works, he commends -°' 
 thofe of Zurich for not being impofed on by the Artifices of the 
 French ; in which he hopes thofe of Bern would follow the Example 
 
 that 
 
 s in 
 Co//. Numb.
 
 3o8 T^he Hijlory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1565. that they had fet them ; he comes to thexA.ffairs oi England, " Where 
 *— -"V^ — ' " they were ftill in fear of the Snares of the Papifls, who took great 
 " Advantage from a Queftlon lately raifed about Veftmcnts, to fay 
 " Proteftants could never agree together : The Adl of Parliament 
 " was made before they were in Office; fo that they had no Hand 
 " in making it ; By it the Veftments were enadled, but without any 
 " Superftitious Conceit about them, the contrary being exprefsly 
 " declared. What was once adled in Parliament could not be aiter- 
 " ed, but by the fame Authority. The Bilhops had obeyed the 
 " Law, thinking the Matter to be of its Nature Indifferent : And 
 " they had Reafon to apprehend, that if they had deferted their Sta- 
 " tions upon that Account, their Enemies might have come into 
 " their Places. Yet upon this, there was a Divifion formed among 
 " them : Some thought they ought to fuffer themfelves to be put 
 " from their Miniftry, rather than obey the Law ; others were of 
 " a different Mind. He defires that he would write his Opinion of 
 " this Matter, as foon as was poflible. They were in hope to pro- 
 " cure an Alteration of the Adt in the next Parliament; but he ap- 
 " prehended there would be a great Difficulty in obtaining it ; by 
 -" Reafon of the Oppofition the Paplfbs would give therii ; for they 
 " hoped that if many fliould leave their Stations, they might find 
 " Occafions to infinuate themfelves again into the Queen's Fa- 
 " vour." 
 „ , It feems he wrote a Letter in the fame Strain to BuUinger, as will 
 
 76. appear by his Anfwer of the 3d oi November, which will be found 
 
 Anfvvers from i,-j jj^g CoUedlion : " Hs Writes, that he had heard of the Divifion 
 fyhigthofe '' " amoDg them from others ; but not knowing the whole State of 
 who obeyed << the Queflion, he was not forward to give his Opinion, 'till he 
 the Laws. <« had his Letter. He laments this unhappy Breach among them : 
 " He approves their Zeal, who willied to have the Church purged 
 " from all the Dregs of Popery : On the other Hand, he commends 
 " their Prudence, who would not have the Church to be forfaken, 
 " becaufe of the Veftments. The Great End of the Miniflry was 
 " Edification ; and that was not be abandoned, but upon very 
 " good Grounds : Efpecially when the deferting their Stations was 
 " like to make way for much worfe Things : And that they faw ei- 
 " ther Papifls, or Lutherans, would be put in their Places, and then 
 " Ceremonies would be out of meafure increafed. No doubt, they 
 " had brought many Perfons of all Sorts to love the Purity cf Do- 
 " ftrine ; but what a Prejudice would it be to thefe to open fuch a 
 " Door, by which Swarms of Abufes might creep in among them : 
 " This they ought carefully to prevent : As for thofe who firft made 
 " thofe Laws, or wereZealous Maintainers of them, he confefles he 
 " is not pleafed with them. They a6led unwifely, if they were 
 " truly of the Reformed fide : But if they were only difguifcd Ene- 
 *' mies, they were laying Snares with ill Defigns : Yet he thinks 
 ** every Thing of that Sort ought to be fubmitted to, rather than 
 " that they fliould forfake their Miniflry : And fince it was declared 
 *' that thofe Veftments were to be ufed without any fuperflitious 
 " Conceit, he thinks that ought to fatisfy Men's Confciences. But in 
 "..; " the
 
 Book VI. of the Church <?/" England. 309 \ 
 
 *' the mean while he propofes to them, to prefs the Queen and the 1565. \ 
 
 " Nobility to go on and compleat a Reformation, that was fo Glo- *- — ^r-^ \ 
 
 *' rioufly begun. He knew that in many Places Qoeftions were at | 
 
 " that Time moved, concerning; the Extent of the Ma2;ii1:rates Autho- *' 
 
 *' rity ; he wifhes thefe might be every where let alone : Certainly ! 
 
 '.' Matters of that Nature ought not to be meddled with in Sermons : ! 
 
 *' There may be an Occafion to debate about them in Parliament, ' 
 
 " and it may be proper to fpeak to the Queen, and to her Counfel- : 
 
 " lors, in Private about them. Upon the Whole Matter he con- j 
 
 *' eludes, that as on the one Hand he would be tender in dealing with I 
 
 ** Men of Weak Confciences ; fo on the other Hand he propofes I 
 
 " St. Paul's Rule in fuch Cafes, of becoming allThings to all Men: \ 
 
 f* He circumcifed 'Timothy, that he might not give Offence to the \ 
 
 " yews ; though at the fame Time he condemns thofe who were im- i 
 
 " pofmg the Yoke of the yudaicalLsLW , as necelTary in the Begin- i 
 
 *f nings of Chrillianity. ] 
 
 When Samp/on and Humphreys underftood in what a Strain Bid- BuUhger i 
 
 //;;^t'r and G/^^//t'r had written concerning the Veflments, they wrote ^I'l" to thofe ; 
 
 on the 1 6th of February a copious Account of the Grounds, on ^^^"^^^^"y j 
 
 which they founded their Refufal to obey thefe Orders. Their Let- them. | 
 
 ters came to BidUngcr on the 26th of April ■, and he anfwered them \ 
 
 on the I ft of May. This will be found in the Colledlion. " He I 
 
 *' puts them in mind of Peter Martyrs Opinion in a like Matter, ^ „ .j , j 
 
 *' when he was at Oxford -, to which he could add nothing. He -7, " ""' ' -i 
 
 f could not approve of any Perfons officiating at an Altar, on which : 
 
 •' there was a Crucifix ; and in a Cope, on the Back of which there ' 
 
 *' was a Crucifix. He tells them how both he and Gualter had an- ■ 
 
 '*' fwered Horn's Letter on the Subjed: : And he fent them Copies of \ 
 
 V thefe Letters. He would be extreme forry, if thefe did not give ; 
 
 " them Satisfadion. He prayed earneftly to God for them. He ; 
 
 " had a great Dillike to all Controverfies of that fort ; and did not j 
 
 " v/illingly meddle in them : He did think that Laws might be made i 
 
 *' prefcribing decent Habits to the Clergy, which may be reduced to i 
 
 *' that Branch of St. Paul's Character of a Bifhop, that he ought to j 
 
 *' be Koapos, which may be rendered decent, as well as we have it j 
 
 *' of good Behaviour. Nor was this the reviving the Levitical hzw. ; 
 
 *' Every Thing is not to be called Levitical becaufe it was pradlifed j 
 
 ** by the Jews. The Apoftles commanded the Converts to Chrifti- I 
 
 " anity, to abftain from Things ftrangled, and from Blood. The ; 
 
 " maintaining the Clergy by the Tythes, came from Laws given to 
 
 *' yews ; and from them we have the finging of Pfalms among us : I 
 
 " So Things are not to be rejedled becaufe of fome Conformity to j 
 
 " the Mojaical Inftitution. Nor can this be called a Conformity to 
 
 *' Popery : Nor is every Thing pradlifed among them to be rejedled ; 
 
 " on that Account ; otherwife we muft not ufe their Churches, nor 
 
 " pronounce the Creed ; nor ufe the Lord's Prayer ; fince all thefe \ 
 
 " are ufed by them. It was in this Cafe expreffed, in the Orders fet ; 
 
 " out lately by them, that the Habits were not enjoyned on the ; 
 
 " Superftitious Conceits of the Papifts : They were only to be ufed j 
 
 " in Obedience to the Law. It favours too much of a yewiJJj, I 
 
 " or of a Monaftick Temper, to put Religion in fuch Matters :■ If it j 
 
 Vol. m. 4K "is j
 
 lo 'J'he Hiflory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1565. " is pretended that tlie obejang Laws in Matters indifferent, was 
 »— --V— — ' " the giving up our Chriftian Liberty ; that would go a great way 
 " to the denying all Obedience, and might provoke the Magiflrate 
 " to lay yet heavier Loads on them. Habits peculiar to the Clergy 
 " was an Antienter Praftice than Popery itlelf: Zt. John is faid to 
 " have carried on his Head fome-what like a Mitre : And Mention 
 " is made of St. (v\|/'/7(7;/s having'a peculiar Garment, called a D^/- 
 " matica. St. Chnfojlom fpeaks of their White Garments. Tcriul- 
 " lian tells us, that the Heathens converted to Chriftianity, quitted 
 " their Toga, the Roman upper Garment, and ufed the Fallium, or 
 " Cloak. He willies there were no Impofitions on the Clergy in 
 " fuch Matters : Yet fince this was an Ancient Habit, and was now 
 " enjoyned, without making it a Matter of Religion ; he wiflies 
 " they would not fet too great a Value upon it, but yield fomewhat 
 " to the prefent Time ; and that they would confidcr it as a Thing 
 " indifferent, and not affedl to difpute too fubtily about it ; but to 
 " behave themfelvcs Modeflly. They had put a Qi^ieilion to him, 
 " whether any Thing may be preicribed that is not expreffed in 
 • ' Scripture : He did not approve of laying on a Load of fuch Things 
 " on Peoples Necks ; but fome Things might be appointed for Order 
 " and Difcipline. Chrift kept the Feafl: of the Dedication, tho' 
 " appointed by no Law of God. If it is faid the Things commanded 
 " are not Neceflary, and are of no Ufe, yet they not for that to be 
 *' condemned, nor are Schifms to be raifed on that Account : Many 
 " Things are again repeated in this Letter, that were in his Letter to 
 " Horn." 
 That Letter ^ Copy of this was fent to Uorn^ and both Grlndal and he ap- 
 in^lww. prehending the good EfFeft that the Printing it might have, in fettling 
 the Minds of many that were much fliaken by the Oppofition that 
 was made to the Orders that had been fet out, printed it here. So that 
 it was not neceffary for me to put it in the Collection, if I did not 
 intend to lay the chief Papers relating to this Matter fo together, as to 
 fet it all in a clear Light. 
 
 Upon this tampfon and Humphreys wrote over to Zurich, com- 
 plaining of the Printing of their Letter, and carrying their Complaints 
 asfainft the Conftitution of the Church much further, than to the 
 Matter of the Veftments: They complain of the Mulick, and Organs; 
 of making Sponfors in Baptifm anfwer in the Child's Name ; of the 
 Crofs in Baptifm j of the Court of Faculties ; and the Paying for 
 Difpenfations , all which will appear fully in a Letter of theirs in 
 the Colledlion, which they wrote to them in '^idy : " They acknow- 
 Call. iiuinb. * ' ledge their Letter had not fully fatisfied them : They do not 
 78. " think the prcfcribing Habits to the Clergy meerly a Civil Thing ; 
 
 " they think St. P^/J's ^a-^iioc belongs to the Ornaments of the Mind. 
 " And add, how can that Habit be thought decent, that was brought 
 " in to drefs up the Theatrical Pomp of Popery ? The Papifls glo- 
 " ried in this our Imitation of them. They do approve of fctting 
 !" Rules concerning Order, but that ought not to be applied to this, that 
 « overturns the Peace and Qdet of the Church, in Things that are 
 " not either Neceffary, or Ufeful ; that do not tend to any Edifica- 
 •' tion, but ferve to recommend thofe Forms, which all do now 
 J abhor.
 
 (C 
 
 <c 
 
 (( 
 
 Book VI. of the Church of England. 311 
 
 " abhor. The Fapifts themfelves glory in this, that thefe Habits 1565. 
 " were brought in by them : for which they vouch Otho\ Conftitu- 
 " tion, and the Roman PontificaL They were not againft the Re- 
 *' taining any Thing that was good, becaufe it had been abufed in 
 " Popery. 
 
 " They affirm, that in King 'Edivard'^ Time the Surplice was not 
 *' univerfally ufed, nor preffed ; and the Copes then taken away, are 
 " now to be reftored. This is not to extirpate Popery, but to plant 
 " it again ; and, inftead of going forward, is to go back. It was 
 known, how much Virtue and Religion the Papifls put in the Sur- 
 plice ; and at this Day it is held in as great Efteem, as the Monks 
 Habits were wont to be. The Ufe of it, may, by degrees, bring 
 back the fame Superflition. They did not put Religion in Ha- 
 bits ; they only oppofed thofe that did : And they thought, that 
 it gave fome Authority to Servitude, to depart from their Liberty. 
 *' They hated Contention, and were ready to enter into friendly Con- 
 •' ferences about this Matter. They do not defert their Churches, 
 *' and leave them expofed to Wolves ; but to their great Grief, they 
 " are driven from them. They leave their Brethren, to ftand and 
 *' fall to their own Mafters ; and defire the fame favourable For- 
 " bearance from them, tho' in vain hitherto. It was by other Mens 
 *' Perfuafion, that the Queen was irritated againft them : And now, 
 ^' to fupport thefe Orders, all that is pretended, is, that they are 
 *' not unlawful : It is not pretended, that there is any Thing good, 
 *' or expedient, in the Habits. The Habits of the Clergy are Vifible 
 " Marks of their ProfefTion ; and thefe ought not to be taken from 
 *' their Enemies. The Antient Fathers had their Habits ; but not 
 *' peculiar to Bifhops, nor diftindl from the Laity. The InfVances of 
 " St. 'John., and Cyprian^ are fingular. In T^ertnllian^ Time, the Pal- 
 *' Hum was the Common Habit of all Chriflians. Chryfojlom fpeaks of 
 " White Garments^ but with no Approbation ; He rather finds Fault 
 " with them. They had cited Biicer ; but he thought, that the 
 " Orders concerning Habits, by reafon of the Abufe of them in the 
 " Church of E7igland, ought to be taken away, for a fuller Decla- 
 *' ration of their Abhorrence of -^^^/c/jr^/, for AfTerting the Chriftian 
 *' Liberty, and for Removing all Occafions of Contention. They 
 *' were far from any Defign of making a Schifm, or of Quarrelling. 
 " They will not condemn Things indifferent, as Unlawful : They 
 " wifli, the Occafion of the Contention were removed, that the Re- 
 " membrance of it might be for ever buried. They, who condemned 
 " the Papal Pride, could not like a Tyranny in a Free Church. They 
 " wifh, there might be a Free Synod, to Settle this Matter ; in which 
 *' Things fliould not be carried according to the Mind of One or 
 " Two Perfons. The Matter now in Debate, had never been fettled 
 J' by any General Decree of a Council, or of any Reformed Church. 
 " They acknowledge, the Doftrine of this Church was now pure; 
 " and why fliould there be any Defed; in any Part of our Woriliip ? 
 " Why fhould we borrow any Thing from Popery ? Why fliould 
 "^ they not agree in Rites, as well as in Dodtrine, with the other 
 ;' Reformed Churches ? They had a good Opinion of their Bifhops, 
 
 " and
 
 312 T'he Hifiory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 Coll. Numb. 
 
 1565. " and bore with their State and Pomp : They once bore the fame 
 Crofs with them, and preached the fame Chrift with them : Why 
 are they now turned out of their Benefices, and feme put in Pri- 
 fon, only for Habits ? Why are they publickly defamed ? Tne Bi- 
 fhops had printed the Private Letter that they had Vv'ritten to them, 
 without their Knowledge or Confent. The Bifliops do now Hand 
 upon it, as if the Caufe were their own. But to let tliem fee, 
 that the Difpute was not only about a Cap ; they fent them an 
 Abftrad of fome other Things, to which they wifli fome Remedy 
 could be found ;" (which is in the Colledlion) " and conclude with 
 uo/;. i»«w. ^^ fome Prayers to God, to quiet thofe DifTentions, and to fend forth 
 " Labourers into his Vineyard." 
 
 To this, I have joined the Anfwer that BulUngcr and Giialter wrote 
 Con.Numb. ^^ ^^^^_^^ j^^ .^ ^j^^y ^^Ij ^^^^^^ „ ^.^.^^ jj^gy jj^ j^^^ expedl that 
 
 p „. , " their Letters fliould fully fitisfy them : They only wrote their 
 Anfwer to " Opmion to them, becaule they delired it. Ihey were heartily 
 Sampfoit. tc fQj.j.y {Q £pj^ that they could not acquiefce in it. They would 
 " engage no further in that Matter : They could anfwer their Argu- 
 " ments, but they would give no Occafion to endlefs Difputations. 
 " They thought it would be more expedient, to fubmit to thofe Ha- 
 " bits, and to continue in the Church, than by refufing to ufe them, 
 " to be forced to leave their Churches. They went no further, and 
 " did not approve of any Popifli Defilements, or Superiliitions, Nor 
 " did they in any fort enter into thofe other Matters, of which they 
 " do now complain, and of which they knew nothing before. Thefe 
 *' were Matters of much greater Confequence, than either the Sur- 
 " plices or the Copes : So that it was to be hoped, that the Letter 
 " they had written about the Habits, could not be flretched to thefe 
 *' Matters. There was nothing left to them, but to commend them 
 " to God, and to pray that he would quiet this unhappy Diflention 
 " among them, and give his Church the Blefiings of Peace. They 
 " only defire them to remember, that the Minifters of the Gofpel 
 •' ought not only to hold fail: the Truth, but likewife to be Prudent 
 " Stewards, having a due Regard to the Times, bearing many 
 *' Things with Patience and Charity, and fo maintain the Peace of 
 •' the Church : And not to prejudice it by an over-eager or morofe 
 " Temper ; nor think it enough that they had a good Defign ; but 
 *' they muft purfue it by prudent Methods." 
 
 BuUinger and Gualter, feeing the Divifion like to be carried much 
 'j^^^^j^g^^^j^^f further than the Matter of the Veftments, thought the heft Office 
 Bedford. that they could do their Friends, was, to write to the Earl of Bed- 
 ford; being well affured of his Zeal in the Matters of Religion. 
 They wrote to him on the i ith of September, that Year : The Let- 
 ter will be found in the CoUedlion, They tell him, " That when 
 ColL Numb. ,, ^j^gy £|.|^ j^g^j.^ ^£ jj^g Contention raifed about the Veftments, 
 
 •' they were afraid it might have a further Progrefs. They, being 
 " defired, did give their Opinion freely in the Matter ; and thought, 
 *' that for Things of fo little Importance, it was not fit for the 
 ^ Clergy to defert their Stations, and to leave them to be filled, per- 
 
 *' haps,
 
 Book VI. of the Church of England. 313 \ 
 
 " haps, by Wolves and Deceivers. They were forry to find, that i f 6 -. ' 
 
 " their Fears of the Mifchief that might follow on this Contention, v--— v^-^ ; 
 " were but too well grounded. They hear, that not only the Veft- 
 
 " ments are comnlained of, but that many other things are except- ; 
 " ed to, that plainly favour of Popery. They are alfo forry, that 
 " the Private Letter which they wrote, fliould have been printed ; 
 " and that their Judgment of the Veftments was extended to other 
 
 " Things, of which they could in no fort approve : So that their : 
 
 " Opinion in one Particular is made ufe of, to call; a Load on Per- . 
 
 '* Ions, for whom they fliould rather have Compaffion in their Suf- ! 
 
 " ferings, than ftudy to aggravate them. It gave them a very fenfi- ; 
 
 " ble Grief, to fee the Church of England fcarce got out of the i 
 *' Hands of their bloody Enemies, now like to be pulled down by 
 " their inteftine Broils. So, having an entire Confidence in his 
 
 " good Affedlion to the Gofpel, they pray him to interceed with j 
 
 *' the Queen and the Nobility, in the Parliament that was foon to i 
 
 " meet, for their Brethren that were then fuffering ; who deferved, I 
 
 " that great Regard fliould be had to them, and that their Faults j 
 
 " fhould be forgiven them. It had appeared, what true Zeal they ^ 
 
 " had for Religion ; fince the only Thing, about which they were ; 
 
 " fo foUicitous, was, that Religion rtiould be purged from all the I 
 
 " Dregs of Popery. This Caufe in general was fuch, that thofe \ 
 " who promoted it, proved themfelves to be worthy of the higheft 
 
 " Dignitv. Princes were to be Nurfing Fathers to the Church : J 
 
 " Then they perform that Office truly, when they not only refcue J 
 " her out of the Hands of her Enemies, but take care that the 
 " Spoufe of Chrift be not any way (lained with the falfe Paint of 
 
 " Superflition, or render herfelf fufpedted, by having any Rites un- \ 
 
 " becoming the Chriftian Simplicity. They do therefore earneflly ■ 
 
 " pray him, that as he has hitherto fliewed his Zeal in the Caufe of • 
 
 *" the Gofpel, fo he will at this Time exert himfelf ; and employ all : 
 
 " the Intereft he has in the Queen, and in the Nobility, that the i 
 
 " Church of England^ fo happily Reformed, to the Admiration of 1 
 
 " the whole World, may not be ftained with any of the Defilements | 
 
 " or Remnants of Popery. This will look like a Giddinefs in them : I 
 
 " It will offend the Weak among them, and give great Scandal to ■ 
 
 " their Neighbours, both in France and in Scotland^ who are yet I 
 
 " under the Crofs. The very Papiils will juftify their Tyrannical ; 
 
 " Impofitions, by what is done now among them. They lay all this i 
 
 *' before him with the more Confidence, knowing his Zeal, as they _ | 
 
 " do." They alfo wrote in the fame Strain to Grhidall and Horn, ^f' ^'""'^- i 
 
 as will be found in the CoUedion. j 
 
 When Grindall and Horn underftood, that thofe of Ziirick were j 
 not plcafed with the Printing of their Letter ; of which they wrote 
 
 to them, and fent with it the Paper, in which were put the Heads of I 
 
 thofe other Things in the Conftitution of this Church, to which '■, 
 
 they excepted; they both, jointly, wrote Anfwer to them, in one i 
 
 Letter to Bidlingcr and Guafter, on the 6th of February ; which will ^'"' ^"'"^' \ 
 
 be found in the Colledtioij. j 
 
 Vol. III. 4L "They
 
 314 "^^^ Hijiory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 I 566. " They tell them, they had printed their Letter, but had fupprefled 
 
 V— — v-^-* " the Names of thofe to whom it was directed. It had the good 
 
 Grh>^i-'ii and ,, g^:^^ ^^^^ ^, expedlcd from it : For it had iatisfied and fettled 
 
 tioni s Letter, _/r in- l r • i- 
 
 fliewing their " the Minds ot many, who were upon the ronit or Leaving their 
 Uncafinefsm jc Chui'ches : And even the moft troublefome were fo far wrought 
 "^^"> ' '■='' c, Q,-j \^y [i^ ti^at they were filent, and Icfs violent in their Oppofition, 
 " than they had formerly been. Some few were turned out, but they 
 " were not of the more Learned Sort ; except Sampfon, who, they 
 " acknowledge, was both Pious and Learned. Humphreys, and other 
 " Learned Men, were fhill continued in their Stations. The Letter 
 " that they had printed, related only to that Particular upon which it 
 " was written, and could not be applied to any Thing elfe : Nor was 
 " there any other Queftion then on foot : So that it was a Calumny to 
 " fay, that their Opinion was alT<.ed about any other Matter. The 
 *' Noife and the Complaints that fome had made, had very much 
 " provoked the Qiieen and many of the Nobility againft them. The 
 " Papifts triumphed upon it, and hoped to come in again, and to 
 " fill the Places, which were made void upon their Deferting their 
 " Stations. They do folemnly attell the Great God, that this Dif- 
 " fention was not raifed by any Fault of theirs ; and that it did not 
 " lie at their Door, that thofe Veflments were not quite taken away. 
 " They may take their Oaths upon it, that they had ufed all poflible 
 " Means in that Matter ; and had, with the utmofl Earneftnefs, and 
 " the moft fincere Diligence, laboured to obtain that which their 
 " Brethren defued, and which they themfelves wifhed for. But fince 
 •' they could not do what willingly they would do, they muft be con- 
 *' tent with doing what they could do. 
 
 " As to the other Particulars complained of, they plainly write, 
 *' they did not approve of that figured Mufick, together with the 
 *' Ufe of Organs, that was continued in Cathedrals. They enlarge 
 " on many other Particulars, and fet forth the Method of Convoca- 
 " tions. They did in no fort approve of Womens Baptizing. They 
 " gave way, till God Ihould lend better Times, to the Form of mak- 
 " ing the Sponfors in Baptifm anfwer in tlie Child's Name ; for 
 " which St. Aiijlin% Authority w'as pretended : But they did openly 
 " declare, that they thought it was not convenient. Nor did they ap- 
 *' prove of ufing the Crofs in Baptifm ; tho' the Words fpoken when 
 *' it was made, did plainly fliew, there was no fuperftitious Con- 
 " ceit kept up by the Ufe of it. They alfo fuffered the Pofture of 
 ■*' Kneeling in the Sacrament, with the due Caution with which it 
 *' was enjoined, that was fet down in King Edward's Book, declar- 
 *' ing the Reafon for which that Pofture was ftill continued. For 
 " the Abufes of their Courts, tho' they cannot corred: them entire- 
 " ly, yet they did openly inveigh againft them ; which they would 
 " continue ftill to do, till they Iliould be fent back to Hell, from 
 " whence they came. Every Man had full Freedom, to declare his- 
 " Mind as to all thefe Abufes j They had laboured in the laft Par- 
 " liament all they could, to purge out all Errors and Abufes ; which, 
 " tho' it had not then the defired Effeft, yet they would not give 
 'f over their Endeavours to bring it to a happy Conclufion : And this 
 
 I' they
 
 Book VI. of the Church of Kn^l'Bind. 31 r 
 
 " they would do, as tliey delired the Continuance of their Friend- i 06. ■ 
 " Hiip and Brotherly Love." v.^ — v— -^ I 
 
 The others Ilill infifted, and Sampfon m a Letter from Oxford j 
 the 9th of Fc-^rw^ry, 156I, lo BuUinger, reduces the Qiiellions con- ' 
 cerning the Habits to Seven Heads, ilt, If a Habit different in 
 Form, and Colour, from the Laity, ought to be enjoyned to the I 
 Clergy ? 2dly, If the Molaical Ceremonies may be brought into the \ 
 Chriitian Church? 3dly, If it is lawful to conform to Papilb in Ha- 
 bits and outward Rites, and if it is fitting to barrow Ceremonies from \ 
 that Corrupt Church ? 4thly, If the uhng a peculiar Friellly Habit, ■ 
 -is meerly a Civil Matter, and if it does not favour of Monkery, Fo- i 
 pery and Judaifm? 5thly, If thole who have hitherto ufed their j 
 Liberty, may with a good Confcience, upon the Account of the 
 Queen's Mandate, involve themfclves, and the Church again in a 
 Yoke of Bondage ? 6thly, If the Popilh Clerical Habit can be called 
 a Thing that is Indifferent ? And the 7th is, If they ought to ule ! 
 thefe Flabits, rather than defert their Stations ? To thefe he begs him 
 ■to fend as foon as may be, a full and copious Anfwer. ' 
 
 A few Days after this, y^'uv/ wrote to Biiilinge)-, (In the Letter „,, ■ 
 
 that is in the Colledion,) " That he was fo attacked by many dif-AW.'84. ' 
 " ferent Hands, that it took him wholly up to prepare Anlwers to^'''-'''/'^ '^cnfe j 
 " them. He was not in the Houfe of Lords during the lafl Parlia- °r!''°*''"^''^" \ 
 
 *' ment, in which there was a great Heat for a whole Month, con- ' 
 
 " cerning the SuccefTion to the Crown : But the (^een would fuf- i 
 
 *' fer no Declaration to be made in that Matter, though it was mofl i 
 
 •< vehemently prefTed, there appearing on both Sides a great deal of ; 
 
 " Earneftnefs. The Queen thought any fuch Declaration would j 
 
 " turn the Eyes of the Nation too much towards the rifing Sun. i 
 
 " He fays the Controverfy about the Veitments had raifed great ' 
 " Heats. The Queen was fixed, and could not be wrought on to 
 
 " let any Change be made. Some of their Brethren were fb eao-er ; 
 
 " in difputing about that Matter, as if the whole Bufinefs of Relio-ion - 
 
 " was concerned in it. They leave their Stations, and Churches, ; 
 
 " rather than yield a little. Nor were they at all moved from their i 
 •' StitFnefs by the moft Learned Letters, that he and Giialter liad 
 
 " written to them on that Subjed: ; nor by all the Advice of their \ 
 " Friends. He thanks God that they had no other, nor more Impor- 
 " tant Debates than among tliem. Cheymey, Bifliop of Glouceftery 
 ** did indeed in Parliament profefs himfelf openly to be a Lutheran , 
 
 " but he was not like to have many Followers. ! 
 
 In a Letter of his, that is alfo in the CoUecffion, written to Bui- Coll. Ku?nb. 
 linger on the ifl o? March, 1565: " He writes that he was over- *^3- 
 
 " whelmed with the Books that the Papifts had written againll him, ; 
 
 " and was by that Means engaged in a profound Courfe of Study. ] 
 
 " He tells him how Cardinal Gr^WW/ had intended to cut off the \ 
 
 " Intercourfe between Efiglaiid and the Netherlands ; hoping by that j 
 
 *' Means to provoke the Englijl? to break out into Tumults ; but the ] 
 
 *' Defign turned upon himfelf: For the Efiglip refolving to fettle \ 
 
 " their Trade and Staple at Embden, the People of Flanders could 3 
 
 " not bear that. The Pope had fent one to Ireland to raife a Flame ;! 
 
 " in that Ifland. But the Pope's Agent, who was an Irijh Man, was j 
 
 taken
 
 3i6 
 
 The Hiftory of the Refonnation Part III. 
 
 Ilefleflions on 
 this Matter. 
 
 Coll. Numb. 
 
 86. 
 
 Other Letters 
 written to 
 J.urick by 
 fome Birtiops. 
 
 Coll. 
 87- 
 
 Numb. 
 
 taken and fent over a Prilbner to Engla?id. In Scotland the Queen 
 " onlv had her Mafs, all the Nation being averfe to it." 
 
 By Gr/W^/ and iy<5r;z's Letters, it appears that they had no other 
 Zeal in this Matter, but to preferve the Church in the Queen's Fa- 
 vour, and in Obedience to the Laws : Yet in Letters that were upon 
 this Occafion written to Zurich, (a Part of one is in the CoUedlion ;) 
 by fome others that adhered to Sampfoti, they let them know that 
 both Parker the Archbidiop, and Grindal and BorJi were too much 
 fliarpned in this Matter : Tlisrefore they pray them to ufe their En- 
 deavours to foften them more towards their Brethren : But they ac- 
 kiiowledge that FUkinton of Durefnie, Sands of Worcejler, and Park- 
 htirjl of Nornaicb, had by their Moderation made good all their Pro- 
 mifes: So they deferved that Thanks fliould be given them : They 
 defire further, that they would write to them all to proceed more 
 mildly, and to endeavour to get thofe Dregs of Popery to be removed : 
 And that they would tolerate, at leaft connive at thofe who did not 
 approve them. I find Pilkhiton complains in a Letter to Gualtery 
 " Tliat the Difputes which began about the Veflments, were carried 
 " much farther, even to the whole Conftitution. Pious Perfons la- 
 " mented this j Atheifts laughed at it ; and the Papifls blew the 
 " Coals, and were full of Hopes upon it. The Blame of all was 
 " caft on the Bifliops : He adds, 1 confefs we fuffer many Things 
 " againft our Hearts, groaning under them : We cannot take them 
 " away, though we were ever fo much fet on it. We are under 
 " Authority, and can innovate nothing without the Queen ; nor 
 " can we alter the Laws : The only Thing that is left to our Choice 
 " is, whedier we will bear thcfe Things, or break the Peace of the 
 " Church." 
 
 Parkhurjl in one Letter writes, " Many "good People are pleafed 
 
 " with all that is done ; but there arc fome Things that do not 
 
 " pleafe me. And in another he writes, Matters of Religion go on 
 
 " well : There are but a very few Things that I dare find Fault with. 
 
 " That which grieved him moft was, that the Lives of thofe who 
 
 " profeffed the Gofpel, were fo very contrary to it. The Gofpel 
 
 " was never preached among them more Faithfully, and with more 
 
 '* Zeal : He prays, God grant us his Spirit that we may walk in the 
 
 " Spirit, and mortify the Works of the Fiefli." The laft Letter that thofe, 
 
 of Z?^;vV:Z' wrote on this Subjed-, was on the 26th oi' A/gii/t i ^6y, 
 
 diredled to the Bifliops of London, M'^i7ichcftcr, and Norwich. " They 
 
 " exprefs their Grief that fome Learned Men were deprived : They 
 
 *' hear daily that fome of thofe that had given good Proofs of them- 
 
 " felves in the Marian Perfecution, were now not only turned out, 
 
 " but imprifoned : They hear that in Ireland, many that have the 
 
 " fame Scruples, are yet kept out of all Trouble by the Queen's 
 
 " Order, upon the Intercefiion of their Billiops : Which makes it 
 
 " probable that the like Favour might be obtained in England, if the 
 
 " Bifliops would interceed with her Majefly for it ; which may the 
 
 " rather be expected, fince the Bifhops themfelves acknowledge, thai; 
 
 " it were better for the Church, that thefe Ceremonies were all laid 
 
 " afide ; and affirm that thev had often moved in Parliament that 
 
 " tl>ey might be taken away, that fo the Church might be more pure 
 
 " and
 
 Book VI. of the Church of England. 317 
 
 " and lefs burdened. Therefore they do not doubt but that they, 1566. 
 " out of their Pi-ty, will endeavour to procure Favour to their Bre- c.— -y— -J 
 
 " thren, to which they do very earneftly, but yet decently, and ! 
 
 " modeftlv, prefs them." Cox, Bifliop of £/v, who I do not find j 
 
 meddled much in thefe Controverfies, has in a Letter to Gualter fome j 
 
 very fad Expreflions ; for which there is too much Occafion at all j 
 
 Times. " When I confider the Sins that do every where abound, ] 
 
 " and the Negledland Contempt of the Word of God, I am ftruck j 
 
 *' with Horrour, and tremble to think what God will do with us. ; 
 
 " We have fome Difcipline among us with relation to Mens Liver, j 
 
 *' fuch as it is ; but if any Man would go about to perfuade our No- ; 
 
 *' bility to fubmit their Necks to that Yoke, he may as well venture .: 
 
 " to pull the Hairs out of a Lion's Beard. '\ 
 
 SanJs was of the fame Mind : He lamented the occafion of this ■ 
 
 Difpute, and hoped to fee an End put to it. In a Letter to Bui- \ 
 
 linger fxomWcrcrJIei-, Dated the 3d o^ "January 1566, he writes (^^^,^^^.^.^„^ ^. : 
 
 thus : " The True Religion of Chrift is now • fettled among us, UquantuUu j.i \ 
 
 " which is the mofl valuable of all things. The Gofpel is no n\o\&'^V!i^!" P": I 
 
 " Ihut up but IS freely preach d, and for other thmgs we need not be ,„./,„„ „;^„^,v j 
 
 " much concerned about them. There is fome fmall Difpute con- dabit Deus his j 
 
 " cerning the Popifh Veftments whether they ought to be ufcd or ?"°?"' ■^"'"'- \ 
 
 " not ? But God will put an end to thefe Things." \ 
 
 A few Days after that, Jeiael in a Letter Dated the 8th of Fcbni- j 
 
 cry I ?66, to Bullinq-er, fa part of it is in the Collection, the reft ^^ ^ ,^ i 
 
 /•I 1 T-r , ^ > ^ t • • • J r r L • A Of the Af- 
 
 or It relates to the Books he was then writing in defence ot his Apo-f^j^s oi Scot- \ 
 
 logy) tells him, " That the Queen feemed fixed in her Refolution /.^w. ^ ^ 
 
 " not to Marry: He expreffes his great Concern that the heat raifed ^Y^'" ''^'"''^' \ 
 
 " on the account of the Surplice was not extinguiflied : He writes ! 
 
 " that the Affairs of Scotland were not in a quiet State, fome of the \ 
 
 " chief of the Nobility had retired into England; others for'ified ; 
 
 " tbemfelves in their Caftles, and were as in a State of War wi:h 1 
 
 " the Papifts. The Queen, tho' an obftinate Papift, yet does not ! 
 " feem refolved what courfe flie had beft take ; for in Matters of 
 
 " Religion the greateft part both of the Nobility and People were \ 
 
 " againft her , and their Number did daily increafe. The King of \ 
 
 " Spain fent lately an Italian Abbot thither with Spatiifi Gold. He i 
 
 " was a fubtle and crafty Man, and did fo far gain not only on the 1 
 
 " Queen, but on the King, that tho' he had hitherto gone to Ser- ' 
 " mons, and had no Mafs, yet upon the affurance of a rich Ship ' j 
 
 " that was expected within a Day, he prefendy ordered Mafs to be ' 
 " faid in his Church ; while Kmx in the very next Church ^yas 
 
 " preaching againft Idolatry, and the whole Papal Tyranny, with • 
 
 " greater Zeal than ordinary : But the Spanijh Ship was furioufly j 
 
 " ftiattered by a Storm, and was caft on the Coaft of England, fo i 
 
 " that weak King would find what he had gained by his going to j 
 
 " Mafs." Sampfon and Himiphreys wrote a long and particular An- \ 
 fwer to the Letter that Grindal and Horn wrote to Bidlinger, but that 
 
 runs into a tedious Controverfy, with which the Divines of Zurich '. 
 wrote that they would meddle no more in thofe Matters, fo I do not 
 think fit to infert it. 
 
 Vol. III. 4M " They .
 
 31 8 'T'be Hiflory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 J, 66 " They complain that the Archbifliop had contributed to buy an 
 
 --V-^ " Or^an for Canterbury, which was no Sign of his difliking it. They 
 " complain that many were put in Prifon becaufe they would not pro- 
 « vide Godfathers and Godmothers for baptizing their Children : They 
 " fay the Convocation fignified little : For many things were agreed to 
 " in the Convocation in the Year 1562, that would have tended to 
 ♦' the great good of the Church, but were fupprefled : for nothing 
 " was of force but as the Queen and the Archbifhop confented. And 
 " in the lall: Convocation, a very learned Man that belonged to the 
 " Bifliop of Norwich propofed fomewhat relating to the Veftments : 
 " to whom a Bifliop faid, What have you to do in thofe Matters, we 
 " began them and wc will end them ? He anfwered the Bifliop, this 
 " Matter lias been hitherto laid wholly on the Queen, but now you 
 *' take it on your felves. They alfo in another Paper fet forth, that 
 " in Queen Mary^ Days, when the Church of England was broken 
 " and difperfed, a Body of Proteflants formed themfelves into a 
 " Church at London, and had their Miniflers and Deacons, and 
 " continued thro* all Tier Reign, tho' many of them were burned : 
 " But that after Queen Marys Death, the Exiles were recalled, and 
 " the Prifoners were fet at liberty ; only this Church that had con- 
 " tinned all the while in the midft of tlie Flame was now extin- 
 '< guiflied. In another Letter he affures Shnkr there was no danger 
 " of Luthcranijm, only we are now fighting among our felves about 
 " Ceremonies, Veftments, and Matters of no Importance. That 
 " Matter has fomewhat fl:iaken Men of weak Minds : I wifli that all 
 " even the fmalleft Remnants of Popery could be wholly put, not 
 " only out of our Churches, but chiefly out of the Minds of all Peo- 
 " pie ; but the Queen at this time cannot bear any Alteration in 
 " Religion." 
 
 I fhall carry this Matter no farther, having gone beyond what I 
 had at firft propofed by the Importance of thefe Papers, that give fo 
 clear and fo true an Account of the beginnings of thofe unhappy 
 Difputes, of which we have feen and do ftill feel the unhappy Con- 
 fequences. In thefe we clearly fee what was the Senfe of the mod 
 Eminent and the moft Learned of our Reformers in thofe Matters. 
 They continued their Correfpondence with Zurich as long as thofe 
 great Men lived with whom they had lodged in their great Diftrefs, 
 and to whom they had been fo Angularly obliged, that they were 
 ready always to acknowledge it, and were often fending Prefents to 
 them. 
 TheQueenof \^ Scotland Things were running into great diforder. The 
 the'Lord^"^' Queen, as flae liked the Perfon of the Lord Darnlcy, and perhaps 
 Ddrnhy. the better, becaufe he feemed to be of a foft and gentle Temper, and 
 eafy to be governed j fo her faithfulleft Counfellors concurred in ad- 
 vifmg the Marriage. He was the next Heir to the Crown of E7tg- 
 land after the Queen. For tho' the Queen Dowager of Scotland^ 
 that was Henry the Vlllth's Sifter, having married the Earl ofyingus, 
 after King James the IVth was killed ; but falling to be in ill Terms 
 with him, either found or fuborned WitnefTes (as it was given out) 
 to prove upon him a Pre-contradl in Words of the prefent Time, by 
 which (he obtained a Sentence difTolving that Marriage : Yet the 
 
 Daughter
 
 Book VI. of the Church of En^^nd. 31^ \ 
 
 Daughter flie had born to him, was declared Legitimate, i\\ the Bull i r66r 
 that confirmed the Sentence, declaring that Marriage diilblved : The 'v— -^y— '~< : 
 
 Original of which I faw : The Reafon given is, becaufe flie was Born ! 
 
 of the Mother's Part Bona fide. Lord Dnniley being thus defcended ■ 
 
 and born within the Kingdom of England, might have been a dan- ! 
 
 gerous Competitor for that Crown, efpecially if he fliould fortify him- ' 
 
 felf by a prudent Marriage, and a good Condudl in England : So it 
 was certainly good Advice given the Queen, fince flie liked his Per- - 
 
 fon, to fecure her Right to that Succeflion by this Marriage. When 
 {he Married him flie declared him King, and put his Name on the ' 
 
 Coin after her own. The Qualities of his Mind did not anfwer the '■ 
 
 Gracefulnefs of his Perfon : For tbmetimes he was in all Things com- \ 
 
 pliant to the Queen, but that lafled not long. She had fuch an affa- i 
 
 ble and obliging Air, which her Education in the Court of France ! 
 
 had much improved, that it was not eafy to refifl it. At firfl: llie : 
 
 feemed fo indifferent as to the Matters of Religion, that the Minds of ' j 
 
 the Nation were much quieted, when they concluded that flie con- j 
 
 tinued to be a Papifl more from Principles of Honour and Intereft than j 
 
 from her own Perfuafion. ! 
 
 But they came to have other Thoughts of her when flie began to she fhews i 
 
 exprefs more Zeal in thofe Matters. Her Kindred by her Mother '"°'''=2;.'^*j '" 
 pufhed her on, and fhe was animated both from the Court of France, ^'"^*^''S'°"' ■■ 
 
 and from Rome, to reflore the Popiili Religion : On thefe Hopes flie ' 
 
 fet her Gates open to all that defired to come to her Mafs, and had 
 many MafTes every Day in her Chapel. The Body of the Scott ifli 
 Nation did not eafily bear with the Mafs, which the Qiieen had at 1 
 
 'firft privately in her Court for herfelf j and for a very fmall Number ; 
 
 of her Servants, who were of her own Religion. In the Parliament i 
 
 in the Year 1563, a Petition was offered by the Noblemen, and the i 
 
 Superintendents, and Miniflers of the Reformed Religion, which \ 
 
 will be found in the CoUedlion, fetting forth. That whereas in the laft ^"^^^ ^^""'^- * 
 
 Convention of the Kirk that was held at Edinbiu-gh in 'June lafl, fome ^^' 1 
 
 were fent to the Queen with certain Articles, to which they defired j 
 
 Anfwer ; and tho' the Queen had anfwered them in Part, yet flie '1 
 
 referred the farther Anfwer to the prefent Parliament ; fo a full An- 
 fwer was now prayed. And whereas in the Parliament held in Jidy 
 1 560, it was Enadled, That the Mafs, and all Papiflry, fliould be 
 put out of the Realm, and Chrifl's Religion fliould be Univerfally re- 
 ceived ; and that the Queen, by divers Proclamations, has approved 
 ClirifVs Religion, which fhe found publickly received at her Arrival, 
 in Particular at Dundee, on the 1 5th of September lafl, in which the 
 King and Queen did both by A<51 of Council, and by Proclamation, 
 promife. That in this prefent Parliament flie would eftablifh the Re- 
 ligion of Chrift, and abolifh all Laws and Conflitutions contrary to 
 the fame ; upon which they defired, that the Premifes might be con- 
 fidered ; and fo they laid before the Parliament the Articles which 
 they had laid before the Queen and her Council, together with her 
 Anfwer, and the Reply made to it by the Kirk. 
 
 In the Articles they demand firfl. That the Papiflical Mafs with all TheDemand^ 
 Idolatry, and the Pope's Jurifdidion, might be aboliflied, not only in ^^ "^^^ Refor. 
 
 the
 
 20 "The Hill or y of the Reformation Part IIL 
 
 the Subjeils but in the Queen's own Perlbn : And that the true Reli- 
 gion mie;ht be ratified through the whole Kingdom, as well in the 
 Queen's Perfon, as in the Subjeds : And that the People might be 
 required to relort on Sundays to Prayers and Preaching, as they were 
 before to the Idolatrous Mais. Secondly, That Provifion may be 
 made for the Minifters Maintenance ; and that fuch as are admitted 
 into the Miniilry may have their Livings afligned them where they 
 Labour, or in Parts adjacent j and that they may not be put to crave 
 them of others : And that the Benefices then vacant, or that have 
 been vacant fince March, Anno 1558, or that fliall become vacant, 
 be given to learned Perfons, able to Preach God's Word, upon their 
 Trial and Admilhon by the Supcrintendants. And that no Bifhoprick, 
 Abby, or other Ecclefiaftical Benefice, having many Churches an- 
 nexed to it, be given to any one Man : But that the Churches may 
 be feverally difpofed of, fo that every Man may ferve at his own 
 Church ; and that Glebes and Manfes be affigned to them, that they 
 may refide at their Churches, and difcharge their Confciences in them ; 
 and that the Churches may be kept in due Repair. Thirdly, That 
 none may have Charge of Souls, or be put in Colleges or Univerfities, 
 or publickly Inftruft the Youth, but fuch as are tried by the Super- 
 intendant and the Vifitors of the Churches, and are admitted by them. 
 Fourthly, That Lands founded for Hofpitals may be reftored to the 
 . \2i^ of the Poor ; and that all Rents and Profits belonging to any Or- 
 <ler of Friars be applyed to the Poor, and for Schools in Towns. 
 Fifthly, Tha-t horrid Crimes, Blafphemy, Sorcery, Adultery, Incell 
 and Murder, with many other Crimes that are reckoned up, may be 
 ieverely puniflied ; and that fome Order may be taken for the Eafe 
 of the Labourers of the Ground, concerning the reafonable Payment 
 of their Tithes, and in the letting of them. 
 The Queen's To this the Quecn anfwered, "That as She did not think that 
 Anfwer to ct tj^e^e was any Impiety in the Mafs j fo She hoped, her Subiecfts 
 <' would not prefs her to receive any Religion againft her own Con- 
 " fcience, which would throw her into a perpetual Unquietnefs, by 
 " the Remorfe of her Confcience. She would never leave the Reli- 
 " gion in which She had been brought up. And it would be fur- 
 " ther a great Prejudice to her, in that by her fo doing, fhe fhould 
 " lofe the Friendfliip of the King of France, the Ancient Ally of 
 ** this Kingdom, and of other Princes, from whom She may find great 
 " Supports : So She will not in an Inftant put herfelf in Hazard of 
 " lofing all her Friends : And fince She has not yet prefixed, nor 
 " means She hereafter to prefs the Confcience of any Man, but leaves 
 " them to Worfliip God according to their Perfuafion, She hopes 
 " they will not prefs Her to ofl^end Her own Confcience. But when 
 " the Parliament meets. Her Majefty will confent to every Thing 
 *' that the Three Eftates fliall agree upon ; and She renews the Af- 
 " furance She had given. That Mens Lives or Eftates fliall be in no 
 " Hazard for any Caufe of Religion." 
 
 As to the Second Article, " The Queen thought it not reafonable that 
 <' She fliould deprive herfelf of fo great a Part of the Patrimony of the 
 *' Crown, by putting the Patronage of Benefices out of her Hands, 
 
 '« for 
 
 tlicm
 
 Book VI. of the Church of England. 
 
 21 
 
 " for her own Neceflity required the keeping them in her own 1566. 
 " Hands : Yet She was contented to ailign what niip-ht lerve for ' — /-— ' 
 " the ReafonablcSuftentation of the Minilhers. She referred the odicr 
 " Articles to the ParHament." 
 
 To this Anfwer the Kirk rcph:\l, " That the Firmnefb She ex-- 
 " preiTed to the Mafs, gave no fmall Grief to her good Subjeds. 
 " Their Religion was no other than that which Chrift revealed, and 
 " his Apoftles preached ; which differed from the Impiety of the - 
 " Turks, the Blafphemy of the "Jews, and the vain Sunerilition of 
 " the Papifts." And, upon that, as they run out into a high Com- 
 mendation of their Religion, fo " they require the Queen, in the 
 " Name of God, to embrace tlie Means, by which She may be per- 
 " fuaded to the Truth : Which they offered prefcndy to her, by the 
 " Preaching of God's Word, and by Publick Difputation againft 
 " the Adverfaries of it, whenfoever She thought it expedient. "And 
 " as for the Mafs, they undertook to prove it to be a Mafs of Impie- 
 " ty, from the Beginning to the End. As for the Preiudice, that 
 " the Queen thinks would follow on her Changing her Religion, by 
 " Dlilblving the Alliance She is in with the King of France, and 
 <' other foreign Princes ; they anfwer, That the true Religion is the 
 " undoubted Means to keep up a perfecft Confederacy with him, who 
 " is the King of Kings, and who has the Hearts of all Princes in his 
 " Hands ; which ought to be more valued, than all other Confedera- 
 " cies whatfoever." 
 
 As to the Second Article ; " They did not intend to defraud her 
 " of the Patronages ; but only, that Perfons prefented to Benefices, 
 " lliould be tried and examined by the Learned Men of the Kirk, or 
 " the Superintendents appointed for that End. But as the Prefenta- 
 " tions belong to Fler, Xo Collation upon them belongs to the Church, 
 " and the Patrons may not Prefcnt, without Trial and Examination : 
 " which if they might do, niufl bring great Ignorance and Difbrder 
 " into the Church. And it was far againff all good Confcience, for 
 " the Qiieen to retain a good Part of the Benefices in her own Hands. 
 *' This was fo contrary both to all Divine and Human Laws, that 
 " thev were unwilling to open up that whole Matter to her. And 
 " therefore they beg She v/ould confider, that tho' the Patronap-e of 
 " Benefices belonged to her, yet the Retention of them in her own 
 " Hands, and the not Giving them to Qualified Perfons, is ungodly, 
 " and contrary to all Order, and ruinous to the Souls of the Peo- 
 " pic. They were defirous to have her NecefTities relieved : But 
 " they add, that the Tithes are the Patrimony of the Church ; out 
 " of which, in the firil place, thofe whofervein the Miniflry ought 
 " to be relieved, the Churches ought to be repaired, and the Youth 
 " inflrudled. They concluded with Thanks, for her Willingnefs to 
 " have the Minifters provided for : And they pray, that a Special 
 " Condefcendinp; on Particulars mav be thought on. 
 
 But all thefe Petitions were flill put off: And the Queen, by 
 her Praftice among the Nobility, began to divide them into Fadlions ; 
 and plainly laid, when thefe Petitions were read to her. That ^^^^ stoih.-ooJ 
 ivoiild do nothing in Prejudice of the Religion that She profejjed : And 
 in wrath told them, She hoped, before a Tear teas expired, to have 
 
 Vol, III. 4N the
 
 J 
 
 2 2 T^he Hiftory of the Reformation Part 111. 
 
 1566. the Mafs, ard the Cat /.click Rcl'gion pre feffcd ■ thro the 'whole King- 
 dom. And She managed the Parliament lb dextroufly, that neither 
 was thi Treaty of Leitb, nor tha Settlement of Religion made in 
 the Parliament i 560, fo much as named, much lefs confirmed. In 
 this Parliament fome fmall Provifion was made for the Minifters ; 
 and Aifts were made againft Sorcery and Adultery, that they fhould 
 be puniflied by Death. There was indeed an Aft of Oblivion pafs'd, 
 for all that was done from the 6th of March 1558, to the ill of Sep- 
 tember 1 56 1 : But the Parliament 'of the Year 1560, came to be look- 
 ed on as an Illegal AiTembly : So that upon this, a great Alarm was 
 given to the whole Body of the Reformed in that Kingdom ; and 
 the Jealoufy was increaled, by the Queen's Marrying the Lord Dtirn- 
 ley. He had been bred up a ftridl Papill, but now pretended to 
 be a Proteftant ; yet as he was all the while fufpedled of Favour- 
 ing the Religion he was bred up in, fo he quickly returned to the 
 open Profcfllon of it. This gave Occafion to another Petition in 
 a bolder Strain, in which the Body of the Reformed fet forth, " That 
 " the true Religion was eftahliilied in that Nation , that the Mafs, 
 " and all the Idolatry and Tyrannical Uiurpations of the Pope were 
 " fupprefled, and that they were going on to a perfedl Reformation : 
 " But that all had been ftopp'd now for the Space of Four Years. 
 " That upon her Arrival, that Idol the Mafs was again fet up, and 
 *' Men were put in Offices, to which they had no Right. From 
 " fuch Beginnings, they faw what they might look for ; yet, in 
 " hope that God would mollify the Queen's Heart, and out of their 
 " Defire to maintain the Publick Peace, they had long expefted to 
 *' fee what Anfwer would be made to their Petitions. But they faw 
 ** Things grew daily worfe and worfe. The Queen's Gates were then 
 " fet open, in Contempt of Proclamations fet out by herfelf to the 
 *' contrary. The Patrimony of the Church was beflowed on un- 
 *' worthy Perfons : Their Minirters were reduced to great Poverty, 
 " and put to much Trouble. Vices of all forts abounded univerfal- 
 " ly : They therefore prayed the Queen, to think of Redreffing 
 " thefe Matters, and to anfwer their other Petitions ; affuring her 
 " of all due Obedience to her Laws and Authority. They alfo 
 *' pray, that flie would give them no Occafion to think, that She 
 " intended the Subverfion of the true Religion, and the Deftrudli- 
 " on of thofe who profelled it : For they allure her, they would 
 " never be fubjedl to that Roman Antichrifl, nor fuffcr (as far as it 
 " lay in their Power to hinder it) any Branches of his Ufurped 
 " Authority to have place within the Realm." This, which is in 
 
 Coll. Numb, the CoUediion, prevailed no more, than their other Petitions hacT 
 
 9°' done. 
 
 I will add to this a few Particulars relating to the Affairs of Scot- 
 land, as they are fet forth in fome of thefe Letters that were fent 
 me from Zurich. Parkhurjl, Bifhop of Norwich, in a Letter to 
 
 Coll.Numi. Bullinger (which is in the CoUeftion) writes in the Year 1566, 
 
 9'- " That in Aforf/j lall, an Italian, called Seignior David, (whom he 
 
 ** charges as {killed in Necromancy) who was in great Favour with 
 " the Queen, was dragg'd out of her Room, and ftabb'd by many 
 
 « Hands.
 
 Book VI. of the Church of Y.n^2.nd, 323 
 
 '* Hands. And adds, That an Abbot was then fo wounded, that i c66. 
 
 " though he efcaped, yet he died of his Wounds foon after : And *■ v""*-' 
 
 " that one Black, a Dominican, in great Elleem among the Papifts, ^ 
 
 " was alfo killed in the Court. And upon all that Diforder, while i 
 
 " the Privy Council v/as fitting, the Lords efcaped with their Lives : i 
 
 " Since that Time, the Qu^een had brought forth a Prince : She was i 
 
 " reconciled to her Hufband, and had called home her Brother, and i 
 
 " the Lords that were of the Reformed Side : But though the Queen i 
 
 " had born her Son Ten Weeks before he wrote, yet all that while ■: 
 
 " he was not Baptized ; for Ihe intended to do it with Pomp, and ; 
 
 " many Maffes in the Great Church, though the Inhabitants of Edin- \ 
 
 " burgh were refolved to hinder that : They apprehended fhe would i 
 
 " bring over a Force from France : He concludes with a pjayer, not ] 
 
 " very Evangelical, that God naould either con-vcrt, or confound her. J 
 
 {• There are Circumilances in this Letter, of fome others killed with 1 
 
 " Seignior David, that I have found no where elfe." I 
 
 About the fame Time Grindal wrote likewife a Letter to £a///;z- Cj//.A'a7?;^. I 
 
 ger, which is alfo in the Collection ; in which he thanks him for the 92- \ 
 Letters he had written over concerning the Controverfy about the 
 
 Habits : He writes, " That it was not credible that a Quellion about i 
 " Things of no Moment fhould have railed fo great a Difturbance, 
 ** as this had done : Many, both of the Minifters, and the People, 
 
 " were defigning to withdraw from them, and to fet up feparate : 
 
 " Meetings ; but moft of them were now come to a better Mind. i 
 
 *' He acknowledges their Wife and Good Letters had contributed ! 
 
 ** much towards that: Yet fome continued flill in their former Re- ; 
 
 •' folutions. It were an eafy Thing to reconcile them to the Queen, j 
 
 *' if they could be brought to change their Mind : But 'till that was 1 
 
 ♦' done, it was not in their Power to effcdl it. The Bifliops upon I 
 
 «' their Return, and before they were Confecrated, had endeavoured I 
 
 " all they could to get thofe Things removed, that gave Occafion to ! 
 
 " the prefent Difpute : But in that they could not prevail, neither \ 
 
 *' with the Qiieen, nor with the Parliament. So they, upon confult- ' 
 
 " ing among themfelves, came to a Refolution, not to defert their *; 
 
 *' Churches for the Sake of a few Rites that were not unlawful, fince the • 
 " Dodtrine was entire and pure ; in which they agreed in all Thino-s 
 
 " with them of Zurich. They faw the good Effedls of thefe their : 
 
 " Refolutions : And thofe unfeafonable Contentions about Things ] 
 
 •* Indifferent, did not edify, but tear the Churches. ; 
 
 " From their own Affairs he turns to thofe of Scotland ; where i 
 
 " he writes. Things were in no good State, They flill retained the • 
 
 " ProfefTion of the Truth ; but the Queen endeavoured by all Means \ 
 
 " to extirpate it : She had lately ordered fix or feven Mafles to be \ 
 
 *' faid every Day in her Chapel ; and admitted all that pleafed to i 
 
 ** come to them : Whereas at lirfl fhe was contented with one private \ 
 !' Mafs, to which no Scotch?)ia}z was admitted : And whereas it 
 
 •' was provided that the Miniflers fhould be maintained out of the ! 
 " Revenues of the Church, flie had now for Three Years flopt all 
 •' Payments : There were no Publick Changes yet made ; both the 
 
 ■" Nobility and the People continued very firm : Of whom ;he ] 
 
 *' reckons the Earl of Murray the Chief; He underflood that the I 
 
 \^ Queen "
 
 324 Th^ Hiftory of the Reformation Part 111. 
 
 1567. " Queen was in very ill Terms with her Hufband on this Account : 
 
 ' V ' " Tliere was one David an ItaVuvh recommended to her by the Car- 
 
 " dinal of horrain., wiio governed all the Councils there, and was 
 *' Secretary of State. The King, finding he had no Regard to him, 
 " grew uneafy at it ; and being Young and Rafli, he entered into a 
 " Confpiracy with fome of the Nobility, and fome of his Court; 
 " fo the Italian was dr;igged out of the Queen's Prefence, notwlth- 
 " {landing her earnefl hitreaties to fave him ; and he was no fooner 
 *' out, than many rim their Daggers into him ; fo he was murdered 
 " without any Caufc declared. This horrid Crime ftuck deep in the 
 " Queen's Heart ; fo that, though flie had born a Son to him, (lie 
 *' could never forgive him." 
 
 The difmal Fate of that Unfortunate Queen is fo tender a Point, 
 that I will fay nothing of it, but in the Words of others. There is a 
 Letter of Grindal's to Buili?ige?; dated the ziii oi June, iS^l- ^^^ 
 in that Letter which relates to this Matter, is in the CoUedion ; in 
 Coll. Kumb. which, thefe Words will be found. " Scotland is fallen into new 
 93. '^ Troubles: For their late King iJc«ry, on the joth of Fehritary\ 
 
 " was found Dead in a Garden near his Lodgings. It is not yet agreed 
 " how he died. Some fay that a few Barrels of Gun-Powder, being 
 " on Defign, laid under the Chamber in which he lay ; thefe being 
 " kindled, the Houfe was blown up, and fo he was thrown out into 
 " that Garden. Others fay, that in the Night he was dragged out 
 *' of his Chamber and flrangled, and that then the Houfe was blown 
 " up. The Earl of Botlncel was generally thought the Author of 
 " this Murder : He alfo procured, by the Authority of the Archbi- 
 " fhop of St. Andrews, a Divorce from his Lawful Wife : And on 
 *' the 1 5th of May laft, the Queen had married him, and created 
 *' him Duke of Orkney. Almoll: all the Nobility had left the Court 
 " before this Marriage, when they faw that no Enquiry was made 
 *' into the King's Murder : They had a Meeting at Sterling, where it 
 *' appeared by clear Evidences, that the Murder was committed by 
 " Botlnoel : So an Army was brought together on Defign to feize ow 
 " him, but he made his Efcape ; and it was not then known whither 
 *' he was gone. Some fay the Queen was befieged in a certain Caftle, 
 " and others fay fhe was made a Prifoncr in the Caflle of Edinburgh, 
 *' as having been Confcious to the Murder of her Hufband. But 
 " whatfoever may be in this, that Lifamous Marriage mufi: end 
 " Tragically : With this he Concludes that Matter, promifing him a 
 " more particular Account, when the Certainty of it was better un- 
 *' derftood. 
 
 To this I will add another Relation that may be more certainly de- 
 pended on. Cardinal Laiirea, whom the Pope had fent to be his 
 Nuncio in Scotland, may be fuppofed to have had tlie befl: Informa- 
 tion that he could procure from thofe of her Party, and of her Reli- 
 gion, and he would certainly have put the beft Face poflible on that 
 Matter ; efpecially after her Tragical Fate, which raifed an Univerlal 
 Difpofition in all People, to think as well of her as was pofiible : But 
 chiefly among thofe of that Religion, io that I know no Relation of 
 that Affair that can be fo certainly depended on, (making ftill fome 
 Allowances for the Softnings of a Partial Writer) as that which we 
 
 find
 
 jBook VI. of the Church of England. 325 j 
 
 find in that Cardinal's Life, which was written by the Abbot oi Pig- 1567. j 
 
 tieroU and was printed at Bologna m the Year 1599, in which he gives ''— ' -^ \ 
 
 this Account of this Whole Matter. I 
 
 Pope Fiia the Vth fent Laurea to be his Nuncio in Scotland, to i 
 
 aflift and encourage the Queen in her Zeal : He fent bv hini 2000 j 
 
 Crowns to her, as an Earneft of further Supplies ; and wrote to her ] 
 
 with his own Hand, recommending his Nuncio to her. The Nun- ; 
 
 cio came to Paris in the Dog-Davs and brought him who writes ' 
 
 his Life along; with him to be his Secretary. He received Letters from ' 
 
 tlie Queen of Scots by the Hands of the Archbidiop of G/a/go-w, who I 
 
 was then her Ambaffador in France : By thefe ihe expreffcu her De- 
 lircs that he might come to Scotland as foon as miglit be ; but wi(h- 
 ed him to delay coming, 'till he fliould hear from her once more, ; 
 
 that flie might have all Things prepared for his Reception. He upon 
 that wnote to her in a very vehement Stile, preffing her to Zeal and 
 Fortitude of Mind, in carrying on the Relloring the Catholick Reli- 
 gion in her Kingdom : With that he lent her over 4000 Crowns, 
 and lent one Edmimd Hay, a Jefuit, and a man of a Cunning, and 
 Penetrating Temper, to be a fecret AfTiftant to her : In particular, he 
 .prelfedher, either to punifli, or [at leail to difgrace Ledingtcn, who 
 he believed fet on all the Tumults, and was a determined Heretick, 
 and a Favourer of the Earl of Murray. 
 
 Co7i has printed thefe Letters. Pius the Vth's Letter bears Date LlfcofQueen 
 the 1 6th of Jia2e, i c66. In it, " He recommends his Nuncio to -^{^';''>pP""^' 
 
 , ^^ -' J . . . ed at Rome, 
 
 " her Confidence, who was then Bifliop of Mondoin, [Montis Re- Ann^ 1624. 
 
 •" galis) and promifes all polTible AfTiftance to her, in her Defign of 
 
 " bringing back her Kingdom to the Obedience of the Holy See." 
 
 Queen Marys Anfwer bears date the 9th of OBober that Year, 
 
 from Edinburgh ; " She in it acknowledges the Pope's Favour and 
 
 " Bounty to her : She adds fome high Expreflions of her Senfe of 
 
 " the Pope's Zeal and Piety j and promifes to treat his Nuncio with 
 
 " all Refped and Confidence. She tells hini that fhe had born a Son ; 
 
 *' and that fhe had brought her Nobility, though not without much 
 
 " difikulty, to confent that he fliould be publickly Baptized after 
 
 " the Manner of the Catholick Church. She promifes to bring him 
 
 " up in that Religion : And flie hoped this fliould prove a good Be- 
 
 " ginning of reftoring the Right Ufe of the Sacraments, in her Do- 
 
 " minions." The Pope feemed much pleafed with this Beginning of 
 
 Tiis Pontificate ; and in his Anfwer, on the 22dof January following, 
 
 " He congratulates the Birth and Baptifm of her Son, and prays that 
 
 " it may have a good Effedl. 
 
 Three Months pafled before Laurea had any Intimation from the 
 Queen concerning his coming over : Upon which, he fent the Bi- 
 fliop of Dunblaucy who was then at Paris, with copious Advices to 
 that Qiieen, and continued to prefs her very earnefl:ly by his Letters, 
 to admit of his coming over : The Subflance of all which is fet forth 
 in his Life : He tells us further, " That the Queen held a Con- 
 "■ vention of the Eftates, and had obtained Two Things of them, not 
 " without difficulty : The one v/as, that her Child fliould be Bap- 
 *' tized according to the Rites of the Roman Church ; and the other 
 " was, that the Pope's Nuncio fliould be admitted with due Refpedt : 
 
 Vo L. III. 4 O Upon
 
 326 I'he Hiflory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1567. Upon this the Nuncio defigned to go to Afitioerp, thinking that the 
 »-— V — » Navigation would be fafer from thence, than from Calais. But then 
 he adds, " That fuch a Barbarous and Impious Q-ime was committed 
 " in Scotland, that it gave a Horrour to think of it, much more to 
 write of it." Of what follows in that Life I will add a Verbal 
 Tranflation. 
 
 " The King, as was faid, had the Small-Pox j upon which that 
 " the Contagion might not endanger the Queen, he retired to a 
 " Houfe at fome diftance from the Palace : As he began to recover, 
 " he was often vifued by her : One Day they Supped together, and 
 " after much Difcourfe, and that they had diverted themfelves 'till 
 " it was late, the C een pretended fhe could not ftay with him all 
 " Night, for one of her Maids of Honour being Married that Day, 
 " {he mufi: according to the Cuflom of former Queens, fee the Bride 
 " put to Bed. She was fcarce gone, when fome Gun-Powder that 
 *' was fecretly laid under the Houfe, was fired, fo that the whole 
 " Houfe was blown up, and the King killed : Though fome faid, 
 " that he was not blown up, but that hearing fome Noife of armed 
 " Men, he had got out by a Back-Door into a Neighbouring Garden ; 
 " and that he, and one of his Servants, were ftrangled before the 
 " Houfe was blown up. It is certain, that the King's Dead Body 
 " was found in that Garden, v/ith no other Hurt, but that about 
 *' his Neck a blacknefs appeared all round it. When this bafe Mur- 
 " der was known, all People were ftruck with Horror : Some 
 " fpoke feverely of the Queen herfelf ; Libels were publiflied upon 
 " it ; and fome having difcovered that Bothmoel was the Author of 
 " this horrid Murder, they charged him, as being not only an AfTaf- 
 " finate, but a Cruel Hangman. It being on fuch Occafions ordi- 
 " nary for People to fcarch into, and to difcover fuch Things. 
 
 " Bothwel, though a Heretick, had been always Zealous for the 
 " Queen and Faithful to her ; and he had lately with great Cou- 
 " rage refcued her out of a Danger fhe was in, from a very great Se- 
 " dition : Befides, that the Queen loved him defperately ; therefore, 
 " he in hope to be Married to the Queen, firft divorced his Wife, as 
 " if upon Adultervthat might be fo done, that he might Marry ano- 
 " ther Wife, and then he cruelly contrived the Murdering the King. 
 -" The Queen after fhe had horn down fome very wicked Reports 
 '*' concerning herfelf, and Bothwel, being afraid of fome Tumult, 
 " that might have been Fatal to them, thought fit to leave Edinburgh. 
 " So flie carried her Son with her to Sterlings a Place of Defence : 
 " Having laid (as is probable) a Defign with Bothwel how Matters 
 " were to be managed : A few Days after (he pretended to go out 
 " a Hunting ; then Bothwel with 200 Horfe feemed to furprize her, 
 " and to feize her by Force. But the Queen coming back with him 
 " to the Caftle, prefently made him Duke of Orkney, and declared 
 " him her Hufband. That Marriage did neither prove Happy> nor 
 " lafting : It being a Conjundion that had nothing of the Matrimo- 
 " nial Dignity in it, but had fprung from a Partnerfhip in an Un- 
 " worhty Crime. Murray was then out of Scotland^ but he had 
 .*' left Ledington among others behind him, who were to raife New 
 *' Quarrels and Tumults upon every Occafion. It was eafy to 
 
 Ledingtm
 
 Book VI. of the Church (^/^ England. 327 
 
 " Lcdington to work up the Minds of the People, who were uni- 1567. 
 
 " verfally enraged againfl the Qiicen and BctLvoel to a great Flame : ^- — v^ — ^ 
 
 " Therefore a tumultuary Army being in halle brought together at 
 
 " Edinburgh, they marched towards ISterling. But when the Queen 
 
 " heard that, She, with a few Women, and fome of her Court, went 
 
 " to them. They received her with due Refped: : And being afked, 
 
 " Why they came ^thither Armed ? They anfwered. They came only 
 
 " to punifli Botkwcl, for the Crimes committed by him, both in the 
 
 " bafe and cruel Murder of the King, and in the Force he had put 
 
 " on her Perfon. The Queen juflified Botbivcl ; and faid. He had 
 
 " done nothing, but by her Confent : This did provoke them to 
 
 " fuch a Degree of Indignation, that they all cried out with one 
 
 " Voice, 'The?!, Madam, yoii JJ.^ail be on?- Prijoner : And without more 
 
 *' Delay, they imprifoned her in a Caftle within an Illand in Lech- 
 
 " levin 3 appointing only One Footman, and Two ordinary Women 
 
 " to attend upon her." 
 
 Thus the Pope's Nuncio underftood this Matter. There are 
 fome inconfiderable Circumftances in this Relation, wrong told ; yet 
 the Main of the Story agreeing with other Relations, Hiews how 
 falf^rly this Matter has been fince that Time reprefented, not only by 
 Writers in the Church of Rome, but by many among ourfelves, to 
 put better Colours on this odious Bufinefs. To this (that I may 
 end all this Unhappy Matter at once, without adding any Reflexi- 
 ons on it, or telling what were the Cenfures that palTed on this Oc- 
 cafion ; of which I have a great Variety on both Sides by me, in 
 Books printed very near that Time) I iliall only add another very 
 'important Paflage, that is in the Life of that Cardinal, relating to P. 72. 
 the Teftament, which that Queen wrote with her own Hand in 
 ■French, the Day before She was beheaded. In it, *• She expreffed 
 *' her conftant Zeal for the Catholick Religion ; and provided, that 
 *' if the Prince, her Son, did not renounce the Falfe and Heretical 
 •' Perfuafion which he had drunk in, the Inheritance of the Crown 
 " of England fhould never defcend to him ; but fhould devolve from 
 " him, to Fhilip King of Spain. When this Original Will was 
 *' brought to the Cardinal, he examined it with great Care ; that fo 
 " it might appear that it was truly her Laft Will, and that it ought 
 '{ to be acknowledged as fuch. He compared it with the Letters he 
 'f had formerly received from that Queen : And not only he him- 
 *' felf, but one Lensois Owen, an Englijlyman, (Bifhop of Cafana) then 
 *' at Rome, Avhom the Writer calls a Pious and a moft honeft Man, 
 " figned and attefted it. The Will being thus confirmed, and as it 
 *'■ were fortified by a Publick Authority ; he delivered it to the Count 
 " of Olivares, the King of Sfiaifi's AmbafiTador, that it might be 
 *' faithfully tranfmitted to that King himfelf." I have put the Words 
 of the Author of that Life, in the Language in which he wrote it, 
 in the Collection ; fo that the Reader may compare the Tranflation I C'"//. ^"f^- 
 have given, with the Original. I leave this Difmal Relation as I^'^" 
 found it in thefe Vouchers, without any further Canvafling of that 
 Black Affair ; which was followed by a Train of very Extraordinary 
 Tranfadions. 
 
 The
 
 328 T'he Hijlory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1567. The Scotijh Nation, both Papifts and Proteftvints, concurred in the 
 *— "v—— ' New Settlement ; of which I ihall give a particular Account from, an 
 Authentick Proof lately found in Scotland, and now kept in the Li- 
 brary of the College of Glafgow : It is the firft Bond of Aflbciation 
 that was entred into, upon the Refignation of the Crown, which the 
 Qu^een was prevailed on to make, (by Force, as fhe afterwards de- 
 clared, when flie made her Efcape out of the Prifon, with which fhe 
 was threatned) : She fent it by the Lord Lindfay (Anceftor to the 
 Earl of Crawford) and the Lord Ruthvcn, afterwards made Earl of 
 Gowry. This bears Date at Edinburgh the 24th of Jtdy, 1 S^7- By 
 it, She refigned the Crown to her Son ; and during his Infancy, She 
 named the Earl of Murray to be Regent, who was then in France, 
 and did not come to Scot/and, at leaft he did not Sign this Bond be- 
 fore the 22d of ^ugii/L But in the Council-Book, on the 25th of 
 yu/y, the Bond itfelf is entred on Record : And the Council remo- 
 ving to Sterling on the 29th of Jufy, the Queen's Refignation was 
 prefented, and received by the Earls of Morton, Athol^ Glencairny 
 Mar, Monteith, the Mafter of Gramc, the Lord Hoine, and the Bi- 
 iliop of Orkney, in the Name of the Three Eftates : And the Earl 
 of Morton taking the Coronation-Oath in the Name of the Prince, he 
 was Anointed and Crowned by the Bifliop of Orkney : Who did in- 
 deed little Honour to this Ceremony : for he, a few Days before, 
 had performed the Nuptial Ceremonies between the Queen and the 
 Earl of Bothivel. Upon all this, the Bond (which is in the Col- 
 Co//. AW;i. ledion) was made to this Purpofe. " That whereas the Queen be- 
 
 95- " ing weary of the Pains and Travail of Government, and defiring 
 " that in her Life-time her Son might be placed in the Kingdom, 
 " and be obeyed by all her Subjects, had refigned the Crown in Fa- 
 " vour of her Son : They therefore promifed, and bound themfelves 
 ". to afliil their King, in Setting him on the Throne, and Putting the 
 " Crown on his Head : And that they fliould give their Oaths of 
 " Homage, with all dutiful Obedience, to him, as became true Sub- 
 " jedls ; and Ihould concur in Eftablifliing him in his Kingdom, 
 " and fliould refift all fuch as fliould oppofe it." 
 
 This was made up in fome Sheets of Vellum ; and there are above 
 Two Hundred Hands of the mofl Eminent Families of that King- 
 dom fet to that Bond. Twenty-five of thefe were then Earls and 
 Lords ; and there are Fifteen others, whofe Families are fince that 
 Time advanced to be of the Nobility. The Noblemen are, the Earl' 
 of Murray-, (who figns Jatnes Regent) the Earls of Huntley, Argyle, 
 Athol, Morton, Mar, Glencairn, Errol, Buchan ; the Lords Graham^, 
 Home, Ruthen, Sanquar, Glams, Lindfay, Carlifle, Borthwick, Inner- 
 maith, Uchiltry, SempiJ, Methven, Cathcart, Grey, Rofs, Lovat, and 
 the Mafter of MoJitrofs : For Earls Sons were then fo defigned. The 
 Noble Families, whofe Anceftors figned this Bond, are, Buccleugh, 
 ^leenjberry, Aihol, Roxburgh, Anafidale, Galloway, Findlater, Panmur, 
 Dalhoufy, Leven, Stair, Kenmure, Jedburgh, C?'anJlon, Kircudbright. 
 Befides thofe who fubfcribed the Firft Bond, there was a Second 
 Coll. Numb. Bond (that is likewife in the Colledlion) entred into in April 1569; 
 
 96- « by which they did not only acknowledge the King's Authority, 
 
 " but
 
 Book VI. of the Church (?/^ England. 329 
 
 *' but likewife (during tlic King's Minority) the Authority oi" the 1 567. ; 
 
 " Earl of Murray, as Regent ; renouncing all other Authority. And ^- — v ' ; 
 
 ** they fwear to obferve this Bond ; in whicli if they fail'd, they arc ' 
 
 *' contented to be counted Falfe, Perjured, and Defamed for ever." 
 
 This, befides many of thofe who figned the former Bond, was figned \ 
 
 by the Earls of Craivford and CaJJiUs, and the Lords Salio??, Ogtlb)\ \ 
 
 Oliphafity and the Anceftors of the Earls of Scaforth and Soutl.vjk, and : 
 
 of the Lord Duffus. And in a fabfequent Bond, figned to the Earl j 
 
 of Mortoti when he was Regent, there are Five other Lords, who 
 
 figned it : The Earl of Angus, Anceflor to the Duke of Douglas, ; 
 
 the Lords hcvingfton, Dru?}imond, Boyd, and Hoy of Tcf}n\ tiie An- 1 
 
 ceflors of the Earls of Z//;/AV/'^cic', Perth, o.nd Ki /war /loc/:, and of the ] 
 
 Marquis of T^ivccdalc. 
 
 Thefe were for the greatefl part Proteftants : But tlicrc were many Pap'i^s joined 1 
 
 Papifts that joined with"' them. The Earl oi Huntky, Anceaor to the ^l,'^,'.'™'^" • 
 prefent Duke of Gordon, was at the Head of the Popifli Party. The 
 
 Earl of Athol, whofe Name was Stuart, and whole Family is fince ; 
 
 extindl in the Male Line, protefled againfl: the Reformation in Parlia- \ 
 ment, and had afhfted at the Baptifm of the Young King, in the Po- 
 
 pifh Manner. And belides thefe, the I^ords OUphant, Gray, Sempill, ; 
 
 Maxwell, and Bo?-tInvick, were ftill Papifts. Thus, as the War againft j 
 
 the Qiieen Regent (Eight Year before) was engaged in on National ; 
 
 Grounds, this great Revolution of that Kingdom, feems to have pro- j 
 
 ceeded, as to the Civil Part, upon the fame Principles. So that what- \ 
 
 foever was done in this Matter, was done, not upon the Grounds of \ 
 
 the Reformation, but upon National Grounds, and pretended Prece- ] 
 
 dents and Laws : In all which, the Queen of England had fecretly a ^ 
 great Hand, how much foever it was difguifed, or denied. 
 
 The Intereft of State was clearly of her Side : For the Houfe of The Reafons • 
 Guife, that began to form Great Projeds in France, laid a main PartQ^'^"'°J^^^^, 1 
 of their Scheme, in the Defign of Advancing the Unfortunate Queen to be jealous ! 
 of Scotlafjd to the Crown of England : And in the View of that Sue- °|^ ^^^^ j^^^S '- 
 ceflion, many Plots were formed, to deftroy that Glorious Queen. "■''■' j 
 They alfo pradlifed upon the King her Son, as foon as he was capable '\ 
 of being wrought on, by the Duke of Lenox, and others ; whom they \ 
 employed about him, to keep him in a Dependance on them. They \ 
 affured him, he fliould ftill be King of Scotland; their Defign be- 
 ing, that if their Pradlices againft Queen Elizabeth had fucceeded, \ 
 his Mother fliould have left Scotland to him, when She was advanced 
 to the Crown of England. They did likewife engage him to continue . 
 unmarried : Tho' He, being the only Pcrfon of his Family, it was 
 otherwife very reafonable to marry him foon. Yet they durft not \ 
 venture on a Popifli Match, till their Great Defign on the Crown of | 
 France had fucceeded : And they would by no means fuffer him to | 
 Marry into a Proteftant Family. , 
 
 They kept him fo much in their Management, that the Queen of 
 
 England, and her Wife Council, underftanding all this Pradlice, raifed j 
 
 thofe Jealoufies of his Religion, and made fuch Difcoveries of that j 
 
 fecret Correfpondence he was in with the Houfe of Guife, that to ; 
 
 this all the Troubles that the Kirk gave him were chieflv owing. ■'■ 
 
 Vol. in. A P ' The
 
 33© The Hiftory of the Reformation Part III. 
 
 1567. The Leaders among them knew, from the Intelligence fent them by 
 
 ' ^^"-^ the Court of England, more than they thought fit to own, cr than 
 
 that^ this Vd. could be well proved. This was the true Caufe of all that peeviih 
 Oppofition, that he met with from the Minifters there ; which is co- 
 pioufly fet forth by Archbifhop Spotfioood. But either he knew not, 
 or did not think fit to fet that out, as the Effedl of the Jealoufy raifed 
 by the Court of England, on the Account of the Confidence in which 
 he was engaged with the Houfe of Guife. 
 
 But as thefe Praftices had a fatal Conclufion with Relation to the 
 Unfortunate Queen Mary, after her long Imprifonment, fo when up- 
 on the Murder of the Duke of Guife, and the Succefles in the Be- 
 ginning of Henry the IVth of France's Reign, all thofe Projeds of 
 that Ambitious and Perfecuting Houfe, were at an End ; the King 
 of Scotland married to a Daughter of Denmark, and continued ftill 
 after that in a Confidence with the Queen of Englandy which fecured 
 to him the SuccelTion to that Crown. 
 
 In giving this Short View, which I thought Important, and i^ 
 which I was intruded by many Papers that I have feen, I have run 
 a great way beyond my Defign ; which was only to open the Firf^ 
 Settlement of the Reformation in the Ifle of Great-Britain, now 
 happily by her Late Majefty united into One Kingdom : So that no- 
 thing remains to be written in Purfuance of that. Only, fince upon 
 fome Publick Occafions, I have referred to a Declaration of Queen 
 EUz-abcth\, (by which She owned and juftified, the Affiftance that 
 She gave to the Subjedls, both of Scotland, and in the Netherlands, 
 in the NecefTary Defence, to which the Illegal Cruelty of their Go- 
 vernors forced them ;) and fince I have been Challenged to Publifh 
 it, not without Infinuations that it was a Forgery j I have thought it; 
 ColLNumh. proper to conclude my Colledlion of Records with that Declaration ; 
 97- that fo a Paper of fuch Importance may be preferved, and may be 
 
 more generally read. 
 
 p . I now conclude this Work ; in which, as I have faithfully fet out 
 fion. every Thing, according to the Materials and Vouchers with which 
 
 I was furniflied, fo I have ufed all proper Means, to procure the beft, 
 Information that I could. It remains, that I leave this to Pofterity, 
 as the Authentick Hiftory of a Series of Great Tranfadlions, ho- 
 neflly (tho' often feebly) conducted, with good Intentions, and 
 happy Beginnings, tho' not carried on to the Perfediou, that was de- 
 figned and wifhed for. 
 
 The Provifo that had paffed in King Henry the Vlllth's Time, 
 that continued all the Canon-Law then received in England, till a, 
 Code of Ecclefiaftical Laws was prepared ; which tho' attempted,. 
 ' and well compofed, was never fettled ; has fixed among us many 
 
 grofs Abufes, befides the dilatory Forms of thofe Courts, which make 
 all Proceedings in them, both flow and chargeable. This has in a 
 great Meafure enervated all Church-Difcipline. A Faint Wifh, that 
 is read on Ap-Wcdnefday, intimates a Defire of Reviving the Ancient 
 Difcipline j yet no Progrefs has been made, to render that more 
 efFedual. 
 
 The
 
 Book VI. of the Church of YAi^2iX\{\. 33 1 
 
 The Exemptions fettled by the Papal Authority, do put many 
 Parts of this Chureb in a very disjoined State ; while in feme Places 
 the Laity, ancf-in 'many others Prefbyters exercife EpifctJpal Jurrf^ 
 •didlion, indepenrdetit on their Billwps ; in Contradidtion to their Prin- 
 ciples, while thty affert a Divine Right for fettling the Government 
 of the Church in Biftops, and yet praftife Epifcopal Authority in 
 the Virtue of an A6t of Parliasment, that provifionally confirmed 
 thofe Papal Invafions of the Epifcopal Power; which is plainly that, 
 which by a Modern Name is called ILrafiianifm, and is fo feverely 
 cenfured by fome who yet pradlife it, fince whatfoever is done un- 
 der the Pretence of Law, againft the Divine Appointment, can go 
 under no better Name, than the higheft, and worft Degree of 
 Eraflianifm. 
 
 The Abbots, with the devouring Mon arteries, had fwallowed up 
 a great Part of that which was the true Patrimony of the Church : 
 Thefe Houfes being fupprelTed, unlimited Grants were made of their 
 Lands, without rel'erved Provilions for the Subfiftance of thofe who 
 were to ferve at the Altar ; this has put a great Part of our Clergy 
 under crying Necelhties ; and though the Noble Bounty of the late 
 Queen has fettled Funds for their Relief, the good Effed: of that 
 comes on but flowly : Yet it is fome Comfort to think that within an 
 Age, there will be an ample Provifion for all that ferve in the Church ; 
 and upon that Profpetfl we may hope that many Abufes will be then 
 quite abolKhed. 
 
 But with all thefe Defe6ls, we muft rejoice in this, that our Doc- 
 trine is pure and uncorrupted ; that our Worfliip is truly a reafo- 
 nable Service, freed from Idolatry and Superftition ; aud that the 
 main Lines of our Church Government agree to the Firft Conftitu- 
 tion of the Church by the Apoftles : So that upon the Grounds laid 
 down by St. John, all may hold FellowJJnp with us, Jince we hold 
 Fellowjlnp with the Father, and with the Son Jefus Chrijl. 
 
 May we all adhere firmly to the DoSiri?ie of the Apojiles, and con- 
 tinue in their FeUowJhip, in Sacraments and Prayers, fuitably to the 
 Rules laid down by them : Contending earneftly for the Faith deli- 
 vered by them to the Saints, the Firft Chriflians : And may all who 
 believe in God, be careful to maintain Good Works for Necefary Ufes ; 
 wiiich ai-e both Good and Profitable unto Men ; avoiding FooUjh ^ue- 
 Jlions, a7id Contentions, for they are unprofitable and vaifi. 
 
 May we all continue to recommend our Dodlrine and Church by a 
 Holy and Exemplary Deportment, Shining as Lights, and walking 
 Worthy of God, who has called us to his Kingdom and Glory ; impro- 
 ving all the Advantages that we have, and bearing with all the Defed:s 
 that we labour under, ufing our beft Endeavours to have them re- 
 drefled ; yet ftiU keeping the Unity of the Spirit in the Bo?id of Peace ; 
 waiting for fuch a Glorious Conjuncture, as may reftore every Thing 
 among us to a Primitive Purity and Splendor : Which God may 
 perhaps grant to the Prayers of thofe who call on him Night and Day 
 for it. 
 
 But
 
 332' T}ie Hiftory of the Reformation^ &c. Part III. 
 
 1 567. But if we never fee fo happy a Time upon Earth, we know if we 
 continue Watchful, and Faithful to the Deaths we fhall arrive at lad 
 at a Blefled Society, of imiumerabk Companies of Angels, and the 
 Spirits of fujl Men made PerfeSl ; of whom is compofed the Ge- 
 neral Affembly and Church of the Firfi Born, who are Written in Hea- 
 ven, who fee and enjoy God for ever. In the View of Diredling my felf, 
 and others thither, I have written, and now I do conclude this 
 Work. 
 
 ATA-
 
 CCCXXXIll 
 
 nr^ 
 
 r A 
 
 L E 
 
 OF THE 
 
 CONTENT 
 
 OF THE 
 
 HIST 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 of Matters that happen'd in the Time comprehended 
 in the Firft Book of the Hiftory of the Reformation, 
 
 Anno 1300. 
 
 THE P7-ogrefs of the Papal 
 JJftirpations, Pag. 2 
 
 'The Schifin in the Pa- 
 pacy, ibid. 
 The Comicil of Bafil, ibid . 
 The Pope and Council quarrel , p. 3 
 
 Anno 1438. 
 
 TH E Pragmatick SanSiion 
 made in France. ibid. 
 
 The EffeSls it had, p. 4 
 
 VOJL. III. 
 
 The Pope condemns it. 
 
 Anno 1458. 
 
 ibid. 
 
 IN a Comicil at Mantua, ibid. 
 Lewis the Xlth abrogates it, 
 
 P- 5 
 
 To the Pope's great foy, ibid. 
 
 The Parliament of Paris oppofe it, 
 
 ibid. 
 The Honefl Courage of the Attorney- 
 General, p. 6 
 For which he nvas turnd out, ibid. 
 The Prag?natick SanSlion re-ejla~ 
 blijhed, p. 7 
 4 Q^ Anno
 
 CCCXXXIV 
 
 A T A B L E, ^r. 
 
 Anno I 
 
 499- 
 
 U T it ivds ftill complained of 
 by the Popes, p. 7 
 
 Coiuiemnd by the Coimcil in the 
 Lateran, ibid. 
 
 Anno 1516. 
 
 THE Co7icor date put injiead 
 ofit,^ p. 8 
 
 King Francis carried it to the Par- 
 liament 0/" Paris, ibid. 
 It ivas there oppofed by the Eccle- 
 Jialticks of that Court, . p. 9 
 Oppofition made to it by the Kings 
 Learjh'd Council, ibid. 
 
 Anno 
 
 S^7' 
 
 THET refolve not to publiJJj 
 it, p. 10 
 
 The King icas highly offended at 
 this, ibid. 
 
 The Kings Learned Council oppofe 
 it 710 longer, p. 11 
 
 Anno 15 1 8. 
 
 TH E Parliament publijlics 
 it, but with a Protejlation, 
 
 ibid. 
 The Univerfity and Clergy oppofe it, 
 
 p. 12 
 The Exceptio7is to the Concordate 
 by the Parlia/nenf, ibid. 
 
 Thefe were anfwered by the Chan- 
 cellor , p. 13 
 The Matter finally fettled, p. 14 
 The Parliament ftill judged by the 
 Pragmatick Sandlion, "ibid. 
 
 Anno 1524. 
 
 UPON the King's bei7ig a 
 Prifoner, the Concordate 
 ivas more conde7nnd, P- 1 5 
 
 Anno 1527. 
 
 ' i "^ Heje Matters rc>7ioved fro7n 
 
 \ the ParUame7it to the Great 
 
 Council, ibid. 
 
 Anno 1532. 
 
 Emo7%jlrances made by the 
 
 _ Clergy agai nil this, ibid. 
 
 An ylpology, with the Reafons for 
 this Digrejion, p. 16 
 
 Anno 1513. 
 
 n 
 
 QUeen KatherineV Letter 'to 
 Ki7igHcmy, upon the Death 
 of the King of Scotland, p. 17 
 The Progref of Wolfey'j Rife, 
 
 ibid. 
 Anno 15 21. 
 
 hig Henrfs Book of the fe- 
 ven Sacraments, p. 18 
 
 K 
 
 Anno 1524. 
 
 WOlfey fent to Charles the 
 Nth, gained by hi7n, ibid. 
 Wolley'j Praaices to be Chofen 
 Pop^, p. 19 
 
 WolfeyV Defigns when Chofen 
 Pope, p. 20 
 
 The King of France taken Prifoner, 
 
 p. 21 
 
 Lord BurleighV CharaSler of Wol- 
 
 iey, ibid. 
 
 Wolfey'j Proceedings as Legate, 
 
 p. 22 
 His hfolence to Warham, ibid. 
 A Legatine Synod, p. 24 
 
 Anno
 
 A TABLE, ^c. cccxxxv 
 
 Anno 
 
 1523- 
 
 H 
 
 E called the Cotrcocation of 
 Canterbury to fit with him, 
 
 ibid. 
 
 Colct's Sermon before a Convoca- 
 tion, p. 25 
 Colet' s Chara^er, p. 27 
 67;- Tho. Move's Thoughts of Reli- 
 gion, and his Vto^h. p. 29 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 of Matters that happen'd during the Time comprehend- 
 ed in the Second Book of the Hiftory of the Reformation. 
 
 M 
 
 Anno 1525. 
 
 ANT Anibajfadors in Spain, 
 
 P- 33 
 
 Anno 1527. 
 
 WOlfeyV Letter to them, 
 P- 34 
 The Sack of Rome, ibid. 
 
 The Cardijtals write to the Pope 
 for a full Deputation, p. 35 
 Knight yi"/;/ to Rome. ibid. 
 
 Pace wrote to the King of his Di- 
 vorce, p. 36 
 
 Anno 1528. 
 
 ABidlfent to Wolfey to judge 
 the Marriage, p. 37 
 
 It was not made ufe of. ibid. 
 
 The Bifloops think the Kings Scru- 
 ples reafonable. p. 38 
 The Emperor s Anfwer to the King 
 by Clarencieux, ibid. 
 A Propofition to depofe the Emperor 
 
 P- 39 
 
 K 
 
 Anno 1529. 
 
 ING Henry 'j Letters to 
 Anne BuUen, p. 41 
 
 The King a?id ^iueenfeetned to live 
 well together, p. 42 
 
 The Legates go to the King and 
 ^leen, p. 43 
 
 The ^een treats Wolfey -very fe- 
 ver ely, ibid. 
 
 The Bijloop o/'Bayonne'i Opinion of 
 the Pope's Difpcnfation, ibid. 
 
 Apprehenfwns of Diforders on the 
 ^een's Account, p. 44 
 
 Endeavours to gain Campegio, 
 
 ibid. 
 
 Wolfey 'j Credit fliaken, ibid. 
 
 The Duke of Norfolk aitd Suffolk 
 his Enemies, p. 4^ 
 
 The Proccedi}tgs of the Legates, 
 
 I . . P- 46 
 
 The Cardinal's Dijgrace, p. 49 
 
 All his Goods feized on, p. ^o 
 
 Wolfey '5 good Condudi in his Dio- 
 
 cefe, ibid. 
 
 The King Confidts the TJniverfties, ■ 
 
 Proceedings in Convocation, ibid. 
 Tranfation of the Scriptures con- 
 demned, ibid. 
 
 Anno 1530. 
 
 THE Steps jnade in the carry- 
 ing the Kin^s bei?ig de- 
 clared Head of the Church, p. 52 
 
 The
 
 CCCXXXVl 
 
 A T A B L E, &^c. 
 
 The Lwiitation added to it, p. 53 
 Jnd accepted by the Ki?ig, ibid. 
 'J'he Proceedings cf the Clergy a- 
 gainft Hereticks, ibid. 
 
 Complaints cf Tnicy'j Tejlainent, 
 
 P- 54 
 The Kings Proceedings at Rome, 
 
 ibid. 
 
 Applications made to Di'vincs and 
 
 Lawyers, P- 55 
 
 An Opifiion ^iven by fome in Paris, 
 
 ibid. 
 Bifiop of Bayonne fent to Paris, 
 
 ibid. 
 
 Cardinal Cajetan'^ Opinion againft 
 
 the King, p- 5^ 
 
 The Pope's Firjl Breve againjl the 
 
 Divorce, P- S7 
 
 The Proceedings of the Sorbonne, 
 
 ibid. 
 Great Heat in their Debates, p. 58 
 The Jcaloujy of the Court o/" France, 
 
 P- .59 
 
 Upon the Changing the Divines 
 
 Opinions, ibid. 
 
 The Decifion of the Sorbonne, 
 
 p. 60 
 
 Lizet the Prefident, feemed to work 
 
 againjl it, ibid. 
 
 His Letter of that whole Matter, 
 
 p. 61 
 Defign to make a contrary Decree, 
 
 ibid. 
 
 Angiers divided ; the Vniverfityfor 
 
 the Divorce, and the Divines 
 
 againjl it, p- 62 
 
 Proceedings at Cambridge, p. 63 
 
 The Kings Letters to the Vniverfity 
 
 of Oxford. p. 64 
 
 The Decifion made at Bologna, 
 
 p. 66 
 '^«^^/ Padua, ibid. 
 
 The King writes fully to the Pope, 
 
 p. 67 
 
 The Popes fecond Breve againjl the 
 
 Kings Marrying another Wife, 
 
 p. 68 
 
 Pleadings by an Excufator, ibid. 
 
 The French King obtains many 
 
 Delays, p. 69 
 
 An Interview between the Two 
 
 Kings, p. 70 
 
 The King Marries Anne Bullen, 
 
 ibid. 
 
 Anno 1 53 1. 
 
 KING Henry oppofs the 
 Interview with the Pope in 
 vain, p. 72 
 
 The Duke ofNor folk fent /o France, 
 
 P- 73 
 Butfoon recalled, ibid. 
 
 The King of France was to have 
 been Godfather, if ^leen Anne 
 had brought a Son, ibid. 
 
 The Interview at Marfeilles, p. 74 
 
 Great Promifcs made by the Pope., 
 
 ibid. 
 
 PraBices upon Cardinals, p. j^ 
 
 The Convocation meets, p. 76 
 
 They treat concerning Rtfdence, 
 
 ibid. 
 
 An Anfwcr to the Complaints of the 
 Commons, V'77 
 
 Proceedings againjl Hereticks, ibid. 
 
 The Petition to the King. ibid. 
 
 The Submijjion made to the King 
 one Bif)Op only diffmting, p. 78 
 
 The Proceedings at York, p. 79 
 
 Proceedings during the Vacancy of 
 Canterbury, p. 80 
 
 The Convocation judges againjl the 
 Kijigs Marriage, p. 81 
 
 Archbijhop Cranmer, gives Sentence 
 againjl it, ibid. 
 
 With that the Court of Rome was 
 highly offended, p. 82 
 
 Bonner intimates the Kitigs Ap- 
 peal to the Pope, ibid. 
 
 It was rejeBed by the Pope, p. 83 
 
 Bellay Je?it over to the King, by 
 King Francis, p. 84 
 
 A Reprejhitation made to the Em- 
 peror, p, 86 
 
 Bellay prevailed much on the King 
 tofubmit, ibid.. 
 
 A Letter of the Kings to his Am- 
 baffadors at Rome, ibid. 
 
 Z)«/^^ o/" Norfolk^ Letter to Mont- 
 morancy, p. 88 
 
 The Pope was in great Anxiety, 
 
 p. 89 
 Bellay
 
 A TABLE, C^c. 
 
 CCCXXXVll 
 
 Bellay iv^s to go to Rome, in hopes 
 
 to make up the Breach^ p. 89 
 the final Sentence ghen in great 
 
 Hafte, ibid. 
 
 'The Courier came two Days too 
 
 late, p. 90 
 
 Further Proofs of this Matter, 
 
 ibid. 
 RefieSlions on this Breach, p. 91 
 All in England cuicur to re7iounce 
 
 tht Pope's Authority, p- 92 
 An Order for the bidding ^f Pray ^ 
 
 ers and Preaching, p. 93 
 
 Infirii6iions given to Paget, fent to 
 
 fome Northern Courts^ p. 94 
 
 Anno 1534. 
 
 NEgotiations in Germany, 
 P-. 97 
 Advices offered the King, ibid. 
 
 A Letter of the King's to the Ju- 
 
 ftices, tc obferve the Behaviour 
 
 of the Clergy, p. 98 
 
 Anno 1535. 
 
 THE ArchbiJJ^op of York is 
 fufpeSfed to favour the Pope^ 
 p. 99 
 Hejuflifies himfelf, ibid. 
 
 Of the Sufferings of Fifher and 
 Moore, p. 100 
 
 An Expoftulation with the Court of 
 France, p. loi 
 
 7he King of France engages him- 
 felfto adhere to, and defend the 
 King in his fecond Marriage, 
 
 ibid. 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 Of what happened during the Tune comprehended in 
 the Third Book of the Hiftory of the Reformation ; 
 from the Year 1535, to King Henry % Death, Anno 154*. 
 
 Anno 1535. 
 
 THE King was muchpleafed 
 with the Title of Supreme 
 Head, p. 104 
 
 The Archbijhop of Canterbury 'j 
 Title changed, ibid. 
 
 Cranmer and Gardiner oppofe one 
 another, ibid. 
 
 QrdSivoRX vindicates himfelf , p. 105 
 Bijhops proceed againji thofe who 
 dejired a Reformation, ibid. 
 The Archbijhop o/' York much fuf- 
 peSied^ p. 106 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 Anno 1536. 
 
 Complaints of the Monks and 
 Fryars, p. 108 
 
 The Archbijhop of Yoric clears hini" 
 felf ibid. 
 
 All Preaching is for fome time pro- 
 hibited, p. 109 
 
 A Treaty with the Lutheran Prin- 
 ces, ibid; 
 
 Barnes Jent to them, p. 1 1 o 
 
 Melanchthon'i^o/«^ to France pre- 
 vented, p. Ill 
 
 4R 
 
 ne
 
 CCCXXXVlll 
 
 A T A B L E, ^^. 
 
 The French KingfluEluates^ p. 1 1 1 
 
 Yon fait to Germany, ibid. 
 
 A Treaty with the Princes of Ger- 
 many, ibid. 
 
 Ce}iliired by fome, but juflified by 
 others, p. 112 
 
 The Smalcaldick League, p. 113 
 
 The Demands of the German Prin- 
 ces, p. 114 
 
 The King's Anfwers to them, p. 
 
 115 
 
 They write to the King, p. 1 1 6 
 
 Aiid fend Ambaffadors to him, p. 
 
 117 
 ^cen K^therine'i Death, p. 118 
 ^leen Anne BuUenV Tragical End, 
 
 ibid. 
 Her Behaviour at her Trial, and 
 
 at her Death, p. 119 
 
 The Efnperor dcfired to be reconciled 
 
 to the King, ' p. 121 
 
 The King anfwered that coldly, p. 
 
 122 
 He refufes any Treaty with the Pope, 
 
 ibid. 
 Proceedings in Convocation, p. 123 
 Pole made a Cardinal, ibid. 
 
 He wrote firfl againjl the Divorce, 
 
 p. 124 
 ^ends one to the King with Infiru- 
 
 Slions, p. 125 
 
 Tonftal writes copioufly to him, p. 
 
 126 
 Cardinal PoleV Vindication ofhim- 
 
 felf p. 129 
 
 The King was reconciled to the 
 
 Emperor, p. i ^ i 
 
 Dr. London'j Violent Proceedings, 
 
 in fiippreffing the Monafleries, 
 
 p. 132 
 Cheats in Images difcovered, ibid. 
 Tonftal wrote a Confolatory Letter 
 
 to^ the King^ when ^een Jane 
 
 died, p. i^^ 
 
 Orders about Holy Days, ibid. 
 
 I^junSHotis given by the Archbif^op 
 
 of York, p- 134 
 
 InjunBions by the Bifliop 0/^ Coven- 
 try ^zW Litchfield, p. 135 
 And by the BiJJjop of Sali{bury, ib, 
 
 3 
 
 GreflaamV Letter to the King for 
 putting the Great Hofpitals in 
 the Ha fids of the City, p. 136 
 
 Anno 1538. 
 
 THE King grows fever e a~ 
 gainjl the Refortners, p. 137 
 He fets out a long Proclamation, 
 
 p. 138 
 
 An Account fet forth by the King of 
 
 Thomas Becket, ibid. 
 
 A Circular Letter to the Juftices of 
 
 the Peace, p, 139 
 
 Anno 
 
 1539- 
 
 NEPV SigJtif cations put on the 
 Old Rites, p. 140 
 
 Many Executions in England, ibid. 
 TheProjeSl of Endowing the Church 
 of Canterbury, ibid* 
 
 Difapp7-oved by Cxznxntr, p. 141 
 T^he De/ign of the Six Articles^ 
 
 ibid. 
 The King marries Anne of Cleve, 
 
 p. 142 
 
 Commifjion to Cromwell, to ConJU- 
 
 tute fome under him, ibid. 
 
 The Kifig in Love with Katherine 
 
 Howard, p. 143 
 
 CxovnwcW s Fall, p. 144 
 
 A New Treaty with the German 
 
 Princes, ibid. 
 
 Some of Cvovci-w&Ws Memorandums, 
 
 P- H5 
 The Matters firfl charg'd on him^ 
 
 frojn which he clears himfelf, p. 
 
 146 
 RefieBions on the State of Affairs at 
 
 that Time, p. 147 
 
 Of the Ki?2gs Divorce with Aane 
 
 of Cleve, ibid. 
 
 What pajfed in Convocatiotiy p^ 
 
 148 
 Exceptions in the A£i of Grace, 
 
 ihidi. 
 
 A De/ign againft Crome, ibid. 
 Profecutions upon the Six Articles, 
 
 P- 15* 
 
 A Co?t'
 
 A TABLE, ^c. cccxxxxix 
 
 A Confpiracy againjl Cranmer, 
 
 His great Mildnefsy ibid. 
 
 Some Steps made infettmg out True 
 
 Religion, p. 153 
 
 Catherine Howard's Difgrace, 
 
 P- 154 
 Anno 1542. 
 
 PAGET'^ Negotiations with 
 tbe Court of France, p. 155 
 Ti)e Duke of Orleans promifed to 
 declare himfef a Protejiant, p. 
 
 158 
 
 Anno 
 
 1543- 
 
 PRaSiices on him. End with his 
 Life,^ P-.^59 
 
 Proceedings in Convocation, ibid. 
 A New Tranflation of the Bible de- 
 fignd, ibid. 
 
 Anno 1544. 
 
 A Reformation of the Eccle/ia- 
 jlical haws was far ad- 
 vanced, p. 161 
 Bell, BiJl:)Op o/^Worcefter, refigned 
 his Bifl.ioprick, ibid. 
 Audley, Lord Cha?icellor, died 
 
 ibid. 
 PraBices on fame Lords of Scot- 
 land, ibid. 
 
 Monnt fejit to Germany, p. 162 
 A fFar with France, p. 163 
 
 Bulloign taken, ibid. 
 
 The King isforfaken by the Empe- 
 ror, ibid. 
 A Litany Jet out in Englifh, with 
 other Devotions, p. 1 64 
 
 Anno 
 
 1545- 
 
 THE King negle5ls the Ger- 
 man Princes, p. 165 
 
 Anno 1546. 
 
 THE EleStor of Saxony 'i /// 
 Opinion oftheKing, p. 1 66 
 Ferdinand difcontented with the 
 
 Emperor, ibid. 
 
 The Duke of Norfolk'^ Imprifon- 
 
 ment, p. 167 
 
 His Letter to the King, ibid. 
 
 A Recapitulation of King Henry i 
 
 Reign, p. 170 
 
 His Mind corrupted by a Courfe of 
 
 Flattei-y, ibid. 
 
 The Cur fe of all Courts, p. 171 
 Wolfey began it, but was a wife 
 
 Minijler, ibid, 
 
 A great Occafion of Flattery given 
 
 by his Book, ibid. 
 
 The CharaSier o/'More, p. 172 
 Cromwell'^ Minijiry, ibid. 
 
 The King's Inconftancy in Matters 
 
 of Religion, p. 173 
 
 BOOK IV. 
 
 Of what happen'd during the Reign of King Edward the 
 IVth, from the Year 1547, to the Year 1553. 
 
 Anno 1547. 
 
 A True Account of a Paper of 
 Luther '5, wrong publijhed 
 in my Hijlory^ p. 1 y^ 
 
 VargasV Letters concerning the 
 Council of Trent, p. 176 
 
 Tranfated into Englifh, by Dr. 
 Geddes, ibid, 
 
 'And
 
 cccxl 
 
 A T A B L E, {^f. 
 
 And into French by M. Le Vaffor, 
 
 P- ^77 
 The Fraud md Infoknce of the 
 
 Legate, i^id. 
 
 The Promife that the Emperor made 
 
 the Pope, ibid. 
 
 The BiJlMps knew not what they did, 
 
 p. 178 
 The Pride and Impudence 0} the 
 
 Legate, ibid. 
 
 No Good to be expeSled from a 
 
 Council, P- 179 
 
 He complains of the Exemption of 
 
 Chapters, ibid. 
 
 A Decree Jecretly amended after it 
 
 ivaspajl, P- 180 
 
 It had been happy that the Council 
 
 had never met, ibid. 
 
 The Decree concerning the Popes 
 
 Authority, propofed, butnotpaf- 
 
 fi^y P-. ^^^ 
 
 He exprejfes the fame Opinion of 
 
 the former SeJJion under Pope 
 
 Paul, ibid. 
 
 Nojhadow of Liberty in the Council, 
 
 p. 182 
 
 The Legates way in correBing ma- 
 
 nifeji Abufes, p- 183 
 
 Malvenda, and others, rnade the 
 
 fame Complaints, ibid. 
 
 Refections upon thofe Proceedings, 
 
 p. 184 
 Thirlby writes of the Interim, 
 
 p. 185 
 Hobby y^-w^ Ambajador to the Em- 
 peror, ibid. 
 The Emperors Confejfor refufd him 
 Abfolution for not peifecuting 
 Hereticks, p. 186 
 The Perfidy of the French King 
 
 ibid. 
 The Progrefs of the Reformation, 
 
 ibid. 
 Gardiner at the Head of the Oppo- 
 I fitiontoit, p. 187 
 
 Proceedings in Convocation, p. 188 
 They affirm that it was free for the 
 Clergy to tnarry, ibid. 
 
 Cranmer'i Labour and Zeal, p. 
 
 189 
 
 St. Chryfoftom'^ Letter to Caefa- 
 rius, brought to England, ibid. 
 
 The Lady Mary denies that fhe, or 
 her Servants, were concerned in 
 the Rifmgs, ibid. 
 
 The entertaining Foreign Troops in 
 England, p. 190 
 
 The Popijh Party deceived in their 
 Hopet on the PrdteSiors Fall, 
 
 p. 192 
 
 Anno 1549. 
 
 PRoceedings againft Gardiner, 
 ,. . P- 193 
 
 All Preaching is forbidden, except 
 
 by Perjons efpecially Licenfedy 
 
 p. 195 
 
 Heath refufes tofubfcribe the Book 
 
 of Ordination, ibid. 
 
 Anno 1550. 
 
 DAY Bifjop o/* Chichefter, 
 in Trouble for not removing 
 Altars, p. 196 
 
 Scandals given by many, p. 1 97 
 Ga.rd'mtr is deprived, p. 198 
 
 An Account of Bijbop Hooper, 
 
 p. 199 
 
 Anno 1552. 
 
 THE Duke ofSomerCet's lajl 
 Fall, p. 209 
 
 Hooper's Impartial Zeal, ibid. 
 The Articles of Religion prepared, 
 
 p. 210 
 Not pajfed in Convocation, ibid. 
 
 Anno 1553. 
 
 BUT publijhed by the King's 
 Authority, p. 212 
 
 A/2dfent to the Archbijhop o/'Can- 
 terbury, ibid. 
 
 AndtheBifiopof'i>lotVf\ch,^. 2T^ 
 And to the Univerfity g/'Cambridge, 
 
 ibid. 
 3 Cranmer
 
 A TABLE, ^c. 
 
 Cranmer defigjiedtGfet up the Pro- 
 vifKJai Syjiods, p. 214 
 
 Kif!g Edward'i Scheme of the Siic- 
 cejjion^ ibid. 
 
 Much altered, p. 215 
 
 Qppofed lot7g byCxinvatx, ibid. 
 
 'The Primate of Ireland poifoned, 
 
 p. 216 
 
 A CharaBer of the Court in King 
 
 Edward'i "Time, ibid. 
 
 The bad Lives of thofe loho profef- 
 
 fed the Gofpel, p. 217 
 
 Much lamented by the Reformers, 
 
 p. 218 
 
 The P}'ovidence of God toivards the 
 
 Reformed, p. 219 
 
 cccxli 
 
 BOOK V. 
 
 of what happened during Qiieen Mafy\ Reign, from the 
 Year 1553, to the Year 1558. 
 
 Anno I 
 
 553- 
 
 '"T"^ HE ^teen's Words were 
 
 1 fifi, p. 220 
 
 But her Proceedings fevere, ibid. 
 
 Againfl Cranmer, Hooper, and 
 
 others, p. 221 
 
 The D«>^f o/' Northumberland begs 
 
 hi' Lfe, but in vain, p. 222 
 Others fufferedivith him, p. 223 
 A Convocation fumriicndt ibid. 
 
 A Treaty of Marriage with the 
 
 Prince of Spain, ibid. 
 
 WyatV Rifmg, and Principles, p. 
 
 224 
 
 Anno 1554. 
 
 ADT Jane Gray executed, 
 P- 225 
 
 Severities againfi the married Cler- 
 gy, ibid. 
 
 Aggravated by fome, p. 226 
 
 The ^leen writes the frft Letter to 
 King Philip, ibid. 
 
 Proceedings againfl Hereticks, ibid. 
 
 A Convocation, p. 227 
 
 Cranmer V Treajon par dotted, that 
 he tnight be burned, ibid. 
 
 The Council orders fevere Proceed- 
 ings, p. 228 
 
 The Reconciliation with Rome dc- 
 fign'd, ibid. 
 
 VoXafent Legate for thatEnd, p. 2 2 9 
 Vol. III. 4 
 
 P- 2j 
 
 ibid. 
 
 
 
 He wrote to the ^een. 
 The ^leen's Anfwer, 
 His fir jl Powers, ibid 
 
 Cardinal Pole fopp'd in Flanders 
 by the Emperor, p. 231 
 
 N'ew a?idfdler Powers fent to Pole, 
 
 ibid. 
 WithRelation toChurchLands,^.2-^2 
 All was laid before the Emperor, p. 
 
 23 
 
 .'« J 
 
 Tet he was fill put of by Delays, 
 
 ib'id. 
 The Reafon of thofe Delays, p. 234 
 Cardijial Pole much efieemed by the 
 
 ¥.ng\\\\\ Ambafidor, p. 236 
 He writes to King Philip, ibid. 
 The ^Ineenfcnt to bring him over to 
 
 England, p. 237 
 
 The ^leen believed her fef to be 
 
 with Child, ibid. 
 
 Cardinal Pole carries his Powers 
 
 beyond the Limits fet him, p. 2 3 8 
 Some preach for rejloring the Ahbev 
 
 Lands, ibid. 
 
 Anno I 
 
 555- 
 
 T 
 
 H E Archbifop of York / / 
 _ at Liberty p. 2'; 9 
 
 The Reformers when tried by Car- 
 diner, were firm, p. 240 
 Hooper, the firft Bifi.op that fuf 
 ferd, barbaroufy ufcd, ibid. 
 S 3 Perfhns
 
 cccxlii 
 
 A T A B L E, Cg'r. 
 
 Perfotis appointed to carry the News 
 of the ^een's being delivered, 
 
 p. 242 
 
 Orders for 'Torture at Dijcretton, 
 
 p. 243 
 
 The ^eenjiill looked to be delivered 
 of a Child, ibid. 
 
 A PraSlice that gives Sufpicion of 
 ill Dejigns, ibid. 
 
 Plots pretended, p- 244 
 
 Cardinal Pole'i Letter to Cranmer, 
 
 ibid. 
 
 Jtnbajfadors fent to the Pope, came 
 back with a Bull, ereBing Ire- 
 land into a Kingdom, p. 245 
 
 I'he Pope's Bull for reftoring all 
 Church Lands, ibid. 
 
 Refe£lions made on it, p. 246 
 
 CranmcT proceeded agai ft/}, p. 248 
 
 Anno 1556. 
 
 PRoceedi/tgs in Convocation, p. 
 250 
 Motio?is in the Dyet of the Empire, 
 
 p. 251 
 
 CompaJJion exprejfed to thofe who 
 
 fuffered, punified, ibid. 
 
 Charles the Vth's Re/ignation of 
 
 Spain, p. 252 
 
 Reafons to thi?ik he diedaProteJlant, 
 
 P- 253 
 I'he Method in which the^een put 
 
 her A fairs, p. 254 
 
 Proceedings againfl Here ticks, p. 
 
 255 
 
 Anno I 
 
 557- 
 
 THE Pope fets on a New 
 War, after aTruce wasfworn 
 to, and difpenfed with the French 
 Kings Oath, p. 256 
 
 Pole'i Natioital Synod, p. 257 
 
 A great fear city of ainhings, p. 258 
 
 Profecution of Hereiicks, ibid. 
 
 Calais in danger of falling into the 
 Haftds of the French, p. 259 
 
 An Account of Lord Sturton'j Ex- 
 ecution, p. 260 
 
 Allarms oft given of Plots, p. 261 
 
 A fever e Profecution, ibid. 
 
 Cardinal Folefaved two Perfons, ib. 
 
 The Nation abhorred this Cruelty, 
 
 p. 262 
 
 A great Coldnefs in thofe Matters at 
 Briftol, ibid. 
 
 Boner call'd on by the Council to be 
 more fever e, p. 263 
 
 The Papal Provifons in this Reign^ 
 
 p. 264 
 
 Anno 1558. 
 
 PRoceedings in Co?ivocation, p. 
 265 
 A General Treaty of Peace was 
 
 opened, ibid. 
 
 Small Hope of having Calais rejlor- 
 
 ed, ibid. 
 
 A particular Relation of the Occa- 
 
 fon of the ^eeris Death, p. 268 
 A Parallel of ^een Mary, and 
 
 Slueen Elizabeth'^ Reign, p. 269 
 
 BOOK VI. 
 
 of the Beginnings of Queen EUzabeth\ Reign. 
 
 Anno 1558. 
 
 HE R Inclinations in Religion 
 caution fy managed, p. 270 
 Mounty^w/ fo Germany, p. 271 
 
 A Match with Charles of Auflria 
 advifed, ibid. 
 
 The Reformers return to England, 
 
 ibid. 
 
 They were well received by the 
 ^eeny ^. 272 
 
 Anno
 
 A TABLE, 
 
 r. 
 
 cccxiiii 
 
 Anno 1559. 
 
 THofe of Zurick advife a tho- 
 rough Reformation^ p. 273 
 I'he Earl of Bedford hadjiaydfoine 
 
 tiine at Zurick, and wrote to 
 
 them, ibid. 
 
 Proceedings in Convocation, ibid. 
 The Bi/hops oppofe the Reformation 
 
 in the Houfe of Lords, p. 274 
 Jewel co?nplaim of JVant of Zeal, 
 
 andanExcefs of Caution, p. 276 
 Peter MartyrV Advice to Grindal, 
 
 p. 277 
 The Beginnings of the Reformation 
 
 in the Pari. 0/' Scotland, p. 278 
 ^je Ufe of the Scriptures in the Vul- 
 gar Tongue, much oppofed, p. 279 
 But granted, ibid. 
 
 ji perfidious Proceeding of the Court 
 
 0/' France, p. 280 
 
 The great Progrefs of Superjlition 
 
 in ^ Mary'/ Reign, p. 2 8 8 
 TheRevenues oftheBiJhops leffend^ib. 
 Jewel'/ Opinion of the Difputes co7i- 
 
 cerning the Vejlments, p. 289 
 The ^een kept a Crucifx in her 
 
 Chapel^ ibid. 
 
 Bijhops Cmfecrated, ibid. 
 
 The Emperor propofes to the ^een a 
 
 Match unth his iSowCharlcs, ibid. 
 She excufes her felf, ibid. 
 
 Anno 1560. 
 
 \ Conference concerning the 
 
 XX ^eens Crucifix, p. 290 
 
 The Zeal in Singing Pfalms, ibid. 
 
 Sands, Bifijop ©/"Worcefter, ?nuch 
 
 offended at the Lnage in the 
 
 ^een's Chapel, p. 291 
 
 Sampfon'/ Exceptions at bis being 
 
 made a Bifi:op, ibid. 
 
 He refufed a Bifiioprick, p. 292 
 
 A Peace made in Scotland, p. 293 
 
 Parker'5 Care of the Northern Sees, 
 
 ibid. 
 The Popijh Bipops made great Alie- 
 nations, p. 294. 
 Jewel'/ Apology puhli fie d, ibid. 
 The French grew weary ofcarryijig 
 on the War in Scotland, p. 295 
 It was brought to a good End, p. 296 
 
 A Meffdge to the ^een of England, 
 
 ibid. 
 
 Anno 1560. 
 
 Signed by the Three Ejlates, p. 
 297 
 The ^/een oj England'i' Anfioer to 
 it, ibid. 
 
 The Death o/* Francis II. p. 298 
 The ^een of Scotland did not ra- 
 tify the Peace, ibid. 
 
 Anno 1561. 
 
 SHE is jealous of Lord ]3i\x\ts, 
 p. 299 
 The Duke ofGx\\(tftudied to divert 
 the ^een from AJfifiing the 
 Prince o/'Conde, p. 300 
 
 Proceedirigs in Convocation, ibid. 
 
 Anno 1562. 
 
 SOme Alterations made in the 
 Articles of Religion, p. 301 
 
 Great Debates coficerning fome Al- 
 terations in the Book of Common- 
 Prayer, P- 302 
 
 A Practice common among Papifts, 
 of Knocking on their Brcafi, fay- 
 ing. Culpa mea, at the Eleva- 
 tion, ibid. 
 
 But by one Proxy it was carried, 
 that none fidculd be made, p. 303 
 
 A Book of Difcipline offered by the 
 Lower'-Houfe, ibid. 
 
 Other Things prepared for the Con- 
 vocation, p. 304 
 
 A furthtrContinuation oftheHiftory, 
 beyond my former Work, p. 305 
 
 A Co?itroverfy about the Ufe of 
 Tlnngs indifferent, ibid. 
 
 Anno 1564. 
 
 GRcat Diverfity in PraStice, 
 p. 306 
 The ^een wrote to the Archbifijop 
 of Canterbury, to bring all to an 
 Uniformity, p. 306 
 
 Orders fet out by the Bijhops, ibid. 
 Horn, Bijhop o/'Winchefter, writes 
 to Zurich, uponthefe Diverfities 
 in Pra^ice, p. 307 
 
 Anno
 
 cccxliv 
 
 A T A B L E, ^f. 
 
 Anno 1565. 
 
 ANfivers from thence y jujlify- 
 ing ihofe who obeyed the 
 Laws, p- 3°^ 
 
 BuUinger writes to thofe who would 
 7iot obey them, P- 3°9 
 
 That Letter was printed in England, 
 
 p. 310 
 
 BuUinger Vy?«/w. to Sampf. p- 3 1 2 
 I'bey wrote to the E. 0} Bedford, ib. 
 
 Anno 1566. 
 
 GRindal and Horn'i Letter, 
 jhewing their Uneafinefs in 
 many "things, P- 3 H 
 
 ]tvftVsSenfe of thofe Matters,^.'^ 1 5 
 RefleBions on this Matter, p. 316 
 Other Letters written to Zuricl; by 
 fome Bifops, ibid. 
 
 Anno 1567. 
 
 F the Affairs of Scotland, 
 
 ibid. 
 
 'fhe^een o/" Scots marries the Lord 
 
 Darnly, p- 3^8 
 
 o 
 
 She fiews more Zeal in her Reli- 
 gion, p. 319 
 
 The Demands of the Reformed, ib. 
 
 The ^eens Anfwer to them, p. 3 20 
 
 Their Reply to it. p- 3 2 1 
 
 The ^leen o/'Scots Pra6}ices, ibid. 
 
 Another more prefjing Petition made 
 to her, p. 322 
 
 Letters concerning the Murder of 
 Sig?iior David, p. 323 
 
 Letters concerning the Murder of 
 the Lord Darnlcy, p. 324 
 
 A Relation of that Matter by the 
 Popes Nuncio, p. 325 
 
 That ^een left the Crown 0/" Eng- 
 land to King Philip of Spain, 
 by her loft Will, p. 327 
 
 An Affociation of the Scottifh No- 
 bility, to defend the Right of their 
 young King, p. 328 
 
 In this PapiUs joined with Prote- 
 ftants, p. 329 
 
 The Reafons that moved ^teen Eliz. 
 to be Jealous of the King o/" Scot- 
 land, ibid. 
 The EffeBs that this had, p. 330 
 The Co7iclufion, ibid. 
 
 An ADDITION, 
 
 I Have laid out, by all the Methods I could think, on, for that MS, 
 of Archbifliop Spotfwood'?, Hiftory, that I mention Pag. 285. I 
 once thought I had found it ; for I fell on one Copy, that had belong- 
 ed to the late Duke oi Lauderdale ; but it was not that w^hich had 
 belonged to me : Yet by that I fee, that Archbifhop came gradually, 
 and not all at once, out of his firfl Opinion. For in this MS. there 
 is a Material Difference in the Corredlion that is in the Archbifhop's 
 own Hand, from the firft Draught. The firft Draught is. That Prin- 
 ces may commit Offences deferving Deprivation : But the CorreSlion is, 
 They may fill into great Offmces, without any more. A little after 
 he had written, Whntfoever may be thought of this Opinion ; which im- 
 ports fome doubt concerning it : Thefe Words are ftruck out ; but 
 fo that they are ftill legible. A little after that, the MS. has it, that 
 by an AB of Council, all the Errours committed by the ^een Regent 
 were reckoned up. This is foftned, by thefe Words inferted after Er- 
 rours ; alledged to have been committed. Thus it appears, that the 
 Archbifliop's firft Notions, had carried him to write in a Stile that 
 wanted great Correftion, as his Thoughts grew into a better Digefti- 
 on, or as his Interefts carried him to fee Things in a different Light, 
 from that in which they had at firft appeared to him. 
 
 A C O L-
 
 COLLECTION 
 
 O F 
 
 Records, Letters, 
 
 AND 
 
 With Other 
 
 INSTRUMENTS 
 
 Referred to in the Former HISTORY. 
 
 Vol. III. 4T
 
 347 
 
 COLLECTION 
 
 O F 
 
 RECORDS, &c. 
 
 Number i. 
 
 The Bull of Pope Paul the IVth, annulling all the Aliena- 
 tions of Church Lands, 
 
 Refciffio alienatlonum & locationum quorumcunque bonorum Ec- 
 
 cleiiafticorum, in damnum Ecclefiarum, vel non fervatis ]\.\xhf"^!'"'f'f.''''i' 
 folemnitatibus aut alias nulliter fadtarum. r""ja Pauli' 
 
 quart!. 
 
 [Imllem refciffionem fecit, Leo X. & poftea Jul. III. quas 
 praetermifi tanquam minus neceflarias, & eas inferuit Ro- 
 doan. in fuo Trad:, de Reb. Ecclef. non alienan. & eandem 
 edidit etiam Pius IV, quo ad bona Sedis, & CamerJB Apo- 
 ftolicae in conft. 104. Apoftolica, Quamvis prius ipfe banc 
 
 buUam generaliter reduxiflet ad terminos juris communis in Conft. 1 1. 
 
 Provida. Sed Pius V. ejufmodi bonorum omnium Ecclefiafticorum 
 
 alienationis refciflionem commifit CoUegio Fabrics Bafilicae S. Petri de 
 
 Urbe, ut in fua Conft. 98, & ft de fingulis. 
 
 De alienationibus iftis, habes ftipra Conft. i Leonis i.Fol. 1. & 
 Pauli II. in Conft. 5. Ambitiofae. Fol. 329. Et de alienationibus 
 ac infeudationibus Civitatum & Terrarum fedis Apoftolicje, ac 
 bonorum quae ftxbditi Papae habent in ejus ftatu Ecclefiaftico, plt- 
 ne dicamin conftitut. 1. Innocent IX. Quae ab hac. 
 
 
 Paulus Epifcopus, fervus fervor um Dei. Ad fiituriim ret memo- ^/j.^' 
 
 nam. Symmachus 
 
 Papa bona i 
 
 1. Injunftum nobis deftiper, mentis licet imparibus, Apoftolicae ^i^g^g ^* '" 
 
 fervitutis officium, mentem noftram continua pulfat inftantia, ut bo-hibuk. inc.6. ■ 
 
 naEcclefiaftica, qus caeca hominum cupiditate occupata detinentur,^j^^^^^-^^:^^ ] 
 
 noftraenan*. .. |
 
 348 A ColleBion Part II L 
 
 hoftra; operationis Minifterio, ad jus, & proprietateni eorumquorum 
 antea erant, omnio reducantur. Cum itaque (ficut nobis innotuit) 
 licet alias fei. re. Symmachus Papa Praedeceffor nofter pradium Ec- 
 clefijE pro aliqua neceflitate quovis modo alienari, aut jura Ecclefije in 
 ufum frudlum dari prohibuerit, & lege hujufmodi omnes cuftodes 
 allringi, ac donatorem, ac cenfuatorem, & venditorem honorem per- 
 dere, & qui pra^mifiis fubfcriberet, anathema effe, cum eo qui daref; 
 five reciperet, nili reftituerentur, & quas libet Ecclefiaflicas perlbnas 
 contradicere, & cum frudtibus alienata repofcere poffe, hocque non 
 folum in Ecclefia Romana confervari, verum etiam in univeriis per 
 provincias Ecclefiis convenire voluerit. 
 p^ulus 2. a- 2. Et pis mem. Paulus Papa 2. etiam praedeceffor nofter omnium 
 tienationes rerum, & bonorum Ecclefiafticorum alienationem, omneque padum, 
 ckilaftTo-^*^ per quod ipforum dominium transferretur, ac co'ncefTionem, hypo- 
 rum, & ultra thecam, locationem, & condudlionem ultra triennium, necnon in- 
 cationl"'"&c'' feudationem» vel .contradlum emphyteuticum, praeterquam in cafibus 
 interdixi't in a jurc permilTis, ac de rebus & bonis in emphyteulim ab antique con- 
 Conft. cicin cedi folitis, fieri prohibuerit. Et fi quis contra huj us pofterioi is pro- 
 hibitionis ferlem, de bonis Screbus eifdem quicquam alienare prefume- 
 ret, alienatio, hypotheca, conceffio, locatio, condudtio, infeudatio 
 hujufmodi nuUius omnino effent roboris, vel momenti, & tam qui 
 alienaret, quam qui alienatas res, & bona reciperet, fententiam ex- 
 communicationis incurret, & nihilominus res h. bona alienata hujuf- 
 modi, ad Ecclefias, monafteria, & loca pia, ad quae antea perline- 
 bant, libere reverterentur. 
 Alienat'iones ^^ Nihilominus a nonnuUis annis citra diverfae perfonae, tam fe- 
 faaK^fMumt culares quam Ecclefiafticas, complura Caftra, Terras, Oppida, . Civi- 
 in damnum tates, & loca, tam Romance praedidlae, quam diverfum Cathedralium^ 
 Ecclefiarum, gjj^,-j^ MetroDolitanum & aliarum Ecclefiarum nee non Monafterio- 
 
 vel non ierva- r t->i' i Txr-i- 
 
 tis foiemnita- rum, domorum, & aliorum Regulanum locorum, ac Hofpitahum> 
 tibus. gj- aliorum Piorum locorum, praetextu diverfarum alienationum, eis 
 
 de caftris, terris, oppidis, civitatibus, & locis prsdidlis in evideris 
 damnum Ecclefiarum, Monafteriorum, domorum, Hofpitalium, & 
 aliorum Regularium, & Piorum locorum, feu alias non fervatis fo- 
 lemnitatibus a jure requifitis fadtarum occupaverint, & occupata de- 
 tinuerint, detineant de praefenti, ac ex inde fad:um fit, ut non folum 
 Ecclefiarum, Monafteriorum, 5c domorum Praelati, ac Hofpitalium, 
 & aliorum Regularium, & Piorum locorum hujufmodi Redlores, qui 
 ex fru6tibus, redditibus & proventibus caftrorum, terrarum, oppido- 
 rum, civitatum, & locorum hujufmodi, Ecckfias; Monafteria, & 
 domus Hofpitalia, & alia loca praedidla gubernabant, & illuftrabant, 
 ac eorum Miniftris alimoniam prebebant, notabiliter fint, damnificati, 
 verum etiam Rom. Pont, qui antea egenis, & miferabilibus perfonis, 
 praefertim nobilibus ad hanc Almam Urbem pro tempore confugienti- 
 bus alimenta aliunde fubminiftrare confueverat, vix fe 5c familiam fuam 
 fuftentare, ne dum aliis alimenta fubminiftrare poflit, in divinas Ma- 
 jeftatis offenfam, & ordinis clericalis opprobrium, ac plurimqrum 
 Chrifti fidelium fcandalum. 
 alias refcindit 4' •'^^^ praemiffa conniventlbus oculis pertranfire nequeuntes, qui- 
 fcannuiiat. nlmmo cupientes eis, quantum cum Deo poffumus, opportunum re- 
 medium adhibere, motu proprio, & ex certa noftra fcientia, ac de 
 \ ApoftolicEB
 
 Book I. Of Records, &c. 
 
 349 
 
 Apoftolicas poteftatis plenitudine, omnes & fingulas alienationes & in 
 emphyteufim, feu cenfum perpetuum, aut tertiam, vel aliam gencra- 
 tionem, feu hominis vitam, aut aliud tempus ultra triennium loca- 
 tiones vel concefliones, feu permutationes, hypothecas, & obligatio- 
 nes, de quibus vis caftris, tenis, oppidis, civitatibus, & locis, aut aliis 
 bonis immobilibus, feu rebus, & juribus, tam fpiritualibus quain 
 temporalibus ejufdem Romanas, & quarumcunque Cathedralium, 
 etiam Metropolitan, & aliarum Ecclefiarum, necnon Monafteriorum', 
 domdrum, & aliorum Regularium locorum, & quorumvis beneficio- 
 rum Ecclefiafticorum, cum cura & fine cura, fecularium, & quorum- 
 vis Ordinum Regularium, necnon Hofpitalium, & aliorum piorum 
 locorum quorumlibet, per quofcunque etiam Rom. Pont, prsedecef- 
 forcs noflros, feu eorum audoritate, vel mandato, Camerarios fuos 
 & Clericos Camerse Apoftolicas Prasiidentes, ac quofvis Ecclefiarum 
 Monafteriorum, & domorum Praelatos, & beneficiatos, necnon Hof- 
 pitalium, & aliorum Regularium, & piorum locorum Redores, cu- 
 jufcunque dignitatis, ftatus gradus, ordinis, &; conditionis exiftentes, 
 etiam fi Cardinalatus lionore pollerent, in damnum Ecclefia;, feu non 
 fervatis folemnitatibus a jure requifitis, aut alias nulliter hadtenus 
 fad:as, & contradlus fuperindc fub quibufvis formis, & verborum 
 exprefllonibus habitos^ & Celebrates, etiam fi juramento vallati ex- 
 iftant, & quantumvis longa temporis pra;fcriptione robur fumpfifTe 
 did poffint, ac ipfius Romance Ecclefias favorum, aut commodum 
 concernant, eorum omnium tenores, ac fi de verbo ad verbum infere- 
 renter, prcefentium refciiidimus,, irritamus, caflamus, & annuUamus, 
 ac viribus omnino evacuamus, ac pro refciflis, irritis, caffis, & nullis, 
 ac penitus infed:is haberi Volumus. 
 
 5. Ipfofque detentores ad Caftra, terras, oppida, civitates, & loca Detentores q. 
 occupata, ac bona, res, 6c jura prjedida Romanae & Cathedralibus, '^^''"^ ■'eiax- 
 etiam Metropolitan ac aliis Ecclefiis, necnon Monafteriis, domibus, cupata"^&'^' 
 Hofpitalibus, & beneficiis, ac Regularibus, & piis locis relaxandum, fru-^us refti- 
 & de frudlibus, tam haftenus perceptis quam in pofterum percipien- '""^'^^*^'*''*'' 
 dis, realiter fatisfaciendum teneri, & ad id etiam fententiis, cenfuris, 
 
 & pcenis Eccleiiafticis, ac ctiani pecuniariis, omnibufqi aliis oppor- 
 tunis, juris & fafti, remediis cogi, & compelli pofle. 
 
 6. Sicque in praemiffis omnibus & fingulis per quocunque Judices, Decretum n- 
 & Commifliirios, quavis audloritate fungentes, etiam caufarum Palatii "'*"' 
 Apoftolici Auditores, & ipfius Romanae Ecclefias Cardinales, ac eorupi 
 Collegium in quavis caufa, & inftantia, fublata eis, & eorum cuilibet 
 
 quavis aliter judicandi, &; interpretandi audtoritate, & facultate, ju- 
 dicari, & diffiniri debere ac fi fecus fuper his a quoquam quavis aufto- 
 ritate, fcienter vel ignoranter contigerit attentari, irritum & inane de- 
 cernimus. 
 
 7. Non obftantibus conflitutionibus, & Ordlnationibus Apoftolicis, Claufuis de- 
 caeterifq; contrariis quibufcunque. NuUi ergo &c. Si quis &c. rogatoriae. 
 
 Dat. Romaj apud Sandlum Marcum, anno incarnationis Dominicae, D. P. An. t. 
 1555. Pridie idus Julii, Pont, noftri Anno prime. dieiz. juhi. 
 
 Vol. III. 4U A Letter
 
 35 o A ColleBio7i Part III. 
 
 Number 2. 
 
 A Letter of ^een KatherineV to Kmg Henry, upon the 
 Defeat of James the lYth^ King of Scotland. 
 
 An Original. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 Vefpatian. ]\ /f Y Lord Howard hath fent me a Letter open to your Grace 
 p. I c. XV A within oon of myn, by the whiche ye fliall fee at length the 
 grete Viftorye that our Lord hath fent your Subjeds in your Ab- 
 fence : And for this Caufe it is noo nede herin to trouble your Grace 
 with long Writing ; but to my thinking this Batell hath been to 
 your Grace and al your Realme the grettefl Honor that coude bee, 
 and more than je fhuld wyn al the Crown of Fraunce : Thankend 
 bee God of it, and I am luer your Grace forgeteth not to doe this, 
 which dial be caufe to fende you many more fuche grete Vidloryes, 
 as truft he flial doe. My Hufband, for haftynefle with Rogecrq/Ze, I 
 coude not fend your Grace the Peefe of the King of Scotis Cote, which 
 Jo/m Clyn now bringeth, in this your Grace fhall fee, how I can 
 kepe my Promys : Sending you for your Baners a Kings Cote, I 
 thought to fend himfelf unto you, but our Englifie Mens Harts 
 wold not fuffer it : It Ihuld have been better for hym to have been 
 in Peas than to have this Rewarde, al that God fcndeth is for the 
 beft. My Lord of Swroy\ My Henry ^ wold fayne knowe your Plea- 
 fure in the Buryeing of the King of Scotts Body, for he hath written 
 to me foo, with the next Melfanger your Grace Pleafure may bee 
 herin knowen ; and with this I make an ende, praying God to fende 
 you Home fhortly : For without this no Joye here can be accom- 
 plifhed : And for the fame I pray and now go to our Lady at Wal- 
 fingham, that I promifed foe longe agoe to fee, at Woborne the xvj Day 
 of September. 
 
 I fend your Grace herin a Bill founde in a ScottyJJ:e Mans Purfe, 
 of fuche Things as the Frenjl.^e King fent to the faid King of Scotts 
 to make Warre againft you : Befeeching you to fend Matheive He- 
 der aflbone this Melfanger cometh to bringe me Tydings from your 
 Grace. 
 
 Your humble Wife and true 
 
 Servant 
 
 Katherine. 
 
 Number
 
 Book I. Of Records^ See. 3^1 
 
 Number 3. 
 
 y^ Lietter of Cardi7tal Wolfey's to King Henry, mth a 
 Copy of his Book for the Pope, 
 
 An Original. 
 SIR, 
 
 THESE lliallbe onelyto advertife your Grace that at this pre- Papir-Ofo 
 fant Tyme I do fend Mr. Tale vnto your Highnes with the 
 Booke bounden and dreffed, which ye purpofe to fend to the Popes 
 Holynes, with a Memoriall of fuch other, as be allfo to be fent by 
 him with his autentique Bulles to all other Princes and Univerfities. 
 And albeit Sr this Booke is right honorable, pleafant and fair, yet I 
 affure your Grace, that which Hall hath written (which within 4 
 Days wolbe parfited) is ferre more excellent and princely : And fliall 
 long contynue for your perpetual Memory whereof your Grace (hall 
 be more plenarlye Informed by the faid Mr. Tate. I do fend alfo 
 unto your Highnes the Choyfe of certyne Verfis to be written in the 
 Booke to be fent to the Pope of your owne Hande : With the Sub- 
 fcription of your Name to Remain in Archivis Ecclie ad perpetuam & 
 Immortalem vejfre Magejlatis gloriam Laudem& memoriam, by your 
 
 Moil humble Chaplain 
 
 T. Car'''- Ebon 
 
 Number 4. 
 
 A "Letter of Cardinal WolfeyV to King Henry, about Fo- 
 reign News ; and concerning LutherV Anfwer to the 
 Kings Book. 
 
 An Original. 
 SIR, 
 
 AFter my moft humble and lowly recommendations, thefe fhall 
 be to advertife your Highnefs that as yet our Lord be thank- 
 ed there is not commen any Confirmation either from Rome Venice 
 Italy France or Flanders of the late Newes, which was fent from 
 the Archeduke to the Lady Margaret : whereof by many other 
 Letters I advertiled your Grace. So that now the faid News be 
 generally reputed and taken but as frasks : and the braging avaunts of 
 the Spaniards be fo accalmed that they not only account fuch Mo- 
 ney as they have hitherto layde upon the faid News to be thereby 
 Loft, but alfo they dare not now aventre fyve four or thre for a 
 hundred. Howbeit Sir I do not a Lytcl marvyle that fmnes the fe- 
 venth Day of the laft Month in the which it was wrytten that 
 
 I the
 
 352 A Colleciion Part 1 1 1 . 
 
 the feate againft the Venetians (hould be doon, there he more Let- 
 ters commen either from France Rome Venyfe or Italy. It is bruted in 
 Flanders that Pavy by Dedition fliould be deUvered to the laid Ve- 
 netians hands, which if it be true your Grace Ihall fliortly here of 
 the Spaniards total extermination out of Italy. 
 
 I forberc Sir to difpech your Letters to the Cardinal of Magunce 
 and the Duke George of Saxe : becaufe I have not as yet neyther 
 Luthers original Letters, which were very neceflliry to be fent to 
 the Popes Holinefs, nor alfo any Copy thereof, which mufl nede 
 be fent with your Anfwer to the faid Cardinal and Duke. It may 
 be your Pleafure to take Orders that the faid Original Letter or Copy 
 thereof may be fent unto me with Diligence. Other News I have 
 none to fignify unto your Highnefs at this prefent tyme but as other 
 fhall occurr I (hall not fail to advertife your Grace of the fame accord- 
 ingly. At your Grace mannor of Hampton Court the fourth Day of 
 
 Augujl by your 
 
 mofl humble Chapleyn 
 
 T. Car^''- Ebor. 
 
 To the Kings moft Noble Grace, Defender of the Faith. 
 
 Number 5. 
 
 A Letter of Cardinal Wolfey'j to King Henry, fent with 
 Letters that the King was to write to the Emperor. 
 
 An Origi?ial. 
 SIR, 
 
 Faper-Office. A ND forafmuch as my commyng to your Town of Calais, I 
 ±\^ fuppofe I fhall be greatly preffed to repair to the Emperors 
 prefence, which to do without your Letters, written with your 
 owne hand I cannot conveniently do, Therfor I have divifed two 
 fhort Letters, the one to the faid Emperor, and the other to my La- 
 dy, befeechyng your grace to take the payne to write and fende the 
 fame unto me by this berer j whom I perpofely fende at tliis tyme 
 to your grace, furely to bring the fame unto me with diligence 
 And albeit I fliall have your faid Letters in redynefs, yet I fiiall ne- 
 ver the rather advance my Jorney towards hym till fuch tyme as I 
 fhall fee opertunite : fo that I have takyn feme convenient order, 
 with the AmbalTadors of France for voidyng of all Jeloufie and Su- 
 fpition : and as I fhall proceed with the Ambafladors on both par- 
 ties, and fynde them difpofed, fo fhall I advertife your grace with 
 all diligence from tyme to tyme. And thus Heauen preferue your 
 moft noble and roiall aftate. At Dover the firft day oi Augiiji by 
 your 
 
 moft humble Chapleyn 
 
 7. Car^"- Ebor, 
 To the Kings grace. 
 
 Number
 
 Book I. Of Records^ &c. 353 
 
 Number 6. 
 
 A Letter of Card'mal WolfeyV to the King^ cojicerning the 
 Emperor s Fir7fmefs to him. 
 
 An OrigiJiaL 
 
 SIR, 
 
 THes wrytten with my owne hand fliall be onely to Advertifc '^^ptr-Offiu, 
 your Grace, v/hat I do perceive and be in the Emperors owne 
 parfon, wich I alTure your Grace for his Age is very wyfe and wel un- 
 derftanding hys afferys : rygth colde and temperat in fpech, with 
 affury'd maner towchyng hys words, rygth wcl and to good pur- 
 pofe when he doth fpeke : and undowgttydiy by all appearance he 
 fliall prove a very wyfe Man, gretly inclyned to trewgth and obfer- 
 vance of his prom-yi'e ; determynyd not onely faftly holly ai:d en- 
 tirly for ever, from hens forth to be joyned with your Grace, luving 
 all other pradlyfe and intellygens apart : but allb in all his afferys to 
 take and folowe your counfell and advife : And nothing to do without 
 the fame, And lyke as your Grace hath your linguler affayance ia 
 me, puttyng the Burdeyn of your oflicys on my ihulders, though I 
 knowleg my felf farr unmeet for the fame ; fo he ys dctermyned to 
 do for his part. And hereunto he hath not onely bowndyn him fylf 
 to me apart, twys or thrys by hys feyth and trowth givyn in my 
 hande ; but alfo he hath to every one of your Privy Counfell in mofl 
 conftant wyfe declary'd the fame, in fuche maner and fifliion as we 
 all may perceyve that the fame procedyth of his harte, without 
 coloure, diflymulation or fafhion. Wherfor, Syr, ye have caufe to 
 give thanks to almighty God, wich hath given you grace fo to ordyr 
 and commen your afferys, that ye be not only the ruler of thvs 
 your Realme, wich ys in an angle of the Worlde; but alfo by your 
 wifdome and counfel Sfaync, Ifally, yllmaym, and thes Lowe Cown- 
 tyes, wich ys the grettft parte of Cryftcndomc, fliall be ruled and go- 
 verned. And as for France, thys knot nowe b^yng affurydly knit, 
 fliall not fayle to do as your grace fhall commande. What Jionour 
 thys is to your highnes I dought not but that your grace of your high 
 wyfdom can ryglit well confyder : giveying moil harty thanks to al- 
 mighty God for the fame accordingly, befeechyng your grace moffc 
 humbly fo to do, whereby thys thyng thus honorably commenfyd 
 fliall not fayle to your great exultation, to come to the defyryd ende : 
 to the atteynyng wherof I {lial empley my poore parfon wyt expen- 
 fyons, fubftance and Blood. From Grevely7ig\h.c 28th Day oi Jlugiijt^ 
 with the rude hand of your 
 
 Moft humble Chapleyn 
 
 TCar^i^ Eh or. 
 
 To the Kings grace ys owne hands onely. 
 
 Vol. III. 4X Number 7.
 
 354 
 
 A ColkBion Part III. 
 
 Number 7. 
 
 The Firfl Letter of Cardinal Wolfey to King Henry, about 
 his EkBion to the Popedofn upon Adrian^ Death. 
 
 From the Originals lejit me b^ Sir William Cook. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 IT may like your Highnelle to underftand I have this Houre re- 
 ceived Letters from your Orator's Relident in the Court of Rome, 
 mentioning how the xivth Day of this Inftant Moneth It pleafed 
 Almighty God to call the Popes Holyneffe to his Mercy, whofe Soul 
 our Lord Pardon. And in what Trayn the Matters there were at 
 that Time for Eleftion of the future Pope, your Highneffc fhall per- 
 ceive by the Letters of your faid Orator's, which I fend unto the 
 fame at this Time, whereby appeareth that mine Abfence from thence 
 Ihall be the onely Obftaclc (it any be) in the Eleftion of me to that 
 Dignity ; albeit there is no great Semblance that the College of Car- 
 dinals ftiall confent upon ai.y being there prefent, becaufe of the 
 fundry Faftions that be among themfelves, for which Caufe, tho 
 afore God, I repute my felf right unmeet and unable to fo high and 
 great Dignity, defiring much rather to dem.ure, continue and end my 
 Life with your Grace, for doing of fuch Service as may be to your 
 Honour and Wealtli of this your Realm, than to be X Popes ; yet 
 nevertheleffe, rcmembring what Mind and Opinion your Grace was 
 of, at the lafl: Vacation, to have me preferred thereunto, thinking 
 that it (hould be to the Honour Benefit, and Advancement of your 
 Affaires in Time coming : And fuppofing verily that your Highnefle 
 perfifteth in the fame Mind and Intent, I Ihall devife fuch Inftrudlions 
 CommifTions and other Writings, as the laft Time was delivered to 
 Mr. Pace for that purpofe : And the fame I fhall fend to your Grace 
 by the next Poft, whom it may like to do farther therein as fliall 
 Hand with your gracious Pleafure, whereunto I fliall always conform 
 my felf accordingly. And to the Intent it may appear farther to your 
 Grace what Mind and Determination they be of, towards mine Ad- 
 vancement, which as your Orators wrote, have now at this prefent 
 Time the Principal Authority and Chief Stroke in the Eleftion of 
 the Pope, making in manner Triumviratum, I fend unto your High- 
 neffe their feveral Letters to me addrefied in that behalf, befeeching 
 our Lord that fuch One may be chofen as may be to the Honour of 
 God, the Weal of Chrifl's Church, and the Benefit of all Chrijlcndom. 
 And thus Jefu preferve your mofl Noble and Royal Ellate : At the 
 More the lafl Day of September^ by 
 
 Your mofl humble Chaplayn 
 
 T: Car''^- Ehor. 
 
 Number 8.
 
 Book I. Of Records^ &c. 
 
 355 
 
 Number 8. 
 
 The Second Letter of Cardinal Wolfey to the King^ about 
 the Succejfion to the Popedom, 
 
 SIR, 
 
 IT may like your Grace to underfland that enfuing the Tenor of 
 my Letter fent unto your Highnefle yefterday, I have devifed fuch 
 Commiflions and Letters to be fent unto your Counfellors the Bilhop 
 of Bath, Mr Richa?-d Pace, and Mr Thonnis Hanihal, jointly and fe- 
 verally, as at the laft Time of Vacation of the Papall Di'^^nity were 
 delivered unto the faid Mr Richard Pace ; for the Preferment either 
 of me, or that failing of the Cardinal de Medici unto the fame, which 
 Letters and Commiflions if it ftand with your gracious Pleafure to 
 have that Matter fet forth. It may like your Highnefle of your Be- 
 nign Grace and Goodnefs to figne, fo to be fent to the Court of Rome 
 in fuch diligence as the Importance of the fame, with the Brevity of 
 the Time doth neceflarily require. And to th' Intent alfo that the 
 Emperor may the more efi'edlually and fpecdily concurre with your 
 Highnefle for the furtherance hereof, Albeit I fuppofe verily that 
 enfuing the Conference and Communications which he hath had with 
 your Grace in that behalf, he hath not prastermitted before this Time 
 to advance the fame, yet neverthelefl'e for the more acceleration of 
 this Furtherance to be given thereunto, I have alfo devifed a familiar 
 Letter in the Name of your Grace to be directed unto his Majefl:y, 
 which if it may pleafe your Highnefl!e to take the Payne for to write 
 with your own Hand, putting tliereunto your fecret Sign and Mark, 
 being between your Grace and the faid Emperor, fhall undoubtedly 
 do Angular Benefit and Furtherance to your gracious Intent, and ver- 
 tuous Purpofe in that behalf. Befeeching Almighty God that fuch 
 Effect may enfue thereof, as may be to his Pleafure, the Contenta- 
 tion of your Highneflfe, the Weal and Exaltation of your mofl: 
 Royal Eftate, Realm and Aff'aires, And howfoever the Matter fliall 
 chance, I fliall no lefle knowledge my felf obliged and bounden farr 
 above any my Deferts unto your Highnefi"e, then if I had attained 
 the fame, whereunto I would never in Thought afpire, but to do Ho- 
 nor Good and Service unto your Noble Perfon and this your Realm. 
 And thus Jefu preferve your mofl: Noble and Royal Eflate, At the 
 More the Firfl: Day of Ocfober, by 
 
 Your mofl humble Chaplayn 
 
 T Car'''- Ebor. 
 
 Number
 
 35^ 
 
 A CoUeBion Part III. 
 
 Number 9. 
 
 Tfoe Third Letter of Card'mal Wolfey ; givi?tg an Account 
 of the EleBion of Cardinal Medici to he Pope. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 Fter my mod humble and lowly Recommendations, This fliall 
 
 _ be onely to advertife your Highneffe that after great and long 
 
 Altercations and Contrariety which hath depended between the Car- 
 din all's in the Conclave, they at the laft fully refolved and determin- 
 ed (the Fa&'ion of Fra?2ce abandoned) to eledt and choofe either my 
 Lord Cardinal de Medici or Me, which Deliberation coming to the 
 Knowledge of the Nobles and Citizens of Rome, they alledging that 
 the Affairs of Italy being in the Trayn, as they then were. It fliould 
 be to the extreme Danger thereof to choofe a Pcrfon abfent, which 
 could not ne might in Time come to put Remedy unto the fame, 
 made fundry great Exclamations at the Conclave- Window, whereby 
 the Cardinall's being in fear not only of the Inconvenience like to 
 enfue unto Italy, but alfo of their own Perfon's, Albeit they were 
 in manner principally bent upon me, yet for efchewing of the faid 
 Danger and Murmur, by Infpiration of the Holy Ghoft, without fur- 
 ther Difficulty or BufineiTe the xixth Day of the laft Moneth in the 
 Morning elefted and chofe the faid Cardinal de Medici, who imme- 
 diately was publifhed Pope, and hath taken the Name of Clemejtt VII. 
 Of which Good and Fortunate New's, Sir, your Highnefs hath much 
 Caufe to thank Almighty God: Forafmuch as not onely he is a per- 
 fed: and faithful Friend to the fame, but that alfo much the rather by 
 your Means he hath attainted to this Dignity. And for my Part, 
 as I take God to record, I am more joyous thereof, than if it had 
 fortuned upon my Perfon, knowing his excellent Qualitys, mofl 
 meet for the fame; And how great and fure a Friend your Grace 
 and the Emperor be like to have of him, and I fo good a Father, by 
 whofe Afllimption unto that Dignity, not only your and the faid 
 Emperors Affairs's, but alfo of all Chrificndojn ihall undoubtedly come 
 to much better and more profperous Perfedlion : Like as upon the 
 Firft Knowledge thereof the Frenchmen be ckarlv departed from Mi- 
 lan, and pafTed a River towards Fiance called Ticino, Trufting that 
 the next New's which fliall come from thence (hall be of their Ar- 
 j-ival at Home, wherin as I fliall have further Knovv'iedge, fo I (liall 
 Advertife your Highneffe thereof accordingly, And thus Jefu preferve 
 your moft Noble and Royal Eftate. At my poor Iloufe befidcs JVcfi- 
 jninjler the vitli Day of December, by • , 
 
 Your moft humble Chapleyn 
 T. Car^''- Rbor. 
 
 Number 10.
 
 Book I. Of Records^ Sec. o^rj 
 
 Number lo. 
 
 A Remarkable Pajfage in Sir, T. More'j Utopia, left out 
 
 in the latter Editions, 
 
 CiEterum Theologus quldam frater hoc didlo in Sacerdotes ac 
 Monachos adeo eft exhilaratus, ut jam ipfe quoque caeperit 
 ludere, homo alioqui prope ad torvitatem gravis. At ne fie quidem, 
 inquit, extricaberis a mendicis, nifi nobis quoque profpexeris fratri- 
 bus. Atqui, inquit, parafitus, hoe jam curatum eft. Nam Cardi- 
 nalis egregie profpexit vobis, quum ftatueret de cohercendis, atque 
 opere exercendis erronibus. Nam vos eftis errones maximi. Hoc 
 quoque di<5lum, quum conje<ftis in Cardinalem oculis, eum vide- 
 rent non abnuere, cteperunt omnes non illibenter arripere, exeepto 
 fratre. Nam is (neque equidem miror) tali prefufus aceto, fie in- 
 dignatus eft, atque ineanduit, ut nee a conviciis quidem potuerit 
 temperate: Hominem vocavit nebulonem, detradlorem, fijfijrronem, 
 & filium perditionis, minas interim terribiles citans e fcriptura facra. 
 Jam fcurra fcrio fcurrari caspit. Et erat plane in fua Palaeftra. 
 Noli, inquit, irafci bone frater, fcriptum eft, in patientia veftra pofll- 
 debitis animas veftras. Rurfiam frater (referam enim ipfius verba) 
 non irafcor, inquit, furcifer, vel faltem non pecco. Nam Pfal- 
 mifta dicit, Irafcimini & nolite peccare. Admonitus deinde frater 
 a Cardinale fuaviter, ut fuos affedlus compefceret. Non domine, 
 inquit, ego loquor nifi ex bono zela, unde dicitur, zelus domus tux 
 comedit me. Et canitur in ecclefiis, Irrifores Helizei, dum con- 
 fcendit domum dei, zelim calui fentiunt, ficut fortafle fentiet ifte 
 derifor, fcurra, ribaldus. Facis inquit Cardinalis, bono fortaifis 
 afFedtu, fed mihi videris fadurus, nefcio an fandlius, certe fapien- 
 tius, fi te ita compare, ne cum homine ftulto & ridicule, ridicu- 
 lum tibi certamen inftituas. Non domine inquit, non facerem 
 Sapientius nam Solomon ipfe Sapientifilmus dicit : Refponde ftulto 
 fecundum ftultitiam ejus, ficut ego nunc facio, & demonftro ei foveam 
 in quam cadet, nifi bene praecaveat. Nam fi multi irrifores Helizei, 
 qui erat tantum unus caluus, fenferunt zelum calui, quanto magis 
 fentiet unus derifor multorum fratrum, in quibus funt multi calui ? 
 Et etlam habemus bullam Papalem, per quam omnes qui derident nos, 
 funt excommunicati. 
 
 Vol. III. 4Y Number ii.
 
 35^ 
 
 A ColleBion Part III. 
 
 Number ii. 
 
 A Letter of the Pope's upon his Captivity^ to Cardinal 
 
 Wolfey. 
 
 An Original, 
 
 ^ylvuMuT, T^AIledle fili nofter Calamitas noftra cum a nobis digne expllcari ne- 
 ^•'9- ' JL/ queat tuae Circumfpedlioni per diledlum filium Equitem Calla- 
 lium referretur qui interfuit ipfe omnibus, & filium nobis amantem exi- 
 bens quam effent grata ejus in nos officia ad extremum oftendat. Nos 
 in tanto conftituti dolore & ludtu unicum folamen ac fpem in tuse Cir- 
 cumfpeclionis apud ilium Sereniffimum Regem audloritate & ipfius Re- 
 gis erga nos & S. Ecclefiam pietate reponimus ; ut pro veftra confue* 
 tudine & bonitate S. Ecclefiam tarn indigne afflidlam commendatarri 
 fufcipiatis : ficut ex eodem Equite atque ex Nuntio noftro omni alio 
 prefidio quam tua; benignitatis fpoliato intelliget. Datum in Arce S. 
 Angeli fexta Junii 1527. 
 
 Number 12. 
 
 A Part of Cardinal Wolfey V Letter to the King con- 
 cerning his Marriage : 
 
 T'akenfrom the Original. 
 
 Cotton Libra- "IT 7E dayly and howerly mufing and thinking on your Gracs gret 
 ry, Vitelliui, \/V and lecrete Affayre, and howe the fame may cume to good 
 B- 9> P- 146. £^edle and defircd Ende, afwel for the Deliverance of your Grace 
 cut of the thrauld penfif and dolorous Lifthat the fame is in, as for 
 the Continuance of your Helth and the Suertie of your Realme and 
 Succeffion, confidering alfo that the Popes confent, or his Holines 
 deteyned in Captivite, theAudlorite of the Cardinalls nowe to be con- 
 voked into France equivalent thereunto, muft concurre for Approba- 
 tion of fuch Procefle as I flial make in that behaulf ; and that if the 
 Quene fliall fortune, which is to be fuppofed fhe will doe, eyther 
 appele or utterly decline from my Jurifdidlion (one of the faid Aufto- 
 rities is alfo neceffaryly requifite) I have noon other thought ne ftudye 
 but how in avaylable maner the fame may be attayned. And after 
 long difcuflion and debating with my felf, I finally am reduced and 
 refolved to two Points ; the oon is that the Poopes confent cannot be 
 obteyned and had in this Cafe oonles his Delyveraunce out of Cap- 
 tivite befirft procured : the other is that the Cardinalls canne nothing 
 doe in this behalfe, oonles there be by them Confultation and Order 
 taken, what fhall be doon in Adminijiratione rerum EiCckfiaJlicarum 
 durante diEla captivitate fummi Po?itificii. 
 
 As
 
 Book I. Of Records^ &c. -^>p 
 
 As touching the Reftitution of the Pope to Libertie the State of 
 the prefent Affaires confidred the moft prompte fure and vedy wave 
 is, by conclufion of the Peace betwixt the Emperor and the French 
 King : for the avancement and fetting forward whereof I lliall put my 
 felf in extreme devour, and by al poffible meanes induce and per- 
 fuade the faid French King to ftrayne himfelf and condefcende to af- 
 much of the Emperours Demands as may ftande with Reafon and 
 Suertie of his and your Gracs Affayres ; moving him further, that 
 forafmuch as the Emperour taketh your Hignes as a Mediator mak- 
 ing fayre demonftration in Words, that he will at j'our Contempla- 
 tion and Arbitre, not oonly declare the botom of his Mynde concern- 
 ing his Demaund, but alfo remitte and relent in the fame, he wil be 
 contented that your Grace forbering the Intimacion of Hoftilitie maye 
 in the managing of the faid Peace and inducyng the Emperour to 
 reafonable Conditions, be fo taken and reputed of him, without any 
 outward declaration to the contrary untyl fuch tyme as the conducy- 
 ing of the faid Peace ilial be clerely defperate : Whereby if the faid 
 French King canne be induced thereunto, maye in the meane feafon 
 ufe the benefit of their Entercourfe in the Emperours Lowe-Countries: 
 not omiting nevertheles for the tyme of foUiciting the faid Peace, the 
 diligent Zeal and effectual Execution of the Sworde by Monfeur de 
 Laiitrek in the Parties of Italy : whereby your Gracs faid Mec^ation 
 fhal be the more fet by and regarded. 
 
 And in cafe the faid Peace cannot be by thefe means brought to 
 effedte, whereupon might enfue the Popes delyverance, by whofe 
 audlorite and confent your Gracs affayre fhuld take moft fure honour- 
 able effeftual and fubftancial ende, and who I doubte not confidering 
 your Gracs gratitude, wold facilly be induced to doe all things therin 
 that might be to your Graces good fatisfadtion and purpofe, thenne 
 and in that cafe there is noone other remedy but the Convocation of 
 the faid Cardinalls ; who as I am enformed will not nor canne conve- 
 niently convene in any other Place but at Avinion^ where the Admi- 
 niftration of the Ecclefiaftical Jurifdidion hath been in femblable 
 Cafes heretofore exercifed. To the which Place if the faid Cardinal's 
 canne be induced to cume, your Highnes being foo contented, I pur- 
 pofe alfo to repare, not fparing any labour travayl or payne in my 
 body chargs or expenfe, to do fervice unto your Grace in that be- 
 halfe ; according to my moft bounden Dutie and harty Defyre, there 
 to confulte and devife with them for the Governance and Adminiftra- 
 tion of the Audlorite of the Church during the faid Captivity : which 
 fliall be a good Grounde and Fundament for the effedlual execution of 
 your Gracs fecrete Affayre. 
 
 And for afmuch as thus repairing to Avinion I {hall be nere to the 
 Emperours Confines, and within an hundred Myles of Perpiniatt 
 which is a commodious and convenient Place to commen and treate 
 with the Emperors Pcrfonne, I think in my poor Opinion that the 
 conducing of Peace by your Graces Mediation not being defperate, 
 nor Intimation of Hoftilite made on your behalfe, it fliould much 
 conferre afv/ell for the Delyverance of the Poope, as for concluding 
 of the Peace between the French King and the Emperor, if his Maje- 
 
 ilie
 
 360 
 
 A ColleSfion Part III. 
 
 ftie cannot be foe contented that a meating might be between him, 
 my Lady the French Kinges Modre, and Me at the faid Terpinian j 
 
 to the which 
 
 This is all hi the Copy written in Cardi?ial Wolfey's Hand. 
 
 Number 13. 
 
 A Letter written hy King Henry VIII. to Cardinal Wolfey, 
 
 recalling him Home. 
 
 Among%. w. "\ /f Y Lord this fhall be to thank you of your great paines and tra- 
 Cook'j Pa- j_ V j^ vaile which you have fuftained fince your departure hence, for 
 ^"''" our bufynefle and caufes : wherein you have done to us no little ho- 
 
 nour, pleafure and profitt, and to our Realm an infinite goodneffe ; 
 which Service cannot be by a kind Mafter forgotten, of which fault 
 I truft I fliall never be accufed, fpecially to you ward which fo labo- 
 rioufly do ferve me. Furthermore becaufe as yet fince the Popes Cap- 
 tivity we never fent to falute him, nor have no Man refident there to 
 advertize us of the Affaires there ; and alfo left the Queene fhould 
 prevent us by the Emperour's means in our great Matter ; We think 
 it meet to fend this Bearer thither, of whofe Truth and Sincerity we 
 have had long proof, praying you to give him fuch Inflrudlions and 
 Commifiions as fhall be for our Affair's there Requefite : and that 
 with convenient diligence, to the intent our Affair's there may have 
 fome ftay. No more at this time, but that greatly I defire your Re- 
 turn home, for here we have great Lack of you, and that you give 
 full Credence to my Secretary this Bearer j Written with the Hand 
 of your loving Soverign Lord and Friend 
 
 Henry R. 
 
 Number 14. 
 
 A Letter from Rome hy Gardiner to King Henry, fettifig 
 forth the Popes Artifices, 
 
 An Original, 
 
 Pafer-Offict. 13^^^^^^^ ^^ you'^ Majeftie to be advertifed that endevoring our 
 j7 f^^fs to the beft of our Powers al joyntely and I my felf aparte 
 applying al my poore Wit and Lernyng to atteyne at the Popes hande 
 fum parte of the accomplyfhement of your Highnes defires, finally 
 have nothing prevayled : but now fee it called in Queftion whether 
 the Audlorite gcven to the Legats there fhulde be revoked or noe. 
 The circumftaunce whereof and what hath been doon and faid therin, 
 your Highnes Ihall underftande by our commen Letters which we 
 
 have
 
 Book I. Of Records^ Sec. -6i 
 
 have written to my Lorde Legats Grace, but to faye as I conjedturc I 
 think that IVIatier was moved but for a ftop of our other Suts, and 
 that it is not erneftly ment : And albeit there is mencion of the 
 Queen in that Matier as thowe flie Ihould have a Pro<5ter for the 
 fame, yet the Pope two dayes before, in an other Comunication faid 
 that the Emperour had advertifed him, how the Queen wolde do no- 
 thing in this Matier, in faying nor fpeaking to any Man for the let 
 delaye or hindrance of this Matier, but as your Highnes flial wil and 
 command her to doe : And that the Emperour faid, he would there- 
 fore more earneftly luoke unto the Caufe himfelf. I marveled much 
 when the Pope faid this, and me thought he fpoke it as though he 
 wolde we fliuld fignifie the fame unto your Highnes, and I noted it 
 the more, for bccaiife your Highnefs had commanded me to enquire 
 out who fliuld be here the Queens Prodor : and it feemed fpoken 
 for the nones, as to put me out of doubt thereof. But whither the 
 Pope hath tliis writen out of Spayne or out of Englande, I wot not 
 what to fiye. But it feemed ftrange to us to rede in Cardinal Cam- 
 pegnis\ Letters, that neyther he nor Campanus, made on the Pope's 
 Behalf, any Promyfe to your Highnefs, but only in general Terms, 
 coDfiidering that upon thefe fpecial Terms de plenitiidine potejlatis, and 
 truft that the Pope wolde ufe that in your Highnes Caufe, I was 
 fent hither, like as in my Inftrucflions is conteyned : Which failing, 
 your Highnefs I doubt not right well remembreth how Mafter Wcl- 
 man^ Mr. BcU., and I fliowed your Highnes fuch Things as wer to 
 be required, not to be impetrable : My Truft is that your Highnes 
 wil accept in good Part my true Harte and good Will, which accord- 
 ing to my mod bounden Duty fliall never want, but be holly applyed 
 where your Highnes (hall command without refpeck or regard of any 
 other lyving Creature, being very fory to fee your Highnes Caule 
 handled in this forte. But your Highnes hath fo much vertue in you, 
 whereof God is to be thanked, as may fuffice to converte other Mens 
 Faults into Goodnefs, to your Highnes gret Glory, Renowne, and 
 Immortal Fame : which is all that canne be faid after my poor Witt 
 herin, confidering that your Highnes hath been not well handled, 
 nor according to your Merits by the Pope, or fum other : it becometh 
 not me to arredle the Blame certaynly to any Man, And the Pope 
 fliewith Cardinal Campcgnis Letters for his Difcharge, which Thing 
 your Highnes ftiall much better judge and confider by your high 
 Wifdom thenne I canne write, moil humbly defiring your Highnes 
 that being in thefe Termes with the Popes Holynefs, we may know 
 of your Highnefs what to fay further. 
 
 As touching the Bulks to be here impetradle for your Highnefs, I 
 have fpoken with the Popes Holynes, and he is content in all Points 
 to grant as I required him, faving in that matier de anrmadverfwne in 
 Clericos, to the which he wolde not abfolutely aflent,. but faid he 
 wold with the Cardinal SanBorum qiiatiior divife that fliuld be to your 
 Highnes SatisfaiSion : wifliing then that he might grante as eafely our 
 other Peticions, which he knoweth your Highnefs to have more to 
 Harte, as he may thefe, adding by and by that he would for the Welth 
 of Chriftefjdom, the Queen wer in her Grave : and as he thought the 
 Vol. IIL 4 Z Empe-
 
 362 A ColleBion Part 111. 
 
 Emperour wolde be thereof moft glad of al : faying alfo that he 
 thought like as the Emperour hath deftroyed the Temperakies of the 
 Church, foe lliall fliie be the Caufe of the Deftrudtion of the Spiri- 
 tualties. Making exclamation of his Misfortune in whofe Perfonne 
 thefe two Adverfites fhuld chaunce, and upon the Occafion of that 
 Famylie. Whenne we fpeak with him we think we fliuld have all 
 Things, and in the Ende his Counfail denyeth all : By reafon the 
 Cardinall San£loru?n qiiatuor hath been fick, and is every other Day 
 fikely, and for the moft parte when the Cardinall is hoi the Pope is 
 fikc, we have yet no expedition of the faid BuUes, trufting that your 
 Highnes will have Confideration of thefe Letts, accordingly praying 
 Almighty God to preferve your moft Noble and Royall Eftate. From 
 Rome the 4th Daye of Maye^ 
 
 Your Highnes moft Humble 
 
 ^ubjedl Servant and dayly Orator, 
 
 Steven Gardyner, 
 
 Number 15. 
 
 iTie Popes Promife in the Kings Affair, 
 
 Cotton Libra- ^^ U M nos Clcmcns Domlna provldentia illius nominis papa fepti- 
 ry, yiteiiiui \^ mus modcmus jufldtiam ejus caufs perpendences quam charifll- 
 ■ "■ mus in Chrifto Filius noftcr Henricus Odlavus Anglias Rex illuftris 
 
 Fidei Defenfor & dominus Hibernia?, de ejus Matrimonii nullitate 
 tanquam Notorium Publicum & famofum, apud nos expofuit, quod 
 cum chariflima in Chrifto Filia noftra Catharina clars memoris Fer- 
 dinandi Hifpaniarum regis catholici Filia nulliter & de fado contrajc- 
 iffe & confumaffe afiirmati leges tam dominas quam per humanas iin 
 ea parte notorie tranfgrediendo, prout revera fie tranfgrediebat. Ad 
 dilid^os nobis in Chrifto Filios Thomam & Laurentium miferatione di- 
 vina fanda Ceciliae & fandtze Marine tranftiberim refpedive titulorum 
 noftri & fedis Aplicje in Regno Anglia; predidlo legatos de lacere com- 
 miflionem fub certa tunc exprefla forma, quam pro hie inferta & ex- 
 prefla haberi volumus & habemus ; emiferimus, ac eofdem noftros in 
 ea parte vicegerentes ac competentes Judices deputaverimus, prout fie 
 etiam tenore prefentium effedtualiter & pleniflime conjund-im & divi- 
 fum committimus & deputamus, quo ammi noftri eidem Henrico Regi 
 in jufticia ilia quam celerime adminiftranda propenfionem certius & 
 clarius atteftemur fecuriorem qvie reddamus de judiciorum labyrinth© 
 longo varioque ambitu in caufis (ut nunc funt mores) juftifTimis non 
 una forte aetate explicabili, denique ut proceflus per eofdem deputa- 
 tos noftros nuper & fecundum tenorem didte commi(fionis habitus & 
 fa(^U8 ficndus ve aut babendus validus & firmus ac ineoncUjSiis maneat, 
 
 pro*
 
 Book I. Of Records^ Sec, 363 
 
 promittimus 5c in verbo Romani Pontificis poUicemor, quod ad nullius 
 preces requifitloneni inftantiam mcro ve motu aut aliter, ullas unquam 
 literas, brevia, bulks ; aut refcripta aliave quecunque per modum vel 
 juftitise vel gratiie aut aliter, qus materiam emifTarum ante hac in cau-' 
 fa predicta commilTionum commifTionis ve prasdidtas proceflus Ve per 
 hujufnaodum deputatos nortros nuper &c fecundurti tenorem didlarum 
 commiflionum commidionis ve predidtae habitus & fadlus habendi 
 V€ aut fiendi, inhibitoria, revocatoria, aut quovifmodo prejudicialia 
 quacunque racione contineant atque ut didtarum commiflionum vel 
 commilTionis proceflus vero hujulmodi plenam perfedtam finalem & 
 efFedtualcm executionem remorentur, impediant, aut in aliquo con- 
 trarientur, ilia ve aut eorum aliqua revoccntur, aut eiifdem vel eo- 
 rum aliquibus in toto vel in aliqua parte eorundem prejudicent, con- 
 cedemus : fed datas a nobis eiifdem deputatis noftris commifliones & 
 commiflionum hujufmodi procefllim qu^ per hujufmodum deputa- 
 tos noftros juxta & fecundum tenorem didtarum commiflionum com- 
 miflionis ve predidlae habitum & fadlum, habendum qua & fiendum 
 fua pleniflima vi audloritatum robore & efficacia realiter & cum effedlu 
 coniirmabimus, ratihabemus, tenebimus 6g defendemus. Denique 
 omnes tales literas brevia, bulks, aut refcripta alia ve quas didtarum 
 commiflionum commiflionis ve hujufmodi proceflus ve antedidli 
 executionem aut ejufdem virtute decreta, deflinita, & pronunciatum. 
 per eofdem deputators noftros, confirmare poflint aut valent abfque 
 mora recufatione, difficultate, quacumque de tempore in tempus 
 realiter & cum effedtu valida & efiicaria, dabimus & concedemus. 
 Et infuper promittimus & in verbo Romani pontificis pollicemur quod 
 pr2;mifl"a vel eorum aliqua nulkcemus infringemus nee aliquid contra 
 ea vel eorum aliqua diredte vel indiredte tacite vel exprefle, principa- 
 liter vel incidenter, quovis quefito colore vel ingenio, nifl vi ve! 
 metu coadli, vel dolo aut fraude ad hoc indudli, attemptabimus aut 
 faciemus : fed ea omnia & flngula firma valida inconcufla & inviola- 
 bilia patiemur & permittemus. Ac infurum fi (quod abfit) aliquid 
 contra premiflfa vel eorum aliqua quovifmodo faciemus aut attemp- 
 temus, illud pro caflb irrito inani & vacuo oranino haberi volumus 
 & habemus : ac nunc prout ex tunc,& extunc pro nunc, caflamus, an* 
 nullamus & reprobamus, nullius quae roboris aut efficaciae fore vel effe 
 debere pronunciamus decrevimus & declaramus. Datum Viterbie Die 
 xxiii July Millefimo Quingentiflimo Vigefllmo Odlavo Pontificatus 
 noftri Anno Quinto. 
 
 Jta ejl Clemens Papa Septimus AntediBus. 
 
 Number i6; 
 
 ■V^-j:\
 
 3<^4 
 
 A CoUecfion Part III. 
 
 Number i6. 
 
 Sojne Account of the Proceedings of the Unherjtty, i?t 
 the Cafe of the Divorce^ from Dr. BuckmafterV Book 
 
 M. s. c. a a 
 
 QUod hodie ftudia veftra interpellaverim Doftiflimi Senatores, ac 
 Viri graviffimi, Voluntas Regia in Caufa eft, cui pro infigni bo- 
 nitate fua, ac fummo quern erga nos & ftudia noftra gerit amore, turn 
 etiam pro aliis forfitan negotiis, in quibus veftras prudentias confulere 
 decrevit fua Majeftas, vifum eft placuitque Uteris fuis vos omnes falu- 
 tare, quas ii diligcnter aufcultare velitis, a me ftatim per legente au- 
 dietis. 
 
 To our Trufty and Well-beloved the Vicechancellour, 
 Dodors, and other Regents and Non-Regents of our 
 Univerfitie of Cambridge. 
 
 /-: 
 
 By the Kyng. 
 
 TRufty and Well-beloved, we grete you well. And whereas in 
 the Matter of Matrimony between Us and the Queue, uppon 
 Confultation had with the greteft Clerks of Chrijlendom, as well with-, 
 cute this our Reaime, as within the fame, thei have in a grete Nom- • 
 bre affermed unto us in writing, and therunto fubfcribed their Names, 
 that, Diiccre uxoretri Jratris mortui fine liberis fit frohlbitmn jure X>/-' 
 'oino & fiafurah'y which is the chefe and principall Point in our 
 Caufe. We therefore defiroufe to knowe and underftand your 
 Myndes and Opynyons in that behalf, and nothinge dowtinge, but 
 like as ye have always founde us to you and that our Univerfitie, fa-r 
 vourable, benevolent, and glad to extend our audloritie for youn 
 wealth and benefite, whan ye have required the fame, ye will now. 
 likewife not omytt to doo any thyng wherby ye fhulde myniftre un- 
 to us gratuite and pleafour, and fpecially in declaration of the Truth, 
 in a Caufe fo near touching us your Prince and Soveraine Lorde, our 
 Soule, the Wealth alfo and Benefite of this our Realm, have fent hi- 
 ther purely for that our Purpofe, our Trufty and Right Well-beloved 
 Clerks and Counfaillors, Mayfter Dodlor Gardyjier our Secretary, and 
 Mayfter Fox, who {hall on our behaulf further open and declare un- 
 to you the Circumftances of the Premifs : Wherfore we will and 
 Require you, not oonly to gyve ferme credence unto them, but alfb 
 to advertife us by the fame under the Comen Seale of that our Uni- 
 verfitie of fuch Oppynion in the Propofition afore fayd, as fhall be 
 jher concluded, and by the confent of lerned Men fhall be agreed 
 upon. In doing wherof, ye fhall deferve our efpeciall Thanks, and 
 gyve us Caufe to encreafe our Favour towards you, as we fhall not 
 faile to do accordyngly. Yeven under our Signet at Tork's Place the 
 1 6th Dave of February. 
 
 Acce-
 
 Book I. Of Records^ &c. 365 
 
 Accepidis modo quod poftulat ^i vobis Regia Majeftas, Intellioitis 
 quse fit ejufdem voluntas, nimirum nihil aliud, nifi ut Veritas cujuf- 
 dani Conclulionis agnofcatur atque inter nos determinetur, quam ut 
 fua refert plurimum fcire, ita &; nos pro itudio illo ac atnore quern 
 omnes gerere debemus in Principem noftrum alioque Clementiffimum, 
 benign iflimum & de nobis omnibus ac Achademia noftra optime me- 
 ritum, omne fludium ac diligentiam adhibere debcnuis, ut quod tarn 
 rationabiliter poftulaverit, id impetreta nobis. Si de veritate quseftio 
 aliquando emergat, ubi potius aut melius invefligaietur, quam inter 
 iplbs veritatis Profeflbres, li Veritas perquiri dcbeat, ubi melius quam 
 in ipfa Achademia, ubi & bona femper vigent ftudia, folida judicia, 
 ac mentes ab omni ambitione funt aliena. Verum ergoprudentias ve- 
 flras prolixiori oratione non detinebo, vobis ac veftro judicio ifla re- 
 linquam. Eft cuique fuus animus liber ac ingenuus. Didlet cuique 
 in hac Caufa Confcientia fua, Quod melius expcdire viderit. Ego 
 quod ad officium meum fpedlat, perficiam fcdulo, ncmpe ut primi 
 confulantur feniores, quid melius in hoc negotio putent faciendum, 
 deindc & veftrasfcrutabitur fententias atque fuffragia poflulabimus. 
 
 Dixi. 
 
 The Forme of the Grace that was axed and graunted in 
 the AccompUfme7it of the Kyng s Requejle. 
 
 PLacet vobis ut Vicecancellarius, Dodores, Salcot, Watfon, Reps, 
 Thomfon de Colkglo Michaelis, Venetus, Edmonds, Downes, 
 Wygan, Cromc, Bofton, 6c Magiflri, Mydelton, Heynes, Mylfcnte, 
 Shaxton, La;:ym.;r, Symon, Mathew, Longforthe, Thyxtell, Nycols, 
 Hutton, Skyp, Goodrick, Hethe, Hadway, Deye, 6c Bayne, una cum 
 Procuratoribus, habeant plenam facultatem ^ authoritatem nomine 
 totius Univcrfitatis, refpondendi Uteris Regiae Majellatis in hac Congre- 
 gatione ledlis, ac nomine totius Univeifitatis deffiniendi Sc determi- 
 nandi quasitionem in eifdem Uteris propofitam: Ita quod quicquid duse 
 partes eorum prcfentium inter fe dccreverint refpondendum dictis Ute- 
 ris, 6c dcirinierint ac determinaverint fuper qujeflione propofita in eif- 
 dem, habeatur 6c reputetur pro rcfponfione, deffinitione 8c determina- 
 tione totius Univerfitatis. Et quod liceat Vicecancellario, Procurato- 
 ribus, Scratatoribus, Uteris fuper didtarum daarum partium refponfione, 
 defKnitione, f-c dcterminatione, concipicndis, figillum Commune Uni- 
 verfitatis apponere : Sic quod publice difputetur, 6c antea legantur co- 
 ram Univerfitate abfque ulteriori gratia, defuper obtinenda aut petenda. 
 
 9. T>'re Martii. 
 
 Haudquaquam vos fugit (opinor) Clariif. Viri ac Senatores gravif- 
 fimi, ut nuper Excellentiffimi Principis noftri literas acceperitis, qui- 
 bus cum fuper quadam quaeftione inter ilium ac lUuftrifiimam Reginam 
 Controverfa, noftram fententiam defideraret, flagitaret impenfe, nos 
 (ut nos decuit) tanti Principis petitioni haudquaquam inique morem 
 gerere volentes, tandem in illam omnium (prefertim Seniorum) fuffra- 
 giis convenimus fententiam, ut felediis quibufdam Sacrse Theologia; 
 
 Vol. III. 5 A turn
 
 366 
 
 J Co He cf ion Part HI. 
 
 turn Profeflbribus turn Bacchalauriis ac aliis Magillras tantam qusefti- 
 onem examinandi, deterniinandi, ac deffiniendi, nomine totius Uni- 
 verfitatis Provincia delegaretur. lUi (inter quos & ego minimus a vo- 
 bis feleftus) tantas rei curam demandatam agentes, omni confukatione, 
 deliberatione, diligentia, ac lacrx- Scripturse locorum conferentia, turn 
 etiam Interpretum, denique publica difputatione prjemiffis, tandem ad 
 illius quzeftionis determinationem ac diffinitionem devenerunt. Super 
 qua ut nullus eft veftrum (quibus ea provincia commilTa eft) qui aut 
 ambigere aut refragari poffit : Ita & vobis omnibus (quod & Gratia a 
 vobis concelTa poftulat) eandem compertam effe Volumus. Accipite 
 igitur ac ampledlimini, quod veftra Caufa, veftrifque nominibus, a 
 Fratribus veftris, per ingentes labores, ac lummam induftriam exant- 
 latum eft. Determinatio in hiis Icriptis comprehenfa fic habet. 
 
 Nos Univerfitas ftudentium Academiae Cantabrigienfis, omnibus in- 
 fra fcripta ledturis audituris ve falutem. Cum occafione caufae Matri- 
 monialis, inter Inviiliflimum 6c Potentiffimum Principem & Dominum 
 noftrum Henricum odlavum Dei gratia Angliae Franciaeque Regem, 
 Fidel Defenlbrem, ac Dominum Hibernian, & lUuftriffimam Dominam 
 Catharinam Reginam controverfas, de ilia quaeftione noftra rogaretur 
 fententia : videlicet, An lit jure Divino & naturali prohibitum, ne 
 Frater ducat in uxorem Relidlam fratris mortui fme liberis ? Nos de ea 
 re deliberaturi more folito convenientes , atque communicatis confiliis, 
 Matura confukatione tradVantes quomodo, quo ordine ad inveftigatio- 
 nem veritatis certius procederetur, ac omnium tandem fuffragiis, fe- " 
 ledis quibufdam ex dodlifiimis Sacras Theologize Profeflbribus, Bacha- 
 lauriis, ac aliis Magiftris ea cura demandata, utfcrutatis diligentiflime 
 Sacrx Scripturse locis, illifque collatis referrent ac renunciarent, quid 
 ipfi didlcB qujeftioni refpondendum putarent. Quoniam auditis, per- 
 penfis, ac poft publicam fuper difta quaeftione difputationem matura 
 deliberatione difcufiis hiis, qua^ in qusftione praedifta alterutram par- 
 tem ftatuere & convellere poffint , Ilia nobis probabiliora, validiora, 
 veriora, etiam 6c certiora, ac genuinum 6c fyncerum Sacras Scripture 
 intelled:um prae fe ferentia, Interpretum etiam fententiis magis confona 
 vifafunt, quae confirmant 6c probant, jure divino 6c naturali prohi- 
 bitum elle, ne Frater uxorem fratris mortui fine liberis accipiat in con- 
 jugem : Illis igitur perfuafi, 6c in unam opinionem convenientes, ad 
 Quasftionem praediftam ita refpondendum decrevimus, 6c in hiis 
 fcriptis, nomine totius univerfitatis refpondemus, ac pro Conclufione 
 nobis folidiflimis rationibus 6c validifiimis argumentis comprobata af- 
 firmamus, quod ducere uxorem Fratris mortui fine liberis, cognitam 
 a priori viro per Carnalem copulam, nobis Chriftianis hodie eft pro- 
 hibitum Jure Divino ac naturali. Atque in fidem 6c tertimonium hu- 
 jufmodi noftrae refponfionis 6c affirmationis, hiis Literis figillum no- 
 ftrum commune curavimus apponi, Dat Congregatione noftra Can- 
 tebrigise, die nono Martii Anno Domini Millefimo quingentefimo vi- 
 cefimo nono, Dominica 2. Quadragefimas Anno Domini 1529. in 
 Wyndefor. 
 
 Delivered hymeW.B, Vicechancellour in the Cbatnhre of Prefence 
 poft vefperas. 
 
 Your
 
 Book I. Of Records^ Sec. 0,6 y 
 
 Your Univcrfitie of Camh-hlge have them mod humbly commended 
 unto your Grace, and here thei have fent unto your Highnefs their 
 Letters. Than kille them arvd fo deliver them. 
 
 Furthermore as touching your Requeft exprefled in your Letters 
 dyreded unto them by Mr. Secretary and Mr. Fox your mofl wyfe 
 Counfaillers in th' accompUlhing of the fame, they have don their 
 Devors, and here in Writing under their Comon Scale, thei have 
 fent unto your Grace ther Sentence, defyring the lame to accept, and 
 to take it in parte and good worthe. And if thei had any thing 
 ellys to gratify your Grace wythall, their Letters and their Studies, 
 your Highnefs fliuld be fuer thereof to the uttermoll of their Powers. 
 
 M. S. C. C. C. Give?i to the College by Dr. Jegon 
 
 Mafle)\ 
 
 To the Right Worjlnpfidl Mafter DoEior Edmonds, Vicar 
 of Alborne i?i WiltjQiire. 
 
 MY Duty remembred, I hartily commend me unto you, and I 
 let you underftand, that Dominica Seamda at Afternoon, I 
 came to IFyndfor, and alfo to Part of Mr. Latyjuer'^ Sermon, and af- 
 ter the end of the fame, I fpake with Mr. Secretary, and alfo with 
 Mr. Provoft, and fo after Even-Song, I delivered our Letters in the 
 Chamber of Prefence, all the Court beholding. The King with Mr. 
 Secretary did there read them, but not the Letters of Determination, 
 notwithftanding that I did there alfo deliver them, with a Proportion. 
 His Highnefs gave me there great Thanks, and talked with me a 
 good while. He much lauded our Wifedomes and good Conveyance 
 in the Matter, with the great Quietnefs in the fame. He fliewed me 
 alfo what he had in his Hands for our Univerfity, according unto that, 
 that Mr. Secretary did exprefs unto us, &c. So he departed. But by 
 and by, he greatly praifed Mr. Latimer's Sermon, and in fo praifmg 
 fiyd on this wife. This difpleafeth greatly, Mr. Vicechancellour yon- 
 der. Yon fame, fayd he unto the Duke of Norfolk, is Mr. Vice- 
 chancellour of Cambridge, and fo pointed unto me. Then he fpake 
 fecretly unto the faid Duke, which after the King's Departure came 
 unto me, and wellcomed me, faying amongft other Things, that the 
 King would fpeak with me on the next day 5 and here is the firft 
 Adl. On the next day, I waited untill it was Dinner time ; and fo at 
 the laft Dr. Butt came unto me, and brought a Reward, twenty 
 Nobles for me, and five Marks for the younger ProdVer, which was 
 with me ; faying that I fhould take that for a refolute Anfwere, and 
 that I might depart from the Court, when I would. Then came 
 Mr. Provoft, and when I had rtiewed him of the Anfwere, he fayd, 
 I fhould fpeak with the King at after Dinner for all that, and fo 
 brought me into a privy place, where as he would have me to wait 
 at after Dinner. I came thither and he both, and by One of the 
 3 Clock,
 
 368 
 
 A Collecfion Part III. 
 
 Clock, the King entred in. It was in a Gallery. There were Mr. 
 Secretary, Mr. Provoft, Mr. Latimer, Mr. Prodlor, and I, and no 
 more : The King there talked with us, untill Six of the Clock. I 
 affure you, he was fcarce contented with Mr. Secretary and Mr. Pro- 
 voft, that this was not at al fo determined, A?iPapa pojjii difpenfare, &c. 
 I made the beft, and confirmed the fame that they had fhewed his 
 Grace before, and how it would never have been fo obtained. He. 
 opened his Minde, faying, that he would have it determined at after ^ 
 E/Ier, and of the fame was counfailed a while. 
 
 I pray you therefore ftudy for us, for our Bulinefs is not yet at an 
 end, An Papa potejl difpenfare aim Jure Divhto, &c. Much other 
 Communication we had, which were too long here to recite. Thus 
 his Highnefs departed, cafting a little Holy Water of the Court : 
 And I fhortly after toke my Leave of Mr. Secretary and Mr. Pro- 
 voft, with whom I did not drink, ne yet was bidden, and on the 
 Morrow departed from thence, thinking more than I did fay, and 
 being glad that I was out of the Court, where many Men, as I did 
 both hear and perceive, did wonder at me. And here fhall be an 
 end for this time of this Fable. 
 
 All the World almoft crieth out of Cambridge for this A61, and 
 fpecially on me, but I muft bear it as well as I may. I have loft a 
 Benefice by it, which I fliould have had within thefe ten Dayes. For 
 there hath one falne in Mr. Throckmortojts Gift, which he hath 
 faithfully promifed unto me many a time, but now his Mind is turned 
 and alienate from me. If ye go to the Court at after Efter, I pray 
 you have me in remembrance there, as ye fliall think beft. But of 
 
 this no more. Mr. Latymer preacheth ftill, ^tod amidi ejus gra- 
 
 loiter ferunt. I am informed, that Oxford hath now eledted certain 
 Perfons to determine the King's Queftion. I hear fay alfo, that Mr, 
 Provoft was there in great Jeopardy. Other Tidings I have none at 
 this time, but that all the Company be in good Health, and heartily 
 faluteth you. And thus fare you heartily well. At Cambridge, in 
 Crrjiino Dominic. Pa/manmu 
 
 Your own to his Power, 
 
 William Buckmajler. 
 
 The King willed me to fend unto you^ 
 and to give you word of his Plea- 
 fure in the faid Queftion. 
 
 M, S. C. C. C. Mijcella?u P. 
 
 Number 17.
 
 Book II. Of Records^ Sec. 369 
 
 Number 17, 
 
 77)ree Letters writteji by K. Henry to the Univerjity of 
 Oxford, for their Opi?tion in the Caufe of his Mar- 
 
 naze. 
 
 Letter I. By the Ki?2g. 
 
 TRufty and well beloved Subjedls, we greet you well. And Ex MS. D. 
 whereas we have for an high and weighty Caufe of ours, not ^^"'^^'• 
 only confulted many and fubftantial well learn'd Men within our 
 Realm and without, for certaine Conliderations our Confcience mo- 
 ving, we think it alfo very convenient to feel the Minds of you 
 amongft you in our Univerlity of Oxenfqrd, which be erudite in 
 the Faculty of Divinity, to the intent we may perceive of what 
 Conformity ye be with the others, which marveloufly both wifely 
 and fubflantially have declared to us their intent and mind : Not 
 doubting but that ye for the Allegiance and Fidelity that ye are 
 bound unto us in, will as lincerely and truly without any Abufe de- 
 clare your Minds and Confcience in this behalf, as any of the other 
 have done. Wherefore we will and command you, that ye not lean- 
 ing to wilfuU and finifter Opinions of your own feveral Minds, not 
 giving Credence to Mifreports and finifter Opinions or Perfwafions, 
 confidering we be your Soveraigne Leige Lord, totally giving your 
 trae Mind and Affedlion to the true Overture of Divine Learning in 
 this behalf, do fhew and declare your true and juft Learning in the 
 faid Caufe, like as ye will abide by ; whei-in ye ifliall not only pleafe 
 Almight)^ God, but alfo us your Leige Lord. And we for your fo 
 doing fliall be to you and our Univerfity there fo Good and Graci- 
 ous a Soveraigne Lord for the fame, as ye fliall perceive it well im- 
 ploi'd to your well Fortune to come ; In cafe you do not uprightly 
 according to Divine Learning hand your felves herein, ye may be 
 afTured, that we not without great Caufe, fliall fo quickly and fliarp- 
 ly look to your unnaturall Mifdemeanour herein, diat it fliall not 
 be to your Quietnefs and Eafe hereafter. Wherefore we heartily 
 pray you, that according both to Duty to God and your Prince, you 
 fett apart all untrue and iinifter Informations, and accommodate your 
 felves to the meer Trudi as it becommeth true Subjeds to do ; alTur- 
 ing you tliat thofe that do, fliall be efteemed and fet forth, and the 
 contrar}' neglefted and little fet by : Trufting that now you know 
 our Mind and Pleafure, we fliall fee fucli Conformitie among you, 
 that we fliall hereof take great Confolation and Comfort, to the great 
 AUegement of our Confcience ; willing and commanding you among 
 you to give perfedl Credence to my Lord of Lincolne our Confeflbur 
 in this behalfe and matter : and in all things which he fliall declare 
 unto you or caufe to be declared in our behalfe, to make unto us ei- 
 ther by him or the Authentick Letters full Anfwere and Refolution, 
 which your Duty's well remembred, We doubt not but that it fliall 
 be our high Contentation and Pleafure. Given under, (^c. 
 
 Vol. III. 5 B Lettter 11;
 
 37< 
 
 A ColleBion Part III. 
 
 Letter 11. By the King. 
 
 TRufty and Well-beloved, We greet you well. And of late 
 being informed, to our no little Marvell and Difcontentation, 
 that a great Part of the Youth of that our Univerfity with conten- 
 tious! Faftions and Manner, daily combineing together, neither re- 
 garding their Duty to Us their Soveraigne Lord, nor yet conforming 
 themfelves to the Opinions and Orders of the vertuous, wife, fage, 
 and profound learned Men of that Univerfity, wilfully to ftick up- 
 on the Opinion to have a great Number of Regents and Non-Re- 
 gents to be aflbciate unto the Dodors, Prodtors, and Batchelors of 
 Divinity, for the Determination of our Queftion ; which we be- 
 lieve hath not been often feen, that fuch a Number of right fmall 
 Learning in regard to the other, fliould be join'd with fo famous a 
 Sort ; or in a manner ftay their Seniors in fo weighty a Caufe : 
 which as we think fhould be no fmall Diflionour to our Univerfity 
 there, but moft efpecially to you the Seniors and Rulers of the 
 fame, affureing you that this their unnatural and unkind Demeanour 
 is not only right much to our Difplcafure, but much to be mar- 
 velled of, upon what Ground and Occafion they being our meerc 
 Subjeds, fliould fliewe themfelves more unkind and wilfull in this 
 Matter, than all other Univerfities, botli in this and all other Re- 
 gions do. Finally, We trufting in the Dexterity and Wifdome of 
 you and other tlie faid Difcreet and Subftantial Learned Men of 
 that Univerfity, be in perfedl Hope, that ye will conduce and frame 
 the faid young Perfons unto good Order and Conformity, as it be- 
 commeth you to do. Wherefore we be defirous to hear with in- 
 continent Diligence, and doubt you not we fliall regard the Demea- 
 nour of every one of the Univerfity, according to their Merits and 
 Deferts. And if the Youth of the Univerfity will play Mafteries, as 
 they begin to do, We doubt not but that they fliall well perceive, 
 that non ejl bonum irritare Crabrones. Given under, ^c. 
 
 Letter IH. 
 
 To our Trujly and Well-beloved^ the Commijfary- Regents, 
 and Non-Regents of our Univerfuy of Oxon, 
 
 TRufi:y and Well-beloved, We greet you well. And whereas 
 by fundry our Letters fent and delivered at fundry times by 
 the Hands of our Counfellors unto you, with Credence declared 
 unto you by tlie fame, we have only required and made infl:ance 
 unto you, for tlie obtaining of that, which at the leafl: Defire of any 
 Chrifiian Man ye be bound and oblig'd to do ; that is to fay, to de- 
 clare and fliew your Opinions and Sentence in fuch a Doubt, as up- 
 on the Difiblution and Determination whereof, dependeth the 
 
 Tran-
 
 Book II. Of Records^ Sec. 371 
 
 Tranquility, Repofe, and Quiet of our Confcience, we cannot a litle 
 marvell that you neither having refpedt to our Eftate, being your 
 Prince and Soveraigne Lord ; nor yet remembring fuch Gratuites 
 and Benefits as we have always fhew'd unto you, as well to the 
 particular Wealth of Diverfe as to the Common Body of that 
 our Univerfity, without any correfpondency fhew'd on their Behalfe 
 againe, have hitherto delay'd and deferr'd not only to fend us your 
 Determination and Refolution to our Demand and Queftion, but alfo 
 refufed to take Order, or enter into any Way or Meane, whereby you 
 might declare or ihew unto us, that ye be of Mind and Determination 
 to endeavour your felfe for an Accomplifliment of our Defire in that 
 Behalfe. And fo much the more marvell we at this your Manner of De- 
 layes, tliat our Univerfity of Cambridge hath within far fliorter Time not 
 only agreed upon the Falhion and Manner to make Anfwere unto us 
 effedually, and with Diligence following the fame ; but hath alfo eight 
 Days fince fent unto us their Anfwere under Common Scale, plainly 
 determining, Prohibitionem eJJ'e Dhhji & 7iatiiralis Juris, ne frater 
 Uxoremfratris etiam mortiii fine liberis ducat JJxorem. For the fearch- 
 ing of the Truth in which Matter, if ye had before this Time con- 
 defcended upon the Manner and Fafhion convenient in that Behalf, 
 we could then have taken any Delay afterward, upon any other cold 
 Pretence made, but in good Part: Whereas now the refufeing to 
 agree upon any fuch Order, and denying to do that which fhould be 
 but the Entrie into the Matter for declaration of your Forwardnefs, 
 Gk)od Will, and Diligence: We can't otlaerwife think of you, but 
 that you neither behave your felves towards Us, as our Merits towards 
 you have deferved, as good Subjedls to a kind Prince and Soveraigne 
 Lord; as by the Learning ye profefTe, ye be obliged and bound. 
 Wherefore revolving this in our Mind, and yet neverthelefs confider- 
 ing you to be tlaere by our Authority and Grant, as a Body Politique, 
 in the ruleing whereof in Things to be done in the Name of the Whole, 
 the Number of the private Suffrages doth prevaile, and being loth to 
 Ihewe our Difpleafure, whereof we have fo great Caufe miniftred un- 
 to us, unto the Whole in general ; whereas the Fault perchance con- 
 fifleth and remaineth but in light and willfull Heads; for tlie tender 
 Confideration we bear to Learned Men, and the great Defire we have 
 tonourifli, maintaine, and favour thofe that are Good; have thought 
 convenient to fend unto you thefe Letters by our Trufty and Right 
 Well-beloved Clarke and Counfeller, Mr. Edwarde Fox, trufling 
 verily that ye which be Heads and Rulers there, well confidering and 
 weighing your Dutyes in the Accomplifliment of our Requefl, for 
 the fearching the Truth in fuch a Caufe, as touching your Prince and 
 Soveraigne Lord, our Soul, and theWealthof thisourRealme: and your 
 great Lack and Blame with jufl Caufe of High Difpleafure to be wor- 
 thily conceiv'd by us in the denyall and flack doing thereof, will fo 
 order and accomodate the Fafhion, and pafUng fuch Things as fliould 
 proceed from that Univerfity in this Cafe, as the Number of the pri- 
 vate Suffrages given without Reafon, prevaile not againfh the Heads, 
 Rulers, faid fage Fathers, to tlie Detriment, Hindrance, and Incon- 
 venience of the Whole. But fo to examine, try, and weigh the Opi- 
 nions and Minds of the Multitude, as the Importance of the Matter 
 
 doth
 
 ^72 ^ ColleBion Part 1 1 1 . 
 
 doth require: Wherein we doubt not but your Body is eftabUfhed in 
 fuch wife, that there be left waies and means to the Heads and Rulers 
 how to efchew and avoid fuch Inconveniences, when they (liall 
 chance: As we truft ye that be Heads and Rulers for the compro- 
 bation and declaration of particular good Minds, ye will net faile to 
 do accordingly, and fo by your Diligence to be fhew'd hereafter, to 
 redeem the Errors and Delaies paft. The Favour we beare to the 
 Maintenance of Learning, we would be very glad, as our faid well- 
 beloved Councellour can fliew unto you on our Behalfcj unto whom 
 we will you give firme credence: Given under our Signet at our 
 Caftle of JVindJ'or. 
 
 - Number i8. 
 Copie of the Kifjgs Letters to the BiJJjop of Rome. 
 
 Ex MSS. TTj^ TSI videamus vel temporum vel Hominum iniquitate fieri, ut 
 Rymn. J2y poftulata noflra, quantumvis equa ac naturali ratione fubnixa, 
 
 parum expediantur, nihil etiam proficere, in caufa noflira juftiffima, 
 CharilTimi fratris 6c Confanguinei ac perpetui Confederati noftri, 
 Chriftianiffimi Regis Amiciffimas preces ; Nobilium autem noftrorum 
 interceffionem non modo contemni, fed etiam derideri, quod eos equo 
 animo non laturos exiftimamus. Denique re ipfa nihil preflari quod 
 nos afflicSlos atque vexatos fublevet ; haec omnia, licet apertius cerna- 
 mus quam velimus, turn autem ex Oratoribus noflris quos apud vos 
 habemus, tum a veflro ifi:hic Oratore cognofcamus ; efi: tamen fpei 
 opinionifque noflrae tam diverfus exitus ut fubinde cogitantibus nobis 
 ac memoria repetentibus omnes caufae noftra; circumflantias, porro 
 autem fingula Conferentibus que precelTerunt queque fecuta funt, fi- 
 dem faftorum, di6torum atque refponforum veftrae Sanftit. in hac caufa 
 noftra quam alioqui certam & firmam, fide dignorum Oratorum & 
 veftrorum & noftrorum relatio confUtuit, ipfa ratio Communis labe- 
 fadlet atque convellat ; atque in re certiffima tam dubium reddit ut 
 certo interdum non credamus Sandl.veft, fecifle que fecifle cognofcimus 
 quum ea facere non debuifle intelligamus. Nam ut omittamus ea quse 
 longius precefTerunt, quod nuperime efilagitavimus de dandis in Anglia 
 Judicibus, quid CreddldifTet Sanftitatem veftram negare voluifTe j longe 
 aliter fperabamus nos. Aliter certe credidit Chriftianiffimus Rex qui 
 nobifcum una id petiit : Aliter crediderunt fui Confiliarii, quorum 
 fuafu id fecit : Secus crediderunt nobiles noftri omnes, & omnes om- 
 nium ordinum primi viri. Qui ad noftra poftulata fuas literas ad 
 junxerunt, & quern non ad id adigerit ratio ut crederet Sand;itatem 
 veftram facSuram Dei refpeftu quod debuillet, & in principum gratiam 
 quod inculpate potuifTet : debuiflet certe permittere facrofandtis olim 
 Confiliis id definientibus, ut controverlia illic terminetur ubi primum 
 nata eft. Illic enim Judices & propius vident & cernunt certius : 
 Ut GloriofiiBmo Martyri Cypriano placuit. Et Divus Barnardus ad 
 
 Eugenium
 
 Book II. Of Records^ Sec. ^y^ 
 
 Eugenium fcribit bene facis tu quod appellationum negato Suffra^io 
 remittis negotia ad cognofcentes & qui nofcere citius poffunt : ubi 
 enim certior & facilior notio, ibi decifio tutdor & expeditior efTe 
 poteft : potuiffet autem Sandlitas veflra nam olim fe potuiffe oflendit 
 cum Judices ad nos in Angliam mitteret quos poftea revocavit. Quod 
 li debuiffet quidem quod negari non poterit, 6c potuiffet etiam ut qui- 
 dem fadlis antea fuis de confilio fuorum declaravit, quis dubitaret de 
 voluntate fiquidem ut deberet ipfam liberam redlam & certam teneat 
 San(£litas veffra, non ad aliena arbitria accomodatam ac humanis 
 refpediibus infervientem quod res ita fe habet ut habet fuerunt aliquando 
 vices noflri, nunc ut videmus aliorum funt : Non in Lege Domini, 
 fed in rerum viciffitudine meditandem eft, ut de veftra; Sandlitatis 
 Manu aliquod auxilii exped:enius, fed auxilium noftrum a Domino 
 certum eft, & in Domino fperantes non infirmabimur. Nam in con- 
 fpeftu omnium, a6la probant voluntatem Sancflitatis veftrae totam Cx- 
 fari addicftam effe : Illius nutu fled;i, ad illius arbitrium attemperari. 
 Si quid petimus, ft quid rogamus, quod officii veftri effet, prima ra- 
 tio eft, ut ne quid Csfari difpliceat. Quem etiamli amicum habea- 
 mus, tamen dominantem in illo naturas aftedium ut improbarae omni- 
 no non poffumus, ita in hac caufa noftra iniquiorem nobis non fine 
 caufa refugere debemus & redte graviffimam nobis injuriam fadlam & 
 veftro officio indigniffimum dedecus admiffum videmus, ut cum Ccefar 
 fe in hac caufa interpofuerit, etiam cum fe oppofuerit definitioni appel- 
 latione interpofita, cum fe partem publice profeffus fit, veftra Sandti- 
 tas tamen eundem femper confultorem adhibeat : ad illius imperium 
 figat, ac refigat, differat, proroget, mutet & ftatuat quodcunque tem- 
 poris rationi oportunum videatur. Et ft quid ab adverfo dicatur fta- 
 tim creditur : Si quid nos propofuerimus omnino rejicitur, fcilicet cre- 
 ditur nunc Reginx Regnum noftrum Anglis non effe tutum locum in 
 quo cauf I judicetur : Et creditur unic£e allegationi fine teftibus contra 
 tam preclara 6c aperta documenta quae nos in diverfum edidimus, non 
 verbis 6c affertionibus que fingi poffunt, fed rebus ipfis 6c fadtis 
 qujE non mentiuntur. Nos enim quanta cum libertate atque im- 
 punitate audivimus omnes in nos, liberius etiam quam oportuit, quod 
 videbatur proferentes, nemini unquam aliam opinionem extorfimus, 
 quam que animo videretur fuo : diverfum a nobis fentientes etiam in 
 caeteris, favore 6c profequimur 6c profecuti fumus. Et tamen, poft tot 
 argumenta fecuritatis, 6c cum nullum fignum adhuc apparuerit cur 
 timere quifquam a nobis merito deberet, credit veftra Sandlitas nu- 
 dam Reginae allegationem in diverfum. Quo tempore dubitari potuit 
 qualiter effemus laturi quod ageretur 6c quanta cum equaminitate paf- 
 furi quod fieret, fi quid contra nos fieret. Miffi funt ad nos Judices in 
 Angliam, a Sandlitate veftra, nunc vero cum id amplius fadlitari non 
 poteft, non modo dubitatur fed creditur diverfum ejus, quod nos pro- 
 bavimus. Probavimus autem nos Regnum noftrum locum effe tutum 
 in quo caufa noftra judicetur viz. cum hadlenus fummam omnibus di- 
 cendi libertatem permiferimus. Regina vero tantum allegat diverfum, 
 6c fi quas probationes attulerit, vanje fint oportet 6c falfs nee veriii- 
 miles. Qu3i quum ita lint, aliud tamen cur Judices non dederit, non 
 refpondit Sandlitas veftra, nifi quod Regina allegavit locum fulpedlum. 
 Et quis crederet Sandlitatem veftram ifta nobis refpondiffe, nee aliud 
 Vol. III. 5 C dixeffe
 
 274 ^ ColleSfion Part III. 
 
 dixeffe ne Judices daret in partibus : certe referentium credulitatem 
 exigit res vero ipfa negat. Si fequamur quod antea diximus earn per- 
 fuafionem ut credamus Sanftitatem veftram voluntatem fuam ita Cs- 
 fari addixiffe, ut non ex animi veftri fumma prudentia praditi fententia 
 fed ex Cfffaris afFedu refpondere contendat. Que res facet ut iterum 
 atque iterum repetids litteris Sandtitatem veftram adeamus, exprefliiri 
 nimirum fi quid aliud moverit Sandlitatem veftram cur noftris ukimis 
 defideriis non annuerit cupidi etiam Uteris veftris intelligere cui caufas 
 potiffimum, denegando innixa lit. Sic enim expreffius & certius men- 
 tes invicem & animi noftri fententias communicabimus : Si in caufis 
 hiifce gravioribus & poftulata & refponfa fcriptis mandaverimus. 
 Itaque petimus denuo hiis literis a Sandiitate veftra ut caufam noftram 
 in Anglia datis Judicibus, illis quos inter oratores tanquam indifferen- 
 tes & equiffimos nominabimus, decidi patiatur, atque permittat. De 
 Judicibus autem nullam ut accipimus facit difficultatem Sanftitas vef- 
 tra, tantum de loco Queftio fuit, quum facra Confilia jam deffinierunt 
 & Sandlus etiam Cyprianus & Divus Bernardus ut prsediximus, utique 
 convenientifTimum affirmant, ut in eo loco caufa terminetur ubi pri- 
 mum nata eft. Durum certe elTet probare nudam Reginae allegationem 
 de loco fufpedlo, contra ea Argumenta quje nos oftendimus. Et fa- 
 cile videt prudentia veftra non levem nobis notam inuri, ut ea infamia 
 afpergamur, quafi in caufa tanti Sacramenti fufpedli haberemur, ne earn 
 ex equo & bono Divinarum legum prsfcripto intra Regni noftri limi- 
 tem terminari pateremur : Sufpitio talis crimen eflet etiam in infimo 
 homuncione famofum, in principe viro tanto magis angetur facimoris 
 atrocitas, quanto fublimius confurgit faftigium dignitatis : Nee pofTu- 
 mus certe pati, nedum equanimiter ferre, utdefufpitione tam gravi im- 
 merito accufemur, ac fine tefte etiam a veftra Sandiitate inique con- 
 demnemur. Quae fi communis Patris & Boni paftoris officio funge- 
 retur, in eo potius laboraret ne quid temere cuiquam fiat, & ne line 
 omni fua culpa ledatur nee immerito notetur. Atque hoc nimirum eft 
 Chrifti vices in Terris gerere, confervandce Charitatis exempla prebere, 
 ita fuum vindicai"e ne quid alteri detrahatur, ex equo & bono omnia 
 difceptare, plane, fimpliciter, & aperte agere, promilla preftare non obli- 
 quo dudlu, alio tendere quam quo curfum aperte inftitueras. Hac om- 
 nia non afcribimus Sandlitati veftrse nee de occultis Sacras Literae per- 
 mittuntjudicare, &nos fempertemeraria judicia fugimus, nee in alium 
 libenter admittimus, quod in nos ipfos fieri equanimitur non ferremus. 
 Sed fi veftrs Sandlit. oratores, fi veftri nuncii, veftri Magiftratus, audlore 
 Sandlitate veftra faciunt quod faciunt, cujus rei certum judicium 
 Confcientiae veftrae fit, clara certe verifimulitudo interim elucet : fed {\ 
 Audlor eft veftra Sandlitas, fi Confcia eft, fi fad:a probat, immo fi non 
 improbat aperte, non corrigit: Graviora funt his que fupra memo- 
 ravimus quiE in Sandlitatem veftram dici polfunt, nam quum Sandlitas 
 veftra omnibus modis primum conata eft impedire ne quis in Caufa 
 noftra fuam fententiam libere proferret, ac deinde poft multas longas & 
 varias preces, JufticiieAdminiftrandaenecefiitate adafta, utfaum cuique 
 liberum judicium permitteret, fcribendi & dicendi quod fujE Confci- 
 entiae videretur, literis tandem in publicum miffis permiferit, omnibus 
 liberam in Caufa noftra fcribendi facultatem: Magiftratus interea 
 veftri, veftro etiam nomine, multis graviffime minati funt, fi quid 
 
 fcripferint
 
 Book II. Of Records^ Sic. 375 
 
 fcrlpferint in Poteflatem veftram. Hoc Bononiae & aliis in locis per- 
 multis faftum fcimus. Csefaris vero Oratores ubique in Italia, ac vef- 
 tris prefertim di'donibus, contempto veftrs Sandtitatis edidlo, indies 
 non ceflant Terrores, Minas, & ca;tera quseque Territamenta incul- 
 care ; fciente & volente, vel faltem non impediente fed connivente 
 Sanclitate veftra, his qui in Caufa noftra fcripferunt ac fcriberent, ni 
 revocent atque recantent. Et, qua Confpiratione nefcimus, effec- 
 tum eft, ut Literarum noftramm nee liber lit commeatus nee tutus. 
 Chriftianiffimus vero Rex nobis fignificavit, quomodo Orator vefter 
 qui apud ilium eft, de Caufa noftra etiam nomine Sancftitatis veftrae, 
 ut quidem afferuit, in verba pronuntiavit ; nee veritus eft tanto 
 Principi auda<fier & impudenter mentiri ; ut diceret Caufam nof- 
 tram contra omne jus & fas intendi, nuUo jure aut ratione niti. Quae 
 verba, ft ex animi veftri fententia protulit, non femper ex animi 
 fui fententia, & fcripfit & locuta eft Sandtitas veftra, qua; Caufam 
 noftram aliquando juftiftimam appellavit. Quod fi temeritas illius 
 hominis a Sanctitatis veftrae finceritate remota eft, quod libentius 
 vellemus, tamen quum eo munere fungatur, in quo ad mandatorum 
 pr£Efcripta agere videatur, faltem aliqua ratione diluenda fufpitio eft : 
 ficque illis agendum, quos Splendor Dignitatis reddit confpicuos ; ne 
 uUam fcandali occaftonem praeftent, his quos in obfequio & amicitia 
 continere cupiant. Nobifcum autem ita agat Sancftitas veftra, ut Na- 
 ture; Prascepta non tranfiliat ; fi fuum fibi integrum fervari cupiat, 
 ne noftrum attingat, ne recipiat appellationes ad fe in Caufa noftra : 
 Et li quas receperit, ne contra juftitiam eas tueri ftudeat; fed fecun- 
 dum juftitiam, eas in Regnum remittat ; ne exercere conetur inhibi- 
 tiones fuas, in hac Caula contra nos, aut fubditos noftros, quos illis 
 modis non convenit deterreri. Sinat Leges & Prerogativas noftras 
 Regnique noftri Anglias, nee tempore nee audoritate veftris ceden- 
 tes, fua vi procedere : Inhibitiones iftas, fi quas fecerit, quod non cre- 
 dimus, maturiori Confilio revocet qux fadlae funt, & cum alieni juris 
 prsejudicio, ne deinceps emittat. Summatim autem quod petiturj 
 hoc eft, ut ne ad fe, neve ad Curiam Romanam, Caufx illius Cog- 
 nitionem deferri patiatur, quae intra Regni noftri Limites debet ter- 
 minari. Nee credat Sanftitas veftra, ut cum Leges certas 6c fixas 
 habeat hoc Regnum noftrum Anglia?, ne Caulas quscunq; Regiani 
 Perfonam, aut Rempublicam quoquomodo tangentes, extra Regni 
 Limites Judiciis tractentur; vel permifluros nos eas nobis regnan- 
 tibus infringi & violari ; vel pafluros Regni noftri Nobiles, tam grave 
 pra^judicium huic Regno inferri. Breviter fite nil moveat Perfona 
 rogantis, moveat faltem Caufa rogandi. Rogamus enim nos, quia 
 Nature & Rationi confonum eft, ut quod noftrum eft nobis illiba- 
 tum confei-vare ftudeamus. Rogamus autem Audoribus Sacrofandis 
 Confiliis, hoc eft, veftris Legibus ; viz. ut in fua cujufque Proyin- 
 cia Caufa terminetur. Rogamus ex fententia Divorum Cypriani &c 
 Bernardi, quibus hoc, ut fupradiximus, equum vifum eft. Denique 
 roo-amus, quod Leges noftra; diverfum non patiantur, & nos a Conten- 
 tionibus abhorremus. His certe non annuere non poteft Sanditas vef- 
 tra, fi ilium Charitatis fervorem habeat, quem 6c Titulus Dignitatis pr£E 
 fe fert, 6c nos etiam habemus. Veruntamen, fi hae Caufas PvOgandi 
 Sanditatem veftram moverint, ut concedat quod juftum eft, eatenus 
 
 tamen
 
 37<^ 
 
 A Colkcfton Part III. 
 
 tamen apud nos valebunt, ne de Sanditatis veftrae manu patiamur 
 quod injuftum eft: Nee quifque facile patltur auferri, quod fuum 
 eft. Et nos etiam in aliena illibentur irruimus, fed a Contentione 
 non abeft detrimentum : Et nullius fere compendio femel nate Con- 
 troverfis tranfio-untur : Quid animi habeat Sanditas veftra, quid 
 autem nobis refpondere decreverit, rogamus ut per Literas velit fig- 
 
 nificare. 
 
 Cotton Libr. 
 
 s 
 
 Number 19. 
 
 A Letter of Gr. Cafiali froj7i Compiegne. 
 
 An OrwinaL 
 
 o 
 
 Ereniflime & Inviftiflime Domine mi Supreme, Salutem. Com- 
 
 ^Vitdli^T.ii. ^ pendium Regem Chriftianiffimum, quemadmodum fibi placere 
 
 ipfe mihi dixerat, fum fubfequutus. Cum ejus Majeftati duo adhuc 
 
 agenda fupererant: Primum, quia meorum Literis certior fadlus fum, 
 
 brevi Pontificem cum Csefare conventurum, Literae ad duos Cardi- 
 
 nales, qui Parifiis funt, ab hoc Rege Chriftianiffimo confcribendas vi- 
 
 debantur ; quibus illis mandaret, quo celerius poterint magnis itine- 
 
 ribus in Italiam feftinent. Itaque veluti a Rege poftulavi, ut hujuf- 
 
 modi Literae exarentur. Deinde valde exiftimabam neceflarium, cum 
 
 hoc Principe agere, ut duobus Cardinalibus daret in mandatis, ut ante 
 
 omnes Cardinalis de Monte meminiffent. Eique Penfionem annu- 
 
 am, faltem trium millium aureorum, ex quadraginta millibus, quas 
 
 mihi dixerat velle in Cardinales diftribuere afllgnarent. Et Rex qui- 
 
 dem hoc etiam fcribi ad duos Cardinales juffit Secretario Vitandri : 
 
 Quicum ego poftmodo fuper iis Penfionibus Sermonem habui, cog- 
 
 novique fic in animo Regem habere, ut duo Cardinales quum Romae 
 
 fuerint, videant, qui potiffimum digni hac Regia fint Liberalitate, in 
 
 eofque, quum quid in Regno Galliae Eccleliafticum vacare contigerit, 
 
 ex meritis unius cujufque Penfiones conferantur. Tunc autem nihil 
 
 in promptu haberi, quod Cardinali de Monte dari poffit : Verum 
 
 Regis nomine illi de futuro effe promittendum, quod mihi certe fum- 
 
 mopere difplicuit ; & Secretario Vitandri non reticui, oftendens Pol- 
 
 licitationes hujufmodi centies, jam Cardinali de Monte fadtas fuifle ; 
 
 & modo fi iterum fiant nihil aliud effedluras, nifi ut illius Viri quaft 
 
 ulcera pertradlent id quod Vitandri verum effe fatebatur, pollicitufq; 
 
 eft fe, quum Rex a Venatu rediiffet, velle ei fua'dere, ut Cardinalem 
 
 de Monte aliqua praefenti Penfione profequatur j qua quidem te nihil 
 
 conducibilius aut oportunius fieri poffet. 
 
 Illud autem novi, quod meorum Literis ex urbe iignificatur, ad 
 Guronum perfcribi. Et D. Benettum ad Dominum Ducem Norfol- 
 ciae fcribere arbitror his Literis, qus hie mihi reddits funt, & cum 
 prcefentibus mitto. Quod autem & Rege Chriftianiffimo cognovi illud 
 eft. Conftituiffe Ctefarem, fuperioribus diebus, relinquere Ferdinando 
 
 Fratri
 
 Book II. Of Records^ Sic. 377 
 
 Fratri viglnti millia Peditum, Equitum decern millia j ita ut ipfe 
 folveret de I'uo Stipendia fex millibas Boemorum, & duobus millibus 
 Militum navalium : Quatuor vero millibus Germanornm darentur 
 Stipendia a liberis Germanise Civitatibus. At reliquis qui Italorum 
 erant odlo millia, nihil certi Stipendij decernebat ; credens illos, 
 quemadmodum in Italia pl-cErumque evenire confuevit, aut exigua re, 
 aut ad fummum dimidio Stipendio acquieturos. Ex decem Equitum 
 millibus, duo millia ex Flammingis, Ordinibus relinquebant. In cae- 
 teros Stipendium a Pontifice, ut in illam diem fadlum fuerat, ftatue- 
 bat. Sed enim Itali Milites, male fe tradari exiilimantes, tumultu 
 fa6lo Italian! verfus abierunt; quod quum reliqui cognoviffent, alij 
 alio domos fuas omnes difceflerunt. Hujus autem feditionis Crimen 
 in Petrum Mariam Rubeum Comitem Sanfti Secundi coUatum fuit': 
 Idque quoniam difcedentes m.ilites ipfius comitis nomen clamantes 
 ingeminabant: Ilium igitur Csfar comprehend! juffit: Et Cardinalem 
 Medices quoque legatum ut ejufdem affinem culp^ detineri, ac paulo 
 pofl dimitti imperavit : qui prime quoque tempore per equos dilpofi- 
 tos abiens Venetias fe contulit : Atque banc quidem rem Pontifex, ut 
 debuit, iniquo animo tulilie diciturj & de adeo infigni contumelia 
 cum Casfarianis omnibus eft conqueftas. Verum, illi quibus modis 
 potuerunt, Caefarem excufarunt, rogaruntq; ut placato fit animo donee 
 Caefarem ipfum audiat, qui oftendet quicquid fecit in ipfius Pontificis, 
 beneficium feciffe. De conventu Pontificis Ctefarifq; pro certo ferme 
 habetur Bononise futurum : Et ut ex litteris colligi poteft, jam nunc 
 Csfar Italiam cum duodecim milibus peditum ingreflus eft : Et Pon- 
 tifex ab urbe Bononiam verfus difcedet, Romam enim venerat Petrus 
 Cona C^efaris legatus ad Pontificem deducendum : Qua de re quum 
 hie certior faftus efi"em, ad Francifcum fratrem meum, qui Romce eft^ 
 fcripfi, ut Cardinalem de Monte, & alterum amicum noftrum adiret, 
 rogaretque velint cum Pontifice agere, ut quoniam ita feftinanter Bo- 
 noniam contendit, neque ipfos fecum ducere poteft, promittat fe nihil 
 antequam Roman redierit in caufa Majeftatis veftrx fadlurum, quum 
 praefertim abfque ipfis nihil redle in tanto negotio confici poflit. Prcc- 
 terea fratri meo ut idem nonnuUis aliis Cardinalibus diceret mandavi : 
 quod fi viderit non pofle id a Pontifice impetrari, ab ipfis contendet ut 
 Pontificem omnino fequuntur, neque setas decrepita illos moretuj-, fed 
 quoquo modo fefe deferri faciant : Neque velit Cardinalis de Monte, 
 quemadmodum alias fecit, abfente Pontifice legatus in urbe remanere, 
 prasfertim fi, quod firme ab omnibus creditur, Pontifex Bononias 
 ufque in menfem Martium aut Aprilem eft commoraturus. Sed nunc 
 quod fcribam omittendum non eft, Quum Caletio difcedens equum 
 confedifiem, Secretarius qui illic erat Nuntii Pontificii, fe litteras ha- 
 bere a Nuntio mihi dixit, quibus refpondebat ad quandam partem 
 fuarum litterarum, quas illi meis verbis fignificarat, velle fe omnino ad 
 Pontificem fcribere, ne quicquam in caula Majeftatis veftras ante redi- 
 tum meum ageret, ea enim me allaturum, qua; fibi rationabiliter pla- 
 cere poitent, dummodo nihil fuper caufa fadum fuifi^et. Refponfum 
 autem Nuntii illud erat, fe in eam fententiam ad Pontificem fcripfifle, 
 & de ea ita fcripfifle, ut mihi poUiciretur, nihil ante quam ego redie- 
 rim in Majeftatis veftrse caufa innovatum fore : enim vero me rogavit 
 Vol. III. 5D ut
 
 378 
 
 A Colkciion Part III- 
 
 ut aliquid boni, & quod noflris placere poffet afferrem, ne ipfe menti- 
 tus effe videretur. 
 
 Sed de penfione in Cardinalem de Monte conferenda, quoniam 
 poftmodo RexChriftianiffimus quemadmodum mihi promiferat fcribere 
 recufavit, & me rogavit ut adventum magni magiftri expediarem, quid 
 fequutum fit Majeftas veftra ex Domino Wintonienfi cognofcet, ad 
 quern de hac re abunde fcripfi. Felix fit & optims valeat Mageftas 
 veflra. Compendii Die xvj. Novemb. M. D. xxxij. 
 
 Re^Ia Maoreftatls. 
 
 Number 20. 
 
 A Reprefentation made by the Convocation to the King 
 before the Subjnijfwn, 
 
 CowoaLibrary TT^Irft, as concerning fuch Conflitutions and Ordinances Provincial 
 Cleop. F.\. jy as be to be made hereafter by us your moft humble Subjedls, we 
 having our efpecial Truft and Confidence in your moft excellent Wiil- 
 dom, and your Princely Goodnefs and fervent Zeal to the Promotion 
 of God's Honour and Chriften Religion, and fpecially in your incom- 
 parable Learning farr exceeding in our Judgments the Learning of all 
 otlier Kings and Princes that we have redde of, and doubting nothing 
 but that the fame Ihall ftill continue and daily encreafe in your Ma- 
 jeftie, do offer and promife hereunto the fame that from henceforth 
 diirhig your Highnejs natural Life which we mofl hertily befeech Al- 
 mighty God long to preferve, we fhall forbear to enadl promulge or 
 put in Execution, any fuch Conftitution or Ordinance fo by us to be 
 made in time coming, unlefs your Highnefs by your Royal AfTent fhall 
 licenfe us to make promulge and execute fuch Conflitutions, and the 
 fame fo made fhall approve by your Highnefs Authorite. 
 
 Secounde, Whereas your Highnefs Honorable Commons do pre- 
 tend that diverfe of the Conflitutions Provincial, which have ben 
 heretofore enafted be not only much prejudicial to your Highnefs 
 Prerogative Royal, but alfo overmuch onerous to your faid Commons, 
 we your mofl humble Subjedls for the Confiderations aforefaid, be 
 contented to referr and commit all and fingular the fiid Conflitutions 
 to the Examination and Judgment of your Grace only : And which 
 foever of the fame fhall finally be found thought and judged by your 
 Graces mofl high Wifdom prejudiciall and overmuch onerous as is 
 pretended, we offer and promife your Highnefs to moderate or utterly 
 to abrogate and annull the fame, according to the Judgment of your 
 Grace. Saving to us allwaie all fach Immunities and Liberties of this 
 Church of B.nghnd^ as hath been granted unto the fame by the 
 Goodnefs and Benignite of your Highnefs, and of others your mofl 
 
 noble
 
 Book II. Of Records^ Sec. 37p 
 
 noble Progenitors, with all fuch Conftitutions Provincial as do fland 
 with the Laws of Almighty God and Holy Churchy and of your Realm 
 heretofore made, which we moft humbly befeech your Grace to ra- 
 tifie and approve by your Royal Affent, for the better Execution of 
 the fame in Times to come, amongft your Graces People. Providing 
 alfo that until your Highnefs Pleafure herein fliall be further declared 
 unto us, all manner of Ordinaries may execute their Jurifdiftions in 
 like manner and form as they have ufed the fame in Times pafl. 
 
 Number 2 1 . 
 
 A Letter hy Magnus to Cromwell, concerning the Con- 
 
 vocatio?i of York. 
 
 'Take?! from the Orightal, 
 
 AFTER full due Recommendation unto your good Mafterlliip, Qyp^ e 5 ; 
 Uke it the fame to wete, that yeflerdaie was here with me P. iS2. | 
 Mr. Doftor Lee, and fliewed unto me the Kings moft gracious Plea- i 
 fure and your AdvertJfements for my going Northwards to the Con- { 
 vocation at Tork. So it is, as I doubt not the faid Mr. Dodior Lee \ 
 knoweth andconceiveth, that I have not a little been fik and difeafed, i 
 but greatly grieved with a Rewme in myn Hed, and a Catarr fallen j 
 into my Stomake, by reafon whereof, I have had, and yet have a 'i 
 contynuall great Cough, I am in trufte that my Difcas and Sicknes | 
 is in Declination, fuppofmg thereby the fooner to have Recovery, \ 
 and this Daye have fent for my Horfes into Nottingham Jlnr, and \ 
 truile with the Helpe of God to be at Tork foone after the Begynning 1 
 of the faid Convocation. Many Yeres afore-paffed, I have ever been 1 
 redy to go when I have been commanded, and yet I have as good a '\ 
 Will as -ever I had, but myn olde Body is nowe fo ofte cloggod with \ 
 Infirmitie and Unweildenes, that it woll not aunfwer to tlie Eifeft of ' 
 my Defire and good mynde, yet nevertheles v/ith the good Heloe 
 and Counfell alfo of Mr. Bartlot, I fliall doe afmuch as I may to make , 
 me foe flrong as it woll be, and have had Communycation at large 
 with the faid Mr. Doftor Lee, touching our intended Bufinefs. I am. -i 
 very glad that he fliall be at Tork at this Seafon, for at the lafle Con- 
 vocation where as was graunted unto the Kings Highnefs the great 1 
 Some of Mony to be paide in Five Yeres, with the recogniiing his ' 
 Grace to be fiipremiim Caput, Gfc. I had very litle Helpe, but my 1 
 felf, albeit the Kings Highnefs faid that he wolde have fent other j 
 Eookes after me, which came not : foe that therefore the Kinges \ 
 Caufes were the longer in treating and reafonyng or tliey came to good ! 
 Effedl and Conclufion ; the Prelates and Clergie there woll not in any I 
 wife give firme Credence to reporte of any Adls that be pafte here, j 
 onles the fame be fliewed unto them authentically, either under \ 
 
 Scale, \
 
 380 A ColkSiion Part III. 
 
 Scale, or othervvife, or the Kings moft honourable Letters addreffed 
 accordingly, thefe two things in myn Oppynnyon, muft both be 
 done, for without the fame, the Prclats and Clergie of the North 
 Parties being farre from Knowledge of the Kings moft high Pleafure, 
 woll not for any Credence, be hallie to proceed to any ftrainge Adls, 
 but woll efteem their Reafons and Lernyng, to be as effedlual] as 
 others be. I write the more at large unto you herryne, bycaufe, as 
 - it fliall pleafe you, and as ye fhall feem good, the Matters that now be 
 intended, may be put in order. Glad I would have been to have 
 commen nowe unto you my felf, but I affure you, I dare not as yet 
 come into the open Ayer, foe foone as I may, it fhall be my firfte 
 Pilgrimage by the Grace of God, who ever preferve you myn one 
 good Mafter. At Maribone this Monday the xxth Daye of Aprill. 
 
 Your own Preifte 
 
 and Bedeman, 
 
 T. Magnm, 
 
 Number 22. 
 
 A Proteflation made by Warham, Archbipop of Canter- 
 bury, againji all the AEis pafsd 171 the Parliament to 
 the Prejudice of the Church. 
 
 Proteftatio Archiepifcopi Cantuar. 
 
 iroi. TN Dei Nomine. Amen. Per prasfens publicum inftrumentum 
 ^— yii^. JL cundlis appareat evidenter & fit notum, quod Anno Domini fecun- 
 P ,20 dum Curfum & Computationem Ecclefiae Anglicanae Millefimo Quin- 
 gentefimo xxxi°. Indidlione Quinta, Pontificatus ReverendifTimi in 
 Chrifto Patris & Domini noftri, Domini dementis Divina Providen- 
 tia illius Nominis Papae Septimi, Anno Nono, Menlis vero Februarii 
 die vigefimo quarto : In quodam. fuperiori Cubiculo five Camera infra 
 Manerium Reverendiffimi in Chrifto Patris & Domini, Domini JVil- 
 hehni Permiflione Divina Cant' Archiepiicopi, totius Anglise Primatis, 
 & Apoftolicse Sedis legati, de Lambithe Winton' Dioc. fituatum in 
 noftrorum Notariorum Publicorum Subfcriptorum, ac Teftium infe- 
 rius Nominatorum, prasfentia conftitutus perfonaliter idem Reveren- 
 diflimus in Chrifto Pater, quandam Proteftationem, in fcriptis redac- 
 tam, fecit, & interpofuit, ac palam & publice Proteftatus eft, csete- 
 raque fecit & exercuit prout, & quemadmodum quadam Papiri Sche- 
 dula, quam manibus fuis tunc tenens publice legebat, plenius conti- 
 nebatur; cujus quidem Schedulse tenor fequitur, 6c eft talis. 
 
 In
 
 Book II. Of Records, &c. 381 
 
 In Dei Nomine. Amen. Nos Wilhebnus permiflione divina Cant. 
 Arch, totius Anglice Primas, & Apoflolicae fedis legatus, Proteflamur 
 publice 6c exprefse, pro nobis, & fanfta Ecclefia noftra Metropoliti- 
 ca Cantuarienfi, quod nolumus, nee intendimus, iicuti neque fana 
 Confcientia pofliimus, AUcui Jlatnto in prefaenti Parliamento apud 
 Fratres Prsedicatores London tertio die menfis Novembris Anno Doin' 
 J 529. & Anno Regni Regis Henrici Odavi xxi. inchoat', & abinde 
 ulq; ad Weflm' prorogat', & ibidem hue ufque continuat', edito^ leu 
 deinceps edendo, quatenus ftatuta hujufmodi, feu eorum aliquod, in 
 derogationem Romani Pontificis, aut Sedis Apojlolicce j vel damnum 
 Prsjudicium, five Reftridlionem 'Ecclefiajlka Potcjiafis -, aut in Sub- 
 verfionem, Enervationem, feu Derogationem, vel Diminutionem, 
 "Jurium, Confiietudinum^ Prrjikgiorum, Prarogatiijariifn, Prce-emi- 
 nentianim^ feu Lihertatis Ecclejice 7wftrce Met?-opoUtica Chrijii Cmit' 
 praedidl' tendere dignofcuntur, quomodolibet confejitire ; fed ad omnem 
 Juris effedium qui exinde fequi poterit aut debebit, eifdem DiJJ'aitire, 
 Reclamare, Contradicere ; ac Dijfentimus, Reclmnamus, & Contradi- 
 cimiis in his fcriptis. Super quibus omnibus, & fingulis praemiffis, 
 idem Reverendiffimus Pater nos Notaries publicos fubfcriptos fibi unum, 
 vel plura, publicum feu publica, Inflrumentum five Inftrumenta, ex- 
 inde coniicere debite & inftanter requilivit & rogavit. 
 
 Adla funt haec omnia & fingula prout fupra fcribuntur & recitan- 
 tur fub Anno Domini, Indidlione, Pontiiicatu, Menfe, Die, & loco 
 praediilis ; Praefentibus tunc ibidem venerabilibus, & probis Viris, 
 Magiftris Johanne Cocks, legum Do6tore : Rogero Harmam Theo- 
 logiae Baccalaureo : Ingelramno Bedill, Clerico : Et Wilhelmo Waren 
 Literato, Teftibus ad prsmilTa yocatis ipecialiter & rogatis. 
 
 Iftud Inftrumentum fimiliter erat fubfcriptum manlbus pradifflo- 
 rum trium Notariorum, ivith the foregoing Injirument ; which 
 was that oj the Submiffion of the Clergy. They were 
 
 William PotkyUj John Hering, and Thomas Argal. 
 
 'This was copied out of a MS. in my Lord Longvill'i Library. 
 
 Number 23. 
 To the King. From Edmund Bomier at Marfelles. 
 
 A Letter of Bonner' j- upoft his reading the King's Appeal 
 
 to the Pope^ 
 
 An Original, 
 
 PLeafeth it your Highnes to be advertifed, that fythen my lafl Let- Cotm Li- 
 ters fent unto the fame of the ivth of this prefent by Thadetis brary, Fiui. 
 the Curror wherein I declared in what Termes were the Proceedings ^q^jI'^' 
 Vol. III. 5 E here
 
 382 
 
 A ColkBion Part III. 
 
 here, I was commaunded by my Lord of Winchcjler and other your 
 Highnes Ambaffadoures here, to intimate unto the Popes Perfon, if 
 the fame were poflible to do, all fuche Provocations and Appelles 
 which your Highnes heretofore had made unto the General Councell, 
 and fent hither to be intimated accordinglie. Whereupon defiring 
 Mr. Fenyfion to take the Pains with me unto the Popes Palace for the 
 Expeditions of an Adle concernyng your Highnes, and he right glad 
 and very well content to do the fame : I repayred with him thitlicr 
 the viith of this prefent, in the Mornyng, and albeit that at the Be- 
 oynnyng fome Refiftence and Contradiction was made that we (hold 
 not come unto the Pope, which as then was in manner full readye to 
 come unto the Confiilorie j and therefore not accuftomed with other 
 Bufinefs to be interrupted, yet in Conclufion we came to that Cham- 
 ber where the Pope ftode bytwene two Cardinalles, de Medices, and 
 Lorayme, redie apparelled with his Stole towards the Confiftorie. 
 And incontinently upon my comyng thither, the Pope, whos Sight 
 is incredulous quick, eyed me, and'that divers tymes, making a good 
 Pawfe in one place, in which tyvnt I defired the Datarie to advertife 
 his Holynes that I defired to fpeke with him. And albeit the Datarie 
 made no litle Difficultie therein thinking the Tyme and Place not 
 moft convenient, yet perceyvyng that upon Refiifal I wool have goon 
 furthwith to the Pope, he advcrtifed the Pope of my faid Defire. 
 And his Holynes difmyffing as then the faid Cardinals, and letting his 
 Veflure fall went to a Wyndowe in the faid Chamber calling me unto 
 him, at what tyme (doyng Reverence accuftomed) I fhew'd unto his 
 Holynes how that your Highnes had given me exprefle and ftraytc 
 Commandment to intimate unto hym, how that your Grace had •firft: 
 folomly provoked and allfo after that appealled unto the Generall 
 Councell, fubmitting your felf to the Tuition and Defence thereof, 
 which Provocation and Appelles I faid I had under authentike Writ- 
 inges then with me to fhewe for that Purpofe. Declaring that your 
 Highnes was moved tlius to doo upon reafonable Caufes and Grounds 
 expreffed in the faid Provocation and Appelles, and yet neverthelefs 
 foo tempering your Doynges that beynge a good and Catholike 
 Prince, and proceeding thereafter, your Grace mynded not any 
 thing to fay, doo, or goo about agaynft the Holie Catholique and 
 Apoftolique Churche, or the Authority of the See, otherwife then 
 was the Office of a good Catholike Prince, and chaunfing foo to doo 
 indeed intended in Tyme and Place according, Catholiquely to re- 
 forme and awaite the fame. And herewithall I drew out the faid 
 Writing fliewing his faid Holynes that I brought the fame for Proof 
 of tlie Premiffes and that his Holynes might fee and perceive all the 
 fame, adding hereunto that your Highnes ufed tliefe Remedies not in 
 any Contempt either of the Churche, the See, or of his Holynes, 
 but only upon Caufes exprefl'ed in the laid Writings. Defiring alfo 
 his Holynes that althoughe in tymes palTed it liked hym to Ihewe unto 
 me much Benevolence and Kyndnes wherbie I muft and did accompte 
 my felf greatly bounden unto the fame, yet conlidering the Obliga- 
 tions a SubjeiS muft and doth of Right beare chiefly unto his ^o\g- 
 reyne Lord, he wood take al my Doyngs in good parte, and not to 
 ttfcribc any Unkyndnes unto me in this behalfe, byl only to confider 
 
 tliat
 
 Book If. Of Records^ Sec. 383 
 
 that a Subject and Servant muft do his Mafters Commandement. 
 The Pope havyng this for a Brekefafl, only pulled downe his Head 
 to his Shoulders after the Italion Fafhion, and fiid that becaufe he 
 was as then fully ready to goe to the Confiftorie he would not tarye 
 to hear or fee the faid Writings ; but willed me to come at after nooiie 
 and he would gladly giff me Audience to all the fame, and other things 
 that I would propofe or do, whereupon his Holynes departing ftreyght 
 to the Confiftorie, I returned to your faid Ambaffadors, telling them 
 what I had doon, and what Anfwer I had. That after noone I and 
 Mr. Penyfton (whom I entended afwel in the Popes Anfweres, as alfo in 
 other my Doinge, to ufe as a Wittnes if the Caufe fliould foe require,) 
 repayred to the Palace, and bycaufe that Audience was afhgned unto 
 many, and among others unto the Ambaflador of Millan, I tarried there 
 the Space of an Howre and Halfe, and finally was called into t!ie 
 Pope's Secret Chamber, where (taking with me Mr. Penyfton) I founde 
 his Holynes having only with hyra Godfadyn o{ Bomnie ; The Pope 
 perceyving that I had brought one with me, looked much upon hym, 
 and a great deale the more, in my Opinion, bycaufe that in the 
 Morning I did fpeak with his Holynes alone, Mr. Penyjlon albeit be- 
 yng in the faid Chambre, and ftjying what I did, yet not reforting 
 nye unto his faid Holynes, And to put the Pope out of this Fantafie, 
 and fomewhat to colour my Entent, I tolde his Holynes that the faid 
 Mr. Penyfton was the Gentilman that had brought unto me Commif- 
 fion and Letters from your Highnes, to intimate unto his Holynes the 
 Provocation and Appeal forfaid; the Pope percafe not fully here- 
 with fatisfied, and fuppofing tliat I would (as I indede entended) have 
 recorde upon my Doyngs, faid, that it were good for him to have his 
 Datarre, and alfo other of his Counfell, to hear and fee what were 
 done in that Behalfe, and thereupon called for his Datarie, Symonetta^ 
 and Capifuchi. In the mean whyle, they beyng abfent, and fent for, 
 his Holynes leaning in his Wyndow towardes the Weft fyde, after 
 a little Pawfe turned unto me, and asked me of my Lord of JVin- 
 thejler how he did, and likewife afterward of Mr. Brian ; but after 
 that fort that we thought he would make me believe that he knew 
 not of his being here, faying thos Words ; How doth Mi-. Brian, 
 is he here now : and after that I had anfwered hereunto, his Holynes 
 not a little feeming to lament the Death of Mr. Dodor Bennet, 
 whom he faid was a Faithfull and Good True Servant unto your 
 Highnes, enquired of me whether I was prefent at the Time of his 
 Death, and falling out of that, and marvelling, as he faid, that your 
 Highnes would ufe his Holynes after fuch forte, as it appears ye did : 
 I faid that your Highnes no lefs did marveyll that his Holynes havynw 
 found fo much Benevolence and Kyndnes at your Handes in all 
 Tymes paffed, would for acquitall fliewe fuch unkyndnes as of late 
 he did, as well in not admitting your Excufator with your lawfull 
 Defences, as alfoe pronouncing againft your Highnes : and here we 
 entered in Communication upon two Poyntes, oon was that his Ho- 
 lynes having committed in Tymes palied, and in mooft ample Forme, 
 the Caufe into the Realm, promifing not to revoke the faid Commiilion, 
 and over that to confirm the Proceffe and Sentence of the Commiiaries, 
 beyng Tv/o Cardinalles and Legates of his See, fliould not efpecially 
 
 at
 
 3^4 
 
 A ColleBion Part III. 
 
 at the Poynt of Sentence, have advoked the Caufe from their Hands, 
 reteyning it at Rome, but at the left, he fhould have committed 
 the fame to fome other indifferent Judges within your Realme, making 
 herein that it could not be retayned at Rome : This Argument was Either 
 his Holynes would have the Matter examyned and ended, or he 
 would not : If he would, then either he would have it examined and 
 ended in a Place whither your Highnes might perfonally come, and 
 clfe bende to fend your Prodtor, or elfe in that Place whitlier your 
 Highnes nother couud or ought perfonally to come untoj Ne yet 
 bounde to fende a Proclor; if he intended in a Place whither your 
 Highnes might perfonally come, and elles bound to fend a ProCtor 
 he intended well and ought to have provided accordingly. If he 
 entended that the Matter fhuld be examyned and ended in that 
 Place wher your Highnes neither could nor ought perfonally to come, 
 nor yet bounde to fend a Prodtor then his Holynes did not well and 
 juftly. Seying that ether your Highnes fliuld therbie be compelled 
 to make a Prodor in Matter of fuch Importance againft your Will ; 
 or enforced to a Thing unto you impoffible, or elles to be left with- 
 out Defence, having juft Caufe of Abfence. And for as much as 
 Rome was a Place whither your Highnes could not ne yet ought 
 perfonally come unto, and alfoe was not bound to fend thither your 
 Prodlor : I faid therefore that his Holynes juftly fliuld not have re- 
 tayned the Matter at Rome. The Second Point was that your High- 
 nes Caufe beyng in the Opinion of the beft Learned Men in Chrijien- 
 dome approved Good and Juft, and fo many wayes known unto his 
 Holynes ; the fame ftiuld not foe long have retayned it in his Hands 
 without Judgment: His Holynes anfwering to the fame, as touch- 
 ing the Firft Poynt, faid that if the Quene (meanyng the late 
 Wife of Prince Artkire, calling her alway in his Converfation, the 
 Queen) had not given an Oath perhorrajcentia & quod noti fperabat 
 confequi Jujiitice compkmentum impartibus, refufing the Judges as 
 fufpedt, he would not have advoked the Matter at all, but been con- 
 tent it fliuld have been examyned and ended in your Realm; but 
 feyng fhe gave that Othe and refufed the Judges as fufpedl, appealling 
 alfo to his Courte, he faid he might and ought to hear her, his Pro- 
 mife made to your Highnes, which was qualified, notwithftanding. 
 And as touching .the Seconde Poynt, his Holynes faid that your 
 Highnes only was the Defaut thereof, bycaufe ye woulde not fend a 
 Proxie unto the Caufe, without which he faid the fame coude not 
 be determyned. And albeit I replied afwell againft his Anfwere to 
 the Firft Poynt, faying that his Holynes cou'd ne yet thereupon re- 
 taine the Matter at Rovie, and proceed againft your Highnes there, 
 and likewife againft the Seconde Poynt, faying that your Highnes 
 was not bounde to fende any Proxie, yet his Holynes feeing that 
 the Datarie was come in upon this laft Conclufion, faid only that al 
 thefe Matters had been oft, and many Tymes fully talked upon at 
 Rome, and therefore willed me to omitte ferther communication there- 
 upon, and to proceede to the Declaration, and doing of fuch Things, 
 that I was fpecially fent for: Whereupon making Proteftation of 
 your Highnes Mynde and Intent towardes the Church, and See 
 Apoftolique, not intending any Thing to doe in contempt of the 
 
 fame.
 
 Book II. Of Records^ &c. ^8^ 
 
 lame I exhibited unto his Holynes the Commiffion which your High- 
 nes had fent unto me under your private Scale (the other fent by 
 Frances the Curror not -beyng then come) defiring and asking accord- 
 ing to the Tenour thereof, and his Holynes delivering it to the Da- 
 tarie commanded hym to rede it, and hereing in the fame thes Wordes, 
 Gravammikis & injiiriis nobis ab eodem JanSliJJitno Patre illatis Gf 
 comminatis, began to loke up after a new forte and faid, O quejlo & 
 mtdto vero, this is much true, meanyng that it was not true indede. 
 And verily fure not only in this but alfo in many Partes of the fiid 
 Commiffion as they were red he fliewed hymfelf grevouflie offended : 
 infomuch that when thofe Wordes, Ad fticro-fcmBum conciUum gene- 
 rale proxi?ne jam futiirum legit it mum & in loco coiigrimiti cekbrandutn^ 
 were red, he fell in a marvelous great Cholere and Rage, not only 
 declaring the fame by his Gcfture and Manner, but alfo by Wordes : 
 fpeaking with great Vehemence, and faying. Why did not the King 
 (meanyng your Majeflie) when I wrote to my Nuncio this you paf- 
 fed to fpeke, unto hym for this Generall Councell, giff no Anfwer unto 
 my faid Nuncio, but referred hym for Anfwere therein to the French 
 King ; at what Tyme he might perceive by my doyng (he faid) that 
 I was very \vell dilpofed and much fpake for it : the thing fo ftanding, 
 now to fpeke of a General Councel, O good Lord. But well ! his 
 Commiffion, and all other his Writings cannot be but welcome unto 
 me, he faid, which laft Wordes we thought he fpake willing to hide 
 his Choler, and make me byleve that he was nothing angrie with 
 this Doyngs, where in very Dede I perceived by many Arguments 
 that it was otherwife : and one among another was taken here for Un- 
 fallible with them that knoweth the Popes Conditions, that he was 
 contynually folding up and unwynding of his Handkerchefe, which 
 he never doth but when he is tykled to the very Hert with great 
 Choler. And albeit he was lothe to leave Conversation of this Ge- 
 nerall Councel to eafe his Stomack, yet at the laft he commanded the 
 Datarie to rede further : which he did. And by and by, upon the 
 reding of thoos Claufes, Ji oportat Re'ver. Patribus, &c. and poji 
 
 and his Holynes eftfones chafed greatly; finally faying, 
 ^ejlo e boon fiatto, this is but well doon. And what tyme that Claufe 
 Protejlando, &c. and alfo that oother, Nos ad ea Juris & fa5li ?-e- 
 media, was red by the Datarie, he caufed hym to rede theym again ; 
 which doon, his Holynes not a litle chafyng with hymfelf asked 
 what I had moore. And then I repeting my Proteftation, did exhi- 
 bit unto him your Highnes Provocation, which incontenently he de- 
 livered to the Datarie to rede, and in this alfo he founde hym felf 
 much grieved, notyng in the Begynnyng not oonly thofe Wordes 
 Archiepifcopo Eboracenji, but alfo thus, Citra tiwi renocat. quorum 
 cumqiie procuratonim : at which he made good pawfe, conjedlering 
 therebie as I toke it, that ther were Prodlors made which might ex- 
 cercife and appear in yovir Name if your Highnes had ther v/ith be 
 contented. The Datarie reding ferther and comyng to thofe Woords 
 quod non eji Jioftrce intentionis, &c. his Holynes with great Vehe- 
 mence fiys, that thoughe your Highnes in your Proteftation had 
 refpedl to the Church and Authorite of the See Apoftolique, yet you 
 had noon to hym at al ; whereunto I anfwered and faid it was not foe, 
 Vol. III. 5 F as
 
 ^86 
 
 A CoUeBion Part III. 
 
 as his Holynes fliould perceyve in the other Writings. But of truth 
 fay what I fay wooled ther was in Manor never a Claufe in the faid 
 Provocation that foe pleafed him, but he woold wrynge and whrift it 
 to the worft Senfe ; as in Annotations upon the Margynes afwell of 
 Provocation as alfoe Appellations, I fliall fully declare unto your 
 Highnes j which yet nevertheles at this time bycaufe it cannot be 
 perfed; at the Departure of this Byrer I doo not fend it to your Pligh- 
 nes. As the Datarie was reding this Provocation, came in SymoJieta, 
 and even at thofe Woords, Sed deinde publico eantiir judicio. Wher- 
 in the Pope fnarling and fayeing that publicum, Symo7ieta faid no 
 fuch was never had. Symoneta faid, now fyne they fpake of that 
 Archbifhop, I fuppofe, that made that good Procefle, the Caufe de- 
 pending afore your Holynes in the Confiflorie. A faid the Pope a 
 worfliipful Proceffe and Judgment. And as he was chafing hereup- 
 on, ther came oon of his Chamber to tell hym that the French King 
 did comme to fpeke with his Holynes : And incontenently hereapon 
 the Pope made great haft to mete hym ; and even at the very Door 
 they mette together, the French King makyng very lowe Curtifie, put- 
 ting of his Bonet, and keping it of, till he came to a Table in the 
 Popes Chamber. And albeit I much dout not that the French King 
 knew right well what Doyngs was in hand, advertifed thereof by 
 oon Nicolas his Secretarie and alfo of the Popes Pryvey Chamber, 
 yet his Grace asked of the Pope what his Holynes did. And the 
 fame gave Anfwer and faid, ^lejli figjwri Ifigleji Jono Jlati qua per 
 intimare certi provocationi (^ appellationi e di fare altre cofe, Theis 
 Gendemen of England be here to intimate certeyn Provocations and 
 Appelles and to do other things. Whereupon they two fecretly did 
 fall in Converfation ; but what it was I cannot tell : the French Kinge 
 his Back was againft me, and I underftood not what he faid. Trouth 
 it is, when the French King had fpoke a long tyme and made ende of 
 his Tale, the Pope faid thofe Wordes, ^lejla e per la honta vojlrce. 
 This is of your Goodnes. Proceding ferther in Converfation and 
 laughing meryly together they fo talked the Space of three Quarters 
 of an Hower, it beyng then after Six of the Clock in the Nyght, 
 and in Conclufion the French Kinge making great Reverance toke his 
 leave, but the Pope went with him to the Chamber Doore, and al- 
 beit the French King woold not have fuffered hym further to have 
 goon, yet his Holynes following hym out of the Doore toke hym 
 by the Hande and brought him to the Doore of the Seconde Cham- 
 ber, where making great Ceremonies the oon to the other, they de- 
 parted, the Pope returnyng to his Chamber, and feyng me ftande at 
 Doore, willed me to enter with hym. And fo I did havyng with 
 m.e Mr. Penyjlon. And then and ther the Datarie red out the reft* of 
 the Provocation : interrupted yet many tymes by the Pope, which 
 ofte for the Eafement of his Mynde made his Interpretations and 
 Notes, efpecially if it touched the Mariage which of late your High- 
 nes made with the Quene that now is, or the Procefle made by the 
 Archbiflioppe of Canturburie. 
 
 The Provocations red, with muche a doo, I under Proteftations 
 forfaid did intimate unto him the two Appelles, made alio by your 
 Highnes to the Generall Councell afor my Lord of JVincheJier, which 
 
 Ills
 
 Book II. Of Records^ Sec. ^87 
 
 his Holynes delyvered to his Datarie commanding hym to rede theym. 
 Notyng and marking well all Manner and Contentes thereof: andnoo 
 lefle offended therbie then he was with the oother. In the re- 
 ding whereof came in the Cardinal ile Mec^ices, which ftoode bare 
 headed contynually during the reding thereof, carting down his Hede 
 to the Grounde, and not a litle marvelling, as it appered unto me, 
 that the Pope was fo troubled and mourned. When this was doon, 
 his Holynes faid that forafmuch as this was a Matter of great Weyght, 
 and Importance, towching alfoe the Cardinalls, he woold confulte 
 and deliberate with them hereupon in the Confiftorie, and afterwardes 
 gif me Anfwer therein. I contented therewith, delired ferther his 
 Holynes that foraiinuch as he had hard all the Provocations and A- 
 pelles, feying alfo the Original Writings thereupon, that I might 
 have thym again ; bycaufe I faid I mufl afwell to the Cardinales as al- 
 foe to other Judges and Perfons havyng Interefl, make Intimation ac- 
 cordingly. His Holynes in the Begynnyng was precife that I fliould 
 in noe wife have thym ; but they to remain with hym. Nevertheles 
 afterward perceyvying that I much flode upon it, he anfwered and faid 
 that like wife as concernyng the Provocations and Appelles with my 
 Petition concernying the fame, he entended to giff me Anfwer after 
 that he had confulted widi the Cardinalles in the Confiftorie, fo allbe 
 he entended to doo accordyng redelyvering of the faid Writings. 
 And hereupon departed from him about Eight of the Clocke in the 
 Nyght, havyng remayned afar mor than three Howers, I repayred 
 to my Lord of Winchejler and other your Highnes Ambaffadors here, 
 telling them what I had doon, and what Anfwer alfoe was giffen un- 
 to mc. 
 
 On the Morrowe following which was Saatterday, albeit ther was 
 Confiftorie yet the fame was extraordinarie, chiefly for die Declarati- 
 on of the newe Cardinalles, the Bifliop of Beziers, the Bifliop of 
 Langres, the great Mayfters Nevew, and the Duke of Albanie his 
 Brother. And in the faid Confiftorie as far as I could learn ther was 
 nothing fpecially fpoken or determyned concernyng the faid Provoca- 
 tions and Appelles, or Anfwer to be given unto the fame. Upon Son Jay 
 the ixth of tliis prefent at after noone havying the faid Mr. Penyjion 
 with me I repayred to the Palace, and fpake ther with the Datarie to 
 knowe when I fhould have Anfwer of the Pope, and he told me that 
 the Day following fliuld be the Confiftorie, and that the Pope after 
 the fame would giff me Anfwer, and albeit that the faid Datarie tlius 
 laid unto me, yet willing to be fure, I induced on Carol de Blancbis 
 my great Acquaintance and one of the chieft' Cameraries with the 
 Pope, to enquire of his Holynes when I fliould receive and have An- 
 fwer to the Provocations and Appelles, with other things purpofed 
 afor by me unto his Holynes. And his Holynes gave unto hym to 
 be declared unto me the felf fame Anfwer that the Datarie afor had 
 gyven unto me, whereupon I departed for that Day. 
 
 Apon Monday the xth of this was ordinary Confiftorie, and thi~ 
 der I, having with me the faid Mr. Pcnyfion, repayred. Tarieng 
 ther alfoo unto the Tyme that all were commaunded furth, lavyng 
 the Cardinals : And underftanding then eftfones by the Datarie that 
 I muft corne agayne at Afternoone for Anfwer, I did for thst 
 
 Tyme
 
 388 
 
 A CoUeciion Part III. 
 
 Tyme departe, reforting at Afternoon unto the Palace, and after 
 fhat I had taried ther ij Howers, in the Chamber next unto the 
 Pope, which all that Tyme continually was occupied in Bleffing 
 of Bedes, Giving his Bleffing, and fuflfering the Ladies and Nobles 
 of the Court to kifs his Foot : I was called in unto hym, ther beyng 
 ther only in the Chamber Cardinal Salviati and the Datarie, At 
 my comyng he faid unto me, Domine Do5lor quid vidtis ? And 
 I told his Holynes that I loked for Anfwer acording as his Holynes 
 had promifed me afor. And then he faid that his Mynde towards 
 your Highnes alwayes hath been to mynifter Juftice, and do Pleafure 
 unto you, albeit it hath not been fo taken. And he never injuftely 
 griefed your Grace that he knoweth, nor entendeth hereafter to doo. 
 And as concernyng the Appellations made by your Highnes unto the 
 General Counfel, he faid that forafmuche as ther was a Conftitution 
 of Pope Pius his Predeceffor, that did condemne and reprove all 
 fuch Appelles, he therfor did rejeft your Grace Appeales as frivo- 
 lous, forbidden, and unlawful. And as touching the General Coun- 
 cel, he woold doo his beft Deligence therin that it fliould take Ef- 
 fedl ; repeting agayn how in Tymes paffed he had ufed alwayes 
 Deligence for that Purpofe, writing therein to all Chriften Prin- 
 ces, your Highnes not yet anfwering thereunto, but remitting his 
 Nuncio to the French King. Which notwithllanding he faith he 
 wool yet do his Duty, and procure the beft he can that it fhall fuc- 
 ceede, nevertheles adding that he thought when it were well confi- 
 dered, that the King of England ought not, nor had Authoritie to call 
 any General Councel, but that the Convoking thereof apperteyned 
 unto his Holynes. Finally concluding, that for his Part he woold 
 alwayes do his Dutie as apperteyned. And as concernynge the Re- 
 ftitution of the Publique Writings made upon the Provocation and 
 Appelles forfaid, he faid he woold not reftore theym, but woold 
 kepe theym, and that fafely. Saying therwithal, that I might 
 have when I woold, ab Epifcopo Vijitonienji, and other afor whom 
 they were made, as many as I woold. And albeit that I fhewed 
 hym his own Lawe to be, that he coued not detayne them, yet he 
 faying that it was but de Lana Caprina, and refuling to make Rede- 
 liverie thereof, commanded the Datarie only to gife me the Anfwere 
 in Writinge, and foo bade me fare well. 
 
 Goyng with the Datarie to his Chamber for that Purpofe, I per- 
 ceyved ther that the Anfwer was alredy writ, howbeit that it was 
 not touching fo many Thinges as the Pope had by Mouth afor de- 
 clared unto me, ne yet fubfcribed with the Dataries Hande, accord- 
 ing to the accuftomed maner. And requyring the Datarie to make it 
 perfedt, and dely ver it unto me fubfcribed with his Hande ; He wil- 
 led me to come the Day followyng early in the Mornyng, and I fliuld 
 have it. Whereapon I deperted, and came in the Mornyng to the 
 Dataries Chamber in the Palace, but he was goon afor to the 
 Pope. Wherefor repayring to the Popes Chamber and fynding him 
 ther, I requyerd the faid Anfwer in Writing. And he goyng with 
 me to his Chamber, delyvered me for Anfwer the felf-fame that was 
 written the Day befor, adding only in the Ende thefe Words, Et 
 
 hoc
 
 Book II. Of Records^ Sec. 380 
 
 bac ad prafens, faho Jure, latins & particularha Ji 'videbimus re- 
 fpondendi; Subfcribing the fame with his own Hande, keping one 
 other Copie with hymfelf. Which had, without hope of any other 
 as then, I repaired to my Lord of Winchejier, and other your Highe 
 AmbafTadours, to fhew theym al the fame. 
 
 And by this your Highnes may now perceyve, whether that the 
 Pope will ftaye Procefs apon any your Provocations or Appelles, 
 howfomever they be made, or after what Sorte they be intymated 
 unto hym, and allfo whether that unto fuch Tyme he receive Inhi- 
 bition from the General Councel, his Procefs fhall be taken in 
 Lawe as nought. I feare that at his Returne to Rome, he will doo 
 much Difpleafure, if by fome good Policy he be not ftay'd. The 
 Original Anfwer delivered unto me by the Datary, forfaid I doe at 
 this Tyme fend unto your Highnes, only retaynyng with me the 
 Copie thereof. 
 
 And fyne albeit your Graces Commandement, declared by your 
 Letters dated at Chatham the xth of Angiijl laft pafTed, fent unto 
 me feemed to be, that Devyfing fome Bufynefs of my own, I fliuld 
 folowe alwayes and be prefent where the Pope reforteth, ftill re- 
 ading and demouring, noting, marking and enferching what is 
 doon, and gyving your Highnes diligent Advertifement thereof, as 
 the Cafe and Importance of the Mater fliuld require j yet for as 
 much as in this late Congrefs, ther was nothing in maner doon by 
 the Pope at the Contemplation of any in your Highnes Favour, and 
 that the Appellations and Provocations of your Highnes being inti- 
 mated, it is not like any thing of great Moment to be loked for, 
 efpecially all Things ftanding as they do j I not knowyng your High- 
 nes ferther determinat Pleafure, and thinking that by reafon of the 
 Premifles, your Highnes woold not that I fliuld ferther interprife in 
 that behalf, have therfor (the Pope beyng goon towardes Rome 
 from hence the twelfth of this prefent) taken my Jorney towards 
 Ijyom the thirteenth of the fame, your Highnes Ambafladors by 
 reafon of the Departure of the French Kinges foe alfoe doyng : And 
 from thence I intend towards your Graces Realme, unlefs I receive 
 your Commands to the contrarie. 
 
 To declare unto your Highnes, in what Perplexltie and Anxietie 
 of Mynde I was in until that this Intimation was made, what Zele 
 and Affedlion I have borne therein, how glad I woold have been 
 fuch Things might have commen to pafs, which your Highnes fo 
 much hath defired, and generally of all my Doyngs here, without 
 Fear or Difpleafure of any Man, it fliall not be needful. Partely 
 bycaufe I truft your Highnes dowteth not thereof, and partely by- 
 caufe the Bearer hereof, untill Mr. Brian, to whom I mooft accompte 
 my felf much bounden unto, will I fuppofe at large declare all the 
 fame, with other things here doyng ; of whom your Highnes I doute 
 not fliall perceyve that although the Frenchmen were made pryvey of 
 our Doyngs concernyng the Intimation, and in Maner willing the 
 fame, two or three Dayes afor the Popes Departure, yet now for Ex- 
 cufe they faye that all their Matters and yours alfo be deftroyed 
 therby. And thus moil humblie I recommend me unto your Highnes 
 
 Vol. Ill, 5 G be-
 
 390 A CplkBion Part III. 
 
 befeeching Almighty God to conferve the lame in Felicity many 
 Yeares. 
 
 From Marfelles, 
 
 the xiiith of Novembre, 1533. 
 
 Your Highnes moofl bounde Subjed:, 
 
 and poore Servant, 
 
 Edmoncl Boner. 
 
 Number 24. 
 
 CranmerV Letter^ for a}i Appeal to be made in his 
 
 Na?ne. 
 
 An Original. 
 
 0//o«Library yisj j^-jy j-Ight harty maner I commend me to you. So It is (as ye 
 P.T34. A know right well) I ftande in drede, left: our Holy Father the 
 Pope, do entende to make fome maner of prejudicial procefTe againft; 
 me and my Church, and therfore having probable Conjedtures ther- 
 of, I have provoked from his Holynes to the General Counfell, ac- 
 cordingly as the King's Highnes and his Counfell have advifed me 
 to do ; which my Provocation and a Procuracie under my Scale, I 
 do fend unto you herwith, defiering you right hartely to have me 
 commended to my Lord of Winchejlery and with his Advife and 
 Counfell to intimate the faid Provocation, after the beft: maner that 
 his Lordjfhip and you fliall think mofl: expedient for me. I am the 
 bolder thus to write unto you, becaufe the King's Highnes command- 
 ed me thus to do, as ye fliall (I truft:) further perceve by his 
 Graces Letters, nothing doubting in your Goodnefs, but at this 
 myne own delicr ye woU be contented to take this Peynes, tho' 
 his Highnes fhall percafe forget to write unto you therin : which 
 your Peynes and Kindnefs (if it fhall lye in me in tyme to come to 
 recompenfe) I woU not forget it with God's Grace, who prefearve 
 you as my felf. From Lambeth, the xxijd Day of November. 
 
 'Thomas Cantuar. 
 
 Number
 
 Book II. Of Records^ &c. 391 
 
 Number 25. 
 
 A Mimite of a Letter fent by the King to his Ambajja- 
 
 dor at Rome. 
 
 TRufty and Right-welbiloved, we grete youe vvel. And for Ex MS. 
 afmuch as not only by the Relacion and Reaporte of our ^y^cii. 
 Trufly Chaplain Maifter Dodior Boner, but alfo by certayne Let- 
 ters writtyn by Sir Gregory, afore the Difpeche of Doftor Boner, 
 uppon the lyvely Communications had by the Pope to the Em- 
 peror, in Juftification and Favour of our Caufe ; by wych it ap- 
 pereth unto us, that his Holynes favering the Juftice of our Great 
 Caufe, maketh Countnance and Demonftracion now to fliew himfelf 
 more propenfe and redy to the Adminiftration of Juftice to ourContenta- 
 tion therin, thenne he hathe been accuftumed in tymes paft : Difcend- 
 ing for Demonftration herof as you take it to thofe Particularities 
 folowyng, whyche Sir Gregory hath alfo fent by way of Inftrufti- 
 ons to Botier ; that is to fay, that in cace we woll be content 
 to fende a Mandate requiring the RemiiTion of our Caufe into an 
 indifferent Place, He wold be content to appoint Locum Indiffe- 
 rentem, and a Legate and Two Auditors from thenfe, ad formand' 
 Frocejj'um, refer\'ing always the Jugement therof to himfelf; or 
 elfe if we woll confent and be agreable, inducing alfo our good 
 Brother and perpetual Allye the French King, to be alfo content 
 to conclude and eftablifli for iij or iiij Yeres, a General Truix ; 
 that then the Popes Holinefs is pleafed, if we and our faid good 
 Brother wol agree therunto, to indidle with al celeritie a General 
 Counfail, wherunto his Holynes would remyt our Caufe to be finifh- 
 ed and determyned. Which Overtures being alfo proponed and de- 
 clared unto us by the Popes Nuncio here, be fet forth by him, and 
 alfo in a Letter to hym, as thoughe they had been by the faid Sir 
 Gregory in our Name defired of the Popes Holynes, and by him 
 affented to, for our Contentacion and Satisfadlion, in that Behaulf : 
 wherof we doo not a litle mervayl, confidering that we of late never 
 gave unto the faid Sir Gregory or any other, any fuche CommiiTion 
 or Inftruftions for that purpofe, but fully to the contrary. Never- 
 thelefs forafmoch as bothe by the Relation of our faid Chaplain and 
 by the Purporte and Effedle of the fore faid Letters, Inftrudions, and 
 alfo by the Behaviour of tlie Popes Ambaffadour here, and by fuch 
 Overtures as he on the Popes behalfe hathe made unto us. We nowe 
 confidering the Benevolent and towarde Mynde of his faid Holines 
 expreffed and declared in the fame, have moche Caufe to conceyve in 
 our Mynd, as we doo indede, good Hope, that he depely pondering 
 the Juftnes of our faid Caufe, wil now take more refped:c to put us in 
 more Quietnes therein, thenne we had any Expeftation heretofore : 
 And therefor our Pleafure is that you difcredy relating to his Holynes 
 in what good parte we doo accepte and take his Overtures and Per- 
 fuafions, doo gyve unto him our right harty Thanks for the fame, ad- 
 ding
 
 392 -^ Colle&ion Part III. 
 
 ding thereunto that we veraylie truft and be now of that Opinion 
 that his Holynes calling to his Remembrance the manifold Commodi- 
 ties, Profitts, and Gratuities heretofor {hewed by us, to him, and the 
 See Apoftolique, demanding nothing for Reciprocation of Frendfhip 
 and mutual Amytie to be fliewed at his Hand, but only Juftice in 
 our great Matior, according to the Lawes of God, and the Ordenances 
 of the Holy Connfailes, for the Encreafe of Vertue, Extirpation of 
 Vice, and Quiet of al Chrijlendoiyi, eftablifhed by our Forfathers, wil 
 now in Difcharge of his Duetie towards God, (hewing unto us Cor- 
 refpondence of Frendfliip according to our Deferts, putting aparte all 
 Shadowes of Delayes, more benivolently extende his good Wil and 
 Gratuitie towards us in the Acceleration and fpeedye finifhing of our 
 faid Caufe, thenne thofe Overtures doo purporte, whyche if it come 
 fo to pafs, hys Holines maye be wel aflured to have us and our Realme 
 as benevolent and loving towards him and the See Apoftolique as 
 hath at any Tyme hertofor been accuftumed. And as concernyng 
 the General Truix for three or four Yeres, albeit we do inwardly 
 confidre the greate good therof, and be of our oune Nature afmoche 
 inclyned therunto as any Prince Chriflened, and on thother Side af- 
 moche defirous to avoyde Contencion, wherupon many Tymes enfu- 
 cth Extremytie, to the Hurte of many ; yet neverthelefs two things 
 at this Tyme enforceth us to abfteyne and forbere fodenly to confent 
 to the fame : One is, that we being afflided, troubeled, and encom- 
 bered in our oune Confcience, and our Realme therby greatly perplex- 
 ed, cannot fodenly refolve our felf to innovate or renewe any perfite 
 Eftablifhment of Peax with other, tyl we may be fatisfied and have 
 pure and fyncere Peax in our owne Harte : and caufe feying that it is 
 wonly wyll and unkynd Stubbernes with Oblivion of former Kynd- 
 nes, whyche occafions the Lette of the Spede fini{hyng of our 
 Caufe, whyche ye may fay that hys Holynes yf it pleafe hym 
 may foon redres, havyng fo good Gronds for our part as he haveth, yf 
 he wyl hartely therto applye hym, and then fumme good Effedle 
 myght happen to come therof. An other Caufe there is alfo that we 
 being mooft perfitely by an Indiflbluble Amyte and Leage unite and 
 knyt unto our good Brotlier and perpetual AUye the French King, 
 maye not in any wife, nor wil put our Confent to any fuch Requeft 
 widiout the Knowledge and Aflent of our faid good Brother, and other 
 our and hys Confederates : and notwithftandyng yf hys Holynes 
 thynketh that myne Endeavour and Labour herin may do hym any 
 Gratuyte and Pleafure, or confer to hys Purpofe in any thyng, he ad- 
 vertefyng us therof, fliall well perfayve that there (hall lack no goode 
 Diligens in us, to fet forthe fuche thyngs as may ftonde with our Ho- 
 nour, and be alfo pleafant to hym, he fliev^yng to us fume Corefpond- 
 nes of Kyndnes in thys our Juft and Wayghte Caufe. And as touch- 
 ing our Confent to the Indidlion of a General Counfail, thoughe fun- 
 dry Refpecfts and Confiderations at the Tyme now prefent, move us to 
 thinke it not neceflary, and that we nothing doubte but our Caufe being 
 remytted to the fame, we ftiuld withal convenient celeritie, that be- 
 gonne have our defired End therein ; yet we being nowe in veray 
 good Hope that the Popes Holynes at the laft digefting thoroughly 
 the Juftnef* of our Caufe, wil fo ufe us in the fame that according to 
 
 Trouth
 
 Book IL Of Records^ Sec. 2,93 
 
 Trouth and Equitie good and fpeedye SuccefTe therof flial folowe in 
 other admyttyng the Excufatory, or elfe in remyttyng bothe the 
 Knowlege of the Fad and finall Difcition of the Caufe into thys 
 Realme where it was begon, accordyng to the olde Sanctions of Gene- 
 rall Concilles and divers of his PredecefTours Aflent, and as he hym- 
 felfe confefTeth in hys Commyffion gifiyn unto the Cardinall for thys 
 Pourpofe ; We have now alfo fufpended therfor our AHent and Con- 
 fent therunto uppon two Refpedls, wherof the firfl requireth a necef- 
 fary Sufpencion of our faid Confent, forafmoch as the fame dependeth 
 uppon the Aflent of our faid good Brother and other our Confede- 
 rates, and that the oon of us without the other canne ne will in any 
 wife confent to any Adte of fuch highe Importance as this is, which 
 toucheth the hole Bodye of Chriflejzdome. The Seconde is, that in 
 our Opinion which our Pleafure is ye with good Dexteritie declare 
 unto hys Holynes the good Refpede had of the State of the Worlde, 
 and of the Time prefent ; It were not expedient for the Pope himfelf 
 to confent therunto, confidering that Themperour is in maner com- 
 pelled by the Importunytie of the Germaynes and the Lutheran Sedte 
 to caufe the Pope to indidle the faid Council. And howe the faid 
 Gertnaynes be mynded towards him and the See Apoftolique, we 
 double not but his Holynes dothe depely pondre and confidre. But 
 ye flial faye unto the Popes Holynes on our behaulf, that finding him 
 towards us good and kinde, brefely expedyteyng our Caufe as affore is 
 reherfy'd, wherof we now perceyve fome lightlywood, and percey- 
 ving him to contynue and perfever erneflly mynding the fpedy Ende 
 and Determynation therof, for our Satisfadion, we canne do no lefTe 
 for Reacquital therof, thenne to procure and pradlife by al Wayes and 
 Meanes, afwell with our faid good Brother as with al other our Allyes, 
 Confederates and Friends, to do all things that maye be mooft for the 
 Surety of his Holynes and the Commodities of the See Apoftolique, 
 whyche we fliall not faylle to do, yf he wyll dyfclofe to us the 
 Menys how far. As touching the fending of a Mandate to require that 
 the Caufe might be harde in an indifferent Place, with Refervation of 
 the Sentence to himfelf, ye fhall fignifie unto hys Holynes that albeit 
 we well confidering hys towarde Mynde for the fpedy finifhing of 
 our faid Caufe, if we were a private Perfon wold nothing miflrufl 
 to confent to his faid Overtures, ne the good Effeds that might en- 
 fue of the fame ; yet nevertheles this Perfuafion foo toucheth con- 
 traryele to Generall Concilles, to the Libertie, Regalitie, and Jurif- 
 didlion of all Prynces, and mofl efpecially to our Prerogatyffe Roy- 
 all, Privileages of our Realme, wherof we be Hed and Soveraign ; 
 within the whiche, by the Ancient Lawes of the fame, al Caufes of 
 Matrymonye ther bygon and folemnized, cummyng after in Quefli- 
 on, ought to have their Original Commencement, and fynall Dif- 
 cuffe and Difcition by the Englijh Churche. Whyche Thyngs well 
 confideryd, he havyng alfo Regarde to hys Othe, in the Refayte of 
 hys Dyngnitie, whych he ther adually gyffeth for Obfervence both 
 of the Generall Confelles, and the Antique Lauys of the Fader£ of 
 the Chyrch ; Confideryng alto with himfelf, how we at the Tyme 
 of our Coronation, be likewyfe obligyd by Othe, to Support and 
 Maintayne, the Immunities and Pryncely Liberties of our Realme 
 Vol. III. 5 H and .
 
 394 
 
 A Collection Part III. 
 
 and Croone, whych to contrary, I make my felf fure hys Holynes 
 well informyd, will never requyre, fyns it is prohybite bothe by 
 Gods Precept, and Lawe of Nature, by thefe Words, ^od tihi 
 non vis feri, alteri ne facias. Wherfore we fermely truft, that 
 hys Holynes, ponderyng and wayng in the Balance of hys Juft 
 Hart and Equal Jugement, thefe moft urgent both Refons and Cau- 
 fes, with the Refpedl of hys Duty to God, in Minyftryng Juftice 
 and Equitie ; And confideryng alfo the Obligation, whych we as 
 King thowght not wordy, but by his Eleftion, be bonde to our 
 Realme, Scilicet defendere Privilegias Coronce & Regni, wyll not at 
 thys Tyme thynk any Unkind nes in us, thowght that thys hys Re- 
 aueft, fcilicet, to fend a Mandate, or to have it in any other Place 
 than in thys Realme determynyd by us, at thys Tyme be not ac- 
 ceptyd. For furly it fo hyghtly touchyt the Prerogatyffe Riall of 
 thys Realme, that thowght I wer myndyd to do it, yett muft ab- 
 ftayne wythout the Affent of our Court of Parliament, whyche I 
 thynke verely \vyll never condefcent to it. Neverthelefs, ye may 
 (hew unto hys Holynes, that for thys Offerre, we afcribe non Un- 
 kyndnes to hym, but rather take it in good Part ; confideryng that 
 by hys AmbaiTadour wee doo parfajrve, that hys Mynde was to grati- 
 fy and do Pleafure herin to us, thys Overture procedyng oppon 
 Gregorys Motion, werin to fpeke of that Sort, I enfure you of us 
 he had non Commiffion, but rather to the contrary. And fo we 
 wyll ye fhew the Pope j afluryng forther hys Holynes, that we be 
 ryght fory that thys Overture was no more refonable, or confonant 
 to our Honour. For furly in all refonable Thyngs, we wold glad- 
 ly fhew our felfe benivolent to hym, as long as we perfayve any 
 maner of Gratuitie in hym. More ye may fay, that we thynke 
 that we nor our Realme have hytherto gyven any Occafion to his 
 Holynes, wherby he fliuld be moved at the Contemplacion of 
 any privie Perfon, to attempte the Violation of the Immunities 
 and Liberties of thys our Realme, or to bring the fame in any pub- 
 lique Contention, wherby he may compell us in the Mayntenance 
 of them, to fhew and declare meny Thyngs peraventure it un- 
 knowne prejudiciall and hurtful! to the Papal! Dyngnitie, as it is 
 now ujyd, whycli not compellyd we intende not to do. Yet an 
 other gret Refon as we thynk you may fhew hys Holynes, gederyd 
 owght of his own Law, whych is thys : I beyng a Commune Par- 
 fon, am not bondyn in re ardud, as thys is to appere in hys 
 Court, and I beyng not bonden to appere, am not bonde to fende a 
 Proxtour. Wherfore his owne Law fhewyth evydently, that this 
 Mater owght not to be determynyd by hys Court, but per Anglica- 
 nam Ecclejia?n : For yf hys Court were Juge, I fhuld be obligyd 
 to appere there. And ye flial further underftand, that we have con- 
 ceyved by certain Lettres lately fent unto us by the faid Sir Gregory 
 de Cajalis, that the Popes Holynes, amongs other Perfuaiions, in 
 the Furtheraunce of our Caufe fliewed unto hym, that the 
 Laweis being of the contrary Parte of our Caufe, doo agree, that 
 the Pope in our Caufe may not Difpence, without an Urgent 
 Caufe. Which Opinion hys Holynes thinketh moche more dothe 
 
 avance
 
 Book II. Of Records^ Sec. 39^ 
 
 avaunce the Goodnes of our Matier, thenne the General Opinion 
 of the Devynes and Lawyers on our Parte, which doo affirm, that 
 the Pope in noo wife maye Difpenfe. Which Matier being alfo 
 perfuaded by his Holynes to Themperour, who declared, that at 
 the Tyme of the Difpenfation, there was extreme Warres betwene 
 our Dereft Father of Noble Memory, whofe Soule God pardon, 
 and King Ferdiiiaiido, Father to the Quene. And for Pacifieno- 
 therof the faid Difpenfation was obtayned ; wherupon the Mariage 
 enfued : Which bereth a Vifage of an urgent Caufe, as if it were 
 true, as it is not. And therfore, as wel for the Satisfaction of the 
 Pope's Holynes in that Behaulf, as for a clere Refolution of the 
 Doubte by his Holynes proponed, whether the Quene were Cognita 
 by our Brother Prince Arthiire, or noo ; Our Pleafure is, that ye 
 fhal iignihe to his Holynes, that in the League betwene our faid De- 
 reft Father, and the faid Ferdinando, Renoveled and Concluded, 
 Sealed and Signed with the faid King Ferdinando, and the, Quene 
 his Wief Hands, wherupon the Difpenfation for the Mariage be- 
 twene us and the Quene was obteyned, appereth no maner of 
 Caufe. But playnly declaring the faid twoo Princes to be thenne 
 and afor more perfitely Eftablilhed, Unyted, and Confederate in 
 Frendlliip and Amytie, thenne eny other Prince of ChriJIe?ido?n, 
 fetteth forthe the Caufe of the Difpenfation and Agrement for the 
 faid Mariage, to be only for Contynuaunce and Augmentation of 
 their faid Amytie, and for the Vertuoufe Modeftie and other Quali- 
 ties of the Quene. In which League is alfo playnly mencyoned and 
 expreffed in two Places therof, that the Mariage betwene our faid 
 Brother and Her, was folemnized and perfitely confummate ; wher- 
 by, and by the Depofitions of a great Nomber of Noble and Hono- 
 rable Perfonages, which hertofor by their Othes have been examy- 
 ned uppon the fame, manifeftly and playnly appereth to al indiffe- 
 rent Hei-ers, without Doubt therof, that the Quene was Carnally 
 Knowen by our faid Brother Prince Arthur ; and the fame Difpen- 
 fation foo proceeding, without urgent Caufe to be reputed invalids. 
 TheTranfumpte of which League autentiquely tranfumed, we fende 
 unto youe herwith, to thintent ye may the better perceyve theftefte 
 of the fame. And finally, ye (hall firther fignifie to his Holynes, 
 that of the Good SuccefTe of this our Caufe, dependeth the Suretie 
 of our Succeffion, and therupon enfueth the Reft, Peax, and Tran- 
 quillitie of al our Realme, and by the protrading thereof many pe- 
 rilous Daungers maye and is like to enfue to the fame, which above 
 all Things, we and our Realme ought to have Refpecft unto. Wher- 
 for it is more convenient, and confonant to Reafon and Equitie, 
 that this our faid Caufe fliuld be determyned by them, to whofe 
 Dammage or Commoditie the Succeffe of the Caufe may enfue, 
 and not by his Holynes, which canne have no certain Know- 
 leage of the State of the fame. And yet nevertheles, if his Holy- 
 nes remytting the final Difcufle of the principal Caufe to our Eng- 
 liJJj Churche, as apperteineth, wil after that, of his Gratuitie ratifie 
 and confirme fuche Sentence as they ftial determyn in the fame, 
 fhal therby not only adquire Chriften Obedience of us and our 
 People, moche to his Commoditie and Contentacion, and alfo profit- 
 able
 
 o 
 
 96 A Collection Part III. 
 
 able to the See Apoflolique, but alfo pacific the Contradidlion, 
 to the Reft and Quietnes of al Omjlendom. Willing you by thife 
 and other difcrete Perfuafions, as ye can with al Diligence and Dex- 
 teritie to allure his Holynes, being now fumwhat attempered and 
 difpofed to do us good, to condifcend to more benivolent Gratuities, 
 than as yet is fet forth by the faid Overtures ; and to afcertain us 
 with all Diligence and Celeritie, what Towardnes ye fhal perceyve 
 in him in this Behaulf, not mynding that ye fhal declare this as our 
 refolute Anfwer. But uppon other and further Overtures, and af- 
 ter more Deliberation and Confultation uppon thefe weighty Caufes, 
 we wil ftudy and enferche, by al Honourable Wayes and Meanes 
 that we canne, to concurre with the towardly Minde of his Holy- 
 nes, if he erneftly wil applie himfelf, and perfever in fuche Opi- 
 nion, as may be for the Acceleration of thende of our faid Caufe : 
 Willing you, with all Diligence and Dexteritie, to put your good 
 Endevour to the liime ; and likewife to procure the faid Sir Gregory, 
 according to our Expedation in that Behaulfe. 
 
 Number 26. 
 
 The 'Judvfnent of the Co7ivocatlon of the Prov'mce of York, 
 rejeSiing the Popes Authority. 
 
 I 
 
 Lluftriftimo 6c Excellentiffimo Principi & Domino Domino Hen- 
 ^ rico VIII. Dei Gratia, Anglise & Franciae Regi, Fidei Defen- 
 fori, & Domino Hiberniae. Edwardus, Permiffione Divina, Ebora- 
 cenfis Archiepifcopus, Angliae Primas & Metropolitanus, Salutem in 
 CO, per quern Reges regnant, & Principes dominantur. Veftras Re- 
 gime Celfitudini, Tenore Prasfentium, innotefcimus & fignificamus, 
 Quod, cum juxta veftrae Regias Majeftatis Mandatum, coram Praela- 
 tis & Clero Eboracenfi, Provincis in Sacra Synodo Provincial!, five 
 Convocatione Prjelatorum & Cleri ejufdem ProvincifE Eboracenfis, in 
 Domo Capitulari Ecclefiae Metropoliticee Eborum, quinto Die Menfis 
 Maij, Anno Domini m. D. xxxiv. jam inftanti, celebrata, & de Die- 
 bus indies continuata congregatis propofita fuit fequens Conclufio, 
 Quod Epifcopus Romanus, in Sacris Scripturis, non habet aliquam 
 majorem Jurifdiftionem in Regno Anglias, quam quivis alius extrane- 
 us Epifcopus. Ac infuper, ex Parte Prasfidentium in eadem Synodo, 
 per Nos deputatorum memorati Prselati & Clerus, rogati & requi- 
 fiti ut illam Conclufionem fuo Confenfu confirmarent & corrobora- 
 rent, fi illam Veritati confonam, & Sacris Scripturis non repug- 
 nantem, exiftimarent aut judicarent. Tandem didi Pralati, & Cle- 
 rus Eboracenfis Provincis antedidae, poft diligentem Tradatum in 
 ea Parte habitum, ac maturam Deliberationem, unanimiter & con- 
 corditcr, nemine eorum difcrepante, prsedidam Conclufionem fuifle 
 & efle veram affirmarunt, &; eidem concorditer confenferunt. 
 
 Qua:
 
 Book II. Of Records^ Sec. 397 
 
 Quae omnia & fingula veftras Regis Celfitudini, Tenore Prafenti- 
 um, intimamus & figniiicamus. 
 
 In quorum omnium & fingulorum Fidem & Teftimonium, Sigil- 
 lum noftrum apponi fecimus. Dat. in Manerio noftro de Cawodd, 
 Primo Die Menfis Junij, Anno Domini, m. d. xxxiv. & noftrajCon- 
 fecrationis Anno Tertio. 
 
 Number 27. 
 
 7^e yudgment of the Univerjity of Oxford, rejeSiing the 
 
 Pope s Authority. 
 
 In a Book, Jliled, Regiftrum, five Epiftolae Regum & Magnatum ad 
 Academiam Oxon. Una cum Refponfis. MS. Archiv. A, 117. ad 
 An. 1534. P. 127. 
 
 Part of the Kijtgs Letter to the Univerfty. 
 
 OU R Pleafure and Commandement is, that ye, as fliall befeem 
 Men of Vertue and profound Literature, diligently Intreat- 
 ing, Examining, and DifcufTmg a certaine Queftion fent from Us to 
 you, concerning the Power and Primacie of the Bifliop of Rome ; 
 fend again to Us in Writing under your Common Scale, with con- 
 venient Speed and Celeritie, your Mind, Sentence, and AfTertion 
 of the Queftion, according to the meere and fmcere Truth of the 
 fame : Willing you to give Credence to our trufty and well-beloved, 
 this Bringer, your CommifTarie, as well touching our further Pleea- 
 fure in the Premiffes, as for other Matters, (£c. Yeven under our 
 Signett, at our Mannor of G?rene'wicb, the Eighteenth Day of 
 May, 
 
 The U^iiverfity s Anfwer to the King. 
 
 UNiverfis Sanftae Matris Ecclefis Filiis, ad quos praefentes Lite- 
 rae pervenerint, Johannes, Permiffione Divina, Lincolnienlis 
 Epifcopus, Almae Univerfitatis Oxon. Cancellarius : Nee non univerfus 
 Doftorum acMagiftrorum, Regentium & non Regentium in eadem Coe- 
 tus, Salutem in Auftore Salutis. Quum lUuftrifTimus fimul ac Po- 
 tentiffimus Princeps & Dominus nofter Henricus Odlavus, Dei Gratia, 
 Angliae & Franciae Rex, Fidei Defenfor, & Dominus Hibernise, af- 
 fiduis Petitionibus & Querelis Subditorum fuorum in fummo fuo 
 Parliamento, fuper intolerabilibus Exterarum Potellatum, Exadlio- 
 Vo L. III. 5 1 nibus
 
 398 
 
 A ColkBion Part III. 
 
 nibus nuper Propofitis, Controverfiifque quibufdam habitis, fuper 
 Poteftate ac Jurifdiaione Romani Epifcopi, variifque_& urgentibus 
 Caufis, contra eundem Epifcopum tunc ibidem expofitis & deckratis, 
 aditus atque rogatus fuerit, ut commodis fuorum Subditorum in hac 
 parte confuleret, & Querelis fatisfaceret : Ipfe tanquam prudentiffi- 
 mus Solomon, follicite curans quae fuorum funt Subditorum, quibus 
 in hoc Regno, divina difponente Clementia, praeeft, altiufque fecum 
 confiderans, quo Padlo commodiffimas Regno fuo fanciret Leges ; de- 
 nique ante omnia praecavens, ne contra Sacram Scripturam aliquid 
 ftatuat, (quam vel ad Sanguinem ufq; defendere femper fuit, eritque 
 paratiflimus) folerti fuo Ingenio, fagaciq; Induftria, quandam Quas- 
 ftionem ad banc ejus Academiam Oxon. publice & folenniter, per 
 Dodores & Magiftros ejufdem difputandam tranfmifit : Viz. Ati Ro- 
 7naniis Epifcopus habeat niajorem aliqiiam JurifdiSlmiem, fibi a Deo 
 collatam in Sacra Scriptura, in hoc Regno Anglice, quam alius qidvis 
 externus Epifcopus ? Mandavitque, ut habita fuper hac Queftione 
 matura Deliberatione, & Examinatione diligent!, quid Sacrae Literae 
 in hac Parte noftro Judicio ftatuunt, eundem certiorem facere fuo In- 
 ftrumento, Sigillo communi Univerfitatis, communito & firmato cu- 
 raremus. Nos igitur Cancellarius, Docitores ac Magiftri praedidli, 
 fsepe reminifcentes, ac penitius apud nos penlitantes, quanta fit Vir- 
 tus, Sandlitas, ac noftrae Profeffioni quam confona res, & debita Sub- 
 miffioni, Obedientiae, Reverentiae, ac Charitati congrua, prasmon- 
 ftrare viam Juftitiae ac Veritatis cupientibus, Sacrarum Literarum Ve- 
 • Leg. infi- ftigiis * inferrere, fecuriorique & tranquilliori Confcientia, in Lege 
 Sere. Dei facram, ut aiunt, fuam Anchoram reponere ; non potuimus non 
 
 invigilare, fedulo quin in Petitione tam jufta ac honefta, tanto Prin- 
 cipi (cui velut aufpicatiffimo noftro Supremo Moderator! obtem- 
 perare tenemur) modis omnibus fatisfaceremus. Poft fufceptam ita- 
 que per nos Queftionem antedid:am, cum omni Humilitate, Devoti- 
 one, ac debita Reverentia, convocatis undique didlas noftrae Acade- 
 miae Theologis, habitoque complurium dierum fpatio, ac deliberandi 
 tempore fatis amplo, quo interim cum omni qua potuimus Diligentia, 
 Juftitiae Zelo, Religione & Confcientia incorrupta, perfcrutaremur 
 tam Sacrae Scripture Libros, quam fuper eifdem approbatiffimos In- 
 terpretes, & eos quidem fspe ac fa;pius a nobis evolutos, & exadliffi- 
 me coUatos, repetitos & examinatosj deinde & Difputationibus fb- 
 lennibus, palam & publice habitis & celebratis, tandem in banc Sen- 
 tentiam unanimiter omnes convenimus, ac Concordes fuimus ; Viz. 
 Romanum Epifcopum majorem aliquam Jurifdidionem non habere, 
 fibi a Deo collatam in Sacra Scriptura, in hoc Regno Angliae, quam 
 alium quemvis externum Epifcopum. Quam noftram AfTertionem, 
 Sententiam, five Determinationem, fic ex Deliberatione difcuflam, ac 
 juxta Exigentiam Statutorum & Ordinationum, hujus noftrae Univer- 
 fitatis per nos conclufam, publice totius Academiae Nomine, tanquam 
 veram, certam, Sacraeq; Scriptura confonam, affirmamus (&) teftifi- 
 * NotiierjiLe- camur per Praifentes. In quorum omnium & * Fidem & Te- 
 
 giiJe ; but it ftimonium has Literas fieri, & Sigillo noftra; Univerfitatis communi, 
 fingulorum'!' roborari fecimus. Dat. in Domo Congregationis noftrs, 27. DieMen- 
 fis Junij, Anno a Chrifto nato m.d,xxxiy. 
 
 Number
 
 Book II. Of Records, Sec. 
 
 399 
 
 Number 28. 
 
 The Judgment of the Prior and Chapter of Worcefter, 
 concernmg the PopeV Authority. 
 
 Ordo quidam obfervandus erga Dominum Regem Henricum Odavum, 
 &c. Et in quail aeilimatione habebimus Epifcopum Romanum. 
 
 Copied out of the Regifter of Worcefter. 
 
 OUum ea fit non folum Chrlftianae Religionis & Pietatis Ratio, fed 
 noftrae etiam Obedientiae Regula, Domino Regi noftro Henrico 
 Octavo, (cui uni & foli, port Chriftum Jefum Servatorem noftrum, de- 
 bemus Univerfa,) non modo omnimodam in Chrifto, & eandem fin- 
 ceram, integram, perpetuamque Animi Devotionem, Fidem & Ob- 
 fervantiam, Honorem, Cultum, Reverentiam, praeftemus ; fed etiam 
 de eadem Fide & Obfervantia noftra Rationem quotiefcunque poflu- 
 labitur, reddamus, & palam omnibus, fi res pofcat libentiffime tefle- 
 mur. Noverint univerfi ad quos Scriptum prasfens pervenerit. Quod 
 nos Willielmus, Prior Ecclefi^e Cathedralis, five Monafterii Beatae 
 Mariae Wigorn' Ordinis Sand:i Benedid:! & ejufdem Loci Conventus 
 five Capitulum Wigorn' Dioc' uno Ore & Voce, atque unanimi om- 
 nium Confenfu & Affenfu, hoc Scripto noftro fub Sigillo noftro 
 communi, in Domo noftra Capitulari dato, pro Nobis 6c fucceflbri- 
 bus noftris, omnibus & fingulis in perpetuum profitemur, teftamur, 
 ac fidelitur promittimus & fpondemus, nos did:os Priorem 6c Con- 
 ventum, five Capitulum, 6c SuccefiTores noftros omnes 6c fingulos, 
 integram, inviolatam, finceram, perpetuamque Fidem, Obfervan- 
 tiam 6c Obedientiam, femper praeftaturos, erga Dominum Regem no- 
 ftrum Henricum Odlavum, 6c erga Annam Reginam, Uxorem ejuf- 
 dem, 6c erga Sobolem ejus ex eadem Anna legitime tarn progenitam, 
 quam progenerandam. Et quod hsc eadem Populo notificabimus, 
 praedicabimus, 6c fuadebimus, ubicunque dabitur Locus 6c Occafio, 
 Item, quod confirmatum ratumque habemus, femperque 6c perpetuo 
 habituri fumus, quod praedidlus Rex nofter Henricus, eft Caput Ec- 
 clefis AnglicanjB. Item, quod Epifcopus Romanus, qui in fuis Bul- 
 lis Paps nomen, ufurpat, 6c fummi Pontificis Principatum fibi arro- 
 gat, non habet Majorem aliqua Jurifdidionem a Deo fibi coUatam, 
 in hoc Regno Angliae, quam quivis alius externus Epifcopus. Item, 
 quod nuUus noftrum, in uUa Sacra Concione, privatim vel publice 
 habenda, eundem Epifcopum Romanum appellabit Nomine Paps, 
 aut fummi Pontificis, fed Nomine Epifcopi Romani, vel Ecclefiae 
 Romanse : Et quod nullus noftrum orabit pro eo tanquam Papa, fed 
 tanquam Epifcopo Romano. Item, quod foli di(So Domino Regi 
 
 &
 
 40 < 
 
 A ColleBion Part III. 
 
 & Succeflbribus fuis adhasrebimus & ejus Leges ac Decreta manutene- 
 bimus. Epifcopi Romani Legibus, Decretis & Canonibus, qui con- 
 tra Legem Divinam, & Sacram Scripturam, aut contra Jura hujus 
 Regni effe invenientur, in perpetuum renunciantes. Item, quod nul- 
 lus noftrum omnium, in uUa, vel privata vel publica Concione, 
 quicquam ex Sacris Scripturis defumptum ad alienum Senfum detor- 
 quere prsfumat : Sed quifque Chriflum, ejufque Verba & Fafta, fim- 
 pliciter, aperte, fincere, & ad Normam feu Regulam Sacrarum Scrip- 
 turarum, & vere Catholicorum & Orthodoxorum Do6torum, prs- 
 dicabit catholice & orthodoxe. Item, quod unufquifque noftrum, 
 in fuis Orationibus & Comprecationibus, de more faciendis, primum 
 omnium Regem, tanquam Supremum Caput Ecclefix Anglicanse, 
 Deo & Populi Precibus commendabitj deinde Reginam Annam, 
 cum fua Sobole; tum demum Archiepifcopos Cantuarienfem & 
 Eboracenfem, cum caeteris Cleri Ordinibus pro ut videbitur. Item, 
 quod omnes & finguli pra^didi Prior & Conventus, five Capitulum, 
 & Succeffores noftri, Confcientia & Jurisjurandi Sacramento, nofmet 
 firmiter obligamus, quod omnia & Singula Prjedidla, iideliter, in per- 
 petuum obfervabimus. In cujus Rei Teftimonium, huic Scripto 
 noftro, commune Sigillum noftrum appendimus, & noftra Nomina 
 Propria quifque Manu Scripfunus. Dat. in Domo noftra Capitulari, 
 xvii Die Menfis Auguft, Anno Regni Regis noftri Henrici Odavi, 
 Viceffimo Sexto. 
 
 nen follows an Oath made to King Henry the Vlllth, agreeing ex^ 
 aElly with that Pag. 146. of the Firft Vol. of The Hiftory of the 
 Reformation ; except, that the Words alonely in the Firfl Line^ 
 and damage in the lajl Line but Two of that Oath, are wantitig. 
 
 ILluftriffimo & PotentifTimo in Chrifto Principi & Domino noftro, 
 Henrico Odlavo, Dei Gratia Anglicas & Franciae Regi, Defenfori 
 Fidei, Domino Hibernia?, in Terris Supremo Ecclefije Anglicanas, 
 fub Chrifto, Capiti ; Veftri humiles Subditi, & devotiffimi Oratores, 
 Henricus Holbecke, Prior Ecclefias Cathedralis Wigorn' & ejufdem 
 Loci Conventus, Ordinis Sandli Benedidli Wigornienlis Diocefeos, 
 Reverentiam & Obedientiam, tam Excellenti & Praepotenti Principi 
 debitas & condignas, cum omni Subjedtionis Honore. Noverit Ma- 
 jeftas Veftra Regia, Quod nos Prior & Conventus memorati, non Vi 
 aut Metu coafti, Dolore, aut aliqua alia finiftra Machinatione ad hoc 
 indudi, five fedudli, fed ex noftris certis Scientiis, Animis deliberatis, 
 merifque & fpontaneis Voluntatibus, pure, fponte & abfolute, pro- 
 fitemur, fpondemus, ac ad Sandla Dei Evangelia, per nos corporali- 
 ter tadla, juramus, illuftriflimas veras Regi^^ Majeftati, Singulari & 
 Summo Domino noftro & Patrono, Henrico Odavo, Dei Gratia, 
 Anglice 6c Francise Regi, Fidei Defenfori, Domino Flibernias, ac in 
 Terris Ecclefiae Anglicanae Supremo immediate fub Chrifto Capiti j 
 quod pofthac nullo externo Imperatori Regi Principi aut Pralato nee 
 Romano Pontifici (quem Papam vocant) Fidelitatem aut Obedien- 
 tiam, Verbo vel Scripto fimpliciter, vel fub juramento, promittemus aut 
 dabimus, vel dari curabimus, fed omni tempore Cafu 6c Conditione 
 
 Partes
 
 Book II. Of Records^ Sec. 401 
 
 Partes veftras regiae Majeftatds ac SuccefTorum veftroriim fcquemur 
 & Obfervabimus, &pro viribus Defendemus, contra omnem Hominem 
 quern veftrs Majeftati aut SuccelToribus veftris adverfarium cognofce- 
 mus vel fufpicabimur. Solique veftraj Regi^ Majeftati velut Supre- 
 mo noftro Principi quem etiam Supremum in Terris Ecclefis Angli- 
 canae fub Chrifto Caput agnofcimus & acceptamus, & Succefforibus 
 veftris Fidelitatem & Obedientiam fincere & ex animo praeftabimus. 
 Papatum Romanum non efle a Deo in Sacris Literis Ordinatuni pro- 
 fitemur. Sed Humanitus traditum conftanter affirmamus, & palam de- 
 claramus & declarabimus & ut alii fic publicent diligentur curabimus. 
 Nee tradtatum cum quocunque mortalium privatim aut publice ini- 
 bimus, quod Epifcopus Romanus aliquam Auftoritatem vel Jurifdidli- 
 onem amplius hie habeat aut exerceat, vel ad uUam pofthac reftitu- 
 atur, ipfumque Romanum Epifcopum modernum aut ejus in illo Epif- 
 copatu Succeftbrum quemcunque non Papam, non fummum Pontfi- 
 cem, non Univerfalem Epifcopum, nee Sandtiffimum Dominum, fed 
 folum Romanum Epifcopum vel Pontificem (ut prifcis mos erat) 
 fcienter publice afleremus. Juraque & Statuta hujus Regni pro ex- 
 tirpatione & fublatione Papatus ac Audloritatis & Jurifdidlionis ejufdem 
 Romani Epifcopi quandocunque edita five fancita pro viribus fcientia 
 & ingeniolis noftris ipfi firmiter Obfervabimus ac pro ab aliis quantum 
 in nobis fuerit fic obfervari curabimus atque efficiemus : nee pofthac ad 
 didlum Romanum Epifcopum appellabimus aut appellant confentie- 
 mus : nee in ejus curia pro Jure aut Juftitia agemus aut agenti Refpon- 
 debimus, nee ibidem Accufatoris aut Rei Perfonam Suftinebimus. Et 
 fi quid didlus Epifcopus per Nuncium vel per Literas fignificaverit, 
 qualecunque id fuerit, illud quam citifTime commode poterimus, aut 
 veftriE Regiaj Majeftati 6c veftris a Secreti, Confiliariis, veftrifve Suc- 
 cefforibus aut eorum a Secretis Confiliariis fignificabimus aut fignificari 
 faciemus. Nofque Literas aut Nuncium ad eundum Romanum Epif- 
 copum, vel ejus curiam nee mittemus, nee mitti faciemus, nifi veftra 
 Majeftate confcia & confentiente aut veftro Succeffore quod didtas 
 Litera; vel Nuncius ad ilium deferentur ; Bulks, Brevia, aut refcripta 
 quaecunque pro nobis vel aliis, ab Epifcopo Romano vel ejus curia non 
 impetrabimus, vel ut talia a quovis impetrentur non confuiemus. Et 
 fi talia pro nobis infciis aut Ignorantibus generaliter, vel fpecialiter 
 impetrabuntur vel alio quomodolibet concedentur, eis Renunciabimus 
 & non Confentiemus : nee utemur iifdem ullo pafto feu modo. At 
 eas veftrae Majeftati & Succefforibus veftris tradi curabimus, omnibuf- 
 que didli Romani Epifcopi Conceffionibus, Privilegiis, largitionibus & 
 indultis cujufcunque Naturte feu qualitatis exiftant, ac fub quocunque 
 Verborum tenore conceffte fuerint, a didla fede Romana diredle vel 
 indirefte, mediate vel immediate aut alias qualitercunque didli Roma- 
 ni Epifcopi Auftoritate largitis five confenlis quibufcunque publice 
 & expreffe in his Scriptis renunciavimus, eafque irritas & inanes effe 
 Volumus. Et foli veftrae Regias Majeftati velut Supremo noftro 
 Principi 6c Ecclelise Anglicanae Capiti &c Succefforibus veftris nos 
 fubditos & fubjedlos fore profitemur 6c nos ac Succeffores noftros 
 fubjicimus : Et folummodo fubditos fore fpondemus. Nos eidem 
 Romano Epifcopo vel ejus Nunciis Oratoribus, CoUedloribus aut 
 Legatis ullam procurationem, penfionem, portionem cenfuni aut 
 Vol. III. SK quam-
 
 402 A ColkEiion Part III. 
 
 quamcunque aliam Pecuniarum Summam quocunque nomine appel- 
 letur, per nos aut interpofitam Perfonam vel Perfonas folvemus nee folvi 
 faciemus. Statutumque de Succeffione veftra Regia in Parlimento 
 veftro tento apud Weftmon' Anno Regni veftri 28 ac omnia & fingu- 
 la in eodem contenta juxta vim formam & effeftum ejufdem fideliter 
 Obfervabimus. Praeterea in Vim Padli profitemur & fpondemus 
 ac fub Fidelitate veftrae Majeftati debita, & noftra coram Deo Con- 
 fcientia, promittemus quod contra banc noftram profeflionem & fpon- 
 fionem, nulla difpenfatione, nulla exceptione, nulla appellatione aut 
 provocatione ; nuUoque juris aut fadli remedio, nostuebimur: &fi quam 
 proteftationem in praejudicium hujus noftrae Profeffionis faciemus, earn 
 in praefens & in omne tempus futurum revocamus & eidem renuncia- 
 mus per prasfentes Literas ; quibus propriis manibus nomina noftra fub- 
 fcripiimus, ac eas figilli noftri communis appenfione & Notarii Publici 
 Subfcripti figno &; Subfcriptione communiri fecimus & curavimus. 
 Dat. &> adl. 'in Domo noftra Capitulari xxvi Die Menfis Augufti, 
 Anno Domini MillefTimo Quingentillimo Triceffimo Sexto, Anno 
 Regni veftrje Regiae Majeftatis Viceflimo Odlavo. Praefentibus tunc 
 ibidem difcretis Viris Johanne Tyfon, Olivero Lloyde, & Rogero 
 Hughes, in legibus & decretis refpe<£live Baccalaureis, & Ricardo 
 Bedle Notario Publico teftibus ad praemiffa fpecialiter vocatis & 
 requifitis. 
 
 Number 29, 
 
 An Order for Preachings and biddtjtg of the Beades in all 
 Sermons to be made withi?t this Reabn. 1535. 
 
 Co//o«Library "|7V I R S T, whofoever fhall preache in the Prefence of the King's 
 ^'%i' ^" ^ Highnes, and the Queen's Grace, fhall in the bidding of the 
 Beades, pray for the Hole Catholike Church of Crift, afwell Quick 
 as Ded, and fpecyallie for the Catholique Church of this Realme j 
 And Firft as we be mofl bounden for our Soveringe Lord King Henry 
 the Vlllth, being ymediatcly next unto God, the onelie and Supreme 
 Hed of this Catholike Churche of 'England^ and for the mofl Gra- 
 cious Lady Queen Anne his Wife j and for the Lady Elizabefhy 
 Daughter and Heire to them both, our PryncelTe, and no ferther. 
 
 Item, The Preacher in all other Placs of this Realme then in the 
 Prefence of the King's faide Highnes, and tlie Queen's Grace, fhall 
 in the bidding of the Beads, pray Firfl in Manner and Form, and 
 Worde for Wcrde as is above ordeyned and lymyted ; adding there- 
 unto in the Seconde. Parte, for all Archebifliopes and Bifhopes, and 
 for all the hole Clergie of this Realme ; and fpeciallie for fuche as 
 fhall pleafe the, Preacher to name of his Devotion ; and Thirdly for 
 all Dukes, Earls, Marques, and for all the hole Temporaltee of this 
 
 Realme ;
 
 Book II. Of Records^ Sec. aq '^ 
 
 Realme ; and fpeciallie for fuche as the Preacher fhall Name of De- 
 vocyon : And fygnallie for the Soules of all them that be Ded, and 
 fpeciallie of fuch as it fliall pleafe the Preacher to Name. 
 
 Item, It is ordeyned that every Preacher fhall Preach ones in the 
 Prefence of the greatift Audience againfl; the ufurped Power of the 
 Bifhop of Ro!fie, and fo after at his Lybertee : And that no Man 
 fhal be fuffered to defend, or mayntene the forefaid ufurped Power : 
 Ferthermore to keep Unyte and Quyetnes in this Realme, it is or- 
 deyned that no Preachers Ihall contende openly in Pulpet one aoainfl 
 another, nor uncharytablie deprave one another in open Audience ; 
 but if any of them be greved one with another, let them Complayne 
 to the King's Highnes ; or to the Archbilhope, or Bifhope of the 
 Diocs where fuch Chaunce fhall happen, and there to be remedied 
 if there be Caufe why ; and if the Complaynt be not trew, the Com- 
 playner to be punifhed. 
 
 Ite/n, Alfo to forfende that no Preachers for a Year, fhall Preach 
 neyther with, jibr againft Purgatory, honouring of Saynts, that 
 Priefls may have Wives ; that Faith onelie juflefieth ; to go on Pil- 
 grimages ; to forge Miracles ; conlidering thefe Things have caufed 
 Difcenfion amongfl: tlie Subjeils of this Realme alredy, which tlianked 
 be God is now well pacyfied. 
 
 Item, That from hensfourth all Preachers fhall purelie, fyncerelie, 
 and jufllie preach the Scripture, and Worde of Chrifte, and not 
 m)oce them with Man's Inflitutions, nor make Men believe that the 
 Force of Godes Law, and Man's Law is like ; nor that any Man 
 is able, or hathe Power to difpence with Godes Law. 
 
 Item, It is alfo ordened that the Declaration of the Sentence 
 which hathe ben ufed in the Church Four Tymes in the Year, fliall 
 not from henceforth, neyther be publiflied, nor efteemed in any 
 Point contrary to the Prasmynce and Jurifdidlion Royall of our King 
 and his Realme, or Laws and Liberties of the fame ; and any fo 
 doing to be competently punyflied by the Bifliop of that Diocs where 
 it fliall Fortune him to be, or inhabite : And this thoroughout the 
 Realme and Domynyons of our Soveraigne, fliortlie the Bifhopes to 
 fett Order in. 
 
 Item, It is alfo ordened that the Cole6ls for the Prefervation of the 
 King and Queen by Name, be from henceforth comunely and ufual- 
 lie ufed and fayed in every Cathedrall Churche, Religious Houfe, 
 and Peroche Church, in all their High Mailes thorough out all the 
 Realme and Domynyons of our King and Sovereigne. 
 
 Item, It is ferther ordeyned that wherefoever the King's jufl Caufe 
 of Matrimony hath eyther ben detrafted, and the inceflious and in- 
 jufle fet fourth, or in Placs where as it hathe not been dilated, that 
 in all thofe Placs till the People be fully fatisfied and jufllie inflrudle, 
 all manner of Preachers whatfoever they be, happenning to come 
 into any fuch Parte of the Realme, fhall from henceforth open 
 and declare the mere veryte and juflnes of this later Matrymony, as 
 nigh as their Learning can ferve them, and according to the trew 
 Determynacions of a greate Number of the mofl Famous and Efteem- 
 ed Univerfities of Ch-ijiendom ; according alfo to the juft Refolution 
 and Difhnicyon of both the Convocationes of this Realme, concurring 
 
 alfo
 
 404 ^ ColleBion Part IIL 
 
 alfo in the fame Opynyon, by the Hole Affent of Parliament, our 
 Prynce, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commones of this 
 Realme; wherefore now they muft declare this Matier, neyther 
 doubtful nor difputable, but to be a Thing of mere Veryte, and fo 
 to be allowed in all Men's Opynyons. 
 
 Item, It is ferther ordeyned that the forefaid Preachers fliall alfo 
 declare the falfe and injufte Handelinge of the Bifliop of Rome, pre- 
 tending to have Jurifdidion to Judge this Caufe at Rome; which in 
 the Firft Herina: thereof did both declare and confeffe in Word and 
 Writing the Juflnes thereof to be uppon our Soveraignes fide, info- 
 much as by a Decretall delyvered to the Legate here then fitting 
 for the fame Caufe, he did clearly determyn that if Prince Arthur 
 was our Princes Brother, and then of competent Age allowed in the 
 Law when he Maried the Lady Katharine, flie being fo likewife, 
 and that as far as Prefumptions can prove Carnall-Copulation enfued 
 between them; that thefe proved, before the faid Cardinales and 
 Legates (which in dede were accordingly to the Lawes jufllie pro- 
 ved) that then the unjuft Copulacion between our Sovereigne and 
 the faid Lady Katheryn, was neyther LawfuU, nor ought to be fuf- 
 fered, and fo, eo fa£io, pronounced in the forefaide Decretall, the 
 nuUite, invaldite, and unlawfulnes of their pretenfed Matrimony, 
 which was by his Law fufficient Judgement of the Caufe ; which 
 Decretall by his Commandment, after and becaufe he would not 
 have the Eifedl thereof to enfue, was, after the Sight thereof, im- 
 befiled by the forefaid Cardinalls ; and one which then was here his 
 Cubicular, contrary to all Jullnes and Equytee, wherein he hath 
 done our Sovereigne moft extreme Wrong. 
 
 Secondly, Contrary to all Equite and Determination of Generall 
 Counfailes, he hath called the Caufe (which ought to be determyned 
 here) to Rome, where our Sovereigne is neyther bounde to appere, 
 nor fend Prodlor: And yet hath he deteyned wrongfully the Caufe 
 there thefe Three or Four Years at the Inflance of the other Partie, 
 which fued to have it there, becaufe they knowe he durft not dif- 
 pleafe the Emperor, who maketh himfelf a Partie in it, as by the 
 Sequele it doth evydentlie appere, and fo could our Prince gett no 
 Juftice at his Hande, but was wrongfully delayed to no fmall hin- 
 derance, both to his Succeffion, and this his Realme, emynente 
 Daunger. 
 
 Thirdlie, Where it is a naturall Defence that the Subjedt ought, 
 and may Defende his naturall Sovereigne, or Mafter, both in Word 
 and Deed, and ought thereto to be admytted, this forfaid Bifhop of 
 Rome, contrary to this Equite in Nature, hath rejefted our Sovereigns 
 Excufator, contrary both to his own Lawes (which he moft fetteth 
 by) and alfo Gods Law, which he ought to prefer. Upon which 
 Caufe, and other great Injuries, our Sovereigne did Appeale to the 
 General Counfaile ; notwithftanding the which, he hath contrary to 
 all Juftice preceded, ad idteriora, wherein by a General Counfaile 
 he is dampned as an Heretick j yet thus injurioullie from the begyn- 
 nyng hitherto, he hathe handled our Princes Caufe and Matier 
 there. 
 
 Fourthely,
 
 Book II. Of Records^ &c. 40 c 
 
 Fourthely, The faid Bifliope of Rome fyns our Princes Appeal, 
 hering of the Laws, and Adls of Parliament which we then went 
 about, and that our King having juft ground (the PremifTes confidered) 
 would provide according to his bounden Duetie, both for the Suretie 
 of his Succeffion and Realme, gave out a Sentence in Maner of Ex- 
 communycation and Interdiction of him and his Realme, in which 
 when he was fpoken to for the Iniquitie and Unjuflnes thereof by 
 our Princes Agents, he and his Counfaile could nor did otherwife 
 excufe them (the Fadte being fo contrary to all Lawes and Right) 
 but that the Faulte was in a New Officer late come to the Court, 
 which for his lew'd doing fliould grevoullie be punyfhed, and the 
 ProcelTe to cefTe. This they promifed our Princes Agente, which 
 notwithflanding was fet up in Flanders to the great Injurie of our 
 Prynce, and for parcyalite to the odier Parte, as it may well appear 
 by the forfaide Sentence. 
 
 Fyvethlie, The faid Bifliope of Rome fought all the Ways poflible 
 with fair Words and Promifes both by his Ambafladors and our 
 Sovereigns owne, which by any Meanes could be invented, to have 
 abufed our Prynce and Sovereigne ; which when he faw that by 
 none of his Crafts our Prince would be no longer abufed with them, 
 then fewed he to the French King, to be a Mediator between our 
 Sovereigne and him : Declaring to him and his Counfaile that he 
 would gladly do for our Sovereigne, allowing the Juftnes of his 
 Caufe ; fo that they would fynd the Means that our Sovereigne would 
 not proceed in his Acfts and Lawes till that were proved. And that 
 he would meet with him at Marcelks for the fynifliing thereof, for 
 at Rome he durft not do it for fear of the Emperor. The good 
 French King admonyflied our Prince hereof, offering to him to do all 
 Pleafure and Kyndnes that lay in him in this Caufe, trailing that if 
 the Bifhop of Rome came ones to Marcelks, he fliould give Sentence 
 for our Sovereigne in his jull Caufe, and therefore prayed our Prince 
 to be content with that Meting, in which he would labor for it ef- 
 fedtuouflie, and fo he did : To the which our Prince anRvered, 
 that touching the Meting he was content, but touching the forber- 
 ing of making Lawes, he prayed his good Brother to hold him ex- 
 cufed, for he knew well ynough both the Crafte and Delayes of the 
 Bifliop of Rome ; by which from thencforth he would never be 
 abufed : And that likewife he fered that he would abufe his good 
 Brother, which fo indede after followed ; for after he had gotten 
 the Maryage of the Duke of Orleance, he then promifed the French 
 King to give Judgment for our Maifter, fo he would fend a Proxie, 
 which the faid Bifliop of Rome knew well before, that he neyther 
 would, nor was bound to do ; yet notwithflianding his fubtill yma- 
 gynacions, his Promife was to the French King, that our Prynce 
 fending a Prodlor, fliould there before his Departure have Judgment 
 for him in the Principall Caufe ; for he openly confefled ferther, 
 that our Maiflier had the Right : But becaufe our Prince and Maifler 
 would not prejudicate for his Jurifdid:ione, and uphold his ufurped 
 Power by fending a Prod;or, ye may evydentlie here fee that this 
 was onelie the Caufe why the Judgment of the Bifliop of Rome was 
 not given in his Favour ; whereby it may appere that there lacked 
 
 Vol, III. 5 L not
 
 4o6 
 
 A Colleciion Part III. 
 
 not any Juftnes in oiir Princes Caufe, but that Ambition, Vaine- 
 Glory, and to much mundanytee, weare the Letts thereof : Where- 
 fore, Good People, I exhorte you to fticke to the Trueth, and our 
 Prince according to our bounden Dueties, and Difpife thes noughtie 
 Doings of this Bifhop of Rome ; and chaiytably pray that he and 
 all others, abufers of Chrifts Worde and Workes, may have Grace 
 to amend. 
 
 Number 30. 
 
 InJif'tiBions given by the Ki?iges Highfies^ to his Trujly 
 and Well-beloved Se7'vant William Pagett, one of the 
 Clearkes of his Signet, whom his Highnes fendeth at this 
 lyme unto the Kinge of Pole, the Dukes of Pomeray 
 a?id of Pruce ; and to the Cities of Dantiske, Stetin, 
 and Connynburgh, for the Purpofes enfueinge. 
 
 An Original. 
 
 Henry R. 
 
 c«//c» Library ITj^Irft the faid Pagett takeinge with him the Kinges Highnes Let- 
 v'f(,^' ^^ ^ ^^^^ '^^ Credence to the Princes aforefaide, with the Coppies of 
 certeine other Bookes and Writeings prepared for his Diipatch, fhall 
 with all Diligence, takeing his Jorney from hence, repaire unto the 
 faid Princes, as to his Wifdome fhall be thought beft for the Expe- 
 dicion of his Jorney moft convenient. After his Arrival there, take- 
 ing the beft Opportunity he can for his Audience, and deliverie of 
 the Kings Highnes faid Letters, with his Highnes moft harty Recom- 
 mendacions : The faid Pagett fliall fay that the Kinges Highnes con- 
 iideringe not only the Olde Love and Perfect Friendfliip, which 
 \ hath now of long Tyme been contradted, and by mutual Offices of 
 Amity, eftablifhed between his Highnes and the faid Princes ; But 
 alfo the fingular Affecflion and entire Zeal, which his Highnes by 
 fondry and manifold Arguments, hath and doth daily perceive to be 
 in them, to the fearchinge, furtheringe, defence, and mainteininge 
 of the Sincere Truth, and Right Underftanding of Gods Word, and 
 the Juftice of his Lawes, and the Extirpacion of fuch inveterate, 
 old, and corrupt Errors, Cuftomes, and Abufiones, whereby Chriftes 
 People have bin nowe of longe Tyme feduced, and kept more bound, 
 thrall'd, and captive under the Yoke of the Bifliops of Rome, then 
 ever the 'Jewijfd People were under the Ceremonies of Mcyfes Lawe j 
 his Highnes hath fent nowe prefently the faid Pagett unto the faid 
 Princes, and to every one of them feverally, as aforefaid, to open and 
 declare on his Highnes Behalf the great Defire which his Highnes 
 
 hath.
 
 Book II. Of Records^ Sec. 407 
 
 hath, to do all Things for his Part ; whereby not only the Friends 
 fliip may be nourifhed and encreafed, but alfoe the Common Caufe 
 of all Chriftend Men may be reduced to fuch Ende as fliall be 
 agreeable to the due Order of Chrifts Faith and his Precepts, and ' 
 Lawes given unto us by his Worde and Spirit, and expreffed in his 
 Gofpell. And for as much as the Chiefe Pointe, and the greateft 
 Demonflracion of true Friendship, is Freindes to communicate and 
 breake Friendly each to other, Et depo?iere iiifmiim Amici, the whoal 
 Eftate of their Caufes, and what Things be plefaunt and acceptable 
 unto them, or contrary, wherein they find themfelves grieved, wrong- 
 ed, or injuried; the faid Pagett fhall further fay that the Kings 
 Highnes hadi given him in Commaundment to oppen and declare 
 unto the fame feverally the whoall ProgrelTe of his great and weighty 
 Caufe of Matrimony, with the intoUerable Wronges and Injuries 
 doon unto his Highnes in the fame by the Bifliop of Rome, called 
 the Pope : And in what Termes the fame nowe confifteth. And 
 finally by what Wales and Means his Highnes purpofeth and in- 
 tendeth nowe to defende his faid moft juft and right wife Caufe and 
 to refift the Malicious Attemptats of the faid Bilhop of Rofne. 
 
 And for his Entry into the Matter, the faid Pagett Ihall note and 
 regarde Two principall and fpeciall Pointes ; that is to fay, the Juf- 
 tice of the King's Caufe, and the Order and Proceffe which hath 
 binn ufed therein. And as concerninge the firft Pointe, the faid Pa^ 
 gett Ihall Ihewe howe the King's Highnes hath fo ufed himfelf, as no 
 Man may lawefully complaine of the fame. For as touchinge the 
 Juftice of his Highnes Caufe, that is to fay, the Declaration of his 
 Marrladge with the Princeffe Dowager to be nought, of noe Moment 
 nor Effedie ; but againft the Lawe of God's Nature and Man, and 
 therefore indifpenfable by the Pope, and in no wife availeable ; The 
 faid Pagett (hall fliewe, howe the King's Highnes hath don therein 
 as much as becommeth a Criftian Prince to doe for Difcharge of his 
 Confcience: and hath founde foe certaine, foe evident, foe jnani- 
 feft, foe oppen ar 4 foe approved Trueth therein, as whereunto he 
 ought of Necelh'..y to give place, and to allowe and receive the fame j 
 not as a Matter doubtfuU and difputable, but as a plaine and difcufled 
 Verity, of the true Underflandinge of God's Worde and Lawe, 
 which all Criftian Men muft follow and obey, and to all worldly Re- 
 fpefte preferre and execute. In attaininge the Knowledge whereof, 
 if his Highnes had ufed his owne particular Judgment and Sentence, 
 or the Mind only and Opinion of his own Naturall Subjedls, altho' 
 the fame might in his owne Confcience have fufiiced ; yet his High- 
 nes would not have much repugned, if fome other had made Diffi- 
 culty to afi"ent in the fame, untill further Difcufiion had bin made 
 thereuppon. But now, for as much as befide the King's owne cer- 
 teine Underftandinge, and the Agreement of the whoU Clergie of 
 both Provinces of his Realme, unto the fame ; His Highnes hath 
 alfoe for him the Determinations of the moft Famous Univerfi- 
 ties of Chrijlendom, which be indifferent to pronounce and give 
 Sentence in this his Caufe, and therewithe alfoe the evident 
 Wordes of God's Lawe; his Highnes hath thought himfelf, in 
 Honour and Duty to the Obligation of God's Cominandements, 
 
 obliged
 
 40 8 
 
 A ColkBion Part III. 
 
 obliged neceffarily to imbrace and receive the fame; and there, 
 by the Confent of his Nobles Spirituall and Temporall, and with 
 the finguler Contentation, Rejoice and Comforte, of all his Com- 
 mons and Subjedle. And finally, by the Judgement and Decree of 
 the Archbifhoppe of Canterbury, moft folemply and autentiquely 
 paffed in that Behalf, hath now, for the Difcharge of his owne Con- 
 fcience, which was before mei-veileoufly greived and offended with 
 the Opinion of Inceft Matrimony, and for the avoideinge of ex- 
 treame Dangers of his Succeffion, and the Ruyne of his Realms, 
 which was by reafon thereof imynent and manifeftly apparant to in- 
 fue, divorced and feperated himfelf from the Yoake and Bande of 
 that unlawfuU Marriadge, which was of longe time ufurped and con- 
 tinued betweene his Highnes and the faid Princefle Dowager, and 
 hath efpoufed and maried to his lawfull Wife, the Noble Lady, 
 Dame Anyi Marques of Pembroke, whofe approved and excellent Ver- 
 tues, that is to fay, the Purity of her Life, her conftant Verginity, 
 her maidenly and womanly Pudicity, her Sobernes, her Chaftenes, 
 her Meekenes, her Wifdome, her Difcent of Ancient Right Noble 
 and Highe Parentage, her Education in all good and lawefuU Shewes 
 and Manners, her Aptnes to Procreation of Children, with her 
 other infinite good Qualityes, more to be regarded and efteemed then 
 the only Progeny, be of fuch approved Excellency, as cannot be but 
 moft acceptable unto Almighty God, and deferve his highe Grace 
 and Favour to the fingular Weale and Benefitte of the King's Realme 
 and Subjedts. Albeit in caife any Objedlion fhal be made hereun- 
 to by the faid Princes, or any of their Concill, de Ratione Scan- 
 dal!, by reafon that the King's Highnes hath not obferv'd in all 
 Pointes the common Order and Manner of the Pope's Lawes, the 
 faid Pagett flaall, thereunto replying and anfwering, founde them- 
 felves firft uppon the moft ftedfaft Grounds of Scripture, viz. ^ia 
 jujio Lex ?ion eji pofita; fed ubi Spiritus Dei, ibi Libert as eji: Et Ji 
 Spiritii Dei ducimini, non ejiis fub Lege. Hoc ejl, Spiritus SanSfi 
 & Conjcientice motum fequentes, fub Lege p7'imaque privates cedere 
 debet, 7iequaquain fumiis conflituti. In prohibitis autein Lege Di- 
 'vitid, parendum eji Confcientice, in aliis vera Ecclejice : Et qui Lege 
 privatd ducitur, tiulla ratio exigit ut Lege publica conftringatur. 
 And thereuppon the faid Pagett lliall inferre, that althoughe in the 
 Lawe, every Man's private Confcience be but a private Court, yet 
 it is the Higheft and Supreame Courte for Judgement or Juftice, 
 condempninge or approvinge of Mens Adles and Deedes in the Sight 
 of God; accordinge to the Saying of St. Paide to the Romanes^ 
 Ge?ites qua Legem non habent, fibi ipfis funt Lex ; qui ojiendiint O- 
 pus Legis fcriptum in Cordibus fuis ; fmiul attejla?2te ipforum Confci- 
 entia, ex Cogitationibus eorum, ittter fe aut accufantibus aut excu- 
 fantibus, in eo die quo judicabit Deus occulta hominum. And there- 
 fore the faid Pagett fliall fay, that beinge the King's Highnes faid 
 Caufe fully examined, difcufled, and refolved in his owne Confci- 
 ence ; and being alfo the fame Court of his Confcience inlightened 
 and inftru6ted, firft by the Spirite of God, who poffefTeth and di- 
 redleth the Hartes of Princes, and afterward eftablilhed and confirm- 
 ed by fuch wayes as is before exprefled ; pronounced and declared, 
 i to
 
 Book U, Of Records^ &c. 409 
 
 to be difcharged before God from the Con trade of his faid firft Ma- 
 trimony, and be at Liberty to exercize and injoy the Benefitte of 
 God, for Procreation of Children, and the lawefuU Ufe of Matri- 
 mony, neceffaiy for the Releif of Man's Infirmity. No Man ought 
 to inveigh at this his Doinge, but rather to interpretate the fame in- 
 to the befl Parte, in that that the King's Highnes had more Regarde 
 unto the Weale of his Soul, than to any Ceremonies of Mens Laws, 
 which themfelves decree and ordeine : That noe Man is bounde to 
 obey them, or any other Man's Precept, of what Dignity or Prehemi- 
 nence foever he be, if the fame do fnilitare, contra Deian & Confciejitiam 
 offendat : Pritnum etenim quaretidum eji regnum Dei, &c. Et quid 
 prodeji hujufmodi, ft univerjmn mundum lucretur, animce vero fua de- 
 trimentiim patiatur, &c. f He may alfo further fay, that the King's 
 Highnes knoweth well, tliat Refped is to be had unto the World, and 
 doubteth not but that it is alfoe fufficiently declared and fliowed by 
 his Adtes and Proceedinges, how much he hath laboured and tra- 
 vailed therein ; but fithence that thefe Thinges, althoughe in their 
 outward Vifage be worldly, yet inwardly they touch and concerne 
 the Perill of Soule, noe Man beinge fmceri (S amdidi PcSloris^ 
 cann arrefte any Blame unto the King's Highnes, in that he hath 
 after foe long Travaile, Labour and Studye, with intollerable Cofte 
 and Charges, without any Fruite fufteined in that Behalf, be in- 
 forced and conftreyned rather to followe and accomplifhe the De- 
 termination of his own Confcience, and the Law of the fame, con- 
 fonant and agreeable in this Cafe to the Law of God, and therefore 
 fuperior and excellinge all Lawes of Man, then to indure in per- 
 petuall Sute, and continuall Trouble of Body and Mynde, doeing 
 Injurie to Nature, and incomparable Dammage to his Realme ; not 
 doeing foe much as in him is, to provide for the fame. And to the 
 intente the faid Pagett may with the more Efficacy declare unto the 
 faid Princes, the ungodly and unlawful Demeanours of the Pope, 
 in the whoall Progreife of the King's Highnes faid Caufe, handle- 
 ing his Highnes by the Space of vij Years, and more, in Delayes 
 and Dalliance ; and how for Friendfhip and Juftice, he hath al- 
 wayes miniftred unto him Unldndnefs and notable Injurie : By rea- 
 fon whereof, the King's Highnes hath binn thus conftreined to doe 
 as he hath don : The faid Pagett fliall underftande, how that firfl in 
 tlie Beginninge of his Highnes greate Caufe, his Grace beinge daily 
 inquieted and molefted with the Scruple of Incefl and unlawefull 
 Matrimony, did fend unto the faid Bifliop, as unto him which pre- 
 fumed uppon him the Title and Name of Chrifl's Vicar in Earth j 
 and which had the Keyes of Knowledge and Power, to difcerne 
 the very Worde of Gode from the Worde of Man ; to the intent 
 that he, according to his Office and Duty, fhould have ymediatly 
 diflblved that Doubt and Scruple, which his Highnes in Confcience 
 had before conceived, and {hould have reftored him incontinently to 
 the Qiiietnes and Reft of the fame. Upon which Infynuation, the 
 faid Bifliop of Rotne refufeing to take any Knowledge of the Kings 
 faid Caufe of Matrimony, but would the King fhould take a Com- 
 miffion, and Commiffioners to be fent into this his Grace Realme, to 
 whom the faid Bilhop would give fufficient Authority, to decerne. 
 Vol. III. 5 M knowe,
 
 41 o' A Colkcfion Part III. 
 
 knowe, judge and determyne the faid Caufe ; then pretendinge, that 
 it might in noe wife by the Order of the Lawes be intreated at Rome, 
 but only within the King's owne Realme. And fo he delegated his 
 vvholl Power to the Cardinal Campegiiis, and the Cardinall of Tork. 
 Giveinge alfoe unto them, one other Speciall CommilTion, in Forme 
 of a Decretall: Wherein the faid Bifliop of Roine pronounced and- 
 gave Sentence, that the King's Highnes Matrimony was utterly- 
 riought and unlawfuU ; and that therefore his Highnes might convo- 
 fare ad fecundas Niiptios ; and the Children procreated in the Se- 
 conde Marriadge were lawfull. And in this oppen Commiflion, he" 
 gave alfoe unto the faid Legate full Authority to determyne this Mat- 
 ter, and to give Sentence for the King's Highnes j and yet fecretly 
 he gave them Inftruftions, to bring the faid Commiffion Decretall, 
 and not to proceede by Vertue thereof, or of any other Commiffion, 
 Unto any finall End or Sentence, T3ut to fufpend and put over the 
 fame. And at the Time of Sendinge of the faid Commiffion, he fent 
 alfoe down unto the King's Highnes, a Briefe written with his 
 owne Hande ; wherein he did alfoe approve the JufHce of the King's 
 Caufe, in like maner as he did in his Commiffion Decretall ; and 
 promifed unto the King's Highnes, quam fafiSiiJJime fub "verbo Pontic 
 Jicis, that he would never afterwarde advocate the faide Caufe out of 
 the Realme of Enghnde, but would fuffer it to have the due Courfe 
 and Order of Intreateinge of the fame, within the King's Highnes 
 Realme j which his Sentence and Promife not\vithftanding, yet the 
 faid Bifliop of Rome^ contrary to his own Confcience and Know- 
 ledge, what was the very Trueth and Juftice in the King's Highnes 
 Caufe ; and to the intente he might moleft and trouble the fame, 
 decreed out fundry Citations, whereby he would needes inforce the 
 King's Highnes to appeare at Rojne in his own Perfon, to the Sub- 
 verfion of him, his Dignity, and the Privileges of his Realme ; or 
 clfe to conftreine him in the Exhibition of a Proxie there : The Ini- 
 quity of both which Things, is fo evident and notable, ut nulla 
 rerum facie defendi qucat. For it is a common Principle of the 
 Lawe, ^ioties aiitem citatus ex Pn'vilegio, vel aliqua alia Materia, 
 in voce exprejfa, 'venire nan teneattir, in eo cafu nee tenetur aliquam 
 ftii copiatnfacere, neque Se, jieqiie Prociiratorem fifiere. It is alfo no- 
 torious, that the Liberties and Prerogatives of the King's Realme, to 
 the Obfervation whereof he is bounde by his Oath at his Corona- 
 tion ; and that alfoe the Priviledges of Princes, beinge publique Per- 
 fons, befides other great and urgent Caufes, doe neceffarily let the 
 King's Perfon to appeare at Rome, and lawefully defendeth and excu- 
 feth his Abfence from thence. And befides all this, that his Highnes 
 ought not to be cited to Rome ; it is enacted by the Holy Councilles 
 of Nice, of Affrique, and of Meleintan ; and it is agreeable alfoe to 
 all Lawes, Reafon and Equity, that Kings fhould not be compelled 
 ' to repair to Rottie at the Pope's Callinge, ne be bounden in a Matter 
 
 of fo highe Weight and Confcquence as this is, to fende out of their 
 Realmes and Dominions, their Writeinges, Inflrumentes, and Muni- 
 mentes, contcyneinge the Secretyes of their Affaires, or to make 
 and trufl a Prodtor in foe farr diflant Parts, and in a Matter of 
 
 fuch
 
 Book IT. Of Records^ &c. ai^l 
 
 fuch Gravity and Importance, to abide and fuUfill that which the 
 faid Prodlor fliall agree unto there. And hereunto the laid Pagett 
 may adde, howe this Matter toucheth the Dignity of all Chriftian 
 Princes very highly, to fufFer themfelves to be fo yoaked with the 
 faid Bifliop's Authority. And that it is Tyme for Princes, nowe 
 that the fame BiHiop maketh this Enterprife uppon them, to inferche 
 and knowe the Grounde and Bottome of his and their Authorities. 
 For what and the Pope would cite and call all Chriftian Princes to 
 appeare before him at Rome ; that is to fay, to caufe them to aban- 
 don and forfake their owne Realmes, and negleft the Cure and Office 
 committed unto them by God, and to anfwere tliere upon fuch Mat-, 
 ters, as the Pope fliould for his Pleafure objed: againft them ? E(]et. 
 quidetn illud durum ; fed tameii Ji vellet Pontifex, hcec pojj'et facere, 
 qua etenim ratione iimwi coijJlri7ige7-e ; omfies ctlatn Reges cogcre pof- 
 Jet : And fo it fliould be always in the Pope's Authority and Liber- 
 ty, to remove and depofe what Kings it plealed him from his Crowne, 
 and- to rule and govern all Kingdomes after his own Arbitre and Plea- 
 fiire : One other notable Iniquity, is alfo in that the Pope by his 
 Citation would needs enforce the Kinges Highnes to appear at Ro}?ic ; 
 forafmuch as Rome is by all Laws a Place Unlawful, yea, and there- 
 to mofi: fufpedl and unfore, not only for the Kings Highnes owne 
 Perfon, being the Principale Parte, but alfoe for the Perfon of his 
 Proftor, if he fliould fend any fuch thither ; and efpecially for the 
 felf Caufe to be intreated there : Now it is a Principle in the Lawe, 
 quod citando ad locum no7i tutiun & precedeiido I?jdex facit i?iique 
 quia kgibus id probibe7Jtibus 7iec7i07i a7ttiquijji77iis co7ifdiis Gf Po;^/' 
 R.077ianorum deji77itio7iibm repugna7itibui id facit tiOTi folum i7iique fed 
 etiam 7iuUiter facit : And yet further, the Pope not fatisfied with 
 thefe Injuries and Wronges don unto his Highnes, yea, and to Juftice 
 it felf, in Manner as is above rehearfed; but being then, and at 
 fuch Tyme as the faid Citations were publiflied, Refident at Rot7ie, 
 One Doftor Ker7ie, the Kinges Subjed: underftandinge how his 
 Highnes was called there to appeare to one Cappifucchi Deane of the 
 Rota, to make Anfwer unto the Princes Dowagers Complainte, and 
 exhibiting Reafonable Caufes, and Lawful Matters Excufatory why 
 his Grace fliould not be hound either to appeare at Rot7ie, or to fende 
 a Procflor thither ; which Things he did as the Kinges Subjedt, and 
 as one who by Law of Nature is bounden to Defende his Kinge and 
 Sovereigne Lord ; and by all Laws admitted to alledge that in De- 
 fence of him tliat is Abfent, which in Equity ought to preferve him 
 from Condemnacion ; yet this notwithftandinge the faid Cappi- 
 fucchi, idqiie app7-oba7ite Po7itifice, not regardinge nor confideringe 
 the Matters foe by the faid Doftor Ker7ie alleadged, but demaunding 
 whether he had any Proxie from the Kinges Highnes for fuch Pur- 
 pofe or noe ; the faid Cappificcki, for Default of fuch Proxie, 
 (which was not necelTary in this Cafe) rejecfted the faid Docflor 
 Ke7'ne from the Office of an Excufator there, and proceeded in the 
 Principall Caufe : by Reafon whereof the faid Doftor Ke7-7ie appelled 
 to the Pope alleadginge Injurie to be don not only to the Kings High- 
 nes, but alfoe unto himfelf, for that fuch Matter as he (havinge In- 
 terefle in) did alleadge M^as not confidered nor regarded, but Proccffe 
 
 made
 
 412 A ColkBion Part III. 
 
 made notwithftanding, to which Appellation the faid Cappifucchi 
 gave an ambiguous and doubtful Anfwer, promifeinge afterward to 
 open his faid Anfwere and Sentence more plainely, and to give de- 
 terminate Rofolucions therein, which neverthelefs he would not doe, 
 albeit he was diverfe Tymes required and prefTed thereunto, but foe 
 paffed he the Tyme and fuddenly returned to Proceffe ; whereupon 
 the faid Dodor oftentimes appealed and put upp again a Supplicacion 
 to the Pope for the Admiffion of the faid Appeal, by reafon whereof 
 the faid Matter was reafoned in the Signature ; where althoughe by 
 noe lawe it woud be fhewed why the faid Dodlor Kerne ought not 
 to be admitted to alleage the faid Matters Excufatory in the Defence of 
 the Kinges Highnes ; yet they gave their Voices there as the Pope 
 faide, that Doftor Kerne fhould not be heard without the Kinges 
 Proxie j whereunto when Dr. Kerne replied, fayinge that whatfoever 
 they decreed or faide, yet there was no Lawe to maintayne and bear 
 it : It was anfwered again by the faid Bifhope, called Pope, that he 
 might Judge all Things after his own Confcience. And upon this 
 Refolucion, without any other Decree given, or at leaft notified and 
 declared, they proceeded in the Principal Caufe, intendinge by this 
 Injuria and Wronge, to enforce the Kinges Highnes to the Exhibition 
 of a Proxie there to his high Prejudice, and the derogation of the 
 Libertyes and Prerogatives of his Realme, and to the pernicious 
 Example of the like to be done unto other Princes in Tymc comeing. 
 And althoaghe at the fame Time, the Kinges AmbafTadors there 
 Refident, did fliewe unto the Pope the Determinacion of the Univer- 
 fities of Paris and Orleance, with the Opinions and Sentences of the 
 befl and moft Famous Learned Men of Italy and Fraunce, determyn- 
 ing all with one Confent, that thefe the Popes doeings were meere 
 Injuries and Wronges, and contrary to his own Lawes, wherein it 
 is conteined, ^lod Pontifex Romanus non potejl cogere aliquem Princi- 
 pe m Chrijiianiim lit Roma>n veniat, ut in Caufa Matrimonii ibidem 
 refpondeat. Aut in eorum gratiam procuratoretn co?iftituat & 
 quod fubditus cujufcunque Principis poterit fine inandato & Jine Satis- 
 datione ejiifdem abjhicice fine non co?nparentice allagere & quod debeat 
 ad id admitti : quodque propofitis per eiindem jujies Caufis abfencice non 
 poterit contra abfentem Principem idterius procedi. Sed quod omnis 
 talis prGccJJiis fi quis contra eundem faSius fuerat, fit jure ipfo foBo 
 nullus. Yet he continuynge flill in the Difcuflinge and Difputacion 
 of tlie fame Pointes : And perceiveinge well the Kinges Highnes 
 Adverfaries to be in the wronge Parte, did flill neverthelefs rejedle the 
 faid Mr. Kerne from the LawfuU Defence of the Kinges Highnes, and 
 ceafed not to make ProcelTe againft his Grace in the Principall Caufe 
 to the expreffe Wronge and Injurie of his Highnes, and foe continu- 
 ynge flill in accumulateinge from Tyme to Tyme, new Griefes and 
 Injuries againft the Juftice of the Kinges Caufe ; and fending out 
 very flaunderous Griefes againft the Kings Highnes, with diverfe 
 other unfeemeinge and ungodly Demeanors ufed by him and his 
 Minifters in the Dlfcouffe and Doinge of the faid Injuries. Finally 
 to accomplifhe his longe and indurate Malice, he decreed and deter- 
 mined to publiftie out againft the Kings Highnes, the Sentence of 
 Excommunication, and foe the Kings Highnes, being advertifed 
 of the faid Determinacion and Purpofe, and mynding to ufe his 
 
 lawefuU
 
 Book II. Of Records^ &c. 413 
 
 laAVefull and naturall Defence of Provocation and Appellation againft 
 the fame. After that his Highnes had foe made Authentiquely his 
 faid Provocation and Appellation from the Pope to the Generall 
 Councell, which fliall be nowe next indidled, and lawefuUy congre- 
 gated ; and alfoe caufed the fmie to be intimated unto the Pope by 
 one of his Subjedls, tlie faid Pope vi^ould in no wife admitte the 
 lame, G? deferre hiijufmodum Appellacioni, but pretendinge, for his 
 Defence a certeine Bull made by Pope P//«, and that he was Supe- 
 rior to all Generall Counf\iles, did moft Arrogantly and contempte- 
 oufly rejedl the Kinges Highnes faid Appellacions, alleadging the 
 fame to be nought ; and they were Heretiques and Traytors to his 
 Perfon, which would Appeal from him to any Generall Counfell, or 
 would attempt to doe any Thinge whereby his Authority fliould be 
 feene to be Inferior unto the Authority of Generall Counfells. 
 
 The Iniquity of all which Thinges beinge thus opened unto the 
 faid Princes, and fett forth by the laid Pagett, with the beft Per- 
 fwafions he can devife for that Purpofe, he Ihall further lliewe unto 
 the fame, tliat thence it is now evidently feene that the faid Bilhop 
 of Rome for the Defence of his own corrupt Affeftions of Glorie and 
 Ambition, regardeth not what Injurie he doth to Chriftian Princes, 
 yea, and to abufe and fubjedt fo much as in him is, not only contrary 
 to the Trueth, but alfoe to the due Order both of God and Man's 
 Lawes, flieweinge himfelf therein rather to be the Child of Wrath 
 and Difcorde, then the Imitator and Follower of Chrift; It Ihall 
 nowe apperteine unto the Cffice of every good Chriftian Prince on 
 tother fide, to have more Spirituall Regarde to the Prefervation of 
 their one Eftate and Dignity, and the Maintenance of Gods Lawes, 
 then they have had in Times pall. And to ftudy nowe by all Means 
 rather to confounde and deftroy thefe Prefumptions of Men, which 
 forge themfelves fuch a Throne and Power as foundeth greatly to 
 the Blafphemy of Chrift and his very Spoufe the Church, then to 
 fuffer the fame any further to encreafe. 
 
 And forafmuch as the Kinges Highnes not only for want of Juftice 
 in his faid Caufe at the Popes Hande, but alfo for the Defence of 
 thofe extreme Injuries, which the laid Pope hath enforced unto 
 him and the Juftice of his Caufe, and for the Maintenance of his 
 Eftate Royal, with the Lawes and Privileges of his Realme, con- 
 forme and agreeable to the Lawe of God, is nowe utterly determined, 
 havinge God and his Word upon his Party, to refift and withftand 
 the faid Bifliops malicious Attempts and reduce the faid Popes Power, 
 Ad jiijlos & legitimos viediocritatis fiice modos, fo as within this his 
 Highnes Realme, he Ihall not be fuffered to exercife any other 
 Power and Jurifdiftion, then is granted unto him by exprefle Scrip- 
 ture. The faid Fagett fliall fliewe unto the faid Princes ; that the 
 Kinges Highnes truftinge not a litde to their greate Vertue, Wifdome, 
 and Ould Amity hath commaunded him not only to open and de- 
 clare unto the faid Princes the wholl Circumftances of all the Pre- 
 milTes, and of what Mynd and Difpoficion the Kings Highnes is 
 nowe towarde the faid Pope, and the Court of Rotne : But allbe to 
 exhorte and inftantly to require the fame on the Kings Highnes Be- 
 half, that it fliall pleafe them to adhere and fticke with the Kings 
 
 Vol. III. 5 N , Highnes
 
 414 
 
 A ColleBion Part III. 
 
 Highnes in his faid righteous Caufe to the repaire of die faid Injuries 
 at fuch Tyme as the fame Ihall be intreated in the General Counfell. 
 And in the mean Seafon to give unto his Highnes their AfTiftance and 
 beft Advice how he fliall proceede to the Accomplifliment of his de- 
 fired Purpofes, according to fuch Articles, as be written in a certaine 
 Scedule and be delivered unto the faid Paget^ and figned with the 
 Kings Highnes Hand, which he fhall alfo exhibite and fhewe unto 
 the faid Princes ; and to every of them, as by his Wifdome he fhall 
 perceive may be moft Beneficiall unto the Kinges Highnes Affaires : 
 and to require alfo the faid Princes and Potentates, that in Cafe there 
 be any Articles, Caufes, or Matters in thofe Parties touchinge any 
 Abufes, Evil Cuftomes, or Opinions, which for the Common- Wealth 
 of Chrijiendom, and the Maintenance of Gods Worde the faid Prince 
 and Potentate, or any of them, Ihall think neceffary and requifite to 
 be reformed and redreffed, the faid Paget fhall fay that the Kinges 
 Mynde and full Determynacion is, his Highnes beinge advertifed of 
 the Specialties of the fame, either by the Letters of the faid Paget, 
 or otherwife by Letters of the fame Princes ; or by the Meffengers, 
 Servants, or Orators of them, or any of them, will not faile, but like 
 as the fame his Highnes at this Time declareth his Griefes, and de- 
 fireth their Afliftance in this his Suit and righteous Caufes and Quar- 
 rels, even fo likewife his Highnes will not only right thankfully and 
 kindly admitte the fame Caufes, to his moft favourable Audience j 
 but alfoe will with all Effe<fle and Sincerity to him poffible, indeavour 
 himfelf both to the Exturpacion and Puttinge away of the faid 
 Abufes and Evil Cuftomes foundinge againft Gods Worde and Lawes, 
 and alfo further doe that Thing that may lye in him for Reforma- 
 cion thereof, and Eftablifhinge the good Intentes and Purpofes of 
 the faid Princes, as moft fpecially may be for the Maintenance of 
 Gods Word, the Faith of Chrift, and Wealth of Chrijlendome, like 
 as unto the Office of a very Chriftian Prince, and the Perfedtnes of 
 Amity and Friendlliip contracSted betweene his Highnes and the faid 
 Princes fliall apperteine. Finallie, for as much as it is doubtfull of 
 what Minde, Intention, and Purpofe, the faid Princes be or at leaft 
 fome of them, that is to witte, whither they be foe dedicated to the 
 Popes Devocion, that there is no likelihood of any good Succefs 
 touchinge the Kings Purpofes to be don or gotten at their Hande, 
 the faid Paget fhall Firft and before the deliveringe of the Kings faid 
 Letters to any of the faid Princes, and Declaracion of this his Charge 
 by all Dexterity, Wayes and Meanes to him poffible infearch, in- 
 quire, and knowe the Difpolicion and Inclinacion of the faid Prince, 
 and of every of them feverally, and foe thereafter accordinge to their 
 Wifdomes and Difcretions to deliver or retaine the Kings faid Let- 
 ters, with Declaracions or without Declaracions of their faid Charge, 
 as to their Wifdomes fliall be thought moft neceffary and requifite 
 for atchieveinge of the Kings Highnes Purpofes in this Behalf. 
 
 Henry R. 
 Number
 
 Book II. Of Records^ Sec. 415 
 
 Number 31. 
 
 Propojttions to the King s Counfell ; marked in fame Places ' 
 
 on the Mar girl ifi Ki?ig HenryV own Hand. 1533. , i 
 
 yln Original. ' 
 
 FYrfte to fende for all the Bifliops of this Realme, and fpecyallle CotmUhary < 
 
 for fuche as be nereft unto the Courte ; and to examyne them ^''°^- ^- ^- I 
 
 aparte, whether they, by the Law of God, can prove and juftefie, " ' i 
 
 that he that now is called the Pope of Rome is above the General} ; 
 Counfell, or the Generall Counfell above him ? Or whether he hathe 
 
 gyven unto him by the Law of God, any more Auftoryte within i 
 
 the Realme, than any other Foreign Bifhop ? ! 
 
 2. Item, To defire, with all the Bifhops of this Realm, to fet forth, i 
 preach, and caufe to be preached to the King's People, that the faid 
 
 Bifliop of Rome, called the Pope, is not in AucSoryte above the Ge- 
 nerall Counfelle, but the Generall Counfell is above him, and all Bi- 
 fhops. And that he hath not, by God's Lawe, any more Jurifdic- \ 
 tion within this Realme, than any other Foreign Bifhop (being of j 
 any other Realm) hathe. And that fuch Auftoryte as he before ! 
 this hathe ufurped within this Realme, is both againft Godes Law, i 
 and alfo againft the Generall Counfells. Which Ufurpations of Auc- ! 
 torite, onelie hath grown to him, by the Sufferance of Princes of | 
 this Realme, and by none Aucloryte from God. \ 
 
 3. Item, Therefore that Order be taken, for fuche as fhall preach 
 
 at Paul's Crofs from henceforthe, fhall contynually from Sunday to i 
 
 Sunday preach there, and alfo teache and declare to the People, that j 
 
 he that now calleth himfelf Pope, nor any of his PredecefTours, is, \ 
 
 and were but only the Bifhops of Roine ; and hath no more Audio- I 
 
 rite and Jurifdicflion, by Godes Lawe, within this Realme, than any j 
 
 other Foreign Bifliop hath ; which is nothing at all. And that fuch \ 
 
 Audloryte as he hathe claymed heretofore, hath been onlie by Ufur- | 
 
 pation and Sufferaunce of Prynces of this Realme. And that the j 
 Bifhop of London may be bounde to fuffer none other to preach at 
 
 PauPs Crofs, as he will anfwer, but fuch as will preach, and fet ! 
 
 forth the fame. ] 
 
 4. Item, That all the Bifhops within this Realme, be bound and j 
 ordered in the fame wife, and to caufe the fame to be preached tho- i 
 rough out all their Dioces. ' 
 
 5. Item, That a fpecyall Praftife be made, and a flreight Com- 
 
 mandement gyven to all Provyncyalls, Miniflers, and Rulers of all i 
 
 the Foure Orders of Friers within this Realme ; commanding them ■ 
 
 to caufe the fame to be preached by all the Preachers of their Religi- j 
 
 ons, in and thorough the hole Realme. I 
 
 6. Item, To praftife with all the Friers obfer\'ants of this Realme, i 
 and to commande them to preach in lyke wife j or elles that they I 
 
 may -;
 
 4i6 
 
 A ColkEiion Part III. 
 
 may be flayed, and not fuffered to preach in no Place of the 
 Realme. 
 
 7. Item^ That every Abbote, Pryor, and other Heddes of Reli- 
 gious Houfes within this Realme, fhall in like manner teche theire 
 Convents and Brethren, to teach and declare the fame. 
 
 8. Item, That every Bifliop ftiall make fpecyall Commandements 
 ,to every Parfon, Vicare and Curate, within his Dyoces, to preach 
 
 and declare to theyr Parochians in lyke wife. 
 
 9. Item, Proclamations to be made thorough out the Realme, con- 
 teyning the hole Afte of Appeles : And that the fame Ad:e may be 
 impreffed, tranfumed, and fet up on every Church Dore in Etiglafidi 
 to the Intent, that no Parfon, Vycar, Curate, nor any other of the 
 King's Subjefts, fhall make therrifelfs ignorant thereof. 
 
 10. Item, The King's Provocation and Appellations, made from 
 the Bifliop of Ro?ne unto the Generall Counfell, may alfo be tran- 
 fumed, impreffed, publifhed and fet up on every Church Dore in 
 ILngland ; to the Intent, that if any Cenfures fliould be fulmynate 
 againfl the King or his Realm, that then it may appear to all the 
 World that the Cenfures be of none Effedle ; confidering that the 
 King hathe already, and alfo before any Cenfures promulged, bothe 
 provoked and Appeled. 
 
 11. Ite7n, Like Tranfumpts to be made, and fent into all other 
 Realmes and Domynyons, and fpecyally into FloTiders, concerning 
 the King's faide Provocations and Appellations ; to the intente the 
 Falfliode, Iniquite, Malice and Injuftice of the Bifliop o^ Rome, may 
 thereby appere to all the World : And alio to the intent that all 
 the World may know, that the King's Highnes flanding under thofe 
 Appeles, no Cenfures can prevayle, nor take any Effedte againft him 
 and his Realme. 
 
 Not yet done, 12. Ite}n, A Letter to be conce3r\'ed from all the Nobles, as well 
 ne can. well be Spirituall as Temporall, of this Realme, unto the Bifliop of Rome, 
 the"^Parlia-'^ declaring the Wrongs, Injuries and Ufurpations, ufed againfl the King's 
 ment. Highnes and this Realme. 
 
 For to fend 13- Item, To fend Exploratours and Efpies into Scotlatid; and 
 Letters to my to fee and pcrccyve their Pradlifes, and what they intend there ; and 
 ^"'lord'of whether they will confeder themfelfs with any other outwarde 
 
 Norfolk, and PryUCC. 
 
 Sit T. Clifford. j^_ Item, Certen difcrete and grave Perfons, to be appointed to 
 
 repair into the Partes of Germany, to pradlife and conclude fome 
 
 Lege or Amyte with the Prince and Potentats of Gcrtnany ; that is to 
 
 In the King's lay^ the King of Pole, King Jolm of Hungary, the Duke of Saxo- 
 
 Arbitrement. ^^^^ ^j^^ Duke of Bavyere, Duke Frederyke, the Landegrave Van 
 
 HeJJe, the Bifliop of Magons, the Bifliop of Treucrs, the Bifliop of 
 
 Coleyn, and other the Potentats of Gennafiy ; and alfo to enferch, of 
 
 what Inclination the faid Prynces and Potentats be of, towards the 
 
 King and his Realme. 
 
 To know this 15, IteiH, Like Pradlife to be made and practifed witli the Cyties 
 
 of the King. q£ Luheke, Danjke, Hamburgh, Brnnfwyke, and all other the Stedes 
 
 of the Hannje I'litonick ; and to enfcrche of what Inclination they 
 
 be towards the King, and this Realme. 
 
 16. Item,
 
 Book II. Of Records^ &c. 417 
 
 16. Item^ Lyke Praftife to be made and pra6lifed, with the Cities 
 of Norimbergh and Aughsbrough. 
 
 1 7. Item, To remember the Marchiants Adventurers haunting the This is airea- 
 Domynyons of Braband, and to fpeke with them. ^ 
 
 .18. Item, To fet Order and Eftablifhment of the Princes Dowa- 7a£ °''''" '* 
 ger's Houfe with all Celerity, and alfo of my Lady Marys 
 Houfe. • 
 
 ig. Item, A full Concullion and Determination, to be taken for The Orders 
 my Lady Princes Houfe. 
 
 Number 32. 
 By the King, 
 
 A L,etter againjl the Pope s Authority^ aftd his FolIowe?'Sy 
 Jetting forth their Treafo?Js, 
 
 An Original, 
 
 H E N R Y i?. 
 
 TRufty and right Welbeloved, We grete you well. And wher C»//o« Library 
 as heretofore, as ye know, both upon moil: juft and vertu- ^^"f- ^- ^■ 
 oufe Fundations, grownded upon the Lawes of Almighty God and 
 Holly Scripture, and alfo by the deliberate Advice, Confultationj 
 Confent and Agreement, as well of the Bifliops and Clergie, as by 
 the Nobles and Comons Temporall of this our Realme, affembled in 
 our High Court of Parliament, and by Aucftoritie of the fame, the 
 Abufes of the Bifliop of Rome his Auftoritie and Jurifdidlion, of 
 longe time ufurped againft us, have been not only utterly extirped, 
 abolifhed and fecluded ; but alfo the fame our Nobles and Comons, 
 both of the Clergie and Temporaltie, by another feverall A6le and 
 upon like Fundation for the publique Weale of this our Realme, 
 have united, knyt and annexed to us and the Corone Imperiall of 
 this our Realme, the Title, Dignitie and Stile of Supreme Hed in 
 Earthe, Immediatly under God, of the Church of England, as un- 
 doubtedly evermore we have been. Which Things alfo the faid 
 Biiliops and Clergie, particularly in their Convocations, have holly 
 and entierly confented, recognifed, ratified, confermed and approved 
 autentiquely in Writing, both by their Speciall Othes, Profeflion 
 and Wiyting, under their Signes and Scales. So utterly renoun- 
 cyng all other Othes, Obedience and Jurifdi6lion, either of the faid 
 Bifliop of Rome, or of any other Potentate, we late you witt, that 
 perpendyng and confideryng the Charge and CommifTion in this Be- 
 half geven unto us by Almighty God, together with the great Qui- 
 VoL. HI. 5 O etneSj
 
 41 8 
 
 A ColleBion Part III. 
 
 etnes, Reft and Tranquillite, that hereby may enfue to our faithful 
 Subjedls, both in their Confciences, and other wife to the Pleafure of 
 Almighty God, in cafe the faid Bifliops and Clergie of this our 
 Realme, fhould fincerely, truly and faithfully fett forth, declare and 
 preach unto our faid Subjefts, the very true Word of God, and 
 without all maner or culor of Diffimulation, Hipocriiie, manifeft, 
 publiflie and declare, the great and innumerable Enormities and A- 
 bufes, which the faid Bifhop of Rome, as well in Title and Stile, as 
 alfo in Auftoritie and Jurifdiftion, of long Tyme unlawfully and 
 injuftly hath ufurped upon Us, our Progenitors, and all other 
 Chriften Princes ; have not only addreffed our Letters Generall to all 
 and every the fame Bifhops, ftraitly chargyng and commanding 
 them, not only in their proper Perfons, to declare, teach and preach 
 unto the People, the true, mere, and fincere Word of God : And 
 how the faid Title, Stile, and Jurifdidlion of Supreme Hed, apper- 
 teyneth unto Us, our Corone and Dignitle Royall. And to gyve 
 like Warnyng, Monition and Charge, to all Abbots, Priors, Deanes, 
 Arche Deacons, Provofts, Parfons, Vicars, Curats, Scole Mafters, 
 and all other Ecclefiaftical Perfons within their Dioces, to do the 
 Semblable, in their Churches, every Su7iday and Solem Feaft, and 
 alfo in their Scoles ; and to caufe all maner of Prayers, Orifons, Ru- 
 brics and Canons in Mafle Books, and all other Books ufed in 
 Churches, wherin the faid Bifhop is named, utterly to be abolifhed, 
 cradicat, and rafed out in fuch wife, as the faid Billiop of Rome, his 
 Name and Memorie for evermore, (except to his Contumelly and 
 Reproche) may be extinft, fuppreffed and obfcured: But alfo to the 
 Juftices of our Peas, that they, in every Place within the Precint 
 of their Commiflions, do make and caufe to be made diligent Serche 
 wayfe and efpecially, whether the faid Bifhops and Clergie do truly 
 and fincerly, without any Maner, Cloke or DifTimulation, execute 
 and accomplifh their faid Charge to them commytted in this Behalf; 
 and to fatisfie Us and our Councill, of fuch of them that fhould 
 omytt or leave undone any Parte of the PremifTes, or elles in the 
 Execution therof, fliould coldely, fainedly ufe any maner of fyni- 
 fter Addition, Interpretation or Cloke, as more plainly is exprefled in 
 our faid Letters. We confidering the great Good and Furderaunce, 
 that ye may do in thefe Matters in the Parts about you, and ipeci- 
 ally at your being at Sifes and Sefhons ; in the Declaration of the 
 PremifTes, have thought it good, neceffary and expedient, to write 
 thefe our Letters unto you ; whom we efteem to be of fuch fingu- 
 ler Zeale and AfFedlion towards the Glory of Almighty God, and of 
 fo faithfull and loving Harte towards us, as ye woU not only, with 
 all your Wifdome, Diligences and Labours, accomplifh all fuch 
 Things, as might be to the Preferment and fetting forward of Godes 
 Worde, and the Amplification, Defence and Maintenance of our 
 faid Interefts, Right, Title, Stile, Jurifdidlion and Audloritie, apper- 
 teyning unto Us, our Dignitie, Prerogative, and Corone Imperial] 
 of this our Realme, woU and defire you, and nevertheles ftraitely chai-ge 
 and command you, that laying aparte all vain AfFeftions, Refpedls, 
 and Carnal Confiderations ; and fetting before your Eyes the Mirror 
 of Truth, the Glorie of Godj the Right and Dignitie of your Sove- 
 
 raigne '
 
 Book II. Of Records^ &c. 419 
 
 raigne Lord ; thus tending to the ineftlmable Unitie and Commoditer 
 both of your felf, and all other our Loving and Faithfull Subjedls, 
 ye do not only make diligent fearch within the Precindl of your 
 Commiffion and Audioritie, whether the faid Bifliops and Clergie 
 doe truly, fincerely as before, Preach and Teach, and declare to the 
 People the PremifTes, according to their Duties, but alfo at your faid 
 fetting in Sifes and Seflions ye do perfuade, fhewe, and declare unto 
 the fame People the Tenor, Effedt, and Purpofe of the PremifTes in 
 fuch wife, as the faid Bifliops, and Clergie, may the better, not only 
 do therby, and execute their faid Dueties, but that alfo the Parents, 
 and Rulers of Families, may declare, teach, and informe their Chil- 
 dren and Servants in the Specialties of the fame, to the utter extir- 
 pacion of the faid Bifliops ufurped Authority, Name, and Jurifdidtion j 
 for ever fhewyng and declarying alfo to the People at your faid 
 SefHons the Treafons trayteroufly commytted againfl us and our 
 Lawes, by the late Bifhop of Rochejlre, and Sir 'Thomas Moore, 
 Knight, who thereby, and by diverfe Secrete Pradlifes of their mali- 
 cioufe Mynds againfl us intended, to femynate, engender, and brede 
 amongs our People and Subjedls, mofl mifchievous and fedicloufe 
 Opynyon, not only to their own Confufion, but alfo of divers others 
 who lately have condignely fuffered Execucion according to their 
 Demerites, and in fuch wife dilating the fame with Perfuacions 
 to the fame our People, as they may be the better fixed, efta- 
 bliflied, and fatisfied in the Truth, and confequendy, that all 
 our Faythflill and true Subjedts may therby detefl and abhore 
 in their Harts and Deeds, the mofl recreant and traiteroufe 
 Abufes, and Behaveours of the faid Malicioufe Malefactors as 
 they be nioft Worthy, and fynding any Defaulte, Negligence, or 
 Difiimulacion in any manner of Perfon, or Perfons, not doyng his Due- 
 tie in this Partie, ye immediately doe advertife us and our Counfel of 
 the Defaulte, Manner, and Facion of the fame, lating you witt, 
 that confidering the greate Moment, Weight, and Importance of this 
 Matter, as wherupon dependeth the Unity, Refl, and Quietnes of 
 this our Realme, yf ye fhould contrary to your Dueties, and our 
 Expectations, and Trufl, negleft, be flake, or omytte to doe dili- 
 gently your Dueties in the true Performance and Execucion of our 
 Mynde, Pleafure, and Commandment as before, or wold halte or 
 ftumble at any Perfon, or Specialtie of the fame, be ye affured that 
 we, like a Prince of Juflice, well fo punifh and corredl your Defaulte 
 and Negligence thereyn, as it fhall be an Example to all othei's, how 
 contrary to their AUegeance, Othes and Dueties, they do fruflrate 
 and deceive, and difobey the jufl and lawful! Commandment of their 
 Soveraign Lord, in fuch Things as by the true Hartie and Faithfull 
 Execucion whereof, they fhall not only prefer the Honour and 
 Glory of God, and fett forth the Majefly and Imperial! Dignitle of 
 their Soveraign Lord, but allfo importe and bring an ineflimable 
 Unitie, Concorde, and Tranquillitie of the Publique, and Common 
 State of this Realme : whereunto both by the Lawes of God and 
 Nature and Man, they be utterly obliged and bounden, and there- 
 fore fail ye not mofl efFeclually, erneflly, and entierly to fee the 
 PremifTes done and executed upon Paine of your AUegeance ; and as 
 
 yc
 
 420 A Colk&ion Part III. 
 
 ye woll advoyde our High Indignacion and Difpleafure, at your 
 uttermoft Perills : Given under our Signet at our Manor befids 
 Wejiminjier, the xxvth Day of Jiaie. 
 
 Number 33. 
 
 By the King^ 
 
 A Procla?nation agaiftjl Seditious Preachers. 
 
 Henry viiith. 
 
 ^Z"}t'r "R ^g^t 'TxxxiiY and Well-beloved Coufyn, we grete you well, and 
 xV where it is commen to our Knowledge that fundry Perfons as 
 well Religious, as Secular Priefls and Curats in their Parifhes, and 
 divers Places within this our Realme, do dailly afmuch as in them 
 is, fett forthe and extolle the Jurifdidion and Auftoritie of the Bi-- 
 fhop of Rome, otherwife called Pope, fowyng their Sedicioufe, Pet- 
 tylent, and Falfe Do<Sryne, praying for him in the Pulpyt, and 
 makyng him a God, to the great Deceyte, illudyng and feducyng 
 of our Subjedls, bryngyng them into Errors, Sedicion, and Evil 
 Opynyons, more preferryng the Powers, Lawes, and Jurifdidtion of 
 the faid Bifliop of Rome, then the moft Holly Lawes and Precepts 
 of Almighty God. We therefore myndyng not only to provide for 
 an Unitie and Quietnes, to be had and contynued amongs our faid 
 Subjedls, but alfo covetyng and defyryng them to be brought to a 
 ProfefTion and Knowledge of the mere Verity and Truth, and no 
 longer to be feduced, nor blynded with any fuch Superfticioufe and 
 Falfe Doftryne of any Earthly- Ufurper of Gods Lawes, Woll there- 
 fore and Command you, that wher and whenfoever ye fhall fynde, 
 perceive, know, or here tell of any fuch Sedicious Perfonnes, that 
 in fuch wife do fpreade, teach, or preach, or otherwife fett forth 
 any fuch Opynyons and Pernicioufe Dodliyne, to the Exaltacion of 
 the Power of the Bifhop of Rome ; brynging therby our Subjed:s in- 
 to Error, Grudge, and Murmurracion, indelaydly do apprehend 
 and take them, or caufe them to be apprehended and taken, and fb 
 committed to Warde, there to remayne without Bayl or Maynprize, 
 untyll upon your Advertifement thereof unto us, or our Council, ye 
 fhall know our further Pleafure in that Behalfe : Given under our 
 Signet, at our Manor of Grenewich the xii Day oi April. 
 
 Number
 
 Book II. Of Records^ Sec. 421 
 
 Number 34. 
 
 ^ Letter of the Archbijljop of YorkV, fetthig forth hi^ 
 Zeal 171 the King s Service^ and againft the Popes 
 Authority. 
 
 PLeafe it youre Highnes to underflande, that the vinth Daye cS^f^'T^ 
 of Jiine^ I received by the Hands of Sir Fraficife Bygott, your P.' 236. 
 mofle Honorable Letters ; by tenor whereof I perceive, that your 
 Highnes is enformed, and fo doth take it, that wher as the fame your 
 Highnes, as well by Convocations of your Clergies of both Provinces, 
 as by your Highe Courte of Parliament is declared the Suppreme Hed 
 in Yerthe of the Church of England, and alfo by the Clergie of the 
 faid Convocations, it is avowed, that the Bifliop of Rome by Gods 
 Lawe hathe no more Jurifdidlion within this Realme than any other 
 Foreign Bifliope ; and therefore ordre taken by your Highe Courte of 
 Parliament, by the Confent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and 
 the Commens in the fame affembled, as well for the Unitynge and 
 Knitteng of your fayde Style and Title of Suppreme Hed to your Im- 
 periall Crowne, as for the Abolilhement of the faide Bilhope of Rome's 
 Autoritie and Jurifdiftion, yet I neverthelefs, nodre remembring my 
 Confent given to the fame, by my Subfcription and Profeffion, figned 
 with my Hande, and fealed with my Scale, have not done my dewe 
 Endevorment to teache the fame, nor caufe to be taught within my 
 Diocefe and Province ; fo that the forefaid Truths myght be imprint- 
 ed and rooted in the Harts of the Ignorant People your Highnes 
 Subjedls, wherefore your Highnes commandeth me, not onelie to 
 Preache the forfaide Things in my Perfon, and alfo to commande 
 others to Preache the fame, but alfo to give Commandment in your 
 Highnes Name, to all maner of Prelates and Eccleliaflical Perfons 
 within my Diocefe and Province, to declare and caufe to be declared 
 everie Sunday ; and therwith to open to the People your Highnes 
 jufl and raylonable Caufe, moveing the fame to refufe and to exclude 
 out of your Realm all the Jurifdlcflion and Autoritie of the faid 
 Bifhop of Rome ; and ferthermore your Highnes commandeth me to 
 caufe all CoUedts and Places of the Mafle-Booke, wher anie mention 
 is made of the faide Bifhope of Rome to be ral'ed out, and nodre the 
 fayd CoUedls, nor any other Thing, wherbie the faid Bifliops Auto- 
 ritie is magnified, to be had anie more in Ufe, but to be utterlie fup- 
 prefTed with Silence ; and befides this, your Highnes in the fame 
 your moft honorable Letters, giveth order for Scole-Mafters, how 
 they fhall inftill and inculke the forfaid Trueths into the Harts of 
 theyre Difciples, to the intent, that fo beeing enplanted and rooted 
 in tender Aige, they may fo allwaies continue. In mofte humble 
 Maner proftrate, I befeech your Highnes to take in good Parte my 
 Anfwer. I truft your Highnes is not unremembred, that about this 
 Tyme the laft Year, anoune after my Return from your Highnes, ' 
 Vol. in. 5P my
 
 ^2% -^ Collection Part III. 
 
 my Lord of Canterburie by your Commandment fent to me a Booke, 
 wherein was an Order for Preachinge, and in the fame Forme de- 
 vifed, as well for Preachers as Curats, for the Beads ; in which Forme, 
 your Highnes Style and Title of Suppreme Hedde is mentioned, and 
 ferther in the fame Booke, your Highnes hath given Commandment, 
 that every Preacher fliolde afore Eafter lafl paft ones in folempne 
 Audience declare the ufurped Jurifdidlion within this Realme of the 
 Bifliope of Rome, and your Highnes juft Caufes to decline from 
 the fame ; and alfo to open and declare fuch Things, as myght avowe 
 and juftifie your Highnes refufall of Manage with the Princes Doager, 
 and LawfuU Contradt of now with your moft dear Wife Queen A?mj 
 and in the fame an Order alfo given for the Suppreflion of the Gene- 
 rail Sentence ; After the Recepte of which Booke, the Sunday next 
 following, which was then the Second Sunday after Trt?iitie Sunday^ 
 I went from Cawood to Tork, and ther in my own Perfon, declared 
 as well your Highnes Caufe touchinge the Matrimonie, as alfo your 
 Refufall of the Popes Jurifdidlion, furnifhinge both fo at leangth> 
 that I truft that nothing that needed to be opened and fpoken, was 
 left unfpoken : And to the Intent, that I wolde have the Thing the 
 more fpred abrode, I forthwith upon the Recepte of the forfaide 
 Booke, fent to Tork to publifhe ther, that I wolde be ther Sundaye 
 followinge, and cawfed the Churches to make an Order of theyre 
 Service in fuche Tyme, as everie Man myght have oportunities to 
 be at tlie Sermon, and fpeciallie required the Mayer and his Bre- 
 therne, and your FaithfuU Chaplaine and Servants, Mr. Magnus^ 
 and Sir George Laiafon to be ther, and ther and than afore a great 
 Multitude, and as it is to be fuppofed in that Multitude werr a 
 great number of fundry Parts of the Contree, which never lack in 
 that Citie, it may be thought ther was the greater number, becaufe 
 it was noyfed that I fholde Preache, takenge occalion of thees Words 
 in the Gofpell of that Daye, Uxorem duxi ideo non pojfiim venire^ 
 fo I uttered, explained, declared, and opened both the forfaide Mat- 
 ters, and the Injuries doon to your Highnes by the Bifhope of Rome 
 Clement, that your faide Chapleyne and Servants, Mr. Magt2us and 
 Sir George Lawfon, thought that the Audience was fatisfied. Thefe 
 ij bee my Witnefle hearin, with a very great Multitude befides them, 
 that I nothinge fayne hearin. As for your Highnes Title of Supreme 
 Hedy I touched not than, for fomutche, as no order v/as given than, 
 but onlie to meke mention therof in the Prayors ; and it is well known 
 to all that have herde me Preache ever lins my firft commynge into 
 my Diocefe, that for more fpeed of Tyme, and more utteraince of 
 Mater, I never have made Prayours in any Sermbnd, but proceded 
 forward without Hope, nor have anie Thinge, or not muche, reher- 
 fed in Latin, but Englijh it in courfe, for the fame Purpofe. Alfo 
 opon the Recept of the fame Booke, furthwith I commanded my 
 Officers and others that coulde Write, to make out a great Number 
 of the faide Books, and caufe to be delivered to everie Preacher with- 
 in my Dyocefe a hole Booke, chargenge them, to doe accordins; to 
 the Inftruftion therof, and generallie everie Curate a Booke com- 
 prifenge as muche as touched theyre Charge, and if he were a Prea- 
 cher, he had the hole. And I aflured your Highnes, I have not yet 
 
 herde.
 
 Book II. Of Records^ Sec. 423 
 
 herde, but that every one of the faid Curats foloweth theyre Books 
 in everie Poynte ; and fpeciallie praye for your Highnes as Chief 
 Hedde of the Church, and all other Things obferve in the fame ; and 
 yet I have done my Diligence to herken and know if it were other- 
 w^ife. And I doe not know but all the Preachers have done theyre 
 Duetie ; and to the great Number of them I fpake my felfe, 
 and delivered them Books, and charged them. And ferther, I charg- 
 ed all Curats and others, that they fliolde fuffer no Man to preache 
 in theyr Churches ; to the intent, that all that would preache, 
 fliould be conftrained to come to me, that I might deliver them the 
 forfaid Inflrudlions. And never yet anie had Licence of me to 
 preache, but he had fijche a Book delivered hym. To eveiy Houfe 
 of Fryars, and other Religioufe Houfes, wher anie Preachers werr, 
 I gave Books ; and likewies to all that I knewe or coulde learne 
 to be within my Dyocefe, with Charge that they fholde folow the 
 Booke. When anie Religioufe Men came to me for Counfell, I told 
 them what I had done, and gave them Counfell to doe the fame. 
 Of divers Sorts have come to me, both Obfervants and Cartufians, 
 and others. Opon Good Fry day e laft paft, I charged the Treafurer 
 of Torke^ that he fholde leave out the Colled: pro Papa. Lykewies 
 I charged the Deacon that Ibnge the Hyme Exultet ATigelica, in the 
 Halowinge of the Pafchall, that he fliolde leave out mention therin 
 made de Papa. The Trueth of all thefe Things may be examined 
 and known, if it Ihall fo pleafe your Highnes : By wiche it fliall 
 appear, I truft, that I ame not in fuche Blafme as your Highnes im- 
 putethe to me ; enformed by them, peradventure, that be not my 
 Friends. Your Highnes fomewhat knoweth me. I have been all- 
 wayes open and plain, and hidreto I dare avowe I never deceived 
 you, nor herafter fliall in any Thing that I take upon me, as my 
 Lernynge and Confcience woll ferve. And now, after the Receipte 
 of your moft Honorable Letters by Sir Francis Bygott, I forthwith 
 caufed Letters to be made to my Lord of Durejme and Carlijle, and 
 to all Archedeacons, gevinge to them (on your Highnes behalf) 
 ftreight Commandement, to follow truelie and fyncerlie theffefte of 
 fuche Commandements, as your Highnes hath given me in your 
 moft Honourable Letters ; and have charged all Archedeacons to 
 fee, that all Things, according to the Tenor of your faide moft 
 Honorable Commandment, bee done without Delaye ; and have 
 charged them to deliver Books to all Curats and others, of the olde 
 Inftrudlions, putting to them all that is nowe encreafed in thefe 
 your Highnes laft moft Honorable Letters : So that I truft, all 
 Things Ihall bee ' done according to your Highnes Commandment, 
 with all Speed, Efficacie and Diligence, wherunto I fliall hearken. 
 And for my Parte, I have (on Sunday laft paft, which next follow- 
 ed the Receipte of your Highnes moft Honorable Letters) declared 
 all Things comprifed in the fame ; fo that, I truft, the Audience 
 was fatisfied. I caufed the Citie to be warned afore, and diverfe of 
 the Contree were prefent. And your faythfuU Chapleigne and Ser- 
 vants, Mr. Magnus and Sir George Laiofon, I fpecially required to be 
 ther J as in deed they werr, and reaport what they think therof. 
 
 Ther
 
 424 ^ Colkciion Part III. 
 
 Ther werr alfo prefent the Abbot of Saindle Maries of Yorke^ the 
 Treaforer of Yorke, Sir Francis Bygotf ; thefe werr there, your Ser- 
 vants and Chapleignes, and many others. I trufl your Highnes fhall 
 never fynde in me, but that I promife, I fliall fulfill, and all Things 
 doe w^ith good Hafte, that I may doe, at your Highnes Commande- 
 ment, God not offended. And moft humblie proftrate, I befeche 
 your Highnes to be fo gracioufe, good Lord, not to beleive any 
 Compkynts of me, afore you have herd my Anfwer. The Tyme 
 is now fuche, that fome Men think they doo highe Sacrifice, whan 
 they may bring into your Highnes Difpleafure, fuch a poor Priefl 
 as I am : But I trufl in our Lorde, that your Highnes doth not foe 
 take it, and that our Lorde woU continewe your Highnes gracioufe 
 Mynde towards your poore Preefls and Chapleignes ; and that he 
 fliall fende to them, that cawfleflie provoke the grevoufe Difplea- 
 fure of your Highnes againfl: our faide Preefls, better Grace here- 
 after. For which, and for the continuall Keeping of your Highnes 
 in his Governaunce, I fhall, as I am moft bounde, continuallie praye. 
 From Bipops-Thorpe, the xivth of June 1535. 
 
 Your Highnes mofl humble 
 
 Preefl and Beadman, 
 
 Edwarde Ebor, 
 
 Number 35. 
 
 A Letter of CromweH'j to the King s Ambajjador in 
 France, full of Expoflulatiojis. 
 
 SIR, Augufl tbe 23/. 
 
 Ex MS. A Fter my mofl Hertie Recommendations, thefe fhall be to adver- 
 Rymeri. f\ tife you. That the 1 7th Day of this Moneth I receyved 
 from you a Packet of Letters, which indelayedlie I delyvred unto 
 the King's Highnes, and conferred with his Grace. Theffedle both 
 of your Letters, and all others within the faide Packet, being di- 
 redled afwell to his Highnes as me. And after his Highnes had 
 with me perufed the hole Contents thoroughlie of your faide Let- 
 ters, perceyving not onelie the lykelyhood of the not Repairee in- 
 to Fraiince of Philip Melanchthon, but alfo your Communications 
 had with the FreJiJJj King, upon your Demaunde made of the King's 
 Highnes Fenciom, with alfo your difcrete Anfwers and Replications 
 made in that behalf j for the which his Majeflee gyveth unto you 
 
 his
 
 Book II. Of Records^ Sec, 42,^ 
 
 his Hertie and Condigne Thanks. Ye fliall underftande, that his 
 Highnes commaunded me to make you Anfwer in this wife folowing. 
 Firil, as touching the King's Money, his Highnes doubtith not, but 
 feeing both the Fre?ich King, and alfo the Crete Mayfter, have pro- 
 mifed you it fhall be depeched ; ye will, as the Cafe fhall requyre, 
 not ceafe to call uppon them till it be depeched. And ferther con- 
 fidering, that the faid French King, upon youre faide Demaunde of 
 the faide Penfions, fo fodaynelye fell into Communication with you, 
 afwell of his Frendefhip and Humanyte fliewed to the King's High- 
 nes ; alledging, that He at all tymes hathe anfwered for the King's 
 Highnes, fpecially being laft at Marcelh with Pope Clement, with 
 other Thyngs, as in your faide Letters appereth. As alfo concern- 
 yng the Executions lately done here within this Realme, the King's 
 Highnes not a litde mervaileth thereat, and thinketh it good, that 
 as of your felf ye take fome Occafion at convenyent Tyme and O- 
 pertunyte to Renovate the faide Communication, both with the 
 Fretich King, or at the leeft with the Crete Maifler ; faying unto 
 them, that where the faide French King alledgeth, that he hathe at 
 all tymes anfwered for the Kyng's Highnes in his Caufe ; and fpecially 
 to the faid Pope Clement at Marcells ; affirmyng his Procedyngs to 
 be Juft and Upright concernyng the Matrymony, as ye do wryte in 
 that. Albeit the King's Highnes Proceedings, in all his Affaires 
 within this Realme, being of fuch Equyte and Juftnes of them- 
 felf as they be, nedeth not any Defence or Afliflence agenft Pcpe 
 Clement, or any other Foreyn Power, having Goddes Worde and 
 Lawes only fufficient to defende him ; Yet in that that the faide 
 French Kyng hathe, as he fayeth, anfwered at all Tymes on the 
 King's Parte, he hathe don nothing but the Parte of a Brother, in 
 Juftefieng and Verefyeng the Trueth ; and fo continuyng, fhall do 
 as apperteyneth to a Prynce of Honour, which the King's Highnes 
 doubtith not he hath, and will doe only in Refpedle to the Veiyte 
 and Trewth, befid the Amyte betwixt them both juftlye requyryng 
 the fame. And concerning thexecutions don within this Realme, 
 ye fhall fey to the faide French Kyng, that the fame were not fo mar- 
 velous extreme, as he alledgeth. For, touching Mr. More., and the 
 Bifliop of Rocheftrr, with fuche others as were executed here, their 
 Treafons, Confpiracies and Pradtifes fecretely pradlifyd, afwell with- 
 in the Realme as without, to move and flyrre Dilcenfion, and to 
 fowe fedicyon within the Realme, intending thereby not onelye the 
 Diftrudlion of the Kyng, but alfo the whole Subverfion of his High- 
 nes Realme, being explained and declared, and fo manifeflly proved 
 afore them, that they could not avoyde nor denye it : And they 
 thereof openly dete<S:ed, and lawfully conviiled, adjudged and con- 
 dempned of High Treafon, by the due Order of the Lawes of this 
 Realme, it fhall and may well appere to all the Worlde, that they 
 having fuch Malice roted in their Herts r.genft their Prynce and So- 
 vereigne, and the totall Diftrudion of the Comen VVeale of this 
 Realme, were well woerthie, if they had had a Thoufand Lyves, to 
 have fuffered ten tymes a more terrible Deth and Execution then 
 any of them did fuffer. And touching fuche Wordes as the faide 
 Vol. IIL 5 Q^ French
 
 42.6 
 
 A Collection Part III. 
 
 French King fpake unto you, concerning how Mr. More dyed, and 
 what he faide to his Daughter going to his Judgement, and alfo what 
 Exhortations he ihould gyve unto the Kyng's Subjedls, to be trew 
 and obedient to his Grace ; alluring you that there laas no fiich 
 Thing, whereof the Crete Mafter promyfed you a Double at length: 
 in that the King's Pleafure is, that ye fliall not onelie procure the 
 faid Double, and fende it hither, but alfo fey unto the faide French 
 King, that the King's Highnes cannot otherwife take it but verye 
 unkyndly, that the faide French King, or any of his Counfaile, at 
 whofe Hands he hathe fo moche meryted, and to whom he hathe 
 mynyftered fo many Crete Benefits, Pleafures and Commodytees, 
 fhoulde fo lightly gyve Eare, Faith and Credence to any fuch vayne 
 Brutes and fleeng Tales ; not havyng firft Knowlege or Advertife- 
 ment from the King's Highnes here, and his Counfaile, of the Veryte 
 and Trewth ; affirming it to be the Ofiice of a Freinde, hering 
 any fuche Tales of fo Noble a Prynce, rather to have compreffed the 
 Bruters thereof to Sylence, or at the leeft not permitted to have dy- 
 vulged the fame, untill fuch Tyme as the King's Majeflee being fo 
 dere a Frende had ben advertefed thereof, and the Trewth knowen, 
 before he fhoulde fo lightly beleve or alledge any fuche Reporte. 
 Which ino-rate and unkynde Demeanure of the faide French King, 
 ' ufed in this Behalf, argueth playnly not to remayn in his Brefl fuch 
 Integryte of Herte, and fyncere Amyte towards the King's Highnes, 
 and his Proceedings, as his Highnes alwayes heretofore hathe ex- 
 pedted and loked for : Which Thing ye may propone and alledge 
 unto the faide French King, and the Crete Mafler, or to one of them, 
 with fuche Modeflie and Sobrenes, as ye thinke they maye perceyve 
 that the King's Highnes hathe Cood and Juft Caufe in this Parte, 
 fomewhat to take their Light Credence unkyndly. And whereas 
 the faide French King fayeth, that touching fuch Lawes as the King's 
 Holynes hathe made, he will not medle withall ; alledging it not to 
 be mete, that one Prynce fhoulde defire another to chaunge his 
 Lawes, fayeing, that his be too olde to be chaunged. To that ye 
 (hall fay. That fuch Lawes as the King's Highnes hath made here, 
 be not made without Subflauncyall Crounds, by Crete and Mature 
 Advife, Counfaile and Deliberation, of the hole Polycie of this 
 Realme, and are in Dede no new Lawes, but of grete Antiquyte, 
 and many Yeres paffed, were made and executed within this Realme, 
 as now they be renovate and renewed onelie in Refpedle to the Co- 
 men Weale of the fame. And it is not a little to his Highnes Mer- 
 vule, that the faide French King ever would counfaile or advife him, 
 if in cafe hereafter any fuch like Offenders fhould happen to be 
 in this Realme, that he fliould rather banyfh them, than in fuch wife 
 execute them. And fpecyallie confidering, that the faide French 
 King himfelf, in Commonyng with you at the Tyme, not only con- 
 feffed the extreme Execucyons and grete Bruyllie, of late don in 
 his Realme, but alfo that he now intendeth to withdraw the fame, 
 and to Revoke and Call Home agayn fuche as be out of his Realme: 
 The King's Highnes, therefore, the more fixaungely taketh his faide 
 Advife and Counfaile, fuppofing it to be neither thoffice of a Frend, 
 
 nor
 
 Book II. Of Records^ &c. 427 
 
 nor of a Brother, that he wold determyn himfelf to call home into 
 his Realme agayne his Subjefts being out of the fame, for fpeking 
 agenfl- the Bifhop of Rome's ufurped Auftorite, and Counfaile the 
 Kings Highnes to banyflie his Traytours into ftraunge Parts, where 
 they myght have good Occafion, Tyme, Place, and Oportunyte to 
 wourke their Feats of Treafon and Confpiracie the better agaynft the 
 Kings Highnes and this his Realme : In whiche Part ye fliall fome- 
 what engreve the Matier after fuche forte as it may well appere to 
 the faide French King, that not only the Kings Highnes might take 
 thofe his Counfailes and Communications, both ftraungely and un- 
 kyndely, thinking the fame not to precede of mere Amyte and 
 Friendlliip, but alfo ufing fuch Polycie and Aufteryte in proponyng 
 the fame with the faid French King, and the Grete Maifter, taking fuch 
 Tyme and Oportunyte as may beft ferve for the fame, as they may 
 well perceyve the Kings Highnes Proceedings here within the Realme, 
 both concerning the faide Execucyons, and all other Things to be 
 onely grounded uppon Juftice and the Equyte of his Lawes, which 
 be no new Lawes, but Auncyet Lawes made and eftablifhed of many 
 Yeres, paffed within this Realme, and now renovate and renewed as 
 it is aforfaide, for the better Order, Weale, and Suretie of the fame. 
 And ye may ferther fay, that if the French King and his Counfaile 
 well confyder, as they ought to do, that it were moch better to ad- 
 vaunce the Punylhment of Traytours and Rebells, for their Offences, 
 then to ponyflie fuch as do fpeke agenft the ufurped Audtoryte of 
 the Bifliop of Rotne, who Daylie goeth about to fuppreife and fubdue 
 Kyngs and Princes, and their Auftoritee gyven to them by Goddes 
 Worde ; all which Matiers the Kinges Pleafure is, that ye fhall take 
 Tyme and Occafion, as ye talkyng agayn with the French King, or 
 the Grete Maifter may declare your Mynd, as before is prefcribed 
 unto you : Adding thereunto fuch Matier, with fuch Reafons, after 
 your accuftomed Dexteryte and Difcreflion, as ye fhall thinke moft 
 Expedient, and to ferve beft for the Kings Purpofe, Defence of his 
 Proceedings, and the Profe of the French Kings Ingratitude, fliewed 
 in this Behalf; not doubting in your Wifdom, good Induftrie, and 
 difcrete Circumfpeftion, for thordering and well-handelling of the 
 fame accordinglie. 
 
 And touching Mcla7ichton, confidering there is no likelehood of 
 his Repayree into Frmince, as I have well perceved by your Letters ; 
 the Kings Highnes therfore hathe appointed Crijiofer Mount, inde- 
 laiedlie to take his Journey where Melanchton is : And if he can, to 
 prevente Mounfieur de Langie in fuche wife, as the faid Melanchton 
 his Repayree into Fraiince, may be ftayed and dyverted into Fngland., 
 not doubting but the fame fhall take Effecle accordinglie. 
 
 And as to Mr. Heynes, the King's Pleafure is, that he fliall go to 
 Parys, there to lerne and diffiphre the Oppynyons of the Lerned 
 Men, and their Inclinations and Affeftions afwell towards the Kyngs 
 Highnes Procedings, as to the Bifliop of Rome his ufurped Power 
 and Auctoryte, after fuch forte as the Kings faide Highnes hathe now 
 wi-ytten to hym, by his Gracious Letters addrelfed both to him, and 
 the faide Crijiofer Mount ; dyrefting them what they fhall do in all 
 Things comytted to their Charge at this Tyme, as I doubt not, 
 
 they
 
 428 
 
 A ColleBion Part III. 
 
 they will put there unto their Devoires for the Accomplifhment of 
 the Kings Pleafure as apperteyneth. And thus makyng an Ende, 
 prayeng you to ufe your Difcreflion in the proponing of the Pre- 
 miffes to the French King, and the Crete Mafter, or the one or both 
 of them, ufing the fame as a Medecyn, and after fuch forte, that as 
 nere as ye can, it be not moch difpleafanntly taken, advertefing the 
 Kings Highnes from Tyme to Tyme of the Succeffes therof ; and of 
 all other Occurraunts as the Cafe fliall require. I fliall for this Tyme 
 bid you moll Hertelie Farewell, ^c. 
 
 Thornebery the 23d Day oi Auguji. 
 
 Number 36. 
 
 1136 Engagement fent over by the French King, to King 
 Henry, promijing that he would adhere to him, in con- 
 dejnning his Firjl, and in jujiifying his Second Marriage. 
 
 Faper-Oj^ce. l^Rancifcus Dei Gratia Francorum Rex Chriftianiflimus, omnibus & 
 J/ fingulisprefentesLedluris&Auditurisfalutem. Non honoris folum 
 noftri, verum etiam officii & pietatis ratio illud a nobis efflagitat, ut 
 non modo fortunas, fed etiam fidem, Autoritatem, gratiam, & lludium 
 omne noftrum adhibeamus, ne cum amici longe chariffimi, & de nobis 
 optime meriti, injuria juftitia etiam & Veritas negligantur. Hinc eft quod 
 cum Sereniffimus & Innidlifl". Princeps Henricus Dei Gratia Anglias 
 Rex, Fidei Defenfor, Dominus Hibernias, & Secundum Deum, Supre- 
 mum in Terris Ecclefias Anglicana3 Caput, Chariffimus Frater ac Con- 
 fanguineus & perpetuus Confederatus nofter, vigore cujufdam dif- 
 penfacionis a bonae memoriae Julio papa, illius nominis fecundo, cum 
 nobili Muliere Catherina, preclaras memoriae Ferdinandi & Elifabeth 
 Hifpaniarum Regum, Filia, ac preclarae memoriae Illuftris Principis Ar- 
 thuri, didli ferenifT. Regis Henrici Fratris Naturalis & Legitimi, relidla, 
 Matrimonium olim de fadlo contraxerit, & ex eadem in eodem pre- 
 tenfo Matrimonio, Filiam adhuc fuperftitem Mariam nomine fufce- 
 perit, cumque idem Sereniffimus Rex didli incefti Matrimonii confci- 
 entia motus a prefata Domina Catherina diverterit, ac juftiffimis gra- 
 viffimis que de Caufis, nobis etiam fatis cognitis & perfpedlis, ad id 
 indu6lus, Matrimonium cum Clariffima & Nobiliffima Domina Anna 
 nunc Angliae Regina, rite, legitime & realiter mierit, contraxerit, & 
 in facie Ecclefiaj Solemnizaverit, & Preclariffimam Dominam Elizabeth 
 Anglias Principem ex eadem & in eodem Matrimonio Procreaverit, 
 & fufceperit, cumq; preterea fuper illius Difpenfationis & Matrimonii 
 viribus ac jufticia, necnon fuper didls Dominse MaricC Legitimitate & 
 natalium defeftu, multcE gravefque queftiones fubortas fuerint, in qui- 
 bus tradandis ac in judicio & veritate difcutiendis, nos bene multis 
 
 Argumentis
 
 Book II. Of Records^ &c. 429 
 
 Argumentis perfpeximus, non earn (quam oportuit) equitatis rationem 
 ab ipfo Pontifice Romano habitam fuifTe; & multa five temporum ini^ 
 quitate five hominum vitio contra omne jus phafque in premifiis & 
 circa ea definita. Voluimus in hac Caufa tarn gravi integerimos quolq; 
 Regni noflri viros, ac non modo in Sacra Theologia Peritifiimos, ve- 
 rum etiam juris Ecclefiaftici Callentiflimos confiilere : quibus etiam 
 Mandavinus ut quid in tota hac Caufa Secundam Deum 6c confcien- 
 tiam fentirent, fideliter nobis referrent atque refponderent. Quoniam 
 his autem habitis prius inter dicftos truditifiimos Viros matura Deli- 
 beratione, diligenti Examinatione, ac longo traftatu, nos ex eorum 
 omnium & fingulorum unanimi fententia & conformi relatione, liqui- 
 do comperimus, invenimus, & plene intelleximus, non folum quod 
 didla difpenfatio fuit & efi: omnino nulla, inefiicax & invalida tam 
 •propter furreptionis & obreptionis vicia, quam propter alias Caufas, 
 maxime vero propter Potefi:atis in difpenfante defedlum, ex eo viz. 
 Quod Matrimonia cum relidtis Fratrum decedentium fine Liberis 
 contradia, fint de jure Naturali & Divino prohibita, nee Romanus 
 Pontifex nee uUa alia humana poteflas pofiit difpenfare, ut ilia aliquo 
 modo legitima fiant aut confifi:ant ; verum etiam quod prefatum Ma- 
 trimonium inter didlum Chariffimum Fratrem noftrum ac prefatam 
 nobilem mulierem dominam Catherinam de fadlo ut prefertur con- 
 tradlum, fuit & eft Inceftum, ac prorfus nullum, ac etiam contra 
 Sacrofanfta Dei percepta, atque adeo contra omnia jura tam Divina 
 quam humana ufurpatum, quodque proinde didla Domina Maria 
 in eodem pretenfo Matrimonio ut prefertur, fufcepta &: proci'eata, ad 
 omnem juris effeftum fpuria & illegitima proles, ac ex illicito & in- 
 cefto coitu genita fuit 6c eft, ficque ab omnibus reputari, cenferi, 6c 
 haberi debuit, ac debeat omnino ; ac etiam quod didlum Matrimo- 
 nium quod idem chariffimus Frater nofter cum. didla clarifiima Do- 
 mina Anna Anglias Regina contraxit, fuit 6c efi: modis omnibus Sa- 
 crofandlum, legitimum 6c validum : quodque didla Illuftris Domina 
 Elifabeth Anglise Princeps ex eodem Matrimonio, fufcepta necnon 
 alia quaecumque proles ex eodem Matrimonio, Divina Bonitate in 
 pofterumfuftipienda, Legitima fuit 6c eft:, eritq; 6c efi"e debet. Acdeniqj 
 cum non folum multi ex ReverendilTimus Romanas fedis Cardinalibus 
 inter quos imprimis fuit Cardinales ille quondam Aucomtanus, verum 
 etiam nuper bonas memoriai Clemens Papa Septimus, ex certa 6c de- 
 liberata Animi fui Sententia, cum nobis ipfis Marfiliae tunc exiftienti- 
 bus, tum alias fsepe Oratoi-ibus noflris tunc Romas agentibus, palam ac 
 viv£B vocis fue oraculo confefilis fit, 6c exprefle declaravit fe fentire, 
 didlam Difpenfationem 6c Matrimonium cum didla domina Catherina 
 contradlum, fuifie 6c eft"e nulla prorfus, 6c de jure invalida, quodque 
 eadem fie fuifi"e 6c efle per fuam fententiam definitinam feu finale 
 decretum, declaraflet, pronunciaflet, 6c definiviflet fi privati quidam 
 affedlus 6c refpedlus humani non obftitifient. Nos igitur Francifcus 
 Francorum Rex antedidlus, ut juftum veritati fuffragium ferentes, 
 fimul 6c iufl:iffimae chariflimi Fratris noft:ri Caufa: patrocinemur, notum 
 facimus 6c in publicam teft:ationem deduci volumus, per prefentes, quod 
 nos primam quidem didlam difpenfationem quae a didlo Julio Secundo 
 ut predicitur emanavit, nuUam prorfus ac minus validam, 6c ex didlis 
 caufis inefficarem irritam 6c inanem fuifie femper, 6c efi^e, deinde ipfum 
 Vol. III. 5 R Matrimonium
 
 43 o A ColleBion Part III. 
 
 Matrimonium quod ejufdem Difpenfationis virtute cum didla doinina 
 Catherina olim de faclo contraftum fuit, inceftuofum, nullum ac 
 omnino illegitimum, ac natural! Juri & Divine contrarium fuifle & 
 efle, ac pro inceftuofo, nuUo minufque legitimo liaberi debere : deni- 
 que didam Dominam Mariam ex eo Matrimonio ut premittitur fuf- 
 ceptam, prorfus illegitimam & ad fuccedendum in Paterna Hereditate 
 prorfus inhabilem fuiffe & effe, & pro tali haberi cenfeiique debere, 
 reputamus, acceptamus, judicamus, afferimus, cenfemus & affirma- 
 mus. Similiter reputamus, acceptamus, judicamus, aflerimus, cenfemus 
 & affirmamus quod Matrimonium illud quod idem Sereniffimus Rex 
 & Chariffimus Frater nofter, cum prefata lUuftrifrima Domina Anna 
 contraxit, fuit & eft modis omnibus Sacrofandum, legitimum 6c va- 
 lidem, £c quod proles ex eodem Matrimonio fufcepta feu fufcipienda, 
 maxime autem didta clariffima Domina Elifabeth nunc Angliae Princeps' 
 ex eifdem ut prefertur procreata, ad omnem juris efFeftum legitima 
 fuit & eft, eritque & effe debet. Qupdque non folum omnia & lingula 
 qua; diftus Sereniffimus Rex &; Chariffimus Frater nofter, pro con- 
 firmando & ftabiliendo hujufmodi Matrimonio fuo quod cum prjefata 
 Illuftrifilma Domina Anna Anglise Regina contraxit, necnon predidlas 
 Dominse Elifabeth Filiae fux, ac aliorum liberorum qui ex hoc Matri- 
 monio procreabuntur, Legitima & Hereditaria in Regnum fuum Suc- 
 ceffione, ftatuit, ordinavit, aut promulgavit, juftiffimis fundamentis 
 innitantur 6c fubfiftant, verum etiam quod omnia 6c lingula Senten- 
 tis, cenfurs, decreta, alii quicumque proceffus 6c judicia contra prae- 
 miffa, ac eorum occafione per bonae memoriae Clementem nuper Pon- 
 tilicem Romanum, aut alium quemcunque Judicem, five aliam Auto- 
 ritatem quamcunque fada, edita aut promulgata, aut impofterum 
 edenda, ferenda, facienda five promulganda, fint ipfo jure nulla, ir- 
 rita, injufta 6c iniqua, ac pro talibus haberi, reputari, adjudicari, 6c 
 cenferi debere certo credimus, conftanter atteftamur, cenfemus, affe- 
 rimus, 6c affirmamus per prefentes. Promittimus infuper in fide ac 
 verbo Regie, ac fub Hypotheca omnium bonorum noftrorum Patri- 
 monialium 6c fifcalium, necnon bonorum fubditorum noftrorum, etiam 
 in forma cOntradus Garenticii Paratam Executionem habentis, obli- 
 gamus nos, Heredes 6c Succeffores noftros, difto Sereniflimo Henrico 
 Chariffimo Fratri noftro, Heredibus 6c Succefforibus fuis, quod nos 
 hanc Animi noftri Sententiam, 6c Judicium, quod fuper Praemiffis nos 
 habere vere 6c ex Animo Declaravimus, femper 6c ubique locorum, 
 maxime autem in omnibus 6c fingulis futuris Synodis, aut Conciliis 
 generalibus, 6c coram quibufcunque Judicibus, necnon apud 6c con- 
 tra omnes Homines; quicunque eidem Sententi^ noftrae quacunque 
 ratione adverfabuntur, cujufcunque Autoritatis, pre-cminencias aut 
 Dignitatis, etiam fi Supremae fuerint, per nos ac noftros fubditos quof- 
 cumque, tam in Judicio quse extra, manutenebimus propugnabimus, ac 
 fi opus fuerit, etiam manu forti defendemu3, ac pro viribus juftifica- 
 bimus : nee uUo unquam modo aut tempore impofterum publice aut 
 occulte, diredle aut indiredle, eidem Sententiae noftrae contraveniemus : 
 nee quicquam unquam attemptabimus, moliemur, aut faciemus, nee 
 ab aliis impofterum cujufcunque Autoritatis fuerint, fieri aut attemp- 
 tari quantum in nobis eft, permittenius, quod in irritationem, enerva- 
 
 tionem
 
 Book II. Of Records, &c. 431 
 
 tionem, prejudicium, aut in contrarium huic noftrje SententiiE cedat, 
 aut cedere poffit quovifmodo. In cujus Rei Teftimonium &c. 
 
 Marked on the Back, thus : 
 
 Injlrument of Francys the Firft, King of France, whereby he juftU 
 fetb the Manage of King Henry the NWlth with ^icen Anne, 
 and dedareth the Invalidity of the former with ^ Catherin, not- 
 withjia}idi}ig the Pope's Difpenfation, 
 
 In another Place, on the Back, and with another Ancienter Hand, 
 (I believe, Cromweir%) 
 
 An Injlrument devifed from the French King, for his Jujiif cation 
 and Defence of the Invalidity of the King's Highnes Fyrjl Ma- 
 nage, and the Validyte of the Seconde. 
 
 Number 2,7' 
 
 CranmerV Letter to Cromwell ; pcjiifyif^g himfelf^ upon 
 fojm Complaints 77iade by Gardiner. 
 
 An Ongi?tal. 
 
 Right Worfhipful, in my mofte hartie wife I commend me unto 
 you, moft hartely thankyng you, for that you have fignified 
 unto me by my Chapleyn Mafter Champion, the Complaynte of the 
 Bifhope of Wynchcjler unto the King's Highnes, in two Thyngs 
 concernyng my Vifitation. The one is, that in my Stile I am writ- 
 ten Totius Anglice Primas, to the Derogation and Prejudice of the 
 King's Highe Power and Authoritie, beyng Supreme Hedde of the 
 Church. The other is, That his Dioces (not paft five Yeres agon) 
 was vifited by my PredecelTor, and mufte from hensfurthe paye the 
 Tenth Parte of the Spiritualties, accordyng to the Afte gx-anted in 
 the laft Seffion of this Parliament ; wherfore he thinketh, that his 
 Dioces fliuld not be charged with my Vifitation at this Tyme. 
 Fyrfte, as concernyng my Stile, wherin I am named Totius Anglic 
 Primas. I fuppofe, that to make his Caufe good, (which els in dede 
 were nawghte) he doth myxe it with the Kyng's Caufe, (as ye 
 knowe tlie Man lacketh neither Lernyng in the Lawe, neither witty 
 Invention, ne Crafte to fett furth his Matiers to the beft) that he 
 myght appere not to maynteyne his own Caufe, but the King's ; 
 agaynil whofe Highnes, he knoweth right well, that I may mayn- 
 teyne no Caufe ; but gyve place, and lay both my Caufe and Self 
 at my Prince's Feet. But to be playne, what I think of the Bi- 
 (liope of Wi?ichejler, I cannot perfuade with my felf, that he fb 
 
 much
 
 432. 
 
 A ColleEfion Part III. 
 
 much tendereth the King's Caufe, as he dothe his own, that I 
 fliuld not vilite him : And that appereth by the very Tyme. For 
 if he caft no farther, but the Defence of the Kyng's Grace's Autho- 
 ritie, or if he entended that at all, why moved he not the Matier, 
 before he receyved my Monytion for my Vifitation ; whiche was 
 within Four Myles of WtJicheJler delyvered unto hym the 24th Day 
 of April laft, as he came up to the Court ? Moreover, I do not a 
 litle marvalle why he Hiuld now fynde Faute, rather than he did be- 
 fore, whan he took the Bifhop of Rome as Cheff Hedd : For though 
 the Bifliopc of Rotne was taken for Supreme Hedd, notwithftanding 
 that, he had a great Nombre of Primates under hym ; and by hav- 
 ing his Primates under hym, his Supreme Authoritie was not lefs 
 efteemed, but much the more. Why then may not the Kyng's 
 Highnes, beyng Supreme Hedde, have Primates under hym, with- 
 out any Dymynyfliing, but with the Augmentyng of his faid Su- 
 preme Authoritie. And of this I doubt not at all, but that the Bi- 
 fhope of Winchejler knoweth as well as any Man lyving, that in 
 cafe this faid Stile, or Tyde, had byn in any Poynt Impedment or 
 Hinderance to the Bifliop of Rome\ ufurped Authority, it would not 
 have fo long ben unreformed as it hath byn. For I doubt not, but 
 all the Bifliopes of Etigland, would ever gladly have hadd the Arch- 
 bifhop's both Authoritie, and the Title taken away, that they 
 myght have byn equall together ; which well appereth by the many 
 Contentions agaynft the Archbifhops, for Jurifdidlion, in the Courte 
 of Rome ; which had ben eafily brought to pafs, if the Bifhops of 
 Rome had thought the Archbifliopes Titles and Stiles to be any Der- 
 rogation to their Supreme Authority. All this notwithflandyng, yf 
 the Bifhops of tliis Realme paffe no more of their Names, Stiles and 
 Titles, than I do of myn ; the Kyng's Highnes fliall fone order the 
 Matter between us all. And if I faw tliat my Stile were agaynll: 
 the Kyng's Authoritie (wherunto I am fpecially fworne) I would 
 few my felf unto his Grace, that I myghte leave it ; and fo wolde 
 have don before this Tyme. For, I pray God never be mercifull 
 unto me at the Generall Judgement, if I percey\'e in my Hert, that 
 I fett more by any Tide, Name, or Stile that I write, than I do by 
 the Paryng of an Apple, farther than it fliall be to the fettyng 
 furthe of God's Worde and Will. Yet I will not utterly exxufe me 
 herin, for God muft be Judge, who knoweth the Botome of my 
 Harte, and fo do not I my felf : But I fpeake forfomuch as I do fele 
 in my Harte, for many evill Affedtions lye lurkyng ther, and will 
 not lighdy be efpied. But yet I would not gladly leave any Jufte 
 Thyng, at the Pleafure and Sute of the Bifhop of Winchejler, he 
 beyng none otherwife affedlionate unto me, than he is. Even at the 
 Begynyng furfl of Chrift's Profeflion, Diotrcphes defyred gerere 
 Trimatiim in Ecckjia, as faith St. John in his laft Epiftell. And 
 fyns, he hath had more SuccefTours than all the Apoftles hadd, of 
 whom have come all theis Glorious Tides, Stiles, and Pom_pes into 
 the Churche. But I would, that I, and all my Brethren the Bi- 
 fliopes, wold leave all our Stiles, and write the Stile of our Offices, 
 callyng our felves Apojlolos Jefu Chrifli : So that we toke not upon 
 KS the Name vaynly, but were fo even in dede ; fo that we myghte 
 
 ordre
 
 Book III. Of Records^ &c. 433 
 
 ordre our Dioces in fuche Sorte, that neither Paper, Parchemente, 
 Leade nor Wexe, but the verie Chriftian Converfation of the Peo- 
 ple, myght be the Letters and Seales of our Offices, as the Corbithi- 
 a?is were unto Paule, to whome he faid, Literce Jiojira, & Sig?ia 
 Apojloiatus 7ioJiri vos ejiis. 
 
 Now for the Seconde ; where the Bifhope of Winchejler allegeth 
 the Vilitation of my PredecefTour, and the Tenth Parte now to be 
 paid to the Kyng. Truth it is, that my Prediceffour vilited the 
 Dioces of Wynchejler, after the DecefTe of my Lord Cardynall, as 
 he did all other Dioces [Sede vacant e ;) but els I thynke it was not 
 vifited by none of my Predeceflburs this Forty Yeres. And notwith- 
 ftandyng that, he hymfelf not confidering thair Charges, at that 
 Tyme charged them with an newe Vifitation, within leffe than Half 
 a Yere after ; and that agaynft all F^ighte, as Dodlour Incent hath 
 reported to my Chancellour, the Clergie at that Tyme paying to the 
 Kyng Half of their Benefices in five Yeres, whiche is the Tenth 
 Parte every Yere, as they paid before, and have paid fyns, and fliall 
 pay flill for ever by the lafte Ade. But I am verie gladde, that he 
 hath now fome Companion of his Dioces, although at that Tyme 
 he had verie fmale, whan he did vifite them the fame Yere that my 
 PredecefTour did vifite. And alfo other Bifliops, whos Courfe is to 
 viiite this Yere, kepe thair Vifitation, (where I did vifite the lafte 
 Yere) notwithftanding the Tenth Parte to be paid to tlie Kyng's 
 Grace. Howbeit I do not fo in Wy77cheJ}er Dioces, for it is now the 
 Third Yere fyns that Dioces was vifited by any Man, fo that he hath 
 the lefte Caufe to complayne of any Bifhop, for it is longer fyns his 
 Dioces was vifited than the other. Therefore where he layeth to 
 aggravate the Matter, the Charge of the late Adle graunted, it is no 
 more agaynfte me, than agaynft all other Bifhops that do vifit this 
 Yere, nor makyth no more agaynft me this Yere, than it made 
 agaynft me the lafte Yere, and ftiall do every Yere hereafter. For 
 if ther were true Men in Accomptyng and Paying the Kyng's Sub- 
 fidie, they are no more charged by this newe Adle, than they were 
 for the Space of Ten Yeres paft, and fliall be charged ever here- 
 after. And thus to conclude, Yf my faide Lorde of Wynchejler% 
 Objections fliuld be allowed this Yere, he myght (by fuch Argu- 
 ments) both ditallowe al Maner of Vilitations that hath be down 
 thes Ten Yeres paft, and that ever fhall be don hereafter. Now 
 I pray you, good Maifter Secretary, of your Advice, Whither I 
 fhall nede to writte unto the Kyng's Highnes herin. And thus our 
 Lorde have you evqr in his Prefervation. At Otteforde, the xiith 
 Daye of Maye. 
 
 Your own ever afTured 
 
 Thomas Cantuar\ 
 
 Vol. in. 5S Number
 
 434 ^ ColkSfion Part III. 
 
 Number 38. 
 
 A Letter of BarlowV to Cromwell, complaining of the 
 Bipop a?id Clergy of St. David'x. 
 
 CottonUhnry TJLcafeth your Good Mafterfhip, with Compaffion to advertife th6 
 eJeof. E. 4. j^ Complaynt and unfayned Peticions of your Humble Oratour, 
 P. 107. (Jifquietly vexed without Caufe or any pretenced Occafion, motioned 
 of your faid Oratour's Parte : Whereas the Queen, of her Graci- 
 oufe Bounte, advouched me not unworthy the Priorfliip of Haver- 
 ford fVeJf, under her Grace's Foundation, fyns the Tyme of my 
 ther continuall Refidence ; Confideryng the hungry Famyne of 
 heryng the Word of God, and defolate Scarcete of true Preachers, 
 I have endeveryd my felf, with no fmall Bodily Dainger againfl 
 Antichrift, and all his Confede;nt Adherents, fincerely to preach the 
 Gofpell of Chrift ; whofe Verite, as it is invincible, fo it is incef- 
 
 lantly affailted of faithlcs falfc Pcrvcrtcnsj by Reafon wherof, they 
 
 which of Dutie ought to fortifie me in Mayntenyng the Truth, ma- 
 licioufly have conceiv'd a malevolent Mynde, caufles to maligne 
 againft me in fuch wife, that I was forced (from their Tyranny) to 
 appele unto tlie Kyng his Honourable Councills ; as plainly appe- 
 rith by the untrue, furmifed Articles, falfely contrived by the Black 
 Freer of Haverford Wejl ; which thoughe I prefented to your Ma- 
 fterfhip, as the A<S of his onely doing, yet was it the Mayntenans 
 of the Bifhop, and his ungoftly Spirituall Officers ; which is evident 
 by the Reward of the Bifliop to the Freer, at his departyng allfo by 
 his Letters diredled to Mr. Dean of the Arches, and to Dodlor 
 Huys, diligently to foUicite that I myght be fupprelTed in my juft 
 Matter : And where they fithe perceive that (Praife be to God) 
 under the Favour of your righteoufe Equite, they cannot prevaile 
 againft me as they willfully would, yet ceafe they not wrongfully 
 to vex fuch as pcrtayne to me, troblyng them with Tyranny for my 
 Sake, no fuch Tyranny deferving. As, where of late I fent a Ser- 
 vant Home about certain Bufines ; immediatly after his Comyng, the 
 Bifhop's Officers afcited hym to Apperance, ranfacking his Houfe, 
 forced him to deliver fuch Books as he had ; that is to fay, an B^ng- 
 lijhe Teftament, the Expofition of the vth and vitli Chapters of Mat- 
 theiv, the Tenn Commandments, and the Epiftle of Saynte yohn j 
 violently with holding them with vehement Reproches, and clamo- 
 roufe Exclamations againft Heretikes : As if to have the Teftament 
 in EtigliJJo were horrible Herefie, to no litle difmaying and ferefull 
 Difcomfort of the fincere Favorers of God's Word. Moreover, they 
 charged in the Kyng's Name, the Maire of I'ynby, in payne of 
 Fyve Hundreth Markes, to put in Warde the faid Poore Man, his 
 Wift^, and a certain Honeft Widdowe of inculpable Fame, with 
 whom they were at hoft, laying certen Articles to their Charge 
 which they never thought nor fpake, and after moft fliamefull Ru- 
 mors rayfed upp to their Dyffamation, with flanderoufe Wonder- 
 ment
 
 Book III. Of Records^ Sec. 43^ 
 
 ment of the Towne, all crayfty Means affayed to bryns; in falfe 
 Witnes, when no Accufer would appear openly ; as a true^Certiiicat 
 under the Towns Seal, largely doth teftify ; the above mency- 
 oned Officers without any Charitable Satisfaction to the faid Parties 
 wrongfully Imprifoned, badd the Maire do with them as he lifted ; 
 and fo thens departyng made their advaunt in Places where they 
 came of their valyant Adles againft Hereticks, meaning thereby the 
 Favourers of Chrifts Gofpell : In Confideration wherof, it may 
 pleafe your Singular Goodnes to provide a Redrefs, that from the 
 Terrour of fuch Tyrannes, the Kings FaythfuU Subjedis, your porre 
 Oratoures maye peaceably live according to Gods Lawes, without 
 any fuche unchriften Empefchment, and combrofe Vexations. 
 
 Furthermore unfayndly to ailertain your Maifterfliip in what 
 perilous Cafe greatly lamentable the Kings FaithfuU Subjedts, the 
 poore Refiahs in the Dioces of Saynt David^ your Suppliant Ora- 
 tours are miferably ordered under the Clergy, requireth a farre larger 
 ProcefTe then here maye conveniently be comprifed : For though 
 We have femblaly to other Diocefes, in outwarde Audtorite and ex- 
 terior Ceremonies a Bifhope, a Suffrigan, Archdeacons, Deanes, 
 
 Cominiflaries, and other Biflioplikc OfTiccrs, intltlcd with Spirituall 
 
 Names ; alfo a multitude of Mounks, Cannons, Freers, and Secular 
 Priftes, yet among them all, fo many in Number, and in fo large 
 a Dioces, is there not one that fincerely Preacheth Gods Word, nor 
 fcarce any that hartely favorith hit, but all utter Enemys ther againfl, 
 whofe ftubborne Refiftence cannot lail without fro ward Rebellion 
 againft the Kings Gracioufe Adtes eftabliHied upon the Verite of Gods 
 Word. And concerning the enormous Vices, the fradulent Ex- 
 adlions, the myfordered Lyving, and Heathyn Idolatry, fhame- 
 fully fupported under the Clergies Jurifdidion ; which by fe- 
 quele of theyr blynd willful Ignorance, do confequently follow, 
 no Dioces, I fuppofe, more corrupted, nor fo far out of Frame, with- 
 out hope of Reformacion, except your Lordfhip fhall fee a Redrefle, 
 in whom under the Kyngs Grace, the Truft of all thofe that meane 
 well onely confiftyth. Fynally theyr abufed Fafhiones at length 
 to difcover at your Commandment ; I ihall be ready with fuch cer- 
 tente of Truth, that no Advirfary fhall be able to make contrary 
 Denyall ; which fo performed, it may then pleafe your good Mafter- 
 fhipe to licence me to departe, under the lawfuU Favour of your 
 Protedlion ; without the which, neither can I without Perell repair 
 Home, nor there in Safte contynue, among fo odioufe Adverfaries of 
 Chrifls Dodtrine, by whofe Tyranny, that I may not be unjuftly 
 oppreft, I moft humbly befeeche your affiftant Aide, howbeit no 
 farder then the Write of Scripture will jufclfie my Caufe ; nether 
 for no Carnall Commodite of any Worldly Preferment, but all onely 
 for the Advancement of Chrifts Gofpell, to the Honour of God, 
 who evermore gracioufly prefearve your Mafterfliipe in honourable 
 Felicite. 
 
 Tour humble Oratoiir 
 
 William Barlo, Frior of Haverford-V/efl, 
 
 Number
 
 436 
 
 A ColkEiion Part III. 
 
 Number 39. 
 
 A Letter of D. LeghV, concerning their Vifitation at York. 
 
 To Mr. Cromwell^ Chief Secretary. 
 
 CottotiUhtiLTy "D Yght Worfhipful Sir, my Dewty pre-fuppofed, this is to adver- 
 CUof. E. 4. _|\ j-ifg yQy^ tj^^j. Mailer Dodor Laytoti and I, the xith Day of 
 'January, war with the Archbifliop of Torke, whom we according to 
 your Pleafure and Precepts have vifyted : Injoyning him to preach 
 and teach the Word of God (according to his bownd Dewty,) to his 
 Cure committed unto him, and allfo in the Knowledge concerning 
 the Prerogative Power the Kings Grace have, and to fee others here 
 in his Jurifdiction being induyd with Good Qualities, having any 
 Refpedt either to Gods Goodnes, Vertue, or Godlines, to performe 
 the fame, injoyning moreover to him to bring up unto you his Firft, 
 Second, and Third Foundations, wheruppon he enjoyeth his Office, 
 and Prerogative Poore, with the Graunts, Privelegis and ConcefQons 
 given to him, and to his See apperteyning ; the which whan that 
 you have red them, and knowe in all Points the hole Effedl of them, 
 I doe not doubt, but that ye fhall fee and rede many Things worthy 
 Reformation. By the Knowledge whereof, I fuppofe the Kings High- 
 nes and you will be glad, and do think it mete that every Bifhope 
 war in likewife orderyd : then fliuld they, them under the Gover- 
 nances Edifye much in Chrift in his Doftrine and Teachings : And 
 then the Poor Ignorante Perfons now by Blindnes and Ignorance fe- 
 dufid, might therby be brought to Light and Knowledge, wherby they 
 fliould profit muche, the Welthe of their own Soules, and the Com- 
 mynaltye : and it fhould be greatly Expedient to the Confervation of 
 their Fidelite toward their Prince, and to his Graces Succeffion now 
 begotten, or hereafter to be begotten. Now that I have enformed 
 your Mafterfliip of our A(fls and Deeds, done to a good Ende, as our 
 Opinion ferve us, that fhall lie in your circumfpefte Prudencye and 
 Wifdom to order all Things, as ye fhall think to your approved Dif- 
 cretion moft mete, and to the farderans of the Glory of God, and 
 Prefervation of the Common Wealthe, mofl Expedient and Neceffary, 
 For in the fame Jurifdiftions given heretofore either augmented or di- 
 miniflied, to be miniflred to their Bifliops as wall be thoueht to y»ur 
 Wifdom moft convenient ; I do not dowght but it fhall be much pro- 
 fitable, and commodious both to the Kings Highnes, and to your 
 Mafterfhip, as knoweth God, who ever preferve your Mafterfliip. 
 From Torke the xmth Day of 'January. 
 
 Tours ever affured, 
 
 Thomas Legh. 
 
 Number
 
 Book III. Of Records^ &c. 437 
 
 Number 40. 
 
 A Letter of T'onftallV upo7i the King's ordering the Bi- 
 JJjops to fend up their Bulls. 
 
 Alt OrigmaL 
 
 Ight Honorable, in my humble Maner I recommend me unto CottanU\ixzr)- \ 
 . your good Mafterfl:iip. Advertdling the fame, that I have of Cleop. E. 6. \ 
 
 late receivd a Letter from Mafter Dodtor Layton, declaring unto me ^ ^''^' \ 
 
 that ye willyd him to write unto me, that albeit the Kings Highnes i 
 
 hath diredled his Letters Miffives to all and fmgular his Bifliops in this 
 his Realnie, to appere before his Grace immediately after the Feaft of ! 
 
 the Purificacyon next cominge, to the Intent that they fhall deliver up \ 
 
 unto his Graces Handes all their Bullys of Confirmation, or fuch other i 
 
 hke, as they have had from Royne at any Time heretofore ; yet his 
 Grace confideringe my late Departure thens, for my more eafe and i 
 
 quietnes, is well content that I make mine Abode here, fo that I i 
 
 Write unto his Grace a Letter, therin declaringe that I will be content \ 
 
 to doe as other Bifliops do in this Behalf, and to gife up into his I 
 
 Handes all fuche Bullys as his Graces Pleafure is to have of me. Ad- \ 
 
 vertifmg me further, that your Mailerfliip, as my great Frende, hath * • 
 
 promifed to the King, that I will accompliflie the Kings Defire and i 
 
 Pleafure herin : For whiche your moft great Kindnes not only fliewed -j 
 
 unto me many Times hertofor, but allfo nowe renewid at this \ 
 
 Time, with making of fuch AfTurance for me to the Kings Highnes 
 I moft humbly Thanke your Mafterfliip. Advertifing the fame, that \ 
 
 forafmuch as I could not perceive by any Part of Mafter Laytotis Let- 
 ter to what Intent the Kings Highnes wold have the faid Bulks de- \ 
 livered into his Handes ; and if in my Letter to be written unto his ; 
 Grace I fhuld miftake his Entent, I fliuld not only therby offende his I 
 Grace, which I would be as lothe to doe as any Subjedl within his ' 
 Realme, but alfo make him to be difpleafed with my Kinfman, that 1 
 fo blindly had Written unto me, and paradventure with your Mafter- : 
 fhip for ufmge him for your Secretary in this Behalf: confidering with 
 my felf the hole Effedl of the fame, better to be to have my Bulles • 
 into his Hands, thought that moft beft to fend up the faid Bulles « 
 there to be ready to be delivered at his Graces Will and Pleafure : ] 
 Humbly befeechinge your Mafterfliip to move the Kings Highnes to j 
 be Good and Gracioufe Soveraigne Lord unto me, and to confider j 
 if I fliuld nowe in my Age leif my Biflioprich, which I truft his Grace 
 of his Goodnes meanith not to make me doe, by demandinge of my j 
 Bulles to be delivered into his Handes, that fliuld not only difapoint I 
 me of my Liffinge, but many other my Servants his Subjedts, that ', 
 Vol. III. 5 T have
 
 438 
 
 A ColkBion Part III. 
 
 have their Llffinge only by me, who if I lliuld leve my Promotion 
 jfhuld be thereby deftitute of Succour; which being my fpeciall Truft 
 that his Grace of his ineftimable Goodnes will have refpedl unto, 
 and that my Mind herein, not to lefe my Promotion, is neither Am- 
 bicioufe nor Unreafonable, nor contrary to his Graces Entent, I have 
 fent up the faid Bulks there to be redye, whiche Thinge fens that 
 is more then I was willed to doe by Mafter Layton% Letter. I have 
 forborne to wryte unto his Grace that I wold do that, feinge I do in- 
 deed accompliflie his Graces Pleafure, Praynge humbly your Maf- 
 terfliip upon Advertifement geffen to the Kings Highnes, hereof to 
 know his Will and Pleafure what he will have to be done, and the 
 fame fo known e to declare unto this Bearer William Redmayn, who 
 therupon fliall deliver the faid BuUys into your Hands, or to whom 
 the Kings Grace will appoynt to receyve them, yf the Kings Will 
 and Pleafure be to have them. Which I doe undoubtedly traftinge 
 that the Kinges Highnes will be as good to me, as he is to other 
 Bifhops of his Realme beinge in like Cafe, feinge I had them by 
 him, and did renounce all Things conteynd in them contrary to his 
 Prerogative Royall, at fuche Time as I prefented to his Grace his 
 Bull unto liim, as that will appere by the Othe of my Homage re- 
 mayninge with the faid Bull in the Kings Records now beynge in 
 your keeping, as all Bifliops ever have been accuftomyd to doe by 
 the Laws of this Realm heretofore ufed. The Bulls that I do fend 
 remayning in my Handes concerning my Bifhopryche be v. in Num- 
 ber, the other were delyvered to whom they were diredled : One to 
 the Kings Highnes, an other to my Lord Cardinall, then being my 
 Metropolitan, whofe Soul God Pardone, an other to my late Lord 
 of Rochejier to take my Othe to the Bifhop of Rome, which I think 
 was fent up to Rome with the Othe as hathe been accuftomyd to be 
 done. And fo thofe that I nowe fend did remayne ftill in my Handes. 
 And other Bulles then thefe have I noon, humblye befeeching your 
 Mafterfhip in all mine Affayrs to be good Mafter unto me, and to 
 be meane unto the Kings Highnes to be Good and Gracioufe Sove- 
 raigne Lorde unto me, and I lliall according to my moft bounden 
 Dewty, daily pray for the Prefervation of his Royall Eftate longe 
 to endure ; and likewife I fliall contynewe daily Beedman to your 
 Mafterfliip, whom Almighty Jhefu preferve in long Life and good 
 Healthe to his Pleafure and yours. From Aukelaride the xxixth 
 Day of 'January j 
 
 Your MaJierJJ:ipes Humble Beedman 
 Cuthbert Durefme. 
 
 Number
 
 Book III. Of Records^ Sec, 439 
 
 Number 41. 
 
 -^ Letter of the ArchbiJJjop of YorkV, co?2cer?iing the 
 Supprejfwn of the Monafieries. 
 
 Right Honourable, after my Hertieil: Commendation. According CottonlAhryry 
 to your Requeft made to me in your Letters, I have furthwith p'''^"^' ^' '^' 
 upon the Receipte of the fame, fent Commandement to certayne Mo- 
 nafteries for beeing with me to Torke, where I was than ; and now 
 I have given Commandement to all Archdeacons, to warne all Mo- 
 nafleries, of lefs yearly Value than Two Hundred Pound, being within 
 their Archdeaconries, that they fhall nothing imbecille, ne alien : 
 And if they have, that they fliall agayne call fuch Things aliened, 
 or imbecilled, to their Hands. Some that were noted to have received 
 fome Goods of fuche Monafteries, I called and warned, that 
 they fliold in no wiefe meddle with any fuch Goods J and that if 
 they had any fuch, that they fliold reftore them : And ferthermore, 
 if any fuch Goods fhould be offred to them, that they fhold give me 
 Warning, And forbicaufe moft reforte for fuch Propofe is to the 
 Citie of Torke, I have warned the Majour of Torke, and other of his 
 Brodren thereof, and fpeciallie the Maifler of the Mynt, upon their 
 Peril and Daunger, that they receive no Goods of any fuch Mona- 
 ftries. And ferther herin I entend to do from Time to Time, as I 
 (hall fee nede, and daily do warn fuch as do refort to me, that 
 they meddle not with any fuch Goods, that by them this Command- 
 ment may be the more publiflied, as I truil it fhall be now by the 
 Archdeacon's Officials, which be nowe all Abrode, and have Speciall 
 Commandment to fett furthe this Propofe. 
 
 Sir, I entierlie pray you to be good to me, for Two Places of the 
 Patronaige of the Archbifliopps of Torke, that if you fhall thinke 
 opon fuch Confiderations as I fliall alledge, that I have Reafon to fue 
 for them, as you woll help me with your good Word, that they be 
 not fupprelTed. The one of them named Saindle Ofwaldes, is not 
 of Foundation a Monafterie of Religious Men, but is Libera Capella 
 Archiepifcopi. No Man hathe Tide in it but the Archbifhop ; The 
 Prior therof is removable at my Pleafure, and accomptable to me ; 
 and the Archbiflioppe may put ther, if he woll, Seculer Preftes, and 
 fo would I have done at my Entre, if I had not ther found one of myne 
 Acquayntance, whom I judged meete to be there under me. And 
 moreover, the Archbifhops of Torke had it given to them by William 
 Rufiis, in Exchange for Recompenfe, as well of Lands as Jurifdidli- 
 on, taken from them at the Coming in of William Conqueror, as ap- 
 pereth in my Regiftres, and other Old Books. And in the fame it 
 appereth, that the faid Chapell enjoyeth all Privileges, like as all 
 other the Kinges Free Chapelles ; for it was fome tyme Libera Ca- 
 pella Regia : And for the Defence of the faid Privilaiges, and Jurlf- 
 didion ther, my PredecefTours have alwaies had Writts from the 
 
 King,
 
 440 ^ ColleBion Part III. 
 
 King, agaynfl all Difturbers ; becaufe it is no other but Libera Capella^ 
 and feme tyme was the Kinges. 
 
 The other is called Hexham^ upon the Borders of Scotland, and 
 was fome Tyme Sedes Epifcopalis ; and many Holie Men, fome time 
 Bifhops, ther be buried in that Church, Saindls of Name. And Wife 
 Men, that knowe the Borders, think, That the Lands thereof, al- 
 though they were Ten tymes afmuch, cannot contrevaile the Da- 
 maige, that is like to enfue, if it be fupprefled. And fome waye, 
 there is nevar a Houfe between Scotlatid and the Lordfhipp of Hex- 
 ham ; and Men feare, if the Monafterie go down, that in Procefle 
 all fliall be wafte . muche within the Land. And what Comfort 
 that Monafterie is daylie to the Contre ther, and fpeciallie in Tyme 
 of Warre, not onlie the Contre Men do knowe, but alfo many of 
 the Noble Men of this Realme, that hath done the King's Highnes 
 Service in Scotland. I dout not, but that the Land of that Mona- 
 fterie is better than Two Hundred Pound by Year j as likewife the 
 Archbiftiop's Lands, war much better if they laye in a quiet Place. 
 Some of my Prediceftburs have had ther 1300 Marcs by Year, and 
 now it is {commimibus Annis) undre 250. I entierlie pray you, if 
 you think that I have Rcafon, fend for thefe Two, that you woU 
 help me to fave them. And as for Hexham, I think it is necefTarie 
 to be confidred, as (I think) they that knowe the Borders woU 
 faie. 
 
 Sir, According to the King's Commandment, I have generally 
 given Commandment, that no Prechers fhall be fuffred, that withoute 
 Difcretion preche Novelties, and (as you right wifelie confider'd) do 
 rather fowe Seeds of Diffention, than do any good : And fome fuch 
 as I have heard to ufe fuch Preaching, I have difcharged ; and yet 
 they preach : But I make Procefle agaynft them ; and fome of them 
 fay, they will get Licence of the Kyng to preach. If they obteine 
 any fuch Licence, I then am difcharged for them that have fuch Li- 
 cence. But I truft, that you woU fuffer no fuch Licence to pafs, but 
 that I fliall knowe therof : And what your Pleafure is than, if they 
 preach fuch Novelties, I pray you I may know by this Bearer. 
 Some fay, they have Licence of my Lord of Canterbury ; but, I tmft, 
 they have no fuch : And if they have, none fliall be obeyde here, 
 but onlie the Kyng's and yours. And this in my hertieft maner. 
 Fare you well. From Cawed, the xxiiid of April 1536. 
 
 Your own ever afl!ured 
 
 Edward Ebor . 
 
 Number
 
 Book III. Of Records, Sec. 441 
 
 Number 42. 
 InfiruEiions for Se7idmg Barnes, and others to Germany. 
 
 A?t Orig{?tal. 
 
 M After Secretary, After our moft hartie Commendations, ye 
 fliall underftand, that having received the Letters fent unto 
 ycu from Sir JoJm Wallop, and fhevi^ed the fame unto the King's 
 Majeftie; his Pleafure thereupon was, that wt fhuld difpatch thefe 
 our Letters incontinently unto you, concernyng the Accomplifliment 
 and Doing of thefe Things enfuing. Fii-ft, his Grace's Pleafure, 
 that you Ihall immediatly (upon the Receipt herof) defpech Barnes 
 in Poft, with Deryk in his Company, into Germany-, commanding 
 him to ufe fuch Diligence in his Jornaye, that he may and it be 
 poffible, meet with Melanchthon before his Arj^all in Fraiice : And in 
 cafe he fliall fo meet with him, not only to difluade his going thi- 
 ther ; declaring how extremely the French King doth perfecute thofe 
 that will not grante unto tlie Bifhop of R.ome\ Ufurped Power and 
 Jurifdidlion ; ufing in this Parte all Perfualions, Reafons and Means, 
 that he can devife, to empech and let his faid Jornay thither ; laying 
 unto him, how much it fliuld be to his Shame and Reproch, to vary 
 and go nowe from that true Opinion wherin he hath fo long conty- 
 nued ; but allfo, on the other fide, to perfuade him all that he may, 
 to convert his faid Jornay hither, ftiewing as well the Conformitie 
 of his Opinion and Dodlrine here, as the Nobilitie and Vertues of 
 the King's Majeftie, with the good Entertaynement which undoubt- 
 edly he fliall have here at his Grace's Hands. And if percafe the 
 faid Barnes fliall not meet with him before his Arryvall in France, 
 then the faid Barnes proceeding himfelf forth in his Jornay towards 
 the Princes of Germany, fliall (with all Diligence) returne in Poft 
 to King's Highnes the laid Deryk, with Advertifement of the Cer- 
 taintie of the faid Melanchthon cummyng into France, and fuch other 
 Occurrants as he fliall then know. And if the faid Deryk be not 
 now redy to go Math him, the King's Pleafure is, that ye fliall in 
 his ftede, appoint and fende fuch one other with the faid Barnes, as 
 you fliall think meet for that Purpofe, 
 
 And when the faid Barnes fliall arrive with the faid Princes of 
 Germany, the King's Pleafure is. He fliall (on his Grace's Behalf) 
 afwell perfwade them to perfift and continue in their former good 
 Opinion, concerning the Deniall of the Bifliop of Rome'^ Ufurped 
 Autoritie, declaring their own Honour, Reputation and Suretie, to 
 depende therupon ; and that they now may better mayntain their 
 faid Juft Opinion therin then ever they might, having the King's 
 Majeftie (One of the moft Noble and Puiflant Princes of the 
 World) of like Opinion and Judgment with themj who having 
 
 Vol. in. 5 U proceed-
 
 442 A CoUeSiion Part III. 
 
 proceeded therin by great Advife, Deliberation, Confultation, and 
 Judgments (of the moil; part) of the great and famous Clerks in 
 Chrijiendome^ will in no wife relent, vary, or alter in that Behalf, 
 Like as the faid Barnes may declare and (hew unto them, by a Book 
 made by the Dean of the Chaple, and afmany of the Bifhops Ser- 
 mons as you have. Whiche Booke you fhall receive her\vith : The 
 Copie wherof, and of the faid Sermons, you muft deliver unto the 
 faid Barnes^ at his Departure, for his better Remembrance, and jufl 
 Occafion. To whom alfo his Grace's Pleafure is, you fhall fliew as 
 muche of Mafter Wallop\ Letter, (which we fend you alfo again) 
 as you fhall fee drawen and market with a Penne in the Margent of 
 the fame. As alfo exhorte and move them, in any wife to beware, 
 how they commit any of their Affaiers to the Order, Diredlion, or 
 Determination of the French King, confidering he and his Counfell 
 be altogether Papifl, and addicft and bent to the Maintenance and 
 Confervation of the Bifhop of Rome's pretended Audloritie. Further- 
 more, the King's Pleafure is, ye fliall uppon the Receipt herof, im- 
 mediatly caufe Mr. Haynes, and Chrijlopher Mount, in Pofl to repair 
 into France to Sir John Wallop, in as fecrete maner as they canne ; 
 as commyng like his Friend, to vific him, and not as fent by the 
 King. And in cafe they fhall (by him, or otherwife) lerne and 
 know that Melanchthon is there ariyved ; then his Grace woU, 
 that the faid Haynes and Moimt fhall (in fuch fort as they be not 
 much noted) reaforte unto him : And for the defuading of the Con- 
 tynuance there, or the Alteration of his Opinion, and the Alluring 
 of him hither, to ufe fuche Reafons and Perfuafions as be before 
 written, with fuche other as they canne further devife for that Pur- 
 pofe. To the which Haynes and Mount, the King's Pleafure is, ye 
 fhall delyver like Copies of the faid Dean's Book, and Bifhop's Ser- 
 mons, to be fliewed unto the faid Melanchtho?!, or otherwife ufed, as 
 may be moft expedient for the Atchievement of the King's Purpofe in 
 that Behalfe. 
 
 Ye fhall allfo underflande, that the King's Pleafure is, ye fhall 
 write to Sir "John Wallop, and fend unto him therwith like Copies ; 
 willing him, in cafe he fliall have certain Knowledge that the Arti- 
 cles be true, (written in thefe his Letters) concernyng the Frejich 
 King's Sending into Germany, for the Contynuance of the Bifhop of 
 Rome's pretended Supremacy ; to repair with the faid Copies to the 
 Freiicb King ; and not only to fet the fame forth, with fuch Reafons 
 as he canne devife in that Parte, fhewing, how much it fliall be 
 againft his Honour, both to give Himfelf fubjedl to the faid Bifliop, 
 and to move other to do the femblable ; but allfo to declare unto 
 him, that the King's Highnes (remembring his old frendly Promifes, 
 concernyng the Mayntenance of his Caufe, and of his Proceedings 
 touching the fame) cannot but think it a litde flrange, that the faid 
 French King (feeing his Majeflie hath, in his Doings touching the 
 faid Bifhop of Rome, moved neither his, nor any Prince's Sub- 
 jects) will move and flyr the Germaynes, to condefcend uppon a con- 
 trary Opinion, both to themfelfs, and to his Grace in this Behalfe : 
 And that his Majeflie mufl nedes think his Amytie muche touched 
 
 ia
 
 Book III. Of Records^ Sec. 443 
 
 in that he fliulde move any State or Contrey, to do that Thing 
 which is fo much againft the Kings Highnes and his own Promife, 
 ufing all the Wayes he canne to difuade him from the diflionorable 
 Obedience of the faid Bifliops, foe moving him to inclyne to the 
 Kings juft Opinion touching the fame. 
 
 Finally, the Kings Pleafure is, ye fliall write an other Letter to 
 the Bifhop of Aberdoi, fignifieng that the Kings Majeftie taketh it 
 very unkindly that the King his Nephew wold now embrace without 
 his Advice or Counfail, being his derefl Freinde and Uncle, and now 
 in Leage and Amytee with him, the Marriage of M. deVandoms Daugh- 
 ter, wherunto he would give non Ear at his Graces Overture herto- 
 for made of the fame ; in your faid Letter, imputing a greate Negli- 
 gence therin, to the faid Bifhop, and other of his Maflers Counfail, 
 feeing their Mailer flieweth not in the doing therof, fuche Amytle 
 towards the Kings Highnes as the Friendfhip between them doth re- 
 quire : And to make an Ende, his Grace woU in no wife that Barnes, 
 or Haynes, (hall tary for any further Inflruftions of the Bifhope of 
 Cantorbury, or any other, having his Grace determyned to fende the 
 fame after, by Mr. Ahjioner and Hethe -, but that he. Mr. Haynes, 
 and Mount, fhall withall poffible Diligence departe immediately in 
 Poft, without longer tarieng thenne for this their Difpatche fliall be 
 neceffary, foe as their Abode empeche not the Kings Purpofe, touch- 
 ing the faid Melanchthon : And thus fare youe mofl: hartly Well, from 
 Langley in much hafle, this Monday at iij of the Clock, at after 
 Noone. 
 
 Tour Lovyng Friend 
 
 T. Norfolk. 
 
 George Rocheford, 
 
 B 
 
 Number 43. 
 "The Smalcaldick League. 
 
 Y the Grace of God, We 'John Frederich Duke of Saxony, High CottonUhisxy 
 Marefliall of the Empire of Rome, and Prince Eledor, Lantgrave p.'^^oj.' * 
 
 of Trur'mgie, and Marquis of Mijhe, afwell in our own Name, as in 
 the Name of the Noble Prince John Ernejl, likewife Duke of Saxonye„ 
 our moft beloved Brother, Philippe, Emcji, Francis, Brethren Dukes 
 of Brunfwick and Lunenburg ; Ulrich Duke of Wortenberg, and in 
 Deck, Erie in Montbelyard; Philipp Lantgrave of Hejen, Erie of Catts 
 in DietZ) Zigenham and Nyer-^ Ber minus and Fhilip^ Dukes of Stetin^ 
 
 Pomern,
 
 AAA A CoUeEiion Part III. 
 
 Fomern, Caffaburn, Wenden, Princes of Rug, Eries in Gujkan; 
 Wolfgang JoJj}!, George, and Joachm, Brethren Princes in Anhalty 
 Erles of Ajcanion, and Lords in Bernhurg; Gebhard and Albert , 
 Brethren, Erles and Lords in Mansfeld; the Confules, Decurions, 
 Tribunes, Senate, and People of the within named Cities of the 
 Hi^h-Germajjy, Saxon, and Hanfe, or on the See, that is to fay, 
 Argentina, Augufla, Fraiikford, Coiijlantia, JJlme, EJling, Rentling^ 
 Memingia, Linde, Bibrac, Ifiia, Magdeburgh, Breme, Brunfwicky 
 Gojlaria, Hamibria, Gottingia, Enibeck, Hamburgha, Lubeck, and 
 Myndia, do profefs by thefe our Letters, in the Name of us, our 
 Heyres and Succeffors, and do fignifie to all Men that feen the State 
 of this Seafon, is every where very perilloufe, and appereth fo, that 
 many Men are about and pradlife to difturbe, fuch as do caufe, and 
 fuffer the fyncere Dodtrine of the Gofpell to be preached and taught 
 in their Dukedoms, Provinces, Cities and Territories, (by the Grace 
 of God) and which (abolifliing all Abufes) doe ftudie to bring in 
 Ceremonies confenting to die Word of God : and efForce them felfs to 
 divert them from Chrifts Doftrine ; yea, by Force and Violence : 
 and feen alfo that the Office of every Chriflian Mageflrate, is not 
 only to fuffer that the fyncere Worde of God be preached to his Sub- 
 jedls; but alfo with all his Studye, Care, and Sollitude to provide (to 
 his Power) that the holefome Dodlrine of the Gofpell and the Truth, 
 onfe known and profeffed, be not violently extorted, and they de- 
 prived of the fame: For this Caufe, we doe knowledg that it is 
 our moft Duetie and NecelTitie, of the Offices of our Mageftrate, in 
 cafe nowe or hereafter it fliuld happen, that any Man wold attempt 
 and affay to diverte us, or our Subjedls, by Force or Dede, /rom the 
 Worde of God, and the Truth known ; and to bring in again, and 
 reflore the ungodlie Ceremonies and Abufes already abolifhed (which 
 God by his good Clemence w'oll forbyd, as we truft that no Man 
 woll attempt fuch Thing) for to reprefTe fuch violence and Perill 
 from the Bodys and Souls of us and our Subjedls, by the Grace of 
 God, and for to excufe and avoid the fame to the Praife of God, to 
 the Augmentation of the Syncere Dodlrine of the Gofpell, and to 
 the Confervation of the Uniform Eflate. Tranquillite, and Honeftie 
 Publick, in the Empire, for the Love of the Nation oi Akmayne; and 
 alfo for the Commendation, Honour, and Good of our Dukedoms, 
 Provinces, Lordfliips, and Cities, onely to provide for the Caufe of 
 our Defence, and Tuicion ; the which is permitted to every Man, 
 not onely by the Lawe of Nature and of Men, but alfo by the Law 
 Written. Therefore we have affembled and concluded, to give and 
 be bound eche to other of a Chriftian, Lawfull and Friendly Leage 
 and Confederation, and by the Vertue, Fource, and Reafon of this 
 our Letters, we agree, conclude, and bynde our Selfs eche to other 
 upon a Confederation, with the Conditions that foUoweth, That is 
 to fay, that all and every of us fliall be bound to favour eche other 
 hartely and truely, and to warn eche other of all Imminent Danger, 
 and to avoid it: And that noon of us, openly, or fecretly, fhall 
 willingly give PalTage to the Enemy, or Adverfaries of the other, 
 aor to warn, or fupport them. 
 
 And
 
 Book III. Of Records^ Sec. 44^ 
 
 And becaufe this Confederation is onely made for Caufe of our 
 Tuicion and Defenfe, and not to the entent that any of us fliall 
 move warr, if ther lliall happen any of us whatfoever he be, to be 
 violently afiawted for the Word of God, the Dodlrine of the Gofpell 
 and our Faith, or for fuch other Caufes as do depend of the Word 
 of God, tlie Doclrine of the Gofpell, or our Faith, or be annexed 
 thereunto; or if under any other Pretext or Colour, there fhuld 
 be any Violence attempted againft any of us, and that we the reft, 
 which fliuld not then be invaded myght thinke and judge that fuch 
 Werr, or Violence, fliuld be moved for the Caufe of the Word of 
 God, or of the Religion ; And that he to whom the Werr, or Vio- 
 lence is Imminent, wold permitt it to our Knowledge, Arbitracion, 
 and Decifeon ; that then we all the reft of this Confederacion, and 
 every of us, that be comprehended in this Chriften Confederacion 
 iliali be bound to take no leffe to Herte, and take in hand as deligentely 
 to provide for the fame, incontinently as fuch Perfons that be in- 
 vaded, fliall require our Help, or that we fliall knowe it, (with all 
 our Power) as though we fliuld be aflawted our Selfs, and for our 
 own proper Caufe : And therefore without any Delaye, and with- 
 out any Decepte or Gyle, witKout tarycng for any other, with all 
 cur Might and Power, we fliall be bound to Succour, Defend, and 
 Helpe him that fliall be aflawted, after fuch Form and Manner, as 
 for the Qualitie and Circumftanccs of the Thing, and the Tynie it 
 fhall be adjudged moft util and moft commodioufe to the reft of us ; 
 And like as the Fidelite and Charite to be given and fliewed to the 
 Neighbors upon his Confcience and Salut fliall teach him, And that 
 we fliall truely adminifter and deale oon with another. And that 
 in fuch Cafe never oon of us fliall agree, compound, or make any 
 Tranfadlion, or Trewes without the AflTent and Will of the Reft. 
 
 Alfo that this our Chriften Confederation flial be taken and un- 
 derftanden to be in no wife Prejudicial or Hurtfull to the Emperors 
 Majeflie, our Clementiflime Lord ; nor to any State of the Empire, 
 or any other : But onely for tlie Confervation of the Dodlrine and 
 Truth of the Gofpell, and of the Peace and Tranquillite in the Em- 
 pyre and Aletnayns Nation, and to withftand wrongfull Violence 
 from us and our Subjedls and AUyes ; and onely in Cafe of Defence, 
 and in fuch Cafe as every of us may bear and fuffer the juft Know- 
 lege and Decifion of his own Caufe as is aforefaid, and none other 
 wife ; and if any Man wol be joyned to this our Confederacion, 
 which is not comprehended in it already, fo that he be dedicate to 
 the Worde of God, and fliall permitte the Syncere Doclrine of the 
 Gofpell, conformable to our Confeflion, exhibited to the Emperors 
 Majeftie, and to all tlie Orders of the Empire in the Aflemble at 
 Augihurg, freely to be preached, tought, and kept in his Lands, 
 Province, and Dominions, and woU conftantely ftyck to the fame 
 Dodlrine, he or they ought to be afcribed and receyved in this Con- 
 federacion, by the Afl"ent and V/ill of us all. 
 
 And bycaufe that Chriften Confederacion, which fliall he finiflied 
 the Sunday invoca'vit, the Year of our Lord 1537, hath lafted the 
 other 6 Years laft paft, between us, excepted us Ulrich, Duke of 
 Wertemberg^ ^c. and us Bernim and Philipp, Dukes of Pomcren ; 
 
 Vol. III. 5 X us
 
 44^ 
 
 A ColkSiion Part III. 
 
 us 'John, George, and Joachim, Princes of Anhalt -, and the Cities 
 of Augjburgh, Frankford, Kempt, Hamibra and Mynda; We, at 
 their Friendly and Diligent Peticion, have receyved them into this 
 our Confederation, and we do bynde our Selfs eche to other agyn, 
 that this Chriften Leage fhall be proroged and extended, begynning 
 from the faid Sunday invocavit, 1537, by the Space of Ten Yeres 
 next enfuyng, as this Chriften Leage by the Ten Yeres next enfuyng, 
 ought to be kept and proroged conftantely, fyncerely, and bona JidCy 
 by us and every of us, without any Frawde, or Malign. 
 
 And if it fliall happen us to entre Werre with any Man for the 
 Dodlrine of the Religion, or any other Caufe depending of the fame, 
 that fhuld not be iiniflied within the Space of the faid Ten Yeres, 
 yet nevertheles, although the faid Time of Ten Yeres be utterly ex- 
 pired, yet the faid Expedicion, fhall be contynued and profecuted, 
 and the Werre brought to an Ende ; and that then it fhall not be 
 LawfuU for any of the Confederates to exempte him of the fame, 
 nor hope upon Exemption, and from that Tyme it fliall be Lawful! 
 for the Confederats, to protract and prolong this Confederation, if 
 they fliall fo think good. 
 
 We the forefaid Elefftors and Princes, Erles and Magiflrats of Cities 
 by Interpofition of our Feith infteed of an other, do Promife and take 
 upon us, for us, and for our Heires conflantly and perpetually to 
 obferve and performe all and fingular the PremifTes truely and fyn- 
 cerely as it behoveth Princes, and Good Men. And that we fhall 
 nor doe, nor procure any Thing in any wife to be done againfl: this 
 Leage and Confederation : But in all Points fliall deale and procede 
 truely and fyncerely without any Frawde or Mai en gin. And for 
 more Credence and Confirmacion of all and every thofe Things, 
 every of us the faid Eledtors, Princes, Erles, and Cities, in the Name 
 of us our Highnes and SuccefTors, have caufed our Scales wittingly 
 and willingly, to be fett to thefe Prefents, which have been givea 
 the Yere of the Nativite of our Savyor Jefus Chrift, 1536. 
 
 Number
 
 Book III. Of Records, Sec. 
 
 447 
 
 Number 44. ] 
 
 I 
 
 Propositions made to the King, by the Gcrma;^ ' 
 
 Princes. 
 
 77je Petkion and Reqiiejl of the Right Noble Princes^ \ 
 
 Duke John Frederike, EleSior of Saxe, and PhiHp the \ 
 
 La7ttgrave of HefTe, to the moft Noble Kyng of Eng- | 
 
 land ; exhibited at Smalcaldia, to the inofi Reverende \ 
 Bifjop of Hereford, and other the Ambaffadors of the 
 
 Kyngs mofl Roy all Majeflie^ upon the prefent Day of the I 
 
 Natyvyte of our Lord, Anno Dom, 1536., | 
 
 1 
 
 I. Item, ^-i-^HAT the faid moft Noble King wolde fet fourth the Papcr-Ojia. 
 
 JL Evangelie of Chrifte, and the Syncere Dodlrine of ' 
 
 the Faith, after fuch fort, as the Princes and States Confederates have { 
 
 confelTed in the Dyet of Augujla, and the fame defended, according i 
 
 to their Appologie and Purgation made : Except parcafe fome Things 
 therin fliall feme, by the common Aflent of the faid moft Noble 
 Kyng, and the faid Princes, neceffarie to be changed or reformed by 
 the Word of God. J 
 
 2. Item, That the faid moft Noble King, joyning with the fiid { 
 Princes and Stats Confederate, wold maynteyne and defende the /aide ■ 
 Dodlrine of the Evangelie, and the Ceremonys conforme to the - . 
 fame, at the future Generall Counfaill, if it fhall be Pious, Catho- 
 
 lique. Free and mere Chriftien. 
 
 3. Item, That neither the faide moft Noble King, without the \ 
 exprefs Confent of the faid Princes and Stats Confederats, nor the i 
 fame Princes and Stats Confederats, without the exprefs Confent of - 
 the faide moft Noble King, Ihall aflent nor agre to any Indidlion or '{ 
 Appoyntement of a Generall Councill, which the Bifhop of Rome, ' 
 that now is, or hereafter Ihall be, or any other, by whatlbever pre- '-«-.,^ ' 
 tended Audlorite, doth, or fliall make and appoynt : nor yet fliall 
 confent to any Place, where the future Generall Counfaill fliall be 
 had, nor to the Counfaill it felf ; but that all thofe Thyngs may 
 be ordered and done, by the mutuall Afl"ent and Counfaill of the 
 laid moft Noble King and Princes Confederat. Provided neverthe- 
 lefs, that if it fliall appere certeynly, by juft Arguments and Rea- 
 fbns, fuch a Chriftien, Free, Generall Counfaill, to be indidled and 
 appoynted, as the Confederats, in tlieir Anfwer to the Bifliop of 
 Rome's Ambafl*ador, named Peter Paule Verger, do defire, that fuch 
 a Councill be not to be refufed. 
 
 4. Item^
 
 448 
 
 A ColleEiion Part III. 
 
 4. Item, If it fhall happen that (the faide moft Noble King, and 
 Princes, and Stats Confederats, not agreeing upon tlie Place, nor the 
 Indidion of the Counfaill) the Bifhop of Rome, and other Princes 
 conjoyned with hym in that Caufe, will neverthelefs procede to the 
 Celebration of a Counfaill, or rather of the Appoyntment of the 
 Place wherunto tlie faide moft Noble King, and Princes, and Stats 
 Confederal fliall not agree ; that then, and in that Cafe, afwell the 
 faide King, as the faid Princes and Stats Confederal, fliall chieflie (to 
 their Power) endevor and compafs, that the fame Indidlion may be 
 utterly avoyded, and take noon Effedte. 
 
 5. And furthermore, that they fhall make, and femblably procure 
 to be made, by their Clargy, their Publick and Solempne Protefta- 
 cions, wherby they fliall teftefie and declare, both the Synceryte 
 of their Faith, and alfo that they do utterly diffente from fuch 
 maner of Communication and Indidlion ; and that they will not be 
 bounde to the Decrees or Conftitutions of the fame Counfaill, (if 
 any fuch Counfaill do folowe in dede) nor in any maner of wife 
 obey the fime herafter. 
 
 6. And alfo, that they fliall not at any tyme obey, nor fuffer 
 to be obeyed by any of theirs, any Decrees, Mandats or Sentences, 
 Bulles, Letters, or Brieffs, which fliall procede, or be fulmynate 
 from fuch a Counfaill, fo indid:ed and celebrate eyther in the Name 
 of the Bifliop of Rome himfelf, or of any other Potentate whatfo- 
 ever ; but fliall have and repute all fuch maner of Refcriptes, De- 
 crees, Bulles and Breves, as voyde, inane and fruftrate ; and fliall 
 declare, that fo they ought to be reputed and taken. And allfo for 
 the Reniotion of all Slaunder, fliall procure their Bifliopes and 
 Preachers, to declare tlie fame to the People really, and with Effedt. 
 
 7. Item, That the faid mofl: Noble King, like as by the Grace 
 of God he is afTociated to the faid Princes and Stats Confederal in 
 tlie Doftrine of Chrift, and the Defence of the fame ; fo alfo he 
 woU vouchefauf, upon Honourable Conditions, to be aflbciate unto 
 the Leage of tlie fame Princes and Stats, fo as his mofl: Noble Ma- 
 ]eftie may obteine the Place and Name of Defenfor and Protector of 
 the faid Leage. 
 
 8. Item, The neyther the faid mofl: Noble King, nor the faide 
 Princes and Stats Confederal, fliall knowledge, maintain nor defend, 
 at any Tyme herafter, that the Primacie, or tliat the Monarchic of 
 the Bifliop of Rome, may at this Day take place, or ever fliall, by 
 God's Lawe ; nor fliall confent nor graunt, that it is either utile or 
 expedient to the Comen Welth of Chriftendom, that the Bifliop of 
 Rome fliuld have Preemynence afore all other Bifliops, or in any 
 maner of wife have any Jurifdidlion at all, in the Realmes, Kyng- 
 doms, or Domynions of the faide King and Princes. 
 
 9. Item, If it fliall happen, tliat War, or any other Contenclon, 
 cither for the Caufe of Religion, or for any other Caufe befides this 
 Caufe, fliall be inferred or moved againft the faid mofl: Noble King, 
 his Realmes, Domynions or Subjects, by whatfoever Prince, State 
 or People, or alfo againfl: the faid Right Noble Princes or Stats Con- 
 federal : That iii that Cale, neither of the faid Parties (hall give 
 
 Aydcj
 
 Book III. Of Records^ &c. j.49 
 
 Ayde, Helpe, nor Soccurs againft the other Partie, nor fliall afTift 
 the Prince, nor the People fo invadyng or movyng Warre, neither 
 with Counlaill, Helpe nor Favour, dyreclly nor indiredlly, prively 
 nor apertely. 
 
 10. Item^ That the faid moll: Noble King would vouchfaufe, for 
 the Defenfe of the faid Leage and moft Honeft and Holie Caufe, to 
 Conferre to and with the faid Princes, giveing Suretie (as within 
 is added) to lay fourth and contribute One Hundreth Thoufande 
 Crownes. Which Money, it fliall be Lawful to the Confederats to 
 ufe and employ wher Nede fliall be, in Caufe of Defenfe, for the 
 Moytee or Halfe Parte therof The other Moytee they (hall take 
 of the fame Money, which they have leyd fourth, and contributed 
 to the fame Sum. 
 
 1 1 . And if need fliall be of contynuall and dayly Defence, for 
 the Contynuance of the Warre, or Invafion of Adverfaries ; in that 
 Cafe, forafmuch as the Princes and Confederates be not only bound 
 unto ferther CoUacion and Contribucion of Money, but alfo to the 
 mutuall Defence with their Bodies and Goods; it may pleafe the 
 faide mofl: Noble King, not to be greved in fo urgent a Caufe of 
 Neceflity, alfo to contribute more, that is to fay. Two Hundreth 
 Thoufande Crownes : Which Money, nevertheles, for the Halfe 
 Parte, the Confederates may employe together with their own Mo- 
 ney. And if it happen the Warre to be foner ended, then that that 
 fhall remain, fliall be juftly referved, and (the Tyme of the Confe- 
 deration fynyflied) fliall be reflored to the faide moft Noble Kinge. 
 
 12. Which if the faid mofl: Noble King woll do, the Princes do 
 promyfe themfelfs, with their fuflicient Sureties, to alfure not onlie 
 that they fliall not convert this Money to any other Ufe, than to 
 tlie Defence of the Leage and Caufe of Religion, together with their 
 owne Money which they in fucli a Confederation do contribute, 
 but alfo that entirely and faithfully, they fliall paye and refl:ore unto 
 the faid mofl: Noble King the fame Summ, which either when ther 
 fliall be no need of Defence, or (after the Defence) fliall remain 
 and be left, in cafe it fliall jiot be employed to that Ufe. 
 
 13. Item, That for as much as the Ambafladors of the faid mofl: 
 Noble King fliall now for a Tyme remayne in Germanye, and with 
 the Lerned Men in Holy Letters, difpute and commun of certeyn 
 Articles ; the Princes do defire, that they woll fliortly inquire, and 
 knowe their mofl: Noble King's Mind and Refolution, in the Con- 
 ditions of the faid Leage ; and when they fliall be certefied, to fig- 
 nifie the fame unto Us the Eleftor of Saxe, and Lantfgrave of 
 Heffe. ^ 
 
 14. Which when they have done, the Princes will fend in their 
 (and the Stats Confederats Names) Ambafladors to tlie faid mofl: 
 Noble King, and amongft them one excellently Learned, not onely 
 to conferre with his Royall Majeftie upon the Articles of Chrift's 
 Doftrine, and to deliberate upon the Ceremonies, and other Things 
 in the Church, to be changed, ordered and reformed, but alfo to 
 comment and conclude upon all the Articles, of the which we have 
 fpoken with the King's mofl: Royall Majefly, in the Name of the 
 Confederats. 
 
 Vol. in. 5 Y Num-
 
 45© A ColleBion Part III. 
 
 Number 45. 
 
 The Anfwer of the Kings mojl Noble Majejlk of Eng- 
 lande, to the Peticions and Articles lately addrejfed to 
 his Higlmes^ frofn the Noble Prynces^ Jo^^^ Frederike 
 Duke of Saxe, RleElor^ &c. and Philip Lantfgrave van 
 Hefle, in the Na??ies of them^ and all their Confe-- 
 derates. 
 
 Taper-Office. I. 'HT^HE faid moft Noble King anfwereth, That his Majeflie 
 X will, and hathe of long Tyme mynded to fet fourth the 
 Evangelic of Chrifte, and the trew fyncere Dod:rine of the fame, 
 out of which fpringeth and floweth our trew Faith, whiche to de- 
 fende he is moft redy both with Life and Goods ; but to fay, that 
 he being a King reckened foni-wliat Lerned, (though unworthy,) 
 havirig alfo fo many Excellent well Lerned Men within this Realme, 
 thinketh it mete to accept at any Creature's Hands, the Obferving of 
 his and his Realmes Faith, thonlye Grounde wherof remayneth in 
 Scriptui-e, furely he doth not ; and requiereth his entier Frends here- 
 with not to be greved : But his Highnes is right well contented, and 
 much defireth, that for Unyte in Faith and Articles to be made up- 
 pon the fame, it wold pleafe his faide Confederats and Frends, to 
 fende hither fome of their beft Lerned Men, to conferre and con- 
 clude, with him and his Lerned Men, to the Intente to have a 
 parfaite Concorde and Unyon in Faith amongft us. In which his 
 Highnes doubteth not, but at fuch Tyme as when their Deputs 
 fliall come, they fliall fynde the moft Towardnes in the King, and 
 in his Realme. 
 
 To the Seconde, his Highnes anfwereth, that he is content to 
 employ himfelf, joyntly with the faid Confederats, in all Generall 
 Counfailes, they being Catholici & Lii>e?-i, ifi Loco etiam omni 
 'Parte futo, for the Defence of their mere and trew Dodlryns of 
 the Gofpell, according to their Defires. But as touching the Cere- 
 monies, there may be different Rites, and fuch Dyveriite ufed in 
 dyvers Domynyons, fere per totum Munduni, that it will be 
 harde to conclude anye Certentie in them. Wherfore his Highnes 
 thinketh it mete, that the Order and Limitacion of them, fliouide 
 be left to the Arbitrees of the Governours of everye Domynyon, 
 fuppofing that every of them can tell what is moft comodious for 
 his owne Domynyons. 
 
 To the Thirde, his Majeftie anfwereth. That he is contented, 
 that neyther his Highnes, (without the exprefs Confent of the 
 faid Princes and Stats Confederate) nor the fame Princes and Stats 
 Confederate, (without the exprefs Confent of his Highnes) fhall 
 affent nor agree to any Indiftion of a Generall Counfaile, or to any 
 Generall Counfaile, which the Bilhop of Rome that now is, or that 
 
 here-
 
 Book III. Of Records^ Sec. 4^ i 
 
 hereafter fliall be, or any other by whatfoever pretended Audlorytee, 
 doth, or ilidU make, enter, prelume, or begynne, or caufe to be 
 made, entered, prefumed, or begon, bat that they neyther fliall con- 
 fent- to any Place of the future Counfaile, nor to the Counfaile felfe, 
 except it be by their mutual Confents, afiented and agreed unto ; 
 provyded neverthelefs, that if it fliail appear certenly by juft Argu- 
 ments and Reafons both to his Majeflie, and the faid Confederats, 
 that a Chriftien Free Counfaile may be indi(5led, in loco etiatn cmni 
 'Parte tuto, that then that Counfaile fhall not be by him, or them, 
 refufed. 
 
 The 4th, 5th, and 6th Articles, his Highnes is content to accept 
 In every Point, according to their own devifes. 
 
 To the 7th, his Grace anfwereth. That he doth mofle fully accepte 
 their good Overture therein, by the which they declare their good 
 Inclynacion and Hertie Good Will towarde his Highnes ; neverthe- 
 les, his Majeftie defireth them to take in good Parte, that he doth 
 not accepte the faide Name and Place, till he be throughlie agreed 
 with them uppon the Articles before rehearfed ; which ones agreed 
 on, his Highnes entendeth moft thankfully to accept the fame. 
 
 The 8th Article, his Majeflie is content to accepte according to 
 their own Defire. 
 
 9th, Alfo his Highnes agreeth, fo that they woll adde therunto, 
 tliat in that .Cafe of Warre, neyther Partie fliall fuffer or permytte 
 any of their Subjedls, or Servants, to ferve them, that in fuch wife 
 fliall by any Warre molefl any of them. 
 
 To the loth, his Majeftie anfwereth. That for the Warres already 
 by paft, he being in no Confederacion with them, thinketh it 
 very ftrange, and fomwhat unreafonable, that they Hiould of his 
 Highnes require any Ayde or Affiftence ; but in cafe that this Confe- 
 deracion now fpoken of do take efFecle, and that the contynuance of 
 Warres feme to be neceflary, by their mutual Confents, for the fup- 
 portino- of their Faith againft their Adverfaries ; and therefore the 
 Confederats being allfo bound to contrybute for their Parts, every 
 Man for his Porcyon as (hall be thought neceffary amongft us ; his 
 Highnes will be content for his Parte, in Declaracyon of his Loving 
 Harte to them, to contribute 1 00000 Crowns, the Tyme, and 
 Place, and Facion, for the Employment of the fame, ones bytwen 
 his Grace and them agreed on : Provyded that in Cafe that eyther 
 there fliall be no Warre made to any of the Parts for the fame ; 
 or that it fliall be fooner ended then fliall be looked for, that then 
 the Hole, or that Part left and remayning, fliall be fully and trewly 
 bona fide reftored unto his Highnes, whenfoever he fliall demaunde, 
 or require the fame. 
 
 The nth, his Majeftie doth accepte according to their owne 
 
 offer. 
 
 The 1 2th, his Highnes alfo agreeth unto. 
 
 To the 1 3th, {T'loo Lines torn out) agreed unto the moft Part of 
 the Articles, they will now according to their own offer, with all 
 Speed and Diligence, fend hither their Ambaffadors plenaryly in- 
 ftrucled to comon, agree, and conclude with his Majeftie m all 
 
 Things
 
 4^2 A CoUeEiion Part III. 
 
 Things that fhall be comoned of, and treated betwixt his Highnes 
 and them. 
 
 Number 46. 
 
 fhe Anfwer of the Kings Ambajfadors, made to the Duke 
 Saxon, and the L,andgrave of Heflie. 
 
 CottonUhxixy T!^ I R S T, that his Highnes, afwell by his Ambafladors, as their 
 Chop. E. 4. yy Letters from Smalkald, doth perceive Two Things ; the one is 
 ' '°''" their Gratitude and Benevolence towards his Majeftie, and that they 
 defire the Continuance between their Progenitors inviolably obferved 
 to be increafed : The other is not only thair great Conftance in the 
 fetting forth of the Trueth of the Gofpell that was darkened afore, 
 but allfo that they exhorte his Grace to the Defence of the fame, 
 which be moft acceptable to his Highnes, and thanketh them afwell 
 for his Behalfe, as allfo for the Behalfe of all Chrijlendom, know- 
 leging the greate Benefite of God, in giving the fayd Princes fuch 
 Stedfaftnefs and Strength ; and that his Majeftie willed to be fhewed 
 unto them that their wondroufe Vertues have fo raviflied and drawn 
 his Mind to thair Love, that his Highnes feled a greate encreafe to 
 thair Unitie, in fuch wife, that he is determined fully never to paffe 
 the Occafion, without Correfpondence of Love, nor any Occafion 
 that he fhall think may conduce in any wife to their good Myndes, 
 and Godly Proceedings, and for to declare his Minde to the Articles 
 of your Peticion. 
 
 The 3d, 4th, 5th, 6th, 8th, 9th, nth, 12th, and r3th, Ar- 
 ticles do pleafe his Majeftie well ynough ; and although there be 
 fome Things in them, that his Grace would grante eafely to no man- 
 ner Princes, were they never fo greate ; yet nevertheles his Highnes 
 for his Affeftion towards them, thinking that they meane nothing 
 ells but the Reformation of the Church, which his Majeftie for his 
 Parte defireth much, and defireth to joyne with them in the fame; 
 in thefe Articles his Majeftie defireth that only the 3d and 4th Ar- 
 ticle be more ampley declared, that is to fay. 
 
 The 3d Article by thefe Wordes, Item, that nether the Kings 
 Highnes without the Aflent of the Princes and Stats Confederate, nor 
 they without his Graces. Aftent fhall agree to the Indidion of any 
 Counfaile, that the Bifhop of Rome, that now is, or any other v^^hat- 
 foever Audloryte inay pretende : and that alfo nether of the faid Par- 
 ties fhall agree uppon the Place of a Councile to be had, without the 
 Agreement of the other expreffely to be given, but that the fame be 
 done by the mutuell AfTent of his Grace, the faid Princes and Eftats. 
 Provided nevertheles, that if all they fliall perceive a LawfuU andChri- 
 ftien Free Concile to be Indidted in fome fure and indifferant Place, 
 that then nether of them both Parties fhall refufe the faide Concile. 
 
 To
 
 Book III. Of Records^ &c. 4^3 
 
 To the 9th Article his Highnes wold have added, that nether of 
 both Parties fhall permitt any of their Servants, or Subjects, to be 
 in folde againft the other Part, nor to helpe diredtly, or indiredlly, 
 fuch as wolde invade, or entreprife againft them. 
 
 As to the ift, 2d, 7th, and loth Articles, his Grace anfvv^ered, 
 to the loth his Majefty fayeth, that he doubteth not but the faid 
 Confederals do well think and know, that his Grace is moved in his 
 Mind by no more private NecefTitie, that he or his Realm have, nor 
 any private Profite to joyne with the faid Confederats in Leage 
 and Defenfe, for he and his Realme is in good Peace : and knoweth 
 not that tlie Bifhop of Rome, the Emperor, or any other Prince 
 pyketh any Quarrel with him, and that much lefTe Warre ; and ail- 
 though his Grace feared fome Hoflilitie of them, nevertheles by the 
 Death of a Woman, all Calumnies be extind:ed ; and to the entent 
 the Confederats might know his Graces good Affedtion towards them, 
 and to the Reformacion of the Church, and Abolicion of Abufes, 
 his Grace fignifieth unto them, that he woll in no wife refufe thair 
 Peticion, but willingly contribute for his Parte looooo Crownes fof 
 the Defence of the Leage, in Cafe that the Confederation between 
 the faid Confederats and his Grace to be made, fhall be brought to 
 any EfFedl. And for other Appendaunces of this Article, as touche 
 fufficient Suertie, Item, that the Half of the Monaye by them con- 
 tributed fliuld be fpent, or ever they touched his Graces Monaye : 
 Item concerning the Forme and Maner to depofite and fpend the fame. 
 Item to make his Highnes prevey of the fame, that on thair Behalfe 
 fliall be contributed, and of the NecefTitie where abouts it fliold be 
 fpent ; and that all Things may be done by Common Advife and 
 AfTent, becaufe the fame do require long Treatie ; therefore his Grace 
 referreth the fame to his Orators, and to fuch of tliairs, as by the 
 13th Article they defire to fend, his Grace defireth the faid Princes 
 to fend them fully inflrudled, and with fufhcient Power and Audio- 
 rite to treate with his Highnes, not doubting but they fliall have 
 reafonable and friendly Anfwer. 
 
 To the ifl, 2d, and 7th Articles, his Majeflie hath veray accept- 
 able and agreeable, the Honour they have thought to deferre unto 
 him, as above all Princes, to call him to be Protestor and Defender 
 of their Religion, which is a Declaration of the certain Benevolence 
 and Truft that they have in his Majeflie j and although his Majeflie 
 knoweth what Envy and Danger foloweth fuch Title, yet neverthe- 
 les his Highnes is fo defirous to do them Pleafure, and to the Glory 
 of the Gofpell, his Grace is content to accept the fame Honour, after 
 that between his and thair Orators Agrement, flial be had upon the 
 I ft and 2d Articles, for it fliuld not be fure nor honourable for his 
 Majeftie, before they fliall be with his Grace agreed upon certain 
 Concorde of Dodlrines, to take fuch a Province upon his Highnes ; 
 and forafmuch as his Majeftie defireth much that his Bifhops and 
 Learned Men might agree with theirs, but feen that it cannot be, 
 oneles certain Thinges in their Confeffion and Apologie, fliuld by 
 their Familiar Conferencies be mitigate. His Grace therefore would 
 the Orators and fome Excellent Learned Men with them fliuld be 
 fent hither, to conferre, talke, treate and common upon the fame 
 according to the 13th Article. 
 
 Vol. III. 5 Z Now
 
 454 
 
 A CoUeBion Part III. 
 
 Now that his Highnes by the fame Anfwers {heweth unto them 
 his good Harte, trufting that they woU be of Correfpondence, ther- 
 unto his Majeftie defireth Three Things of them of no great Cofte 
 nor Difficultie. 
 
 Firfl:, That in Cafe any King, Prince, or other, would invade 
 his Majeftie or Dominions for the fxme, or for the Caufe of the Re- 
 ligion, that then they woU furniflie him at thair Expences, 500 
 Horfemen armed of all Feces, or i o Ships well arrayed for the Warre, 
 to ferve his Majeftie by the Space of Four hole Monethes by Land 
 or by Sea ; and that it Hiall be at his Graces Choyfe to have Ilorfe- 
 men, or Shipps, and that fuch as his Grace fliall chufe, fliall be fent 
 to him, within a Month after the requifition thereof. 
 
 Second, That befides the fame, that tliey fliall reteyn at his Ma- 
 jefties Coft and Chardges, fuch Number of Horfemen and Footm.en, 
 as his Highnes fliall require j fo that the Horfemen paffe not the 
 Number of Two Thoufand, and the Footmen the Number of Five 
 Thoufand; or for the faid Footmen, 1 2 Ships in good Order fur- 
 niflied with Men, Harneys, Ordynances, Viftuells, and otlier 
 Things neceffarie ; and that the Kings Majeftie maye hyre them, re- 
 teyne at his Wages as long as it fliall pleafc his Grace -, and it fliall 
 be as his Majefties Choyfe to have the faid 1 2 Ships, or the faid 
 Number of Horfemen and Footmen, and that fuch as his Majeftie 
 fliall choyfe, maye be redye within Two Moneths after his Requi- 
 fition. 
 
 Thirde, That the fayd Confederals woU take upon them in all 
 Conciles herafter, and every where ells to promote and defend the 
 Opinion of the Reverend Fathers, Dr. Maj-tin, Jujliis JoJias, Cru- 
 ciger, Pcmeran, and Mdanchton, in the Caufe of his Graces Mar- 
 riage. 
 
 Cotton 
 Chop 
 P. 283. 
 
 Number 47. 
 
 A Letter writ to the King by the Princes of the Smal- 
 
 caldick League. 
 
 An Original. 
 
 Librar)' O ErenifTime Rex, Poftquam Romanus Pontlfex, Paulus Tertius, 
 E. 6. O Generalem Synodum Mantuae celebrandam, & inchoandam die 
 vicetUmo tertio Maij, indixit, mifit ad nos InviftifTimus Imperator 
 Carolus Quintus Clementiflimus Dominus nofter, Oratorem fuum, 
 ut ad Indidionem illam Concilij ipfi veniamus, vel Procuratores nof- 
 tros mittamus. 
 
 Etfi
 
 Book IIL Of Records^ Sec. 4^^ 
 
 Etfi autem nos ex animo femper optavimus, et Synodus, rebus de- 
 liberatis, emendationem abufuum atque errorum, qui diu jam in 
 Ecclefia haerent, inftitueret, etiam adverfus illos ipfos Pontiiices & 
 Pr^elatos, quorum partim Negligentia) partim Cupiditatibus, vitia 
 ilia in Ecclefiam irrepferunt : Tamen Bulla, in qua Paulus Pontifex 
 Concilium indicit, non obfcure teftatur, Pontificem (cum fuis con- 
 jundlis) nequaquam pafiurum effe ; ut in Synodo, de reftituenda 
 Vera Dodlrina, & corrigendis Abulibus atq; Erroribus, agatur. Sed 
 quemadmodum ab ipfo, & quibufdam fuis AnteceiToribus Doftrina, 
 quam confeffi fumus, fine ulla Cognitione, aut Examinatione Gene- 
 ralis, liberie, 6c Chriftianae Synodi, temere, & cum Contumelia 
 Evangelij, damnata eft ; Ita oftendit fe Paulus Pontifex, hsc Preju- 
 dicia, Praetextu Synodi, confirmaturum efle : Et conatur fibi ipfa re- 
 ceptione Bulla?, obligare omnes Reges & Potentatos, ut ipii quoque 
 affentiantur illis Prejudiciis, & omiffa cognitione, fe ad Piam & Ca- 
 tholicam Doftrinam, & in Evangelio clare traditam, quam proiitemur 
 extirpandam, & armis delendam conjungant. In hanc Indiiftionem fi 
 confenliffemus, vifi effemus h^c Prejudicia confirmare 6c Doclrinam 
 Ecclefia; Romana; Sc Dodlrinam noftrorumTeftimonio noftro condein- 
 nare. Itaque Oratori Csfaria; Majeftatis, vcre 6c bona fide commemo- 
 ravimus, quare nobis ilia Indid:io Concilij, iniqua, 6c perniciofa Ec- 
 clefiae videatur ; ac petivimus, ut CsfariiE Majeftati, Excufationem 
 noftram juftam, 6c confentaneam, Juri fcripto 6c naturali, quare in 
 illam Indiilionem non confenferimus, exponat. 
 
 Non dubitabamus, aut quin Romanus Pontifex, 6c hi quos habet 
 con'jundlos, fe excufaturi effent apud Regiam Dign, V. tanquam 
 Pontifex fecerit fuum Officium, ac oftenderit fe voluifTe recfle 
 confulere Ecclefia ; nos vero oneraturi Invidia, quafi communi Uti- 
 litati deefi^e velimus. Quare necefiarium nobis vifum eft Caufas, . 
 propter quas Indidlionem illam iniquiflimam, 6c infidiarum ac peri- 
 culi plenam recufavimus, Regis Dignitati veftrse, 6c ci^teris Regibus 
 & Principibus fignificare, ut adverfariorum Calumniis, 6c aliorum 
 Sufpicionibus occurreremus. 
 
 Itaque, ut Regia Dignitas veftra Caufis illas vere 6c integre intelli- 
 gere poflit, rogamus, propter Gloriam Chrifti, ut Regia Dignitas V. 
 noftram Excufationem, quam publicatam his Literis adjecimus, per- 
 legat. qua in re non folum periculo movcatur multorum in Germania 
 Populorum, quib. Regiam Dignitatem V. optime velle fperamus, fed 
 etiam cogitet, hanc noftram Caufam ad communem Salutem EcclefiJE 
 pertinere, in qua cum Difciplinam multis in rebus collaplam efle 
 conftet, 6c paulatim receptos efle abufus non difiimulandos, diu mul- 
 ti, magni, 6c prsftantes Viri, Emendationem optaverunt 6c fiagita- 
 runt. Non dubitamus, aut quin Regia Dignitas V. etiam ex alio cu- 
 piat Ecclefia; Chrifti quemadmodum Deus hoc OfHcium, prsecipue 
 a fummis Principibus requirit, omni Ope, 6c Omnibus Viribus confu- 
 lere. Proinde & communem Ecclefice Caufam, 6c nos ipfos diligen- 
 ter commendamus Regime Dignitati V. 5c noftra Officia, cum fumma 
 Obfervantia, Reg. Dignitati vefb-s deferimus. Bene 6c feliciter valeat 
 Regia Dignitas Veftra. Data; vij. Calend. April. Anno Domini 
 M. D. XXXVII. 
 
 ,Dei
 
 45 <^ 
 
 A Colkaion Part III. 
 
 Dei Beneficio, Joannes Fredericus Dux Saxo- 
 niae, Sacri Roniani Imperii Archimarefchal- 
 lus ac Princeps Eledlor, Lantgravius Tu- 
 ringiae, & Marchio Myfia^. 
 
 Et Philippus Lantgravius Haffiae, Comes Ca- 
 torum Diek, Zygenhaim, & Nidde, fuo & 
 aliorum, Principum Statuum, & Civitatum 
 Imperij Germanics Nationis, Nomine, pu- 
 ram Evangelij Dodrinam profitentium. 
 
 Sereniflimo Principi, Domino Henrico ejus 
 Nominis Ocftavo, Britannias & Francias 
 Regi, Domino Hiberniae, Domino Cog- 
 nate, & Amico noftro Cariffimo. 
 
 Number 48. 
 
 CranmerV Letter to Cromwell, complaming of the III 
 Treatment of the Ambaffadors from Germany. 
 
 Cff//u« Library Ti TY very finguler good Lord, In my mofl: hertie wife I recom- 
 Y. 2iz^ i.VJ. mend me unto your Lordefhip. And where that the Oratours 
 of Germany, when thei granted to tary one Moneth, required that 
 we fliould go furth in their Booke, and entreate of the Abufes, fb 
 that the fame myght be fet furth in Wryting as the other Articles 
 arr : I have fyns effedluoufly moved the Bifliops therto, but they 
 have made me this Anfwer ; That thei knowe, that the King's 
 Grace hath taken apon hymfelf to anfwer the faid Oratours in that 
 Behalf, and therof a Book is alredie divifed by the King's Maje- 
 ftie ; and therfore they will not meddell with the Abufes, lefte 
 thei fhould write therin contrarye to that the King fhall write. 
 Wherefore thei have required me to entreate now of the Sacraments 
 of Matrimony, Orders, Confirmation, and Extreme Undlion ; 
 wherin thei knowe certeynly that the Germanes will not agree with 
 us, excepte it be in Matrymoney onlye. So that I perceyve, that 
 the Bifliops feek only an Occafion to breke the Concorde ; alluring 
 your Lordfliip, that nothing fliall be done, unles the King's Grace 
 fpeciall Commandmente be unto us therin direfted. For they ma- 
 nifeflly fee, that they cannot defend the Abufes, and yet they wold 
 in no wife grant unto them, Fartlier, as concernyng the Ora- 
 tours of Garmanye, I am advertifed, that thei are very evill lodged 
 where thei be : For befides the Multitude of Ratts, dayly and 
 
 nyghtly
 
 Book III. Of Records^ Sec, 457 
 
 nyghtly mnnyng in thair Chambers, which is no fmall Dilquiet- 
 nes ; the Kechyn flandeth direftly againft their Parlar, where they 
 dayly Dine and Supp ; and by reafon therof, the Houfe favereth 
 fo yll, that it offendeth all Men that come into it. Therefore, if 
 your Lordfliip do but oifer them a more Commodious Houfe, to de- 
 more in, I doubt not, but that they will accept that Offer mofl 
 thankefully, albeit I am fuer that they will not remove for this tyme. 
 And wheras of late I did put your Lordlliip in Remembrance, for 
 the Suppreflion of the Abbey of TuSerye ; now I befeech your 
 Lordfhip, not only that CommilTionours may be fent unto that Houfe, 
 but alfo in likewife unto the Abbey of Rccejler, or Crockefcioti ; be- 
 feeching your Lordfliip to be good Lorde unto this Berer Frances 
 Baffet, my Servant, for his Preferment unto a Leace of one of the 
 faid Houfes ; not doubting but you fhall prefer a right honefl: Man, 
 who at all Tymes fliall be able to do the King's Grace right good 
 Service in thofe Partes, and alfo be at your Lordfliip's Command- 
 ment during his Life. Thus Almightie God have your good 
 Lordfhip in his bleffed Tuition. At Lambeth, the xxiijd Daye of 
 ^■iiigiijle. 
 
 Your own ever afTured 
 
 7! Ccmtuafie7i\ 
 
 Number 49 * 
 
 ^e Earl of Northumberland'^ Letter to Cromwell, de- 
 nying any Co7itra8i^ or Projmfe of Marriage^ between 
 ^een Anne and Himfelf 
 
 An Or'igiitaL 
 
 MR. Secretary, This fhall be to fignifie unto you, that I perceyve c«//<j«l.rbrary 
 by Sir Raynold Camaby, that there is fuppof^d a Prccontraft Otho. C. lo. 
 between the Queen and me ; wherupon I was not only heretofore 
 examined upon my Oatli before the Archbifliopps of Canterbiirv and 
 Tork, but alfo received the BlefTed Sacrament upon the f;ime before the 
 Duke of Norfolk, and other the King's Highnes Council Learned in 
 the Spirituall Law ; affuring you, Mr. Secretary', by the faid Oath, 
 and BlefTed Body which affore I received, and hereafter intend to re- 
 ceive, that the fame may be to my Damnation, if ever there were 
 any Contrafte, or Promife of Marriage between Her and Me. At 
 Vol. III. 6 A Neuyngton-
 
 45 8 
 
 A Collection Part III. 
 
 Neivyngto}i-Grce)i, the xiijth Day of Maye, in the 28th Year of the 
 Reigne of our Soveraigne Lord King Henry the Vlllth. 
 
 Tour Ajfuredy 
 
 Northumberland . 
 
 Number 50. 
 
 A Letter, giving Pace an Accoimt of Propojitiofis 7nade 
 to King Henry by Charles the Vt/j. 
 
 Tapcr-O^ce, /HT^ RUSTY and Right Wcl-belovcd, we grete you well, lating 
 X you Wit, that on Tuefday laft pafTed, repaired to our Maner 
 of Grcaiwiche unto us, the Emperors AmbalTador here Refident, and 
 on his Mafters Behalf, pretending a Defire to renew the Old Amytie 
 that hath been between us, teflified nevertheles by Letters of Cre- 
 dence fent from the faid Emperor to our Trufty and Right Wel-be- 
 loved Counfailer, Thomas Cromwell, our Principal Secretary, which 
 of long Seafon hath been interrupted, made unto us for the Advance- 
 ment of fuche a Renovation certain Overtures : The' Firft was, that 
 he wold be a Means to have a Reconciliation between us and the 
 Bifhop of Rome : An other, that we would ayd him with fome Con- 
 tributions in his entended Voyage againft the Turk : The Third, 
 that forafmuch as by a certain Leage paffed between us, it is cove- 
 nanted and agreed, that in Cafe either of us fliuld be invaded in any 
 of our Realmes, Dominions, or Seigniories, which we have in Poi^ 
 feflion, the other fhuld ayd him in fuch Form, as in the faid Leage 
 is expreffed, at the Cofts and Expences of the Prince requiring the 
 fame, and that there is a greate Appearance that the French King 
 wil now invade him in the Duchie of Millain, we wold grant him 
 fuch Ayde for his Defence againft the faid French King, as in the 
 faid Leage is limited. To the faid MafTe and Subftance of his Cre- 
 dence, tending to a Renovation of Amytie, ye fliall underftande our 
 Anfwer was, that albeit the Interruption and Difturbance therof, 
 hath proceded holly on the Emperors Behalf, who for our Friende- 
 fhip in fuche wife hertofore fliewed unto him, in making him King 
 of Sipayn, in making him Emperor, whenne the Empire was at our 
 Difpoficion, in lending him our Money, that he may only thank us 
 for the Honour he is now advanced unto, hath nevertheles for his 
 reciproque fliewed unto us, all the Ingratitude he could devife, both 
 in contempnying, as it were, a Friendfhip, when we have done more 
 for his Satisfaction in our Proceedings then needed, and in procuring 
 what Difpleafure and Injury he could againii us, at the Bifhop of 
 
 Romei
 
 Book III. Of Records^ Sec, 4^c> 
 
 Rmnes Hande, as by Credible Reports we have knowen and lerned ; 
 yet fuch is our Zeal to Unytie, Concord, and Quiet amongs Chrif- 
 tian Princes, and fuch is our Princely Nature, that as we canne 
 continue our Difpleafure to no Man, if he do ones remove the Caufe 
 therof : So if he which is a Prince of Honor, and a Perfonage 
 whom we ones chofe, and thought Worthie for his Vertue and Qua- 
 lities, to be advanced, will by his exprefs Writing, eyther defire us 
 to put his doings towards us in Oblivion, or by the fame Purge 
 himfelf, and declare that fuch Things as we have noted Unldndnes 
 in at his Hande, hath been unjuftly, and without his Defert, im- 
 puted unto him, we fhall gladly embrace his Overture touching this 
 Renovation ; but we plainly faid and offered, that feing we had 
 fufteyned the Injury, we could not be a Suiter for the Reconciliation, 
 nor treat with his Mailer of fuch Appendents for Aydes, as be be- 
 fore expreffed, or any fuch like, unlefs our Amyties fliuld be firft 
 Symple, and without all Manner of Conditions renoveled ; which 
 Parte, if he will firft accomplifli, he fliuld not need to doubt, but to 
 all his realbnable Defires to be made after, he fliall have as Friendly 
 and Reafonable Anfwer, as betv\'een Friends in the Higheft Degree 
 of Friendlhip can be required. Touching the Bifhope of Rome, we 
 declared unto him, that as we have not proceeded uppon fo Height 
 and flender Grounds, as we wold revoke, alter, or change any Peece 
 of our Doings ; having in all Caufes made our Foundacions uppon 
 the Laws of God, Nature, and Honeftie, and eftablifhed all our 
 Works made uppon the fame, by the Confent of all the States of 
 our Realme, in open and High Court of Parliament, fo confidering 
 there hath been fome Means made unto us by the Bilhop himfelf for 
 fuch a ReconciUation, which we have not yet embraced, it fliuld not 
 be Expedient to have it compaffed by any other Means ; nor we 
 could take as in good Parte, or think that the Emperor fhuld erneftly 
 mind a Reconciliation, and a Renovation of our Amyties, if for the 
 Satisfadlion of the Bifhop of Rome our Enemye, he fhuld move us to 
 allter any one Thing that we have here determyned contrary to his 
 Purpofe, and pretended Autoritie. To his Requeft for Aid againft the 
 'Turk, was anfwered, that we could give no certain Refblution, be- 
 caufe the Affaires of Chrijiendom be not quiet, but in cafe their may 
 enfue between Chriften Princes an Univerfall Reconciliation, Concord, 
 and Agreement, we fhall not fayle in that Matter to doe for our 
 Parts, that to the Office of a Chriftien Prince appertaineth : Finally 
 to his Defire for Ayde againft the Freyich King, we faid it fliuld be con- 
 venient that our Amytie fliuld be firft renewed, and certainly efta- 
 blifhed, before we fhuld treat of any fuche Appendants ; and thenne 
 being an indifferent Friend to both, we might frankly Travail to 
 conferve Peas and Unitie ; or ells Friendly to ftaye him that wold 
 do wrong ; but tyl fuch Time as that Foundation were made, we 
 could neyther in this Appendant, nor any fuche like make any diredt 
 Anfwer. And forafmuch as not only for your Inftrudion, but 
 allfb for that we be much defirous to know in what Paite they take 
 our Anfwer there, we thought convenient to Advertife you of the 
 PremyfTes, our Pleafure is, that ye fhall afwell in your Conferences 
 with the Emperor, pretending only a General] Knowledge of certain 
 
 of
 
 460 
 
 A ColleBion Part III* 
 
 of the Overtures made by his Orators here, both maintain our Anfwers 
 to the fame, with fuch Reafons as ye canne devife for that Purpofe, 
 and of your felfe exhorte him not to pretermyt this goodly Occafion, 
 fo gracioufly beganne, commenced, and entred, extolling our Princely 
 Harte, Nature, and Courage, with our moil: gende Inclynation, 
 to the Satisfaftion of our Friends defires, in all reafonable Things, 
 wherunto they fliall not prefs us ; which kind of Conftraint doth for 
 moft Parte more hurte in the flay of good Purpofes, then cane be, 
 after with Repentance when the Tyme is paft eftfoons redoubled. 
 As in Semblable Maiier move Monfieur Grandevile of your felf, as a 
 Perfonage whom ye repute, addifte to the Advancement of our 
 Honor, to dcfire the Emperor to confider what Good may enfue to 
 him, and to the hole State of Chrijltvidom, if we may joyne again in 
 perfite Amytie ; and that it were great Pitie, and purcafe greater 
 Loffe then might be after recovered, to fuffer this goodly Meane and 
 entree to paffe witliout certain Fruit and Effeft, by the putting to it 
 of fuch Appendants and Conditions, as ye knowe, what foever we 
 will after do, at the contemplation of Friendlhip, yet our Nature and 
 Courage will not bear to be newe loden and charged withall ; fpecially 
 confidering that we have fuftered the Injury ; and with thefe and 
 fuche like Words, as ye woU that ye fliall cndevor your felf of your 
 felf to pryk them forwarde to the Renovation of our Amytie, with- 
 out adding therunto any Conditions. Soe ye fhall repayr to the Court 
 and to Grandevil as ye may conveniently, to give them Occafion by 
 your being in their Eyes, to enter Communication with you of thele 
 Matters ; wherby you fliall the better alfo percey\'e wherunto they 
 will bend, which our Pleafure is, you fliall from Tyme to Tyme 
 fignify unto us, as ye may have any certain Matter worthie our 
 Knowleage. 
 
 Number 51. 
 hiJlruEiio7is by Ca?'dmal Pole to one he fent to Kmg Henry. 
 
 A}i Oris^maL 
 
 ^ 
 
 Cotton 
 Chop. 
 P. 340. 
 
 Library TMprimis, to declare to his Grace myn hole Entent and purpofe 
 E. 6. X. yn wrytyng the Booke, wherein takyn my tefl:imony off God, 
 that only feyth the Hart of Man, was only the Manifefliation off the 
 Treuth in that Mattier, that by Mafter Secretaryes Letters I tooke 
 as a Commandment to fliew my Sentence herein, which wrote the 
 fame to me by his Gracys Pleafure, that I fliuld by Writing declare 
 myn Opinion ; and this is the very Caufe I dyd wiyght j for other- 
 wife<. I thynk I had never fett Penne to Booke in fo lyttyl hope of 
 Perfuafion, and in fuch a Matter as the Tyme was fo lykely hott to 
 be all the befk acceptyd, 
 
 Further
 
 Book III. Of Records, Sec. 461 
 
 Further to declare after I was onys entred into the Mattier, haveng 
 fent to me the Books of them that have wrytten yn the contrary 
 Part, wherin I faw the Trueth mervyolouflye fuppreffyd and cloked, 
 with all Colours that could be invented fett upon the untrew Opinion, 
 feyng befyde what Acls folowed of the fame fo fore and grevioufe, 
 both in the fight of God, and Judgment of the reft of Chrijiejjdom, 
 out of that Realme, that except thofe Colours were takyn away, and 
 Treuthe purely fett forthe, wythe Declaration of the inconvenient 
 Adts, yt myght foon torne to the utter Danger of his Graces bothe 
 Honour afore God and Man, and utter Deftrud:ion, as yet femyth, 
 of the Quyettnes of the Realme ; this made me wyth all both Wytt 
 and Lernyng that God had gyven me, to endevour to expreife fo the 
 Trouthe, and declare the Qualytyes off thofe Adls that folowed of 
 the finifter Opinion, that I doubt not whofoever reade the Booke that 
 wole knowe the Trouthe, fhuld never after need to fall into Daungier, 
 for Ignorance of the trew Sentence. 
 
 And this I did with this hope, haveing this ever fixid in my Harte 
 that howfoever hys Grace was by perverfe Occafion brought from 
 thofe Opinions which was for his Honore, moft to maynteyne, that 
 he was brought therto as God fuffereth thofe that be in his Favour, 
 and whom he hath Eledte to Eternall Felycytie, notwythftandyng 
 to faull fome Tyme into Oifenfys dampnable, to the Entent they 
 myght better know where they have their trew Lyght and Savefgarde 
 which comythe of God, and nothyng off them felf : as ytt is not 
 unknowne that Scripture mentionethe both of Davyd and Solomons 
 faulles, which bothe in Conclufion, were recoveryd by the Mercye 
 of God againe, and Solomon notwithftanding the Gyft off Wyfedome 
 that God had gyven him, fell fo fore that he was utterly tornyd 
 from God, and gyven to Idolatrye. This I confydreng in thofe 
 Elecl Perlbnys off God, and judgeng verely thoughe his Grace 
 was by God permyttyd to faull from the trew Dodlrine of Chrift, 
 yett as God faved David by thofe Meanes, to fend a Prophete unto 
 him to fliow hym the Trewth, which as foone as he had hard told 
 hym, forthwyth fell to Repentance, and fo was taken to the Grace 
 off God again, and recoveryd to his greatter Honour, then he was 
 yn afore his Faull ; the fame truft I had in his Grace, whiche made 
 me put my uttermoft Studye and Labour, callyng for help of God, 
 to manyfeft the Trueth, where I doubt not but God hath hard my 
 Prayer, that for Knowledge of the trewe Sentence, there can be no 
 doubt ; and I cannot but greatly truft, that his Grace herynge and 
 affenting, as King David did to the fame after his Errour, Ihall be 
 recoveiyd by God to higher Honour and Grace, then ever he was 
 afore God fuffered him to faull. 
 
 In tliis Declaration of this Treuthe, becaufe not only afore God 
 were great Peryll, but alfo in this World prefent afore Man, many 
 foore Daungers myght happen, in Cafe his Grace did remayne and 
 continew yn his Sentence fo dyvers from the reft of the Chriften 
 Princes ; this caufyd me, callyng to my Mynd what Daunger might 
 follow bothe of his People at home, whofe Mynds Experience 
 fliowethe cannot be quiettyd wythe this Innovations touching Opini- 
 ons in Relygion ; and alfo of outward Power of thofe Prynces to 
 
 Vol. III. " 6B whofe
 
 462 
 
 A ColleBion Part III. 
 
 whofe Honour yt ys judged to apperteyne to defend the Lawes of 
 the Church, againft all other Princes or Nations that doyth impugne 
 them, for thefe Confiderations to the Entent the Daunger hereoff 
 now not unknown, I have in the fame Booke, fometyme in my own 
 Perfon, brought all fuch Reafons wherebyc juftely either the People, 
 or oughtward Prynce might be inftigate againft his Grace, foloweng 
 the dyvers Trade from other Chryftian Princes that he hath begone. 
 Which Reafons and Difcourfes conteynyd in the Booke vehemently 
 fett forthe, yf they fliuld be redd apart without Confyderacyon of my 
 fynall Purpofe, which by all Means entendyd to fett affore hys 
 Graces yien, not only the Treuthe off that was to be folowed, 
 butt the Daungers that were mofte lykelye to enfue, both at home 
 and abrode, yf they were not followed, he fliall think by what ve- 
 hemencye and fore reprehenfion he feyth in the Wr)'tyng, that I am 
 the greatyft Adverfaraye of his Graces Honour that ever any hitherto 
 hath bene : but God knoweth my Entent, and he that redyth 
 the hoole Booke togyther fliall knowe the fame, how my veiy Pur- 
 pofe and Ende was to fave him from great Dyflionour and Peryll 
 both in tliis World and that to come, which were nothing pofTyble 
 to examine, not knoweng what they were, and what were lykely to 
 happen to be fayd or done againft his Grace : which foloweng all 
 probabylytie the Booke dotli expreffe, and for the better underftanding 
 of both my Opinion and Sentence that I follow in the Book, touching 
 the Declaration of the Truthe, and of my utter fynall Purpofe in the 
 hole Matter, thys cliifly I wole defyer his Grace, bycaufe of the 
 Prolyxitie thereof, which fhuld be to muche for his Grace to rede 
 hymfelfe, that that wole pleafe hym to apoynt fome lernyd and fald 
 Man to rede over the Book, and that done to declare his Judgment, 
 bound firft \vyth an Othe off hys Fydelytie, firft to God, and after- 
 wards to hys Grace to fliow hys Judgment without AfFedlion of any 
 Part : and yf his Grace wold gyve this Charge to the Bifhop of 
 Dyrrhtim, whome I judge to be the faldyft and moft grounded in 
 Lernyng, with Faythful Hart to his Grace, above any other that I 
 knowe, puttyng the fame Charge unto him by another ; I think his 
 Grace fhuld thereby beft and moft truely be enformed ; and fo when 
 he hadi made his Relation, afterward his Grace may prove other 
 Menes Judgments as it fhall pleafe him. 
 
 Furthermore to declare unto his Grace how my full Purpofe and 
 Mynd was, touching the hole Booke that never no Part thereofF 
 fhuld a come abrode in any Manes Hands, afore his Grace had feen 
 ytt : and to folow in this Booke the fame maner off fecretnes that I 
 did in the other which I deliveryd to his Grace concerning his Ma- 
 trymonye, but by what Meanes in one Part of this Book I have been 
 fruftrate of my Entent j this you may declare by Mouth, knowing- 
 the hole Mattier. 
 
 Fynally, With all Humbylnes to defyre his Grace, in the Name 
 of his moft faythfull Servant, and moft tender of his Honoure and 
 Welthe, that where as by the Judgement of all wife Men, God of 
 hys Mercye and Love toward his Grace, and for a greate Warnyng 
 to retourne to hym, hath detedtyd the Iniquitie of her, which hath 
 
 bene
 
 Book III. Of Records^ Sec, ^6;^ 
 
 bene the Oryglnal Caufe and Occaflon of althyfe bothe Errours and 
 Dangers his Grace hath coft hynifelf in, that now his Grace will 
 correct himfelf to take the fame, as yt ys a favorable Admonition 
 of God, and to follow theyr Sentencyes and Counfell, which (next 
 unto theyr Concyence toward God) hath had none other Caufe, 
 butt only pure Love and Fydelytie to his Honour and Welth : 
 which caufyd them, againfl their own private Welth e, wyth greate 
 Daunger befyde, ever to dyffent from that Matrymonye ; judgeng 
 ever, as ytt was moft lykely, both great Difhonour, great Daun- 
 giers and Peiylls, both fpiritually and outwardly, to followe there- 
 off. 
 
 And now, yf God hath manifefted the fame to the Recovery of 
 hys Grace Welth, allwayes that his Grace wyll accept thys Warn- 
 yng to retourn to the Unytie of his Church, in that Sentence and 
 Mynd tliat the reft of Chriftiane Prynces do ; wherein I dare be 
 bolde to faye, yf God fliowe this great Benignitie and Mercy unto 
 him, for to make him returne ; for fuerly God's Hand that muft be : 
 and whenfoever that fliall be herd, that fhall be taken for one of the 
 greatyft Myracles tliat hathe been fhowed this many Agys, with 
 the moft certyn Sygne of fpeclall Favour that ever was ftiowed from 
 God to any Prynce : Then furft of all this fhall follow, that when 
 as now all Chrijlendome callyng for a Generall Councell, yf that 
 follow, ether his Grace muft v/yth Dyflionour and Damage flee to 
 obey thereunto, or wyth more Daunger anfwer there to fuch Caufes 
 as wold be layde unto him. Yf he do returne, thys furft ftiall 
 followe, by that Meanys that fliuld be founde, that no Prynce 
 Chryften, whofoever he were, fliold appere there with more Ho- 
 nour then lliuld his Grace. And wheras it was for the Innovation 
 that he hath made in the Churche, to be the Occafyon of Ruyne of 
 one of the feyreft Membre of the Churche, if God make him 
 torne ; the Conclufion wyll be brought to this, that hys FauU fhall 
 be the happyeft Faull diat was unto the Churche many Yeres j 
 which may be brought to be a redye and highe Way to the Reforma- 
 tion of tlie Hole, to the more Manyfeftation of the Honour of God : 
 So that fynally, the Ende fhall be in every Man's Opinion, that 
 marketh the hole ProcefTe, that God fuffred his Grace to faulle, to 
 make hym ryfe wyth more Honour, to the greater Welth not only 
 of his own Realme, but of the hole Church befyde. 
 
 Your Faithful! Servant, 
 
 R, Pole. 
 
 Number
 
 464 
 
 A ColleBion Part III. 
 
 Number 52. 
 
 A Letter to 'FoXo.frofn the BiJJjop of Durham, in his own 
 
 Hand. 
 
 An Ongi?jaL 
 
 CottonUhraxy "O Yght Honorable, in my humble maner I recommend me unto 
 Cleop. E. 6. J[\_ yom- Mailerfliip, advertifing the fame that I have refceived your 
 ' ^ ^' Letter, datyd at Venice on Corpus Chrijii Evyn laft ; by which I do 
 perceyve, that where of late you fent a Boke with a Letter unto the 
 Kyng's Highnes, concernyng your Opinion of the King's Title, and 
 the Power of the Billiop of Rome; and your Defire was in your 
 Letter, as ye write, that I myght fee the Boke, to enforme his Grace 
 what I thought theroff. And now ye fend to me your faid Letter, 
 to inform me of your Meanynge and Purpofe in your faid longe 
 Boke, wherin I do perceyve, ye fere left your Vehcmency have of- 
 fended. I do fignifie unto you, that I have both well perufed your 
 faid Letter, to comprife well the Effed theroff in every Point ; and 
 alfo have perufed, with odyr your faid longe Boke, unto the Ende 
 theroff. Which made me hevy in my Harte, both whylfe I was in 
 Redinge of it, and allfo mych more when I had redde it thorow, 
 feinge the Vehemency and Egernefs of it in all Partes, dyd fore 
 byte ; and yet the hole Thinge ran wyde off the Truthe. For in 
 all your Boke, your Purpofe is to bring the King's Grace, by Pe- 
 nance, home unto the Churche again, as a Man clerly feperate from 
 the fame alredy. And his Receue from the Church, ye proffe not 
 otherwife, than by the Fame and comon Opinion of thofe Parts ; who 
 be farr from the Knowlege of the Truth of our Affairs here, and 
 do conjefture every Man as they lyft, (blyndly) of Thinges un- 
 knowen unto them. And in Caufe of his Retorne, ye promiffe to 
 illuftrate the King's Name, fo to bend your Lernyng therunto, that 
 all Difpleafure that may be takyn of your faid Boke, fliuld be clerly 
 therby abolyfed and takyn away ; and all fliold redund unto his 
 Glory and Honour. And to comprife in few Wordes the Effe<fle 
 that is worn off your faid Boke, that makes vehemently many Playes, 
 and doth conteyn lyttle or no Salve to hole them. And as it femyth 
 to me, ye wer ftyrred to fore in your Spirite in all your Wrytings 
 therof, and wer not quiet in your Mynde, whyle ye were in doynge 
 of it. Wold to God ye had rather written to his Grace your 
 Opinion, brevely comprifyd fecretly in a Letter, that he Ihold not 
 have nedyd to have fliewed it to other Lernyd Men of his Coun- 
 fell, than in fo longe a Boke to have dilatyd all Thynges as ye have 
 done, that he muft of Neceffitie be conftranyd to commytte that to 
 fuch trufty Perfons, as fliold pleafe his Grace to know by them the 
 
 Effefte
 
 Book III. Of Records^ &c. 465 
 
 EfFedle theroff. What Stupidity was it, to fend fo long a Boke fo 
 longe a way, conteynyng fo difplefaunt Mater, by one Man, who 
 myght have myfcaryed or peryilied in the way, and therby the 
 Boke have comen (as was likely) to the Handes of fuch as wold have 
 publifhed it to the King's Slaunder, and the Realmes, and mofl of 
 all to your owne, that Ihuld be the Author of fuch a Boke, made 
 againft your Prince and Countre : Wherin all the World fliuld re- 
 pute you to be unkynd unto your Prince and Countre, who ever- 
 more fo had lovyd you, and brogt yow up in Lernynge, and ye to 
 Ipend the fame to his Reproche. So that furely, who foever not fa- 
 vouryng the King, fliold have lykyd the Matter, yet muit he nedys 
 have myilyked the Author therof, ulinge his Lernyng againft hym, 
 in whofe Defence he ought to have fpent both Lyff and Lernyng. 
 But Laude be to God that the Boke came faffe unto the King's 
 Handys, wherby that Yeperdy ys paft. One Thinge made me cold 
 at the Harte, when I red it in your Letter that ye writt of Two 
 Quares ; which be not in your Hands to reprefs. The Refidue, ye 
 fay, ye can make fure not to come abrode ; which, yf ye foloW 
 myn Advyfe, ye fliall do furthwith ; burnyng them, for your owne 
 Honour, and the Noble Houfe that ye be come of: that it never 
 came abrode, that ye excercyfed your Style or Lernyng againft liim, 
 whom ye ougth in all Points (by your Wit and Conning) to de- 
 fende : And yf any Faults wer founde by odyrs, to excufe them by 
 all means, and not to animate them by your Penne. And would 
 to God lykewife, that ye wold endevour your felf (by all means 
 to you poflible) to gett again thofe Two Quarys, and lykwife to 
 burn them. For, in all your Boke, ther is not one Queyre with- 
 out Bytternefs, mych more then I wold it were. But to retourne to 
 that Thinge that I faid before, that methought your hole Book ran 
 wyde off the Truth. I fliall, by your Patience, yf ye be contente 
 to here me as your Frende, opyn unto you what I mean therby. 
 Ye preflxppofe for a Ground, the King's Grace to be fwarvyd from 
 the Unite of Chrift's Church, and that in takinge upon him the 
 Tytle of Supreme Hede of the Church of Englande, he intendyth 
 to feperate his Church of Englafide from the Unitie of the whole 
 Bodie of ChriJ}e?tdome ; takyng upon hym the Office belonging to 
 Spirituall Men, grounded in the Scripture, of immediat Cure of 
 Soule, and attribute to hymfelf that belongith to Prefthode, as to 
 prech and teach the Word of God, and to mynyfter the Sacraments. 
 And that he doth not know what longeth to a Chriften King's Of- 
 fice, and what unto Prefthode ; wherin furely both you and al odyr 
 fo thinkinge of him, do erre too farre. For there is no Prince in 
 Chriftendome, that more regardith, or better knowith the Office and 
 the Honor of a Chriften Prince, nor that more doth tfteem Spiritual 
 Men that be gyffen to Lernyng and Vertue, than he doth : And 
 that ye may boldly (without Reproch) avouch to all Men affirm- 
 ing the contrary, whatfoever ftniftrbufly conceived Opinion any Per- 
 Ibn fhall have of hym, in thofe Partes, or any odcr. For, his full 
 Purpofe and Intente is, to fee the Laws of Almyghty God purly 
 and fincerely prechyd and taugth, and Chrift's Fayth without Blot 
 kepte and obferved in his Realme ; and not to feperate hymfelf, or 
 Vol. in. 6 C his
 
 466 
 
 A ColleSiion Part III. 
 
 his Realme, any wyfe from the Unitie of Chrift's Catholyke Church, 
 but inviolably, at all Tymes, to kepe and obferve the fame ; and 
 to reduce his Church of Englande out of all Captivitie of Foreyn 
 Powers, hertofore ufurped therin, into the Chriflen Efiate, that 
 all Churches of all Realmes wer in at the Begynyng j and to abo- 
 lyfhe, and clerly to put away fuch Ufurpations, as hertofore in 
 thys Realme the Bifliops of Rovie have, by many undue meanes, in- 
 crefyd to their grete Avantage, aiid Impovei^fliing-e of tliys Realm, 
 and the Kyng's Subjecls of the fame. So that no Man therin can 
 juftly find any Fawte at the King's fo doinge, feinge he reducyth 
 all Thynges to that Eftate, that is conformable to thofe auncient 
 Decres of the Churche, which the Biiliop of Rome (at his Crea- 
 tion) folemly doth profefs to obferve hymfelf, which be the Eygth 
 Univerfal Counfells. Which yf ye do rede advyfedly, and ftudi- 
 pufly do confyder how the Church of Chrift was ftablyflied by 
 thofe, and how far of late Yers the Byfliops of Ronie have broght 
 this Realme and odyr from thofe; ye (liall manyfeftly perceyve 
 the Abufe and Diverfitie betuyx the oon and the other. I am fure, 
 9.t Venice ye may have the fayd Counfels in Grcke, lyke as now 
 they be comon abrode in JLatyn, tranflatyd even from the Begyn- 
 ing. Which if they had been comenly knowen and redde herto- 
 fore, the Bi/liop of Rome's, Power hertofore ufurpyd in many Realmes, 
 had never fo firre been avancyd, as of late it hathe. Wold to God 
 ye had ben exercifed in Readinge of them, before the Sendinge of 
 your faide Boke, tliat ye might have knowen from the Begynning, 
 from Age to Age, the Continuance and ProgrefTe of the Catho- 
 like Churche. By which ye fliuld have perceived, that the Church 
 of Rome had never of olde fuch a Monarchie, as of late it hathe 
 ufurped. And if ye will fay, that thofe Places of the Gofpell, that 
 ye do allege in your Boke, do prove it, then mufl: ye graunt alfb, 
 that the Counfel of Nice and others did erre, which ordeined 
 the contrary. And the Apoftels alfo, in their Canons, did ordeine. 
 That al Ordring of Prefts, Confecratynge of Bifhops, and all Matirs 
 Spirituall, fliuld be fyniflied within the DiocefTe, or at uttermoft 
 within the Province wher the Parties dwelte. Which Canons of 
 the Apoftels, Damafce?i doth commemorate for Holy Scriptures. Now 
 it is not lyke, that the Apoftels, who were Prechers of the GofpeU, 
 wold make Canons contrary to the Gofpell ; nor that the Four Firft 
 Cheife Counfels General wold have ordenyd fo as they did, if the 
 Gofpell, or the Scripture, had bene to the contrary. And wher ye 
 in your Boke much do ftikke to common Cuftome of the Church, 
 fuerly after Chrifte, above a Thoufmd Yere, the Cuftome was to the 
 contrary, that now is ufed by the Bifliop of Rome. At that Tyme, 
 in the Primitive Church of Chrifte, when the Blood of Chrifte and 
 Martyers was yet freflie, the Scriptures wer beft underftande. Faith 
 moft firme, and Vertue moft pregnant; the Cuftomes then ufed in 
 the Church, muft nedes be better than any contrary Ufe fens, ey- 
 'ther by Ambition or Covetoufnes, any waies cropen in. And to af- 
 fure you of my Mind what I do thinke ; fuerly who foever fliall go 
 about, by the Primatie of Peter, which was in Prechinge the Word 
 of God, to eftablyflae the worldly Autorite of the Bifliop of Ro>ne^ 
 
 which
 
 Book III. Of Records^ Sec, 467 
 
 which he now claynieth in dyverfe Realms, in worldly thyngs foe 
 perfefte temporall, fhall no more couple them to gedyr then lygth and 
 darknes ; but fhal improve the thinge that he goeth about to prove. 
 Iff ye wold rede Nicolas Cuja de concordia Catholica in his Second 
 Boke thorowly, he fliold gretly open this Matter unto you. 
 Wherfore fens the King's Grace goeth about to reforme his Realme, 
 and reduce the Church of E7igland unto that State that both thys 
 Realme and all other wer in at the begynnynge off* the Faith, and 
 many hundredth yere aftyr ; yff any Prince or Realme wyl not folow 
 hym, lat them do as they lyfte ; he dothe no thinge but ftablyfliyth 
 fuch Laws as wer in the begynnynge, and fuch as the Birtiop of 
 ^ome profefleth to obferve. Wherfore nidyr the Bifliop off Rome 
 hymfelf, nor odyr Prince, ought off"Reafon to be mifcontent her with. 
 Yff' I wer with you but oon day, I wold truft to (hew you fuch 
 grounds in thys Matter, that ye myght chaunge your mynde, oonlefle 
 ye wer totally addite to the contrary opynion, as I pray God ye be 
 not, both for your own, and for your friends fake, who fliuld take grete 
 difcomforth theroff". Oon thinge yet reftith that I thougth convenient 
 to advertife you off wherin I do perceyve ye be ignorant. Which is 
 thys. Ye write in one parte off your Boke, that ye think the Herts off 
 the Subied:s off thys Realme greatly ofi^endyd with Abolyfliinge off" 
 the Byfhop of Rome's ufurped Autorite in this Realme, as yff" all the 
 People or mofte part ofi^ them toke the Matter as ye do. Wherin I 
 do afTure you ye be deceivyd. For the People perceyve ryght wel 
 what profite cometh to the Realme therby ; and that al fuch Money 
 as before ilTuy'd that way, now is kept within the Realme ; wheras 
 before al that went that way, which was no fmall fliare, but grete 
 and exceffive, and dayly the fayd Yfl"ue encrefyd more and more, ne- 
 ver retornyd again hedyr any part theroff". Which was to the great 
 impoverylhinge off" thys Realme. So that yff" at thys day the King's 
 Grace wold go about to renew in his Realme the fayd abolyfli'd Au- 
 torite off" the Byfhop of R.ome, grantyng hym lyke Profites as he had 
 before thorow thys his Realme, I thinke he fhold fynd mych more 
 diffyculte to brynge it aboute in his Parliament, and to induce his 
 People to agree therunto, then any thinge that ever he purpofed in 
 his Parlement fens his firft Regne. Wherfore I wyfhed that, as many 
 odyr things more to have ben out of the your Boke. Which myght 
 peradventure have engendry'd fum parte off fufpicion in the King's 
 Graces mynd toward his Subjeds, as I truft verayly that dyd not. 
 And wher ye do fynde a faute with me, that I faynted in my hearte, 
 and wold not dye for the Bifliop of Romes authorite ; when thys 
 matter was firft propofyd unto me, furly it was no faynting that made 
 me agreeable therunto ; for I never faw the Day fens I know the 
 progreffe and contynuance off' Chrift's Church from the begynning, 
 and redde fuch Hiftoryes Ecclefiafticall and Ordinaunces from Age to 
 Age as do manyfeftly declare the fame, that ever I thought to fhede 
 oon droppe off" my bloode therfore : for fure I am noon off them 
 that hertofore have had avantage by that authorite, wold have loft 
 oone peny theroff"" to have favyd my lyffe, nor wyll not do to fave 
 yours, yff ye fliold be in fuch neceffite. Which God for his Mercy 
 forbydde, aud kepe you from truft off fuch focoure. 
 
 Finally,
 
 468 
 
 A ColleSiion Part III. 
 
 Finally, accordinge to your defire fens your Boke ys Comon unto 
 the King's Hands, and he perceivyth the Effede off it, I fhall help 
 as mych as may lye in my lityl power, that your plain facyon off 
 writinge, as ofif a iharpe ghoftly fadyr, may be takyn in beft parte ac- 
 cording to your Letter and Defire in that behalf} but at the Reverence 
 off Almyghty God hynder not your felfe in addidynge you to the 
 Opinion off your Boke, towching the Bilhop of Rome% Autorite j 
 thinking, that as ye fe it now in Italy and diverfe Countreys, fo it 
 was from the beginning, and ought to be by God's Law. For the 
 forfaid Counfayls do fliew plainly ther is in the Church of Chrift no 
 fuch Monarcliie ordaynyd by Chrifle. And the preemmenence of fit- 
 ting, that was gyffen to the Bifliop of Rome in the forfaid Counfels 
 general, which were called al by the Emperors off that tyme, was 
 gyffen to hym by caufe he was Bifliop of Rome, the cheffe Cite off 
 the Empire, and not for Feter and Paule% fake, which wer Apoftyles, 
 and bernyd in Rome, nor for the Gofpell-fake ; and the fecund place 
 was gyffen to the Patriarch off Conflantimple, by caufe that Cite was 
 called Nova Roma, and fo was preferryd both before Antiochia, wher 
 Sainte Petyr was firft Bifliop, and wher the Name of Crijlendcm firft 
 besan ; and alfo before Alexatidria, where Sainte Marke, the Difciple 
 off Petyr did preche. And alfo before HierufaJem, wher Crift himfelfe 
 preched, and the hole Colledge off the Apoftles afftyr him ; And 
 "Jacobus frater Dommi was firfl Bifliop, which was in the beginning 
 untill it was diftroyed, callyd Mater cimSlarum Ecclefiarum, which 
 Three ware Sees Apoftolyke. Befor al which three Sees, and alfo 
 before Epbefus, where Sainte John Evangel eft did write his Gofpell, 
 and ther dyed, Conjlanthwple was preferry'd, becaufe it was the fe- 
 cond grete Congregation off Criften Men in the Empire, and was 
 callyd Nova Roma. Wherunto thofe holy Counfels wold never have 
 confentyd, and namely Calcedoneiife, wherin wer vj C. and xxx 
 Bifliops of the beft lernyd off al Crijlendome. yft' they had feen the 
 Gofpell to the contrary. Moreover, yff ye rede, as I am fure ye have, 
 BafiUum, Nazianzenim, Chrijfojhmiim, Damaffenum, ye flial fynd in 
 them no fuch Monarche off the Bifliope of Rome, as he clamyth 
 fpoken off nor never mentioned. Al which I touch to put you in 
 remembrance off, to the intent that ye ferchinge forther in this mat- 
 ter, may perceive the old Fadyrs and Counfels, not to have knowen 
 any fuch thinge as now off late is pretentyd and ufurped. 
 
 Wherfore I befeech you, not truftinge your own felf to mych 
 herin, to have recourfe to thofe Autors that may informe you off the 
 begynning off" the Church. Confydering therwithall of what Blood 
 ye be, and off what Contre. The King's Hyghnes hath in his Realme 
 Men as wel lernyd in Divinite as be in odyr Counft-eys, and they have 
 fougth in this Mater, evyn to the bothome ; which think themfelfs 
 wel delyvered from the Bondage off Rome. And yft' you fliuld now 
 be againft your Contre to kepe them ftill in Captivite, what they 
 wyll thynke oft' you, I reporte me unto you. What alfo the King's 
 Grace, who hath brogth you up, and hath bene good and gracyous 
 unto you, flial thynke, but that ye be unkynd, to be againft him and 
 hys Realme, who hath been always for you and yours. What dif- 
 comford fliold it be to my Lady your Modyr, in hir Age to fee you 
 
 fwarve
 
 Book III. Of Records^ Sec. 469 
 
 fwarve from your Prince and Centre in Opinion. What Difcomford 
 fhold it be to my Lord your Brother, to fee you off whom he Ihold 
 have comford, ufe your Learning to his Difcomford ? What Dif- 
 comford fhold it be to all your other Frendys to fee you off obflinate 
 Opinion againff al your Contrey, you may by your Wifdom confi- 
 der. Whom all ye may comfort and chiefly your felf, in conform- 
 yng you to the Truthe grounded opon the Stablifliment off the 
 holly Church of Chrijhudome fens the Begynnyng. And beynge 
 the Supporting of this Monarcliie inventyd off late Days by Ambi- 
 tion, wheroff the old Fadyrs never hard tell. St. Gregorie wryteth 
 fore agaiixft the Bifliop off Co7iJiMitmople off his time who went 
 about a lyke Monarchie, affirmyng noone fuch to be in the Church 
 ofChrift. Saint C);/)/7V7// wryteth, qui onmes Apoftoli er ant Paris ho- 
 noris & potejlatis : Coiijilitwt Ephefmum affirmyth the fame, which 
 cannot agree with thys late found Monarchie. At the reverence of 
 God trufte not your felf to much herein, but fuffer your felf to be 
 perfuaded to feke fordyr then ye yet have doon. I dobt not but God 
 willing ye fhall fynd the Truth in fearchynge fordyr, yff' ye per- 
 fuade not your felfe that ye have found it already. I befeche you, 
 have in your remembrance, that I wrote before to burn the Origi- 
 nally off your to fharp Bokes, and I fliall move the King's Hyghnefs 
 that your Boke fent to hym may be kept fecret. And in conformyng 
 your felf to the Opinion off your Contre and off the Truth, I doubt 
 not but ye fhall be acceptyd of the King's Highnefs as well as ever 
 ye wer, and mych bettyr bycaufe ye fhew in your Boke the intier 
 Hert that ye here hym, as his Grace by his Wifdome can mych bet- 
 ter confider than I can write unto you. And that ye may fo do I 
 pray the Holy Ghoft to illuminat you. And if ther be pleafure that 
 I may do for you or yours, ye fhall be affured to fynd me redy 
 evermore therunto : as knoweth Almighty God who have you in his 
 Bleffed Tuition. 
 
 From London the xiij Day 
 of 7«/y, 1536. 
 
 Number ^^'t^. 
 
 An Original Letter of Poles to Cromwell jujlifying 
 
 himfelf. 
 
 May the 2d. 1537. 
 
 MY Lorde, yff afore tyme itt could nott be fuerlye and clere- Cs/m« Library 
 lye perceived what Affe<ftyon I have ever borne to the Kyng's ^'"'^' f: 
 Honour and Wealthe, which in my hole Lyfe never gave the leafl 
 Occafyon, whye any Man fhoulde think, but %vyth them that ten- 
 dery'd the fame moile, I myght chieflye be nombery'd : yf my Deeds 
 Vol. IIL 6 D were
 
 470 A CoUeBion Part III. 
 
 were trulye and indyfFerentlye examined : but howe foever ytt be, 
 yff any Dede afore perverllye interpretate myght ryfe any Scrupell 
 to furmife the contrary, furely thefe Letters that I wryght now, as 
 the Time and Cafe requirithe, bearyng that Tenour as in Readyng 
 you fhall knowe, be fuflfycyent not onely to abolyfhe all former 
 •Doubts, fliewing thofe to be perverfly furmyfed, but to make clere, 
 that a more conftant and ftable Mynde in obfervance off a Prince, 
 hathe not bene founde nother yn Subjedl nor other Perfonnes befyde. 
 And the Caufe hereoff ys, that there never happened lyke Occafyon 
 as thys ys, that caufythe me nowe to wryght, wherebye my Mynd 
 myght be fo well knowen, v.'hile Occafion ys gyven off the Kyng's 
 Part under this Maner, that he procureing againft me, by fuch 
 Meanes to my Undoynge, as was never hard off tlie lyke in Chiy- 
 ftendome againft anye, that bare that Perfonne that I do att this tyme. 
 Yff my Minde, after all this remain ftable, to procure all Things 
 that may be to his Honour and Wealthe, as ever I have profeffy'd 
 afore-tyme, what can be more fuerer Tokyn off a depe and a pro- 
 found grounded Love and Affeftion : Whither I do fo I fliall after- 
 ^ward fliowe you. If I declare firft to Hym that knoweth it befte, 
 the Kyng's Adl ageynft me, to the Entent you maye knowe, yft' I 
 after that remayne yn my Old Eftate off Obfervance, ytt is not for Ig- 
 norance that I knowe not what is machinate ageinft me. And fuer- 
 ly, thoughe I knewe afore bothe by your Letters and other in what 
 Difpleafure the King had me, without the leaft Caufe Hiewed off my 
 part ; I take God and my Confcience to judge, which thynge, iff I 
 had borne but a meane Affedliyon myght a been fuffycyent to alye- 
 nate alfo my Mynde from thence, where I fawe what foever I dyd 
 for the beft, to be ever accepted in the worfte Parte. But this I 
 wyll not have yowe take for any Proffe off my Mynde, but to pro- 
 cede off the Kyng's Dyfpleafure toward me ; the leffe I knowe the 
 Caufe to be, the further I was from all Imagynacyon to fufpedl that 
 hys Grace fhould be fo incenfy'd againft my Perfonne ; that for to 
 have me in his Hands, he wold be content to breke and vyolate both 
 Godd's Law and Mann's, to dyftuourbe all Commercement betwene 
 Contrye and Contiye, between Man and Man, and thys I wold ne- 
 ver a thought : but fyndyng the fame to be fo in Dede, I could not 
 but fynde ^vythall, howe hys Grace was bent with all to my utter 
 undoynge ; agaynft the which yff J remayne in my old Purpofe to 
 procure hys Wealthe and Honour, he that wyll feke otlier Proffs 
 after thys, or wyll not be content with thys Declaracyon off a 
 Mann's Mynde, he declareth with all that wythe no Proffe he wyll 
 be content, but wyll have him one off" hys Enemies whither he wyll 
 or no. And off this Mynde off the Kynge toward me I had furft know- 
 ledge at myne arryvenge in France, off tlie whiche to fliowe youe 
 the firft Motion of my Mind herein, I was more afliamyd to hear for 
 the Compaflion I had to the King's Honour, then movyd by any 
 Indygnacyon, that I comyng not only as Imbaffadour, but as Le- 
 gate, yn the hygheft Sort of Embaffage that ys ufed amongft the 
 Chryften Princes, a Prynce off Honour fliold defyer off another 
 Prince off like Honour, betraye thyne Embaffadour, betray the Le- 
 gate, and give him into my Embaffadour's Hands to be brought unto 
 
 me.
 
 Book III. Of Records, Sec. 471 
 
 me. This was the diflionourable Requcft, as I underftand of the 
 King; which (as I faid afore) to me fuerly, regarding my own 
 Part, I promes'd you was no great Difpleafure, but rather (if' I {hall 
 fay Truth) I toke Pleafure herein ; and faid furthwith to my Com- 
 pany, that I never felt my felf in full Poffeflion to be a CardJnall, as 
 when I herd thofe Tydings ; wherby it pleafed God to fend lyke for- 
 tune to me, as it did. to thofe Hedds of the Church, whofe Perfones 
 the Cardynalls do reprefent, which was to be perfecutyd mofte of 
 them, whofe Wealth they labouryd for moft bufyly. In this Cafe, 
 lyved the Apoftells : And the fame nowe beyng happenyd to me,' 
 afore God I promife I felt no Difpleafure, but rather was glad there- 
 of, fpeciaily confedyryng herebye I hadd the better Occafyon to de- 
 clare and juftyfie my Minde more then ever I had afore, which was 
 ever my Minde : but touchyng the thynge, iif we had no other 
 Religion, but lyved as Paganes and Infidells, yet Jus Genfium fliould 
 ever teach us what Demande this was, the Lawe of Nature alone 
 myght declare how abhomynable ytt were to grante to fuch a Re- 
 queft, and no lefs to defyer ytt. This I rehearfe now to this Intent, 
 that you might the fooner perceve, that if there had been but one 
 Sparke of a Mynde alienate from the Kyng, thys were able to fet 
 the fame in fuch a Fyer, that furfl confideringe how all Re&arde off 
 Honour was fett aparte, and the Law that maintaineth the Com- 
 mercement between Man purpofyd to be violate, fo ytt myght 
 tome to my undoing. Furft of all of my part, I fhuld abftaine 
 from all Commercement with that Part, other by Word Writing, or 
 Dede ; Secondorylye, procure by all honeft Wayes, if I wolde not 
 by difhonefl, to repaye this Malignytie, to the uttermofte Damage 
 I could dev^fe toward them, of whofe malygne Minde towarde 
 me I had fo greate Experyence : And yett after all this, furft 
 of all, youe may fee forthwythe by wrytyng att this tyme, 
 I doe nott abftayne from the furfte Adte to pradyfe and 
 entreate, wyth them that hath bene Authors herof, and to 
 praftyfe yett to hys Honour and Wealthe, which wold utterlie ex- 
 tinguyfhe both in me. And if I be herd herin, to put the fame 
 alfo in Execution ; which Thing thoughe I do fuerlie of my owne 
 Purpofe and Mynd, yet fome Occafion hereof, howe it cometh other- 
 wife I will not denye, nor kepe clofe, which is this ; That whereas 
 the Bifliope of Verona, that was fent of me to the Frenche Court, 
 to intimate thofe Affaires, that for the Wealthe of Chryjlendome, the 
 Pope had committed unto me, to entreate with his Majeftie, in his 
 Retourne palTynge by Abbevylle, where were lodged my Lorde of 
 Wynchejier, and Mr. Bryan ; whereas he could not but gretlie mar- 
 vayle of this Acfte of the Kyng toward me, my hole Legation pur- 
 poling no other but his Honour and Weltche : And defiereng there- 
 fore to conferre the fame with the Embafladours, for better Declara- 
 cyon of the Truthe of the Mattiers, to be known as they were: 
 My Lord of Wy?tchejier, and Mr. Bryan, both abftaynenge for Re- 
 fpe£t from all Communycation, yet fending unto him theyre Secre- 
 tarye, after the Bilhope had in parte declared the Efte<fl of my Le- 
 gacie, that touched then any Part the Kyng, yet femed to be open 
 
 to
 
 472 ^ ColkBion Part III. 
 
 to bothe Parties, that all the King had done agaynft me, was of the 
 finiftre and falfe Reports of other, that by falfe Conjeclure of 
 Things they knewe not, had ill enfourmed the King of my Purpofe 
 in comyng into thefe Partes, which the Secretarys thought onys 
 clered and declaryd, other by Letters or Meffingers, the Kyng 
 wold turne his Mynde, as his Grace fa we the Deds to juft)'fie them- 
 felfs. This the Bifliope of Verona (at his Retourne) fliowed me; 
 which I accepted in that Parte to be trewe alfo, that all came of 
 evill Enformacion, And that his Grace being aflertayned "of my 
 Mynd, as it is and ever hath bene, it were not unpoffyble then fome 
 Part to knowledge rather my Gratitude, than to machynate anye 
 Thing conti-ary. And that it might be fo knowen, for all Parts 
 yet cannot be but well ; but as I fliewed the Bifliope, by Letters I 
 had attempted often the fame, but all could not prevail : My Mef- 
 fengers I had fent often for that Purpofe, covild never be admitted 
 to have Audience of the Kyng. And without one of thefe Wayes 
 were founde, there could no Conclufion be had in theyfe Mattyers, 
 vvherin reafonyng with him, I asked, if for the Love and Service 
 that ever he hath born to the Kinge, and fliowed indede when he 
 was in that Place where his Service might be in fleade to the Kynge, 
 and Love alfo he hath ever to me, having afTured Knowledge 
 of all my Affayres and Purpofes, not only thefe lafle, but all fynyth 
 my departing from the Realme, whether he could be content) the 
 King's Pleafure firft knowen) to acquiet the King's Mynde in this 
 Behalfe, by going to his Grace, and enforming him of the hole ; 
 wherein, afore God, he fliuld do a Dede mofl charitable. Wherin 
 alfo I did allege unto him, for to bind him withall ; bycaufe after 
 fuch Demonflracyon of the Kyng's Mynde made unto me, few Men 
 wold be content to pradyfe wyth his Grace, in any thing belong- 
 ing unto me. For this Caufe, I did rehearfe the more Thyngs to 
 enduce him hereunto \ and amongfl other, this chieflye, the Purpofe 
 of his comyng with me, which (afore God) was this : That the 
 Pope, entending by all meanes of Benignitie to pradlife with the 
 King, haveng the French Kyng fo joined in Amytie with the 
 Kyng, and with his Sanftitie alfo ; devyfeng for a mete Inflru- 
 ment betwene bothe. Yf any Perfonne, for this Degree newlye 
 taken, were not accepted, the Bifliop of Verona was thought mofte 
 meetefl, being for his old Deferts to both Princes, as long as he was 
 in that Place where he might do them ferviceable Pleafure, as it was 
 to be thought grateful to them botli^ and counted (for his Good- 
 nefs) the beft Bifliop of Italye. So that all Thynges confydered, 
 in Mattiers of the Church to entreate with thefe Princes, none was 
 thought like : Wherupon the Pope bounde him to take thys Jornaye 
 with me, for this Purpofe. And this Bond, amongft other I re- 
 hearfed unto him, when I moved him to go unto the Kinge. To the 
 which, he made Anfwer ; Yf there were none other Bond nor Re- 
 fpedl in this Mattier but of God, knowing my Mattiers as he doth, 
 and feing what Inconvenients might followe, if they Were not at 
 lafte well accepted, befyde the Servyce he hatli ever owed to the 
 Kinge, and Love toward me, knowing what Comfort that might be 
 to all Partys, if my trewe and faythfuU Dealings were well intimate 
 
 to
 
 Book III. Of Records^ Sec. aj^ 
 
 to the Kingi he wold be content at all tymes the waye onys founde 
 afore, howe with Commodytie he might come to the Kino-'s Pre- 
 fence, to take this Charge upon hym. Thys, my Lorde, you may 
 nowe perceive, that if I had any Part that mynde, that the Kyng's 
 procurenge againfl me doth fhowe to be perfuaded I have^ yt could 
 not be poffible I could have any Confidence to attempt any medlyng 
 Wythe his Grace under fuche maner : But becaufe nor my Confy- 
 dence, nor afFecyonate Mynde, yt is not taken awaye, therefore 
 this I do declare unto you by thefe Letters, to the Intente you maye 
 intimate the fame to hys Grace. And now you fee by a great Proffe 
 what my Mynde is, you may alfo fee how all Sufpytion may not 
 alonlye be cleaiyd, many Things apeacyd diat peradventure might 
 torne to greater Trouble, but alfo many Things be brought to 
 Light, to the Kyng's more affuryd Honour and Wealthe, than any 
 thing is I thinke thought of hitherto make for the fame. For all 
 this I dare promilTe to follow, if the Bifliop be herd with that 
 Mynde, as he is fent, and content for to go. Other Declaradon of 
 my Mynde by Letters I entende not to make, than my Letters agre- 
 yng with my Adls fent afore do make Teftimonye ; and that the Bi- 
 Ihope, which is prevye to all, may better declare prefentlye. But 
 this I will faye, if I bare in any parte that Mynde, the Kyng's Adle 
 agaynft me doth Ihow, his Grace is perfuaded I {hold have, fuerlye 
 I wold never adone as I have done, in all my Afts and Proceffes by 
 Letters, made the Kyng and you prevye unto them. This I dyd at 
 my furft commyng to Rome, and the Caufe of my Legacy nowe, 
 and the Caufe of my comyng to thefe Parts. Such Advifes Rebels 
 be not wont to give unto thofe, from whome they rebel, but fpeci- 
 ally at Rome, being there when the Tyme was troubleous for the 
 Kyng in his Realme ; lettyng them the fending furthe of the Cen- 
 fures, which myght a caufed more Trouble ; and fending at that 
 Tyme my Servant purpofelye, to offer my Service, to procure by 
 all meanes his Honour, Welth, Quietnefs ; animating befyde, thofe 
 that were Cheffe of my nereft Kynne, to be conftaunt in his Ser- 
 vyce. Thys Rebells be not wont to do. And I know, at Rome, if 
 any Man had been premyate to do hym Servyce, none could have 
 done more ; infomuch tliat Men judged me Half a Rebell to God 
 and my Contrye, becaufe I wold not affent to divers Thyngs, that 
 had made little to the Kyng's Quietnefs : But fpecially, having in 
 my Hand thofe Wrytings, that put forthe peradventure, might a 
 caufed moft Trouble of all. Thefe inftauntly being defired of thofe, 
 which had in a manner Authorytie to commande, and yet ever 
 finding meanes that they never came into their Sight nor Hands, 
 and to this Hower fupprefling the fame lykewife. If one that had 
 Mynd of Rebellion wold do the fame, be thinke you well : But, 
 as I fay, my Purpofe is not to_ juftifie my Mynde, by thefe Letters, 
 at this Time, in more Ads than one, which is of this prefent Time» 
 Nor if it be not jultified of fuch a one as the Bifhops, that knoweth 
 them affiiredly, I do nother entend hereafter to labour any more 
 herein : Afore God, and all Men, that will be indifferent Judges of 
 the Truthe, I will not doubt, at all times to juftifie my felf to- 
 VoL. IIL 6 E ward
 
 474 
 
 A CoUeciion Part III. 
 
 ward the King, I wold to God I could fo well juflifie my felf afore 
 God and the Catholick Church, for negligent Service in this Behalf, 
 becaufe I would not offend the Kinge. Now I will fay no more, 
 but prav unto Almighty God, to put that in the Kyng's Mynde 
 that may be moll to his Honour and Weakhe, with Grace to follow 
 the fame ; and to take from all other fuch Occafyon, why they fliuld 
 thynk, if they ferve the Kyng according to their Confcience, they 
 fliulde be conftrayned to offend the Kyng, and fo herebye to fepa- 
 rate the one from the other ; which fuerlye to no Man fliuld be 
 more Greffe than to me. But Goddes Pleafure be fulfylled above all, 
 to whome nowe I commit you. Written at Cambray\ the Second 
 Day of Maye. 
 
 Tour Lovyng Friend 
 
 R. Card. Legat. 
 
 Number 54. 
 
 A Letter of the Abbefs of Godflow, complaining of 
 
 Dr. London. 
 
 Co«fl»Library T) Lcafith hit your Honor, with my mofte humble Dowtye, to be 
 ^■^p^' ^'^' A advertifed, that where it hath pleafyd your Lordfhip to be the 
 verle Meane to the King's Ma'ieftie, for my Preferment, moft unwor- 
 thie to be Abbes of this the King's Monaflerie of Godyjloive ; in the 
 which Offyce, I trufte I have done the beft in my Power to the 
 Mayntenance of God's trewe Honour, with all Treuth and Obedi- 
 ence to the King's Majeftie ; and was never moved nor defired by 
 any Creature in the King's Behalfe, or in your Lordfliip's Name, to 
 furrender and give upe the Houfe ; nor was never mynded nor in- 
 tended fo to do, otherwife than at the King's Gracious Commandement, 
 or yours. To the which I do, and have ever done, and will fubmit 
 my felf moft humblie and obedientlie. And I trufte to God, that I 
 have never offendyd God's Laws, neither the King's, wherebie that 
 this poore Monafterie ought to be fuppreffed. And this notwith- 
 ftanding, my good Lorde, fo it is, that Dodtor Lotjdon, whiche (as 
 your Lordefhip doth well know) was agaynft my Promotion, and 
 hathe ever fence borne me great Malys and Grudge, like my mortall 
 Enemye, is fodenlie cummyd unto me, with a great Rowte with 
 him } and here dothe threten me and my Sifters, fayeng that he 
 hath the King's Commiffion to fupprefs the Houfe, fpyte of my 
 
 Tethe.
 
 Book III. Of Records^ Sec. 475 
 
 Tethe. And when he fawe that I was contente that he fliulde do all 
 Things according to his CommifTion ; and fliewyd him playne, that 
 I wolde never furrender to his Hande, being my Awncyent Ene- 
 mye ; now he begins to intreat me, and to invegle my Sifters, one 
 by one, otherwife than ever I harde tell that any of the Kyng's Sub- 
 jeds hathe been handelyd : And here tarieth and contynueth, to 
 my great Cofte and Charges ; and will not take my Anfwere, that I 
 will not furrender, till I know the King's Gracious Commandement, 
 or your good Lordelhip's. Therefore I do mofte humblie befeche 
 you, to contynewe my good Lorde, as you ever have bene j and to 
 diredte your Honorable Letters to remove him hens. And whenfo- 
 ever the Kyng's Gracious Commandement, or yours, fliall come 
 unto me, You fliall find me moft reddie and obedyant to foUoe the 
 fame. And notwithftand that Dodlor London, like an untrew Man, 
 hath informed your Lordfliip, that I am a Spoiler and a Wafter, 
 your good LordHiip fhall knowe that the contrary is trewe. For 
 I have not alienatyd one halporthe of goods of his Monafterie, mov- 
 able, or unmovable, but have rather increafyd the fame. Nor never 
 made Leafe of any Farme, or Peece of Grownde belongyng to this 
 Houfe ; or then hath bene in Tymes pafte allwaies fet under Covent 
 Seal for the Wealthe of the Houfe. And therefore my verie Trufte 
 is, that I fhall fynd the Kynge as Gracious Lorde unto me, as he is 
 to all other liis Subjefts, Seyng I have not offendyd. And am and 
 will be mofte Obedyent to his moft Gracious Commandment at all 
 Tymes. With the Grace of Allmighty Jefus, who ever preferve you 
 in Honour longe to indure to his Plealure. Amen. Godijlon the vth 
 Dale of November. 
 
 Tour mojie bownden Beds Woman, 
 
 Katharine Bulkeley, Abbes there. 
 
 Number 55. . 
 
 A Letter to Bullinger from ojte of Maidftone, giving an 
 Account of an linage^ which feems to be the Rood of 
 Boxley in Kent. 
 
 Johannes Hokerus Maydftanenfes. 
 
 U I T hie paflim Azzotlnus Dagon, Bel ille Babylonicus jam At Zurich. 
 
 dudum confradtus eft. Repertus eft nuper Cantianorum Deus 
 
 ligneus, penfilis Chrlftus, qui cum ipfo Protheo concertare_ potuiflet. 
 Nam &; capite nutare, innuere oculis, barbam convertere, in curvare 
 
 corpus, 
 
 R
 
 476 
 
 A CoUeBion Part III. 
 
 corpus, adeuntlum adveriari & recipere preces fcitiffime noverat. 
 Hie cum Monachi fua caufa caderent, repertus eft in eorum Templo, 
 
 plurimo cinftus anathemate, linteis, cereis agricis exterifque 
 
 diatus muneribus. Subodoratus eft fucum cordatus Vir, Nicolai 
 Patrigii noftri frater, afRxum contra parietem e veftigio folvit, ap- 
 parent artes, apparent impofturae, mirus ac Polypeus praeftigiator de- 
 prehenditur. Erant foraminofo corpori ocultae paffim fiftulse, in qui- 
 bus dudile per rimulas, ferrum a myftagogo trahebatur, laminis ni- 
 hilominus artificiofe celantibus. Hinc fadlum eft ut populum Can- 
 tianum, imo Angliam totam jam feculis aliquot magno cum quieftu 
 dementarit. Patefadlus Meydftanuenfibus meis fpedlaculum primitus 
 dedit, ex fummo fe culmine confertiftimo fe oftentans populo, aliis 
 ex animo, aliis Ajacem rifu fimulantibus. Delatus hinc circulator 
 Londinum eft. Invilit Aulam Regis, Regem ipftim, novus hofpes : 
 nemo falutat vere. Conglomerant ipfum rilli aulico, Barones, Duces, 
 Marchiones, Comites. Adfunt e longinquo, circumftand', intuend' 
 & vidend' penitus. Agit ille, minatur oculis, adverfatur ore, diftor- 
 quet nares, mitvit deorfum caput, incurvat dorftun, annuit & renuit. 
 Vident, rident, mirantur, ftrepit vocibus theatrum, volitat fuper 
 aethera clamor. Rex ipfe incertum gaviftis ne magis fit ob patefadlum. 
 in^pofturam, an niagis doluerit ex animo tot feculis miferas plebi 
 fuifle impofitum. Quid multis opus ? Res delata eft ad Conciliarios. 
 Hinc poft dies aliquot habita eft Londini concio, prsedicabat e facra 
 Cathedra Epilcopus Roffenfis, ftat ex adverfo Danieli Bel Cantianus, 
 fummo eredtus pulpito. Hie denuo iti& aperit, hie denuo coram fa- 
 buram fcite agit. Mirantur, indignantur, ftupent. Pudet ab idolo 
 tarn turpitur fuiile delufos. Cumque jam incalefceret Concionator, & 
 Verbum Dei occulte operaretur in cordibus auditorum, praecipitio de- 
 volvunt iftum lignum truncum in confertilTimos auditores. Hie va- 
 rius auditur diverforum clamor, rapitur, laceratur, fruftillatim com- 
 minuitur, fcinditurque in mille confradlus partes, tandem in IGNEM 
 mittitur. Et hie tulit exitum ilium. 
 
 Number 56. 
 
 A Co7ifolatory Letter to Henry VWlth, fro?n the Bijhop 
 of Durham, after the Death of ^uee?i Jane. 
 
 Co//o»Library T)Lefe your Hlghnes to underftande that wher now of late it hath 
 p"" ^- ■• Jl pleafyd Almighty God to take unto his Mercy out of this pre- 
 fent Lyffe, the moft Blelfed and Vertuoufe Lady, your Graces moft 
 Deareft Wyffe the Queens Grace, whofe Soule God pardone, and 
 newes thereof SorrowfuU to all Men, came into thefe Partes, furely 
 it cannot well be expreffed, how all Men of all Degrees dyd greatly 
 lament and mourne the Death of that Noble Lady and Princeffe, 
 
 taken.
 
 Book III. Of Records^ Sec. ^yy 
 
 taken out of this Wortd by bringing forth of that Noble Fruit that 
 is fpronge of your Majefty, and her, to tlie great Joy and ineftimable 
 Comforte of all your Subjeds, confideringe withall that this Noble 
 Fruit, my Lord Prince, in his tender Age interyng into this World, 
 is by her Death leift a Dear Orphant, commencinge thereby thys 
 miferable and mortall Lyffe, not only by Weepinge and Waylinge, 
 as the Myfeiy of Menkynde requireth, but alfo refte in the Begyn- 
 nynge of his Lyffe from the Comforte of his moft dear Mother. 
 And albeyt to hym by tendernefs of his Age, it is not known what 
 he hath loft, yet we that do know and feel it, have much more 
 Caufe to morne, feinge fuch a Vertuofe PrincefTe who hath fliewed 
 fo great Hopes of much Frute to come of her Body, is fo fudenly 
 taken from us. But thys notwithftandinge your Majelly whom thys 
 chauncly moft towcheth, muft by your High Wifdome confyder the 
 Mifery of the Mortal Lyffe of Mankynde, which no Man born in 
 this World, Prince nor Poore Man, can exchue ; feing it is the Sen- 
 tence of Almighty God, fayinge in the begynning afwel to the Wo- 
 man, In dolore paries Filios tiios; as to the Man, and by him to all 
 his Pofterite, Pidvis es & in piihercm i-everteris. In which Mortal 
 Lyife who foever is moft vexyd and troubled, yf he take it patiently 
 ys more accepte to God, and called in the Scripture therby bleffedj 
 as it is written in the Book of Job, Beatics Homo qui cor7-ipitur a Deo; 
 iti crepationcm ergo Domini ne reprobes, quia ipfe Vulnerat & me- 
 detur, perciitit & mamis ejus fanabit. And it is written in the 
 Epiftle of James lykewife, Beatics vir qui fuffert tentationem, quum 
 autetn ilk probatus fuerit, accipiet Coronam Vitce, And as Saint 
 Paul faies to the Hebrews, It is a fure tokyn that God favoureth 
 them as his Children, to whom he fendeth Adverfite, fayinge, ^letn 
 enim diligit Dominus, cajligat ; JIagellat autcm omtiem Filium quern re- 
 cipit. In difciplina perfe'verate, tanquam Filiis vobis fe offert Deus : 
 ^uis enim Filius qiiem non corripit Pater ; quod Ji extra difciplinaju 
 ejlis, cujus participes faBi funt omnes, ergo adulterini & non Filii ejiis. 
 And albeyt the Difciphn of Adverfite be full of HevinefTe for the 
 Tyme, yet it endeth alwayes in Joy ; as there foUoeth, Omnis autem 
 difciplina in prefenti qiddem ?ion videtur eff'e gaudii fed meroris, poflea 
 autem fruBum paratifjinnun exercitatis per eadem reddet jufiitice. 
 And like as al Men more do Favour thofe their Servants, that in a 
 longe Voiage do fuftein more Adverfite, fo Almighty God in thys 
 Lyffe (which all is but a Voiage, for as Sainte Paide faieth, Non ka- 
 bemus hie manentem ci'-oitatem fed futuram inquirimus, ) moft accept- 
 eth thofe his Servants, that fo fuftein moft Adverfite patiently. And 
 Saint Paule, confyderinge the Inftabilite of this World, exliorteth all 
 Men to ufe al Things therin as Tranfitory, and not permanent both 
 in Profperity and in Adverfite ; for neither of both doth tary, but 
 brively overpafeth ; fainge, Tempus breve eji ; reliqmim ejl, ut qui ha- 
 bent Uxores tanquam non habentes fmt, & qui fent tanquam tton 
 flentes^ ©" qui gaudent tanquam non gaudentes, <Q? qui emunt tanquam, 
 non poffidentes, & qui ufuntur hoc 7nundo, ta?iquam non utantur pre- 
 terit enim figura mundi hu\us. Then fence Profperite is Fugitive, 
 and taryeth not, let us not truft to yt, and fince Adverfite foon over- 
 paffeth and abideth not, let us not eftcem it, for after it fuftenyd 
 Vol. m. 6F patiently
 
 478 
 
 A ColkBion Part III. 
 
 patiently fure we be that Joy (hall fucceed. Confyder yf it like your 
 
 Majeftie how oft Tymes fence your mod Noble Regne began, God 
 
 hath fent you diverfe and many Tymes great flowings of Profperite, 
 
 and therfor yf God fum Tymes do fende a droppe of Adverfite, 
 
 fuftein it by your High Wifdome, with patient Suffering, as I truft 
 
 affuredly, and doubt not but your Highnes wyl ; affured you may 
 
 be that God for your fo doinge fhal hyghly requite that far beyond 
 
 your Highnes Expedlations. Grete Cities, Towns, and Regions, 
 
 al People in them, and Princes of the fame, oft do fuftein Adverfite 
 
 bycaufe the hole World is alway fubjed to mutabilite, and lyke as 
 
 after Lygth fucceedeth Darknes, and after Somer cometh Winter, 
 
 fo Darknes taryeth not, but Light doth folow, and Winter giffeth 
 
 Place to the Somer again ; fo that I doubt not but God willing this 
 
 Storme of forowful Seafon, flial by your Majefties Wyfdome after a 
 
 Tyme overpafs, and the Somer of joyful Gladnes fhal fucceed, not 
 
 only to your Grace Comforte, but to the Comforte of all your Sub- 
 
 jefts, much Mornyng at this Tyme in their Harts with your Highnes. 
 
 And when Almighty God hath taken from your Grace, to your 
 
 greate Difcomforte a moft Blefted and Vertuoufe Lady, confyder 
 
 what he hath given your Highnes again to your Comforte, and to the 
 
 rejoyce of all us your Subjefts, our moft Noble Prince, to whom 
 
 God hath ordeined your Majeflje not only to be Father, but alfo as 
 
 the Tyme now requireth, to fupply the roome of a Mother alfo. So 
 
 that therby he fhal hereafter have double Caufe to Honour your 
 
 Highnes. As it is not to be doubted, but God grantyng him Lyfe 
 
 herafter he wyl do. In whom in the mean Tyme, Almighty God 
 
 of Infinite Mercy grant, that your Grace putting away all forowful 
 
 Penfiveneffe, may to the Comfort of your Noble Harte, long rejoyce, 
 
 which ftial be alfo to the High Comfort of al the Subjedls of your 
 
 Graces Realme. And fenfe Mornyng can in no wife amend the 
 
 Matter, and thanks given to God may fooner over-blow this Storm. 
 
 Beft fliall be to conclude with "Job, Dominus dedit, dominus abftulity 
 
 ficut Domino placuit ita faSfum eft. Sit nomifte Dotmni BenediBum. 
 
 God gave your Grace that Noble Lady, and God hath takyn her 
 
 away as it plefed hym. So it is done, Laude by gyven to hym : and 
 
 for to confyder alfo, how Job exhorteth by his Example, al Men 
 
 being in like Cafe, to Patience, fainge. Si boiia fufcepimus de 7nanu 
 
 Domini., mala autem quare non fujli?ieamus : Which your Highnes for 
 
 your great Wifdome and Learninge can much better confider, then 
 
 I can advertife the fame, unlelfe forrowfulnes for the Tyme put it 
 
 out of remembrance. Almyghty God of his Infinite Mercy grant 
 
 your Grace Spiritual Comfort, and putting away al Worldly Hevy- 
 
 nefle, ever to rejoice in him, who have your Majeftie alway in his 
 
 Blefted Protedlion to your Harts Defire, with encreafe of much Ho- 
 
 nore. From your Citie of Torke the xiii Day of November. 
 
 By your mojl humble SitbjeSl^ 
 Servant and Chaplein^ 
 
 Cuthbert Durefme. 
 Number
 
 Book III. Of Records, &c. 479 
 
 Number c^']. 
 
 InjunSiions geve?t hy Edwarde Archbupjope of Yorkc, to 
 be obferved within the Dioces of Yorke, by all the Ckr- 
 gie of the fatne^ and oder^ whome the fayde InjtuiBions 
 do concerne. 
 
 YOU fhall fyrfte diligentlie obferve all maner of Injunftions, 
 given unto you by the King's Hyghnes Commaundiment, and 
 fpecially concerninge the Abolicion of the Papacie, or of the pre- 
 tendyd Jurifdidion challenged by the Bysfliope of Rofne within this 
 Realme ; and alfo concerning the Confirmation and Eftablifliment of 
 the Kyng's Highnes Title of Suprime Heade over thole Catholique 
 Churche of Englande, afwell Spirituall as Temporall. 
 
 Itetn, Everie Curate and Preyfle within this Dioces, fliall have an 
 New Teftament, in Englijlx or Lattcn, within Fourtie Days nexte 
 after the 'Publication hereof; and fliall daylie reade Two Chapitores 
 of the fame afore Nowne, and Two at aftre Nowne, and that treat- 
 ablie and diftinftlie j and fhall do his bell Indevoure to underflande 
 the fame. 
 
 Item^ Everie Curate fhall provyde to have the Booke compyled 
 by the King's Highnes Commaundiment, namyde ThinJIifiitio?i of a 
 Chrijien Marty with all convenient Speyde, as foon as the faide Book 
 fhall come forth by his Commaundment : And in the fame fhall day- 
 lie read two Chapitores, fo that he may be able to declare the fame 
 to his Parochians. 
 
 Item. AH Curates and Heades of Congregacions, Religioufe and 
 not Religioufe, Privileged and not Privileged, fliall, accordinge to 
 the Kyng's Highnes Commaundiment and Injundlions, everie Holie 
 Day, at Mattens Time, and betwene Mattens and Laudes, read the 
 Pater Nojier, and the Ave Maria in Englipey treateabli and diflince- 
 He, and caufe all theire Parochians, whiche cannot all redy fay it in 
 Enghjloe, yonge and olde, to reherfe everie Petecion by it felfe, to 
 thend therof, after them ; and in lykewife everie Holy Day, ait 
 MafTe, and immediatlie after the Crede, fhall rehers everie Article 
 of the Crede by it felfe, and fo fhall caufe the Parochians to rehers 
 after them, everie one by it felfe, to thende, and likewife every 
 Holy Day, at Even-Songe, betwene Even-Songe and Completorie, 
 fhall rehers the Tenne Commaundements, every one by it felfe, and 
 fo caufe his Parochians to rehers after him, everie one by it felfe, to 
 thende, to thentente that they may lerne perfe6telie all Three. And 
 for this Purpofe the faide Curates, and oder Heades of the Congre- 
 gacion, muft give Warninge to thaire Parochians, that none of them 
 be abfent at fuch Times as any of the faide Three fhall be reherfed. 
 And fhall furthermore declare unto them, that they fhall not be ad- 
 mytted to refave the Bleffed Sacrament of the Alter at Eafler, tyll 
 
 they
 
 480 
 
 A CoUeBion Part III. 
 
 they can perfecfllie reherfe them all Three by Rote : And therfore 
 everie Goftelie Father, accordinge to the King's Injundlions, muft 
 everie Lent examen ther Parochians, in Time of Confeflion, to 
 knowe wheder they have learned the PremifTes perfytly, or not. 
 
 Item^ All Curates mufte continuallye call upon thaire Parochians, 
 to provide a Booke of the hole Byble in EnglyJ]x\ of the Largiefte 
 Forme, within Fourtie Dayes nexte after the Puplication herof, that 
 may be chayned in fome open Place in the Churche, that all Men 
 may reforte to reade in it for theare Inftrudlion, under the Payne of 
 Sufpencion of ther Churches. And the fame to be boughte at the 
 Charges of the Vicare or Parfonne, and Parochians, accordinge to 
 the King's Injunftions. 
 
 Item, All Curates mufte caufe one Booke, comprifmge the Pater 
 Nojler and Ave Maria in ILngliJJx\ the Crede and the Tenne Com- 
 maundments in EnglijJiC, to be fct upon a Table in the Churche 
 openlie, that all Men may reaforte to learne them, at all fuch Tymes 
 as they woll. And this to be done, within Twentie Days after the 
 Puplication hereof. 
 
 Jtem^ No Curates, nor oder Preifles of what forte foever they be, 
 fliall haunte Taverns or Alehowfes, or open Hoiftres, oder wayes 
 than for neceffarie Meales and Reflections ; if they canne have 
 none in oder Places, accordinge to the King's Highnes Injundtions ; 
 but fliall occupie themfelves, ether in the Churche, or in thaire 
 Chambers, Avith Reading of Holy Scripture, or Teachinge of 
 Children. 
 
 7/rw, All Curates and Preiftes, beinge in one Churche togeddre, 
 fliall (if they can fo provide) live togedder at one Commons ; and 
 not one to be in one Place, and ane oder in an oder Place. And 
 fliall, in all theire Behaviors, fliew good Example, in Worde, Dede, 
 Countenaunce and Habyte, to the better Ediiienge of the Laye- 
 People. 
 
 Item, They fliall not be Common Hunters ne Hawkers, ne playe 
 at Gammes prohibytede, as Dycefe and Cartes, and fuche oder. 
 
 Item, That they fliall (accordinge to the King's Highnes Injuncti- 
 ons) in no wife difcorage any Man to reade in the 'EngliJIo Byble, 
 which is the Booke of Lyefe ; but fliall comfort them therin : Never 
 the lefl'e exhorting them to entre in to the Readinge therof, withe the 
 Sperite of Mekenes, and Purpofe to be goftelie edified. And not to 
 be Brablers ne Praters, Arguers ne Difputers therof ; ne to prefume 
 that tliay know therin that they know not ; but, for ther Inftrudtion, 
 to reforte to fuch as be better lerned than they be, when they finde 
 any Dyfficultie therin. 
 
 Ite7n, All Curates and Heades of Congregations, Religioufe and 
 oder, Privileged and oder, fliall everie Holy Day reade the Goipell, 
 and the Epiflle of that Day out of the Inglijhe Byble, planely and 
 diftindtlie : And they tliat have fuch Grace, fliall make fome Decla- 
 racion odre, of the one, or of bothe, (if the Time may ferve) every 
 Holy Day. 
 
 Item, Every Curate, refident and liable, fliall make 4 felempne 
 Sermons in the Yeare, one everie Quarter : Not refcoent, havinnge 
 5 /. or 6 /. 1 3 J. 4 ^. de claro, fliall finde one fglempne Sermon for 
 
 the
 
 Book III. Of Records^ &c. 481 
 
 the Inflruftion of the People, in the Begynlnge of Lent : Havyng 
 10/. Je c/aro, 2 folempne Sermons ; one in the Begyning of Lcf/f, 
 an othur at fume othur Time of the Yere. Having 1 5 /. 3 Ser- 
 mons; one in the Begynninge of Lent, thoder at Two convenient 
 Tymes. Havinge 20/. 4 Sermons; one at Lent, thoder Three, at 
 Three convenient Times. Havinge 30/. de claro, 5 Sermons; one 
 at Le?it, and the oder Four at convenient Times. Havinge 40/. 6 
 Sermons ; one in tlie Beginninge of Letit, and the oder Five at con- 
 venient Times. And as the cleare Valew dothe encreafe, fo mo 
 Sermons. 
 
 And yet nevertheles we now moniflie, under the Payne of the 
 Lawe, all Parfons and Vicares to be refident upon theire Curis, be- 
 inge within this Dioces, afore the Feaft of Chrijlenmas next; oneles 
 they can and do fhew, afore that Day, a Lawful! Caufe, why they 
 may not, or flioulde not do fo. 
 
 Item^ That none be admytted to kepe Cure, ne to fay MafTe in 
 any Churche of this Dioces ; oneles he be admitted by me, or my 
 Officer, havinge Commiffion fro me for the fame ; and allfo do fliewe 
 the Lettes of his Orders. 
 
 Item, That no Man be admitted to Preache within this Dioces, 
 oneleffe he have Auclorite under the King's Scale, or myne, accord- 
 inge to the King's Highnes Injundlions. 
 
 Item, All Curates and oder, havinge Charge of any Congrega- 
 clon, mufl diligentlie informe theire Flocke, accordinge to the King's 
 Highnes Iniunctions, that tliey may in no wife yelde Worfliippe to 
 any Images, Lowtinge or Bowinge downe, or Knelinge to the faide 
 Images, ne Offering to them any Money, or Wax lighte or unlighte, 
 or any oder Thing : For fo muche, as Offeringe is to be made to 
 God onlie, and to no Creature under God. Nevertheleffe they may 
 ftill ufe Lightes in the Roode Lofete, and afore the Sacrament, and 
 at the Sepulture at Eajler; accordinge to the King's Injundlions : 
 So that they none ufe to the Honer or Worfhippe of any Image, 
 ne by the Way of Offeringe made, odre to any Image, or to any 
 Sainft reprefented by the fame. 
 
 Item, They mufl teache theire Flocke, that Images be fuffred one- 
 lie as Bokes, by which our Hertes may be kindeled to folow the holy 
 Steppes and Examples of the Saintes reprefented by the fame ; even 
 as Sain(fles Lives be written, and mufte be redde in written Bookes, 
 for the fame Purpofe : And that, as we do not worfliipe our Booke 
 when we have rede the Saint's Liefe ; fo likewife, we fliall not wor- 
 fliipe the Images, which is as the Booke to them that cannot read 
 in odre Bokes. 
 
 Item, They mufle declare to thaire Flocke, that althoughe they 
 fee the Image of the Fadre reprefented as an olde Man, yet they 
 maye in no wife beleve, that the Hevenlie Father is any Man, or 
 that he haithe any Bodie or Age ; but that he is a Nature and Sub- 
 ftaunce, above all mefure pafTinge the Capacite and Undreflandinge, 
 oder of Mans Witt or Aungelles. 
 
 Item, AUe fnche Ymagies, to whiche any maner of Reforte is 
 ufede, by waye of Peregrenage or Offeringe, they mufl depofe and 
 
 Vol. III. 6 G feque-
 
 482 
 
 A Collection Part III. 
 
 fequeftre frome all Sighte of Men, and fuffre them no more to be 
 fett upp. 
 
 Item, They muft charge all the Faders and Moders, and Heades 
 of Howfe-holdes, and Gode-Fatheres, and Gode-Motheres, and 
 Scoole-Mayftres, accordinge to the King's Highnes Injunftions, to 
 fee theire Children, Servantes and Scoleres, well inftrudle in the 
 Pater-Nojler, Ave Maria., Crede, and Tenne Commandiments in 
 'Englijke, and all oder Thinges compprifed in theis Injunftions. And 
 for that Purpofe, all Curates and Heades of Congregacions, mufle 
 ons in a Quarter rede theis Injundions, in the Churche, in thaudi- 
 ence of all the People ; afwell for the Remembrance of theire owne 
 Dewtie, as for ther Citinge the People to knowe theire Dewtie. 
 And we Charge and Commaunde all Curates, and all oder of this 
 Dioces to whome it fliall apperteigne, to have a Copy of theis Injunc- 
 tions, within Fourtie Days next folowinge the Puplication hereof. 
 And when the fame fliall be imprinted, we charge them to have them 
 fo imprinted within Sex Days aftre the fame fhall come to thire Know- 
 ledge, under Payne of Excommunication. 
 
 Item, They mufte inflrudle their Parochians, that they nothinge 
 pleafe God, but dilpleafe him ; doeng Wurkcs onlie in thaire owne 
 Will and Devocion, by Man's Tradicion, and leaving the Workes by 
 God commanded, undone. 
 
 Item, They mufte inftru6l their Flocke, that their Confidence for 
 thatteyning of Everlafting Lief, mufl be only in God, and in his 
 Grace and Marcy, and in the Merits and Redemption of our Savir 
 our Jefu Chrifte : And that none of our Workes, as ours, have any 
 Efficacie or Vertue to fave us, but only have their Vertue and Effi- 
 cacie by the Grace of God, and Merits of Chrift's Paffion. 
 
 Item, All Curates mufl openly, in the Church, teach and inflrudl 
 the Mydwiefes, of the very Wordes and Fourme of Baptifme j to 
 thentente that they may ufe them perfietly, and none oder: In 
 Time of Nede, that is to fay -, that they. Naming the Child, muft 
 fay thefe Wordes ; 'John, or T^homas, or Agnes, I baptize thee in 
 the Name of the Fader, the Sotifie, and the Holie Gojl : And that 
 faying thies Wordes, they muft caft Water upon the Child, For 
 which Purpofe, they muft have ready at Hand a VelTel of Cleans 
 Water, 
 
 Item, They muft often upon the Holidays, and ipecially at Times 
 of Mariages, warn their Parochians, that they in no wife make any 
 privie Contrad; of Mariage, but afore Two or Three fufficient Witr 
 nes required to be prefent for that Purpofe : And that afore they 
 make any Contrad, they do their beft Endevour, to know wheder 
 there be betwene them any LawfuU Impediment, oder by Godds 
 Lawe, or any oder Ecclefiaftical yet ufed, afore they entre to make 
 any Contrad. 
 
 ,r Item, That the Fadres, and oder Freyndes, conftrayne not them 
 that be under their Correccion and Governance, to Marry agenft 
 their Willes, ne afore they have Difcretion to confider what the 
 Bounde of Mariage meaneth. 
 
 Item,
 
 Book III. Of Records^ Sec, 483 
 
 Ifem, All Curates and oder Heddes of Congregacyons mufl never 
 ceafTe to imprinte in the Hertes of their Flocke the Two Commaun- 
 diments which our Saviour calleth the Fuhies of the Lawe ; that is, 
 the Love of God above all Thing, and thei Love of thye Neio-hbore 
 as thy felf : And likewife the fayd Curates muft continuallie engrave 
 in the Hertes of their Flocke the Two Preceptes of the Lawe of 
 Nature ; that is, do as thou wolde be done unto, and do not that 
 thou wolldefl not to be done unto the. 
 
 Bern, They mufte alway emploie them felf to mainteyn Charitle 
 and Peace in our Lorde Jefu amonges their Parochians, and to avoide 
 all Rancor and Diffention amongs them. 
 
 liem. That they in no wife kepe thoes Dayes for Holy whichc by 
 our Soveraigne Lord the Kynge opon jufte Confideracion be abrogat : 
 Ne afmoche as in them is fuffer of their Parochians to kepe them 
 as Holie, but that they in theme be occupied everie Man in his 
 Bufines, as in oder Days according to the Kinges Highnes In- 
 junctions. 
 
 Item, They mufte inftrude their Flocke, that in thofe Dayes 
 whiche be obferved and kept for Holiedaves, they mufl: utterlie with- 
 drawe themefelfes frome all Worldlie and Flefhelie Bufines and Oceu- 
 pacions, and Houfes of Gammes and Playes ; fpeciallie frome all 
 Synne ; and entierlie, and hollie emploie themfelfes to Gooftelie 
 Works, behoveable for Manis Soule : And that therefore Taverns, 
 Vitailing-Houfes, may not thyes Dayes be ufed and exercifed, and 
 fpeciallie in the Tyme of Divine Service, onles Neceffitie oder- 
 wife require for them that Travaile in Journey. 
 
 Item, All Houfes of Religion, Colleges, Hofpitalls, and all oder 
 havyng any Benefices appropriated unto theme, fhall according to 
 the Value of their Beneficies, have in their Churches appropried 
 certain Sermons every Year j as in like Ordinance for Curates as afore 
 is comprifed. 
 
 Item, All Curates and oder havyng Benefices appropriated by them 
 felf yf they can, or by oder Preachers ons every Quarter, mufi teache 
 and inflruft the People of their Dewtie of FathefuU and Loyall 
 Obedience to our Soverand Lord the King, declaring that they be 
 bounden to yield entier and perfect Obedience to his Highnes by 
 Goddes Lawe, expreffe under the Payn of Dampnation everlafling : 
 And that to make any ftyrring, gathering of People, or CommocioHi 
 withoute his exprefTe Commandment, is to breke, not only Goddes 
 Commandment and Lawe, but alfo all Natural and Politique Order, 
 in which the Heed governethe the Membres, and not the Membrea 
 the Heed, and in which alfo all the Members, afwell by Nature, as 
 by good Policie, emploj'e them felffe and indaunger them felf for the 
 Prefervation and Mayntenance of the Heed. 
 
 All which Injunctions by thauclorite which we have under God, 
 and our Soveraigne Lorde the Kynge, we charge all to whom it aper- 
 tenythe to obferve and kepe under the Paynes lymyted in the fame, 
 and under the Paynes of Sufpencion and Sequeflracyon of the Frutcs 
 of theyre Benefices and Promocyons Ecclefiafticall, and oder Paynes 
 Arbytrary, as we fhall thynke convenient and reafonable. 
 
 Number
 
 484 
 
 A ColleSfion Part III. 
 
 Number 58. 
 
 InjunSiions ghe^t by the Bipoppe of Coventre and Lyche- 
 felde throughe out his Diocejfe. 
 
 TO all and fingular of the Clergle within the Diocefs of Cove?!- 
 tree and Lichefelde, I Rolatide, by the Grace of God Byfhop 
 of the fayd Dioceffe, beynge commaunded therunto by the Kinges 
 Majeftie, gyve tliefe Injundlions following, for the Honour of God, 
 thencreafe of Vertue, and Abolyflimente of Ignorance, Vice, and 
 Vicioufe Lyvinge. 
 
 Fyrjie, That ye and every one of you, fhall with all your Dili- 
 gence and Faythful Obedience, obferve and caufe to be obferved, all 
 and fyngular the Contentes of the Kynges Hyghnes Injunftions, by 
 his Graces CommifTarys gyven, in fuch Places as they in Tymes 
 pafte have \'}'fited, and alfo fent unto you at this Tyme. And that 
 ye and every of you, flial provyde for Copies of the fame, to be had 
 before the Feaft of Lammajj'e nexte enfuynge. 
 
 Item, That ye and every of you do inftrufte and teach your Pa- 
 riihoners, the Kinges Majeftie to be only the Supreme Heed under 
 Chryft in Erthe of this his Churche of Eiiglande, unto whom all 
 Potentates and Powers of the fame owen to obey, being therto 
 obliged and bounde by Goddes Worde, And that the Bifliop of Rome^ 
 and his PredecefTours, did ever heretofore ufurp upon the Kynges of 
 this Realme, in the ufing any maner of Jurifdiftion or Audlorite 
 within the fame. And that ye fhal exhorte every Sonday al your Pa- 
 riflioners to the due Obedience of our Prince and Soveraigne Lorde, 
 his Heires, and Succeflburs Kyngs of Englande. 
 
 Item, That every Perfon or Proprietary of any Parifhe Churche 
 within my Dioceffe, flial on thiffide the Feaft of Pentecojle nexte 
 commynge, provide a Boke of the hole Byble, bothe in Latin, and 
 alfo in EngliJJie, and laye the fame in the Quiere, for every Man 
 that will, to loke and reade theron : And fhal not difcorage, but 
 erneftly comforte, exhorte, and admonifhe every Man to reade the 
 Bible in Lati?t or Englijhe, as the very Worde of God, and the Spi- 
 ritual Foode of Man's Sowle, wherby they maye the better knowe 
 their Deutyes to God, to their Soveraigne Lord the Kinge, and their 
 Neighboure : Alwaye gentely and charitably exhorting them to ufe 
 a fober and a modefte Haviour in the Readynge and Inquifition of the 
 true Sence, and that in no wife they ftiffely or egerly contende, or 
 ftrive with one another about the fame, but referre the Declaration 
 of thofe Places that be in Controverfie, to the Judgement of them 
 that be better Learned. 
 
 ltef}i, I decree and ordeynethat all Monafteries, Collegiate Churches, 
 and al Perfons to whom any Benefyces be impropried within my 
 Diocefe, flial from henceforth Four Times in the Year at the leafte, 
 that is, One Tyme every Quarter, caufe one Sermon to be preached, 
 
 purely,
 
 Book III. Of Records^ &c. 485 
 
 purely, fincerely, and according to the true Scripture of God, in 
 aJ fuch Churches where they, or any of them, receive any Profytes 
 or Commodities, upon Peyne of Sequeflration of theyr Fruites. 
 
 Item, I require and exhorte you, in our Soveraigne Lordes Name, 
 and as his Gracis Mynifter, I ftraitly charge and commaunde you, 
 to declare and publiflie every Sofidaye in the Pulpet at High MafTe 
 Tymes, the Pater Nojler, Ave, and Crede in Eiiglijhe, drftindlely, 
 and in fuche wyfe as the People maye lerr.e the fame. And that 
 Four Tymes in the Quarter ye declare to your Paryfhoners, the 
 Seven deedly Siiins, and the Ten Commaundments, fo as the People 
 therby may not only lerne how to Honour God, their Prince, and 
 Parentes ; but alfo how they fhall avoide Sinne and Vice, and to 
 lyve Vertuoufely, folowinge Goddes Lawes and his Commaunde- 
 ments. 
 
 Item, That ye bothe in your Preachinges, Secret ConfefTions, and 
 al other Workes and Doings, Ihall excite and move your Parilhioners 
 unto fuch Works as are commaunded expreflely of God : For the 
 whiche God fhall demaunde of them a ftrayte reckeninge ; as the 
 Articles of the Fayth, and the Ten Commandments, and all other 
 Workes ^vhich Men do of their own Will or Devotion, to teache 
 and inflrudl your Parilliioners, that they are not to be eftemed, in 
 Comparifon of the other. And that for the not doinge of any wil- 
 full Workes, God wyll not afke any Accompte. 
 
 Item, That ye, nor any of you, fufre no Fryer or other Religious 
 Man, to have any Cure or Servyce within your Churches or Cures, 
 excepte they be lawfully difpenfed withal, or licenfed by the Or- 
 dinary. 
 
 Item, That ye, and every one of you, doo your Dyligence, and 
 endevour your felfes to your belT: Induflries and Labour, to inlirudte 
 and teache afwell Chyldren as all Other your People, both Men and 
 Women, of that jrour Parilhe, the Pater Nojler, Ave, and Crede, 
 and the Ten Commaundments in Rnglijhe, and that ye or any of 
 you do admyt no Man nor Woman to receyve the Sacrament of the 
 Aultare, untyl that ye have harde them recite and declare at the 
 leafi:, the fame Pater Nojier, Ave, and Crede in EngUflie, without Boke. 
 
 Item, That ye, and every of you, flial Two Tymes in a Quarter 
 declare to your Parilhoners the Bande of Matrimony, and what great 
 Daunger it is to al Men, that ufe theyr Bodies, but with fuche 
 Perfonnes as they lawfully may by the Lawe of God ; and to ex- 
 horte in the faid Tymes your Parifhoners, that they make no privye 
 Contraries of Matrimonie, "but that they call Two Honeft Menne 
 at the leafte to recorde the fame, as they w^yll avoide the Extreme 
 Payne of the Lawes ufed within the Kinges Realme by his Gracis 
 Audloritie. 
 
 Item, Where fome frowarde Perfons, partly for Malice and Dif- 
 daine, negledle theyr Curates, and fuch as have the Cure and Charge 
 of their Soules, and partly to cloke and hyde their lewde and naugh- 
 tie Livinge, as they have ufed all the Yere before, ufe at Lent to go 
 to be confeffed to the Fryers, and fuch other Religious Houfes, 
 Therefore I Wyl you to declare, and fhew to your Parilhoners that 
 no Teftimoniall, brought from any of them, Ihall ftande in any 
 
 Vol. m. 6 H Effedl:
 
 486 
 
 A Colkaion Part III. 
 
 EfFed : Nor any fuch Perfones flaall be admitted to Goddis Bourde, 
 unto they fubmit themfelves to be confeffed to their owne Curates, 
 onleffe for certayne arduate and urgent Conliderations of Confcyence, 
 they be, or fhall be otherwife LaufuUye difpenfed or lycenfed with- 
 all, either by me or my Deputies. 
 
 Item^ Whereas Uny\'errally reigneth this abhominable, deteftable, 
 and dyvelifhe Ufe and Cuftome, that upon the Holy Dayes, in the 
 Tyme of Divine Servyce and Preachyng, that Youthe and other 
 Unthriftes, reforteth to Ale-Houfes, and there ufe unlawfull Games, 
 Blafphemie, Dronkennefs, with other Enormities ; fo that good Peo- 
 ple therat be offended, and no Punyfliment hadde as yet : Therefore 
 I Wil and Commaunde you to declare to fuche that kepe Alehoufes 
 or Taverns within your Parifhes, that at fuche they fuffre no more 
 fuch unlawfull and ungodly Affemblies ; nor to receive fuche Perfons 
 to BoUynge and Drynkinge at fuch Seafons in their Houfes, under 
 Peine of the Kinges High Difpleafure, and to be puniflied for fo 
 doinge. 
 
 Item^ Ye fliall teache and inftrude your Paryflioners, at the leaft 
 1 2 Tymes in the Yere, the Elfential Maner and Forme of Chriften- 
 inges in E}7glijhe, and that the Mydwife may ufe it in Tyme of Ne- 
 cefTitie: Commaundinge the Women, when the Tyme of Birthe 
 draweth nere, to have at all Seafons a Veffel of cleane Water for the 
 fame Purpofe. 
 
 Iteniy Where I am credibly informed, that certain Prieftes in my 
 Dioceffe, go in Habite diflimuled more liker of the Temporaltie than 
 of the Clergie, whiche may and dothe minifter Occafion to fuche 
 light Perfons whan they come in Places, and to Perfons not knowen, 
 to be more Licentious, bothe of their Comunication and Ades, to 
 the great Sclaunder of the Clergie : Therfore frome hensforthe I 
 Charge and Commande, that in Cities, Towns, and Villages, and in 
 al other Places, they weare mete, convenient, and decent Apparrell, 
 wherby they may be knowen of the Clergie ; as they and every one 
 of them will avoide the Penaltie of the Lawes. 
 
 Item, I defire, require, and exhorte you and every of you, in the 
 Name of God, that he firmely do obferve and kepe thefe all and 
 lingular mine Injundlions. And that ye and every one of you that 
 are Prieftes, having Cure or not Cure, as well Benefyced, as not 
 Benefyced within my Dioceffe, do gette a Copie of thefe Injundions, 
 to the Intente ye maye obferve, and caufe to be obferved the Con-, 
 tentes of the fame. 
 
 GOD SAVE TH-E KING. 
 
 Londitn in JEdibm Thomae Bertheletl Req;ii Impreforis Exaif. Armo 
 M. D. XXXVIII. CiitnPrhilegio.. 
 
 Number
 
 Book III. Of Records^ &c. 487 
 
 Number 59. 
 
 InjunSimis ghe?z by the ByJJjop of Salysbiiry, thi^oughout 
 
 his Dioces, 
 
 INjundtions made by me Nycolas Shaxfon, Billiop of Sarum, at 
 mine ordinarie Vifitacion done in tharchdeaconry of JDorfet, m 
 the Yere of our Lord God 1538, and in the 30th Yere of the Reign 
 of our Soveraigne Lord King Henry the Eighth, by the Grace of 
 God, King of Evghmde and of Fraiice, Defender of the Faythe, 
 Lord of Yreland, and Supreme Hede here \\\ Erth, next under God, 
 of the Church of England, All which and fmguler Injunftions, by 
 thaudlorite given to me of God and the Kinge,. I exhorte, and alfb 
 commaunde all Parfons, Vicares, Curates, Chauntry Preftes, and 
 other of the Clergy whatfoever they be, to obferve, kepe and per- 
 form, as concerneth every one of tbeni, upon Pain of Inobedience, 
 and alfo of all fuch Laws and Statutes, as may be laid againft them, 
 for Breaking or Violating of the fame at any Time hereafter. 
 
 Fyrft, Whereas Beneficed Men, having and taking Cure of Souls 
 at the Byfliop's Hands, do abfent themfelfs from their faid Cures 
 without Licence or Counfell of the faid Byfliop, not leavinge there 
 able Curates to difcharge the faid Cures : I monyflie all fuch per- 
 emptorily, either to be perfonally upon their faid Cures, by Myghel- 
 mas nexte cumminge, or els to prefent unto me, or my Deputies, 
 fuch Curates, as upon myne Examinacion, lliall be abled and ad- 
 mitted to ferve and difcharge the fiid Cures, in thabfence of the 
 faid Beneficed Men. And that neither any Fre?ich or Irijh Preeft, 
 which cannot perfitly fpeke the EnglyJJj Tonge, ferve no Cure in this 
 DyocefiTe, after the Terme before fpecified. 
 
 Item, That all fuch having Cures, do every Sonday and Holidaye 
 continually, recite, and fincerely declare in the Pulpet, at the Highe 
 Mafie Tyme, in the Efiglipe Tonge, bdth the Epyftle and Gofpell 
 of the fame Daye, (if ther be Time therto) or elles the one of them 
 at the leeft ; and alfo to fet forthe the King's Regall Power to be 
 Supreme Heade, and Highefl: Power, under God, in Erthe, of the 
 Churche and Realme of Englande : and to abolyflie the Bylhope of 
 Rome's Ufurped Power. And furthermore, to declare openly and 
 diftindlly the Ten Commaundements, the Articles of our Beleve, the 
 Patcr-Nojler j and finally, bydde the Beades, according to the King's 
 Ordinaunce, and none otherwyfe. 
 
 Item, That everie Prebendary, or Proprietary of any Parydie- 
 Churche, whofe Annuall Fruytes extendeth to 20 /. fliall make, or 
 caufe for to be made foure Times in the Yere, (that is to faye, every 
 Quarter) one Sermon there. And if the Fruites be 15/. Three 
 Sermons ; if but i o /. Two Sermons ; and if it be under that, he 
 fliall make one Sermon at the leeft, over and befydcs the gyving of 
 
 Diil ribu-
 
 488 
 
 A CoUeBion Part III. 
 
 Diftribucions, Almes, or other Comfortable and Bodily, or Charita- 
 ble Socour amonge the Poore Parochians there, accordinge to theire 
 Appropriacions, or Rate of their Prebends. 
 
 Item, That ye fuffre no Man to Preache, excepte he be fpeclally 
 licenced by his Ordinary, or els the King's Highnes Auftorite : Nor 
 that ye permit any Friere, or other wearing a Religioufe Habyte, to 
 have any Service in your Churches, neither to ferve Chauntry, nor 
 Trentall, neither any Brothered Service ; and that no Preefle faye 
 Two MafTes upon One Daye, excepte Chryjimas Daye only. 
 
 Item, That everie Benefyced Man, whole Benefice is taxed at Ten 
 Pounde, or above, have (before Whytfontide next) the Holie Bi- 
 ble ; and all other Preeftes, Beneficed or not Beneficed, at the 
 leeft have the New Teflament, both in Lateii and in Engtifl.^e ; 
 and that everie one of them rede over and ftudye everie Daye one 
 Chapiter at the leeft, by Order as they ftande in the Boke unto the 
 Ende, conferringe the Englijhe and Laty7i together. And if, by Oc- 
 cafion of a LawfuU Let, it be undone one Daye, be it fupplied with 
 Two Chapiters the nexte Day, CSc. So that one Daye with ano- 
 ther, he fail not to ftudy one Chapiter. 
 
 Item, That everie one of you procure diligentlie before Myg- 
 helmas nexte, to have Copies of the King's Injundlions made in his 
 laft Vifitation ; and then to kepe and obferve them efFedlually, upon. 
 Paine therin mencioned. 
 
 Item, That every one having Cure of Souls, Parfon, Vicar, or Cu- 
 rate, admitted, do perfitly con without Boke the Two whole Gof- 
 pells of Matheii and Johim, and the Epiftles of Paule to the Ro- 
 maym, Corinthians, Galathians, and other as they ftande, with the 
 ABes of the Apojiles, and the Canonical Piftles, after the Rate ; to 
 con every Fournyghte one Chapiter without the Boke, and the fame 
 to kepe ftill in Memory ; over and befides, to rede and ftudie everi 
 Day one Chapiter within the Boke, as is above exprefled. And that 
 the 28 th Chapiter o^ Deuteronomie be openly red in the Church every 
 Quarter, in ftede of the General Sentence. 
 
 Item, That everie Curat, the Firft Sonday of every Moneth in 
 the Yere, do openly (in the Pulpet) exhorte and charge his Paro- 
 chians, in no wife to make any prevye or fecrete Contrad: of Ma- 
 trimony ; but that they utterlie deferre it, untill fuch Time as they 
 may have Two or Three Honeft Men, to hear and record the Words 
 and Maner of their Contract, as they will avoid thextreme Paine 
 of the Lawe, if they do the contrarye. 
 
 Itetn, That none of you difcorage any Perfon from Reding of 
 Holy Scripture, but rather animate and encorage them therto ; fo 
 that it be done of them without Braging or Arrogancy, but onelie 
 to lerne therby to live vertuoully, folowing the Lawes of God, and 
 giving good Examples and holfome Counfell to other that be 
 ignorant. 
 
 Item, That not only fuch as have Cure of Soules, but alfo Chaun- 
 try Preeftes, do hensforth their true Diligence to inftrud: and teach 
 Children, until they can reade Englyjhe ; taking moderatly, for ther 
 Labours of their Frends that be able to paye, which fhall fo put 
 them to Lerning. 
 
 Item,
 
 Book III. Of Records^ Sec. a So 
 
 Item, That Yonge People be taught theire Pater Nojier, Crede, 
 and Tenne Commandments in E?iglyjhe ; fo that none of them be 
 admitted to Receive the Sacrament of the Aulter, untill He or She 
 can, and do perfidlly fay and reherfe in Englyjhe unto the Curate 
 the Pater Nojier, Crede, and Tenne Commaundementes, diftindlly, 
 wherefoever they be fliryven, either at their Pariflie-Churche, or 
 els where. And in cafe any of them be obftinate to do, as is afore- 
 laide, let them be detecl immediatly after EJier, unto theire Ordi- 
 nary. 
 
 Item, That Preaching be not lefte off for any other ninner of 
 Obfervaunces in the Churche, as Proceffions, or Exequies of the 
 Deade. 
 
 Item, That at your Prechinge Time, ye diligentlie fee that youre 
 Parochians be prefent, and take hede theruntoj and that none pre- 
 fume to be at Alehoufe, Tavern, or els where, at the Preachino-e- 
 Time, but onelie at the Churche attentyfly hearing, as becometh 
 good Chriften People. And if any be difobedient, let them be firft 
 warned to amend ; and afterward, if they amende not, detedt them 
 to their Ordinarye. 
 
 Item, Tliat ye fuffre no NJglit-Watchcs In your Churches or Cha- 
 pells, neither Decking of Ymages with Gold, Silver, Clothes, 
 Lights, or Herbs ; nor the People knele to them, nor worfliip them, 
 nor offre Candles, Otes, Cake-breed, Chefe, WoUe, or any fuch 
 other Thinges to them : But he fhall inflrudl and teach them, how 
 they ought and may ufe them ; that is to fay, only to beholde, or 
 loke upon them, as one loketh upon a Boke j wherby Mens Mindes 
 be ftirred and kenled fome times to Vertue and Conftancy, in Faithe 
 and Love towardes God, and fomtimes to lament for their Sinnes or 
 Offences. For otherwife there might be Peril of Ydolatrie, efpeci- 
 ally of ignorant Lay-People, if they either in Hert, or outward 
 Gefture worfliip them, or give Honour to them, which ought onlie 
 to be given to God, the Lorde of all Saintes. 
 
 Item, Ye fliall inftruft your Parochians, not to be envious aboute 
 Workes invented by their own folifhe Devocion ; as to go about in 
 idle Pylgrimage, and fay with vain Confidence this Prayer, and that 
 Prayer, with other Superflicious Obfervacions, in Faflings, Prayeng, 
 and Kepinge of olde folyfli Cuftoms, which be not found coni- 
 maunded or counfeled, in any Parte of Holy Scripture. But ye 
 fhall inflrudl them, and exhorte them, to know and do all fuch 
 Thinges, as be commaunded or commended in the Holy Scripture 
 to be done ; that is to fay, to Know and BeUeve all the Articles of 
 our Faithe, conteined in the Crede, to kepe inviolably the Tenne 
 Commaundementes, to performe the Workes of Mercy, after every 
 Mannes Power and Habilite, to be in Love and Charite eche with 
 other, and one to beare with an other in his Weaknes or Infirmite, 
 and not to be vengeable for any Offence. 
 
 Item, That every Curate do at all times his beft Diligence, to re- 
 duce fuch as be at Difcord, to Peace, Love and Charite, and one to 
 forgive an other, how often foever they be offended. 
 
 Vol. III. 6 I Item,
 
 A go ^ ColkBion Part III. 
 
 Item^ That every Curate, not only in his Preaching, but alfo at 
 all other Times neceflary, do perfwade, exhorte, and warn the Peo- 
 ple, whatfoever they be, to beware of Swering, and Blafphemy of 
 the Holy Name of God, or any Part of Chrift's precious Body or 
 Blode. And alfo to beware and abftaine from Curfing or Banning, 
 Chidinge, Skoldinge, Bakbiting, Slaundering, Lyinge; and from 
 Adultry, Fornicacion, Glotony, Dronkenfhip, Sorcere, Witchcrafte : 
 And if they be notorioufly fauty in any of thefe, then to detedl 
 them, that they may be corredted in Example of other. 
 
 Itcm^ That eveiy Curat inflruft his Parochians, and efpecially the 
 Midwives, the effencial Maner and Forme how to Chriften a Child 
 in Time of Nede ; commaunding the Women, when the Time of 
 Byrthe draweth nere, to have a VefTel of clene Water redy for the 
 fame Purpofe : Charging alfo the faid Midwives, to beware that they 
 caufe not the Woman, being in Travaile, to make any folifhe Vowe, 
 to go in Pilgrimage to this Ymage, or that Ymage, after her Deli- 
 veraunce, but only to call on God for Helpe. Nor to ufe any Gir- 
 dels, Purfes, Mefures of our Lady, or fuch other Superftitious Things, 
 to be occupied about the Woman while She laboureth, to make her 
 beleve to nave the better Spede by it. 
 
 Item, That none of you do magnifie and extol, praife, maintained 
 or otherwife fet forth, the fuperfluous Holidayes abrogated by the 
 Kinge, with the Advife of his Ecclefiaftical Convocacion. 
 
 And finally, Forafmoch as all Chriften Men ought erneftly to co- 
 veit and defiere their Soules Helthe, and the very Meane therof is 
 to obtein the true Knowledge of God's Worde, which is the Fedyng 
 of the Soul ; I exhort, defier, and, afmoche as I may I require, that 
 in every Honeft Paryfhe-Churche within my Dioceffe of Sarum, ei- 
 ther of theire Church-Boxe, or of Stockes given for Mainteining of 
 Lightes before Ymages, (with the which I difpence for this better 
 Ufe) or els by waye of Colleilion among themfelfes, there be or- 
 deined and bought an Englifie Bible before Whitfojidaye nexte, to 
 be chained to a Defke in the Body of the Church ; where he that 
 is Letteryd may rede, and other Unlerned may hear, holfome Doc- 
 trine and Comfort to their Soules, and avoid Idelnes and other In- 
 conveniences, whereunto the fraile Difpoficion of Man is fone in- 
 clined, 
 
 Forafmoche as intoUerablc Superfticion, and alfo abhominable Y- 
 dolatrie, have no finall Time ben ufed in this my DiocefTe, by the 
 Occafion of fuch Thinges as be fet forth and commended unto the 
 ignorant People, under the Name of Holy Reliques, being in veray 
 dede vaine Thinges, as I my felf of certaine, which be alredie co- 
 men to myne Handes, have perfite Knowledge : Namely, of ftinking 
 Bootes, mucky Combes, ragged Rochettes, rotten Girdles, pyl'd 
 Purfes, great Bullocks Horns, Lockes of Heere, and filthy Ragges, 
 Gobbetts of Wodde, under the Name of Parcells of the Holy Crofs, 
 and fuch Pelfrie, beyond Eftimacion j over and befides the fhamfull 
 Abufe of fuch as peradventure be true Reliques in dede, whereof 
 nevertheles certain Profe is none, but only that fo they have bene 
 taken, judged and eftemed, ye and fo called without Monumentes 
 
 had
 
 Book III. Of Records^ &c. 491 
 
 had of therri in any Autentyke Form of Writing. Therefore in 
 Remedy herof, I hertely praie you all and flngular my faid Brethren 
 of the Clergie in my faid Diocefe ; and neverthelefs by thaudlorite 
 that I have under God and the Kynges Highnes, and in their Names 
 I commaunde you, and everyche of you, that you fend al fuche your 
 Relyques (as they be called) one and other unto me at myne Ploufe 
 at Ramepury, or other where, togyther with fuch Wrytings as ye 
 have of the fame, to thintent that I and my Counfel may explore 
 and try theni what they be, and thofe that be eftemed and judged t6 
 be undoubtedly true Reliques, ye (hal not fayle at convenable Tyme 
 to have againe with certayne Inftrudlion how they ought to be ufed j 
 that is to fay, as Memorials of them whofe Reliques they be, in 
 whom and by whom Almighty God did Worke all that ever they 
 vertuoufly wrought ; and therefore onely he ought in them all to be 
 glorifyed, lauded, and prayfed ; io that he which rejoyceth may in 
 the Lorde rejoyfe j to whom be all Honour and Glorye, for ever 
 and ever. Amen. 
 
 Item, That the Bell called the Pardon, or A-oe Bell, whiche of 
 longe Tyme hathe been ufed to be tolled Three Tymes after, or 
 before Divine Service, be not hereafter in any Parte of my Diocefle 
 any more toUyd. 
 
 I exhorte, defire, require, and alfo (as ferre as I maye) commaunde 
 you all and every of you to provide you Copies of thefe Injunctions, 
 and firmely to obferve and performe them, and every of them, as 
 ferre as they concerne you, and that for your Weal the and my Dif- 
 charge to God and the Kynge, of whom I have min Audorite in 
 this Behalf. 
 
 GOD SAVE THE KYNGE. 
 
 Imprhife^ at London in Fleteftrete, at the Sygne of the Sonne, i>y 
 John Byddell, and are to Sell at the Clofe Yate in Salylbuiy. 
 
 Numoer 5o. 
 
 An OmijJtd7t in the LtjimBions Jet forth by Cromwell in 
 the Kifigs Name^ in the iji Vol, Hift. Refor. Coll. of 
 Rec. P. 160. 
 
 This comes i7i after the Li?ie 30, Page i6r. 
 
 /TEM, That every Parfon, or Proprietary of any Parifli Church 
 within this Realm, fhall on this fide the Feaft of St. Peter ad 
 Vincida next coming, provyde a Book of the whole Bible, both in 
 
 Latin
 
 492 A ColleBion Part III. 
 
 Latin, and alfo in EngliJJj, and laye the fame in the Quire, for every 
 Man that will to read and look therein, and iliall difcourage no Man 
 from the Reading any Part of the Bible, either in Latin or in EngliJJo ; 
 but rather comfort, exhort, and admonifli every Man to read the 
 fame as the very Word of God, and the Spiritual Food of Man's 
 Soul, whereby they may the better know the Dutys to God, to their 
 Sovereign Lord the King, and their Neighbour : Ever gently and 
 charitably exhorting that ufing a fober and modeft Haviour in the 
 Reading and Inquiiition of the true Senfe of the fame > they do ia 
 no wife ftifly or eagerly contend or ftrive one with another about the 
 fame, but refer the Declaration of thofe Places that be in Contro- 
 verfy to the Judgment of them that be better Learned. 
 
 yl?j OjniJJtQ7i in BonerV InjunBions ; the Lines that are 
 in Italichs ought to be put i Vol. Hift. Ref. Col. Rec. 
 P, 252. 
 
 Hyis comes in Page 255, Line 35. 
 
 TTEM, That no Parfons, Vicars, ne Curates, permit or fuffer any 
 ■*■ manner of Common-Plays, Games, or Interludes to be play'd, 
 fet forth, or declared within their Churches, or Chappels, where 
 the Blejfed Sacratnent of the Altar is, or any other Sacrament minijlredy 
 or Divine Service faid or fung ; becaiij'e they be Places conjlitnte and 
 ordained to well difpofed People for Godly Prayer, and ivholefom Con- 
 folation. And if there be any of your Parijl^oners, or any other Pcrfon 
 or Perfons, that will obflinately, or violently, if force any fiich Plays^ 
 Literludes, or Games to be declared, fet forth, or played in your 
 Churches, or Chappels, contrary to this our Forbidding and Com- 
 mandment, that then you, or either of you, in whofe Churches, or 
 Chappels, any fuch Games, Plays, or Interludes, fliall be fo ufedj 
 fliall immediately thereupon make relation of the Name of the Perfon, 
 or Perfons, fo obftinately and difobediently ufing themfelves, unto me, 
 my Chancellor, or other my Officers, to the Intent that they may be 
 therefore reformed and puniflied according to the Laws. 
 
 Number
 
 Book III. Of Records^ Sec. 493 
 
 Number 61. 
 
 The Petltioft of GrefKam, Lord-Mayor of London, to the. 
 King^ for the City Hofpitals, 
 
 MOST redowted, puyfant, and noble Prince. My mofl dradd, &w»?/i.ibrary 
 beloved, and naturall Soveraigne Lorde, I your poore humble^ ^^''^f- ^- +■ 
 and moft obedient Servaint, dailly conlidering, and ever more and 
 more perceivyng by your Vertuous Begynninge, and Charitable 
 Proceedings in all your Caufes, your Perfone, and Majeflie Royall, 
 to be tlie Elefted and Chofen VelTel of God, by whom not only 
 the very and true Worde of God, is, and fliall be fett forth, and 
 according to the trewgh and verytie of the fame j But alio to be he 
 whom God hath conftituted and ordeyned, both to redreffe and 
 reforme all Crimes, Offences, and Enormities, beyng repugnant to 
 his Dofflrine, or to the Detryment of the Common Welth, and 
 Hurt of the Poor People beyng your Natural Subje(£ls ; and farther 
 to forfee, and vigilantly to provide for the Charitable Reformation 
 of the fame. Which thynk hath, and yet doth encourage ine, and 
 alfo my bounden Dewtie obligeth me, in efpeciall beyng mofl un- 
 ■ worthy your Levetenant, and Mayer of your Cytie Royall of Lofi" 
 don, to enforme and advertife your mofl Gracious Highnes of one 
 Thing in efpeciall, for the Ayde and Comfort of the Poor, Syke, 
 Blynde, Aged, and Impotent Perfons beyng not able to help them- 
 felffs, nor having no Place certen where they may be refrefhed, or 
 lodged at, tyll they be holpen and cured of their Difeafes and Sick- 
 nes. So it is moft Gracious Lorde, that nere, and withyn the Cytie 
 of London, be iij Hofpitalls, or Spytells, commonly called Seynt 
 Georges Spytell, Seynt Barthilmcwes Spytell, and Seynt Thomas 
 Spytell, and the New Abbey of To'Wer-Hill, founded of Good De- 
 votion by Auncient Fathers, and endowed with great Poffeflions and 
 Rents, only for the Releeffe, Comforte, and Helping of the Poor, 
 and Impotent People, not beyng able to help themfelffes, and not 
 to the Mayntenance of Chanons, Priefts, and Monks, to live in 
 Pleafure, nothing regarding the Miferable People lying in every 
 Street, offendyng every clene Perfone pafling by the Way, with 
 theyre fylthy and nafty Savours. Wherefore may it pleafe your 
 Merciful Goodnefs enclyned to Pytie and Compafllon, for the Reliffe 
 of Chrifts very Images, created to his own Similitude, to Order by 
 your High Authorite, as Supreme Head of this Church of England, 
 or otherwife by your Sage Difcrecion, that your Mayor of your 
 Cytie of London, and his Brethren the Aldermen for the Tyrne being, 
 (hall and may from henceforth, have the Order, Difpoficion, Rule, 
 and Governaunce, both of all the Lands, Tenements, and Reve- 
 newes Apperteynyng, and belongyn to the faid Hofpitalls, Gover- 
 nours of theym, and of the Minifiers which be, or fliall be withyn 
 any of them : And then your Grace Hiall facjlie perceyve, that where 
 Vol. III. 6K now
 
 494 
 
 A ColleBion Part III. 
 
 now a fmall Number of Chanons, Preefts, and Monkes, be founde 
 for theyr own Profitt only, and not for the Common Utilitie of the 
 Realme, a great Number of Poore, Needy, Syke, and Indugent Per- 
 fones fhall be refrefhed, maynteyned, and comforted, and alfo healed 
 and cured of their Infirmities, frankly and freely by Phyficions, 
 Surgeons, and Potycaries, which iliall have Stipende and Salarie 
 only for that Purpofe ; fo that all Impotent Perfons not able to labour 
 fhall be releved, and all Sturdy Beggars not willing to labour fhall 
 be punifhed : For the which doyng, your Grace (hall not alonely 
 merit highly towards God, but fhewe your felffe to be more Chari- 
 table to the Poor, then your Noble Progenitor Kyng Edgar, Foun- 
 dour of fo many Monafteries. Or Kyng Henry the Thyrde, Re- 
 newer of Wejhnynjler : Or Kyng Edwarde the Thirde, Foundor of 
 the New Abbey : Or Kyng Hefiry the Fifte, Foundor of Syon and 
 Skene ; but alfo (hall have the Name of Confervator, Protedour, 
 and Defendour of the Poor People, with their contynuall Prayer for 
 your Health, Welthe, and Profperitie long to endure. 
 
 Tour Humbky and moji 
 
 Obedient Servant^ 
 
 Rychard Grefliam. 
 
 Number 62. 
 
 j^ Part of a Proclamation^ chiejly concerning Becket. 
 
 c»//««Libi'ary AND whereas his mofl Royall Majeftie, heretofore moft pru- 
 ' "^' ■ ' ' XjL dently confidering, as well the great and manifold Superftici- 
 ons and Abufes which have crept in the Harte and Stomake of many 
 his true Simple and Unlerned Subjedls, for lack of the fincere and 
 true Application, and the Declaring of the true Meaning and Under- 
 ftanding of Holy Scriptures, Sacraments, Rites and Ceremonies; as 
 alfo the fondry Strifes and Contentions, which have and may growe 
 amonges many of his (aide Loving Subjects, for Lacke of the very 
 perfeft Knowledge of the true Entent and Meaning of the fame ; 
 hath divers times moft ftraitly commanded all and finguler his Arch- 
 bifhops, Bifliops, and other Minifters of the Clergie of this his No- 
 ble Realme, in their Sermons and Preaching, plainly, purely, fin- 
 cerely, and with all their pofTible Diligence, to let forth firft to the 
 Glorie of God, and Trouthe of his moft Blefied Word j and after, 
 the true Meaning and End of the faid Sacramentalls and Ceremonies ; 
 
 to
 
 Book III. Of Records^ Sec, 40 c 
 
 to the intent that all Superfticious Abufes and Idolatries being 
 avoided, the fame Sacramentalls, Rites and Ceremonies, might be 
 quietly ufed, for fuch only Intent and Confideration, as they were firft 
 inflituted and meant. His Majeftie having Knowledge, that this his 
 moft Godly and moft Vertuoufe Commandment, hath not ben exe- 
 cuted according to his Trufl and Expecftation j therefore flraitly eft- 
 fbnes chargeth and commandeth, all his faid Archbifliops and Bifhops 
 of this his Realme, not only in their own Perfons, with more Di- 
 ligence to preach, teach, open and fet forth, to his People and Lov- 
 ing Subjedts within their Cures, committed to them by his High- 
 nes for that Purpofe, as often as they conveniently male, the Word 
 of God fincerely and purely ; declaring fuch Difference between 
 Thinges commanded by God, and the Rites and Ceremonies afore- 
 faid, and the Ufe of them, in fuch wife, as his People, being under 
 their Cures by his Highnes to them committed, male be brought to 
 the true Knowledge of their Lively Faith to God, and Obedience to 
 his Highnes, with their Love and Charity alfo to their Neigh- 
 bours : But alfo his Highnes ftraitly chargeth and commandeth, all 
 Archdeacons, Deans, Provofts, Parfons, Vicars, Curates, and other 
 Minifters, and every of them in their own Perfons, within their 
 Cures, truly and diligently to do the fame. And further, in all 
 their faid Sermons and Collations, to flirre and exhort the People to 
 Charitie, Love and Obedience ; and alfo to rede and heare with 
 Simplicite, and widiout any Arrogancie, the very Gofpell and Holie 
 Scripture, and to conforme, by earnefl Deeds, their Mindes and 
 Willes unto the fame; avoiding all 'manner of Contencion, Strife 
 and Occafions, upon Pain not only to incurre his Majeflies Indig- 
 nacion ; but alfo for their SlacknelTe and Negligence in the Exe- 
 cuting of their Cures and Charges committed unto them by 
 his Highnes, to be imprifoned and puniihed at his Majefty's 
 Pleafure. 
 
 liem, Forafmuch as it appeareth clearly, that Thomas Bccket, 
 fometime Archbiiliope of Canterbia-y, ftubbornely to withftand the 
 Holfome LaWes eftabliflied againft the Enormities of the Clergy, by 
 the King's Highnes moft Noble Progenitor, King Henry the Second, 
 for the Common Welth, Reft, and Tranquillity of this Realme ; of 
 his froward Mind, fled the Realme into France, and to the Biihop of 
 Rome, Maintenour of thofe Enormities, to procure the Abrogation 
 of the faid Lawes, whereby arofe much Trouble in this faid Realm. 
 And that his Death, which they untruly called Martirdome, hap- 
 pen'd upon a Relkewe by him made : And that, as it is written, he 
 gave opprobrious Wordes to the Gentlemen which then counfailed 
 him to leave his Stubbornes, and to avoide the Commotion of 
 the People, rifen up for that Refkewe. And he not only called the 
 one of them Bawde, but alfo toke Tracy by the Bofome, and vio- 
 lently flioke and plucked him in fuch maner, as he had almoft over- 
 throne him to the Pavement of the Church. So that uppon this 
 Fray, one of their Company perceiving the fame, ftruck him, and 
 fo in the Throng Becket was flain. And further, that his Canoniza- 
 tion was made only by the Bifhop of Rome, becaufe he had been a 
 Champion to mainteine his Ufurped Authority, and a Bearer of the 
 
 Iniquitie
 
 496 
 
 A ColleBion Part III. 
 
 Iniquitie of the Clergie. For thefe, and for other great and urgent 
 Caufes long to recite, the King's Majeftie, by the Advice of his 
 Counfell, hath thought expedient to declare to his Loving Subjedls, 
 that notwithftanding the faid Canonization, there appeareth nothing 
 in this Life and exteriour Converfation, wherby he fliould be called 
 a Saint, but rather efteemed *to have been a Rebel and Traitor to 
 his Prince. Therfor his Grace ftraightly chargeth and command- 
 eth, that from henceforth the faid Thomas Becket iQiall not be efteemed, 
 named, reputed, nor called a Saint ; but Bifliop Becket : And 
 that his Images and Pidtures, through the hole Realme, fliall be put 
 down and avoided, out of all Churches, Chappelles, and other Places. 
 And that from henceforth, the Days ufed to be Feftivall in 
 his Name, fliall not be obferved ; nor the Service, Office, Antipho- 
 nes, Collettes, and Praiers in his Name redde, but rafed and put 
 out of all the Bookes. And that all other Feftivall Dales already 
 abrogate, fliall be in no wife folemnifed, but his Grace's Ordenance 
 and Injundlions thereupon, obferved j to the intent his Grace's 
 Loving Subjedls fliall be no longer blindly led, and abufed, to 
 committ Idolatrie, as they have done in Times pafled ; upon Paine 
 of his Majeflies Indignacion, and Imprifonemente at his Grace's 
 Pleafure. 
 
 Finallie, His Majeftie willeth, and chargeth all his faid True, Lov- 
 ing, and Obedient Subjedls, that they, and every of them for his 
 Parte, fliall keepe and obferve all and fjnguler the Injundlions made 
 by his Majeftie, upon the Paine therein conteined, and further to be 
 puniflied at his Gracis Pleafure. 
 
 GOD SAVE THE KING. 
 
 fVe/Im' xvj. Novembris, ^mo Regni Regis Henrici 
 OSiavi XXX. 
 
 Number 63. 
 
 An On'ghm/ Letter of the Kings, 7nuch to the fame 
 
 Purpofe. 
 
 By the King. 
 
 Henry R. 
 
 Co«tf« Library ^T^Rufty and Welbeloved, we grete you well. And whereas we, 
 
 Cleop. E. 6. J^ chiefly and principally regarding and tendring the Quiet, 
 
 Reft, Profperite and Tranquillite of our Nobles and Commons, and 
 
 ther
 
 Book III. Of Records^ &c. 497 
 
 ther Confervacion no lefs than our own, direcfted lately our Letters 
 unto you, and other Juftices of our Peace throughout this our 
 Realme, contein-ng our Admonition and gentil Warening, to have 
 fuch fpeciall Regard to the Dewties of your Office, according to the 
 Truft we have repofed in you, that not only for thimportance it is 
 both unto us and our Commonwclthe, ye fliuld fee our Dignitie of 
 Supremacie of our Church (wherwith it hath pleafed Almighty 
 God, by his moil certain and undoubted Word, to endowe and 
 adorn our Audtorite and Crown Imperiall of this our Realme) to be 
 fet forth, and impreffed in all our Subjeds Herts and Mindes; and 
 forfee, that the Mayntenors of the Billiop of Rojjies, Ufurped and 
 Fayned Auiftorite, with all his Papiftical Superfticions and Abufes, 
 with which he hath in Times paft abufed the Multitude of our Sub- 
 jefts ; of whofe Yoke, Tyranny and fkornfuU Illufion, we have, by 
 God's Providance, deliver'd this our Realm, and other his Satellyts, 
 which fecretly did uphold his Faftion, fliuld be by you diligendy 
 ferched, enquired and tried out, and fo brought to our Juftice, to re- 
 ceive Condign Puniiliment, according to their Demerits; but alfo 
 that Tale-tellers about the Cuntries, and Spreders of Rumors, and 
 falfe Inventors of News, to put our People in Fears, and to ftyrre 
 them to Sedicion, fl:iould be apprehended and puniflied, to the ter- 
 rible Example of others. Alfo, that Vagabonds, and valvant Beg- 
 gers, fliall be avoided, and have worthy Corredlion : And for the 
 fame Purpos, to keep Watches, and to fee commun Juftice with In- 
 difFerencie, and without Corruption, to be obferved and miniftred 
 unto all our Subjedis ; like as by the Purport and Contents of our 
 faid Letters, ye may more amply perceive. We have been credibly 
 informed, that fundrie of you have for a Time fo well done your 
 Dewties, and endevored your felfs fulfilling our faid Admonicions, 
 and caufing the Evil-doers to be puniflied according to ther Deme- 
 rits, that our Loving Subjedts have not been difquieted of a long 
 Seafon, untill now of late, that fome ungracious, cankred, and ma- 
 licioufe Perfons, have taken Boldnes tattempt with fundry diveliih 
 Perfuafions, to move and feduce our true Subjects ; uiing falfe Lyes, 
 and moft untrewe Rumors. And amongft them, we underftand, fundry 
 Parfons, Vicars and Curates of this our Realme, to be Cheef ; which 
 (to bring our People to Darknefs) of their owne perverfe Minde, not 
 only to blinde our Commons, do rede fo confufely, hemmyng and 
 hacking the Word of God, and fuch our Injunctions as we have 
 lately fet forth, that almoft no Man can underftande the trewe 
 Meanyng of the faid Injundlions, and alfo fecretly have fuborned 
 certain Spreders of Rumors and falfe Tales in Corners, which do in- 
 terpretot and wrafl our trewe Meanyng and Intencion of our faid 
 Injundlions, to an untrewe Senfe : For wheras we have ordayned by 
 our faid Injundlions, for the avoiding of fundry Strives, Proceffis 
 and Contentions, rifing upon Aege, Lyneall Defcents, Tide of In- 
 heritance, Legitimation, or Baftardy, and for Knowledge whethex 
 any Perfon is our Subjed: born or no : Alfo for fundry other Caufes, 
 that the Names of all Children chriften'd from henceforth, with 
 their Birth, their Fatliers and Mothers Names ; and like wife all Mar- 
 ryages and Burials, with the Time and Date therof, fliould be re- 
 VoL. III. 6 L giftred
 
 498 
 
 A CoUeSiion Part III. 
 
 giftred from Tyme to Tyme in a Booke, in every Parifli-Church, 
 fafely and furely to be kept. They have brutid and blowen abrode, 
 mofl falfely and untreuly, that we do intend to make fum new Exa- 
 minations, at all Chriftnyngs, Weddings and Buryalls ; the which 
 in no wife we never meanyd, or thought upon. Alledging, for to 
 fortefy and colour their falfe and manyfeft Lyes, tliat therein we 
 go about to take away the Liberties of our Realm ; for Confervation 
 whereof, they fayne, that Bifliop Becket of Canterbury^ which they 
 have tofore called Saint Thomas, dyed for : where in deede ther was 
 never fuch Thyng don nor ment in that Tyme, nor fince : For the 
 faid Becket never fwarved nor contended with our Progenitor, King 
 Henry the Second ; but only to let, that thofe of the Clergie fhuld 
 not be puniflied for their Offences, nor juftefied by the Courts and 
 Lawes of this Realm ; but only at the Birtiop's Pleafure, and after 
 the Decrees of Rome. And the Caufes why he dyed, were upon a 
 wyllfuU Refkew and Fraye, by him made and begon at Canterbury; 
 which was nevertheles afterward alledged to be for fuch Liberties of 
 the Church, which he contended for, during his Life, with the 
 Archbilhop of Torke; yea, and in cafe he fhould be abfent, or fu- 
 gitive out of the Realme, the King /huld not be crowned by 
 any other, but conftrayned tabyde his Retorne. Thefe, and fuch 
 other deteftable and unlawfuU Liberties, nothing concerning the 
 Commun Wele, but only the Partie of the Clergie, the faid Thomai 
 Becket moil arrogantly defired, and traytoroufly fewed, to have con- 
 trary to the Lawes of this our Realme. To the which moft falfe 
 Interpretations, and wrafling of our trewe Meanyng, they have 
 joyned fuch myfchevoufe Lyes, and falfe Tales, for Marking of Ca- 
 talls, and others lyke fedycioufe Devifes, whereupon our People 
 were lately fVyrred to Sedicion and Infurreftion, to their utter Ruyne 
 and Deflrudlion, onles AUmighty God, who by his Divine Provi- 
 dence gave unto us habundance of Force, (as he allwayes doth 
 unto RightfuU Prynces) had fo with Clemencie illumyned us, that 
 whereas we, with die Edge of the Sword, and by our Lawes might 
 have overthrowen and deflroyed them, their Wives, Children, and 
 Poflerite for ever ; We nevertheles, as ye can right well remem- 
 ber, extended upon them at that Time our benygn and mercifull 
 Pardon. Thofe miferable, and Papiftical, Superflitioufe Wretches, 
 nothing regarding the fame, nor caryng what Daunger and Myfcheef 
 our People fliuld incurre, have both rayfed the faid old Rumors, and 
 forged newe fedicioufe Tales, intending (as much as in them lyeth) 
 a newe Commocion, and all to fatisfye their Cankered Herts. Wher- 
 fore, and for the immynent Daunger to you, and to all our good 
 Subjeds, ^nd Trouble that might enfews, onles good and erneft Pro- 
 rifion to reprefs them be taken thereupon : We delire and pray you, 
 and neverthelefs flraitly charge and command you, that within the 
 Precynd and Lymyt of your Charge, ye Ihall not only endevour 
 your felfs, and imploy your moft Diligence, to inquire and fynde 
 out fuch Canker'd Parfons, Vicars and Curats, which do not truely 
 and fubflantially declare our faid Injunftions, and the very Word of 
 God, but momble confufely, faying that they be compelled to rede 
 
 them.
 
 Book IK. Of Ruords^ &c. ^p, 
 
 them, and byd their Parifliioners nevertheles to do as they did in 
 Tymes pail, to live as their Fathers, and that the Old Fafhion is 
 the beft, and other Carftie Sedicioufe Enables ; but alfo with your 
 mofl: effedlual Vigillancie do inferche and try out fuch Sedicioufe Tale- 
 Tellers, and Spreders abroade. of fuch Bruts, Tydings, and Rumours, 
 touching us in Honour, or Suretie, the State of our Realm, or any 
 Mutation of the Lawes, or Cuftomes thereof, or any other Thing 
 which might Caufe any Sedition, and the fame with their Setters- 
 forth, Mayntenors, Counfaylers, Fautors, and Adherers with all Di- 
 ligefice to apprehend and commytte to Ward, or Prifon, without bayl 
 or mynprife till Evidence to be given againfl them, at. the Arrival. of 
 our Juflice in that Country, or otherwife upon your Advertifement 
 to us, or to our Counfell, to be given, to our further Pleafure known^ 
 they may be puniflied for theii' Sedicioufq Demerits according to the. 
 Iyawe,,t(3 the fearful Exarnple of all others : Implpying and Indeypr-, 
 ing your felf theruntOj fo^ ernpftly, and with flich dexteritlp as vi';e 
 may have Caufe to think that ye be the Men which abpve all Thing 
 delire the Punifliment of Evil Doers and Offenders, and diat will 
 let, for no travail to fet forth all Things for thq Common Peas, Quiets 
 and Tranquility of this our Realms : Ap4 hjce a? the Daunger is, 
 Immynent no les to your Self ar^d your Neighbours t^en to other, foye 
 of your own Mind fhuld procure and fee with Celeritie pur Injun6li- 
 ons, Laws, and Proclamations, as well touching the Sacrqnientane\ 
 and Anabqptijl^j as others, to be fet, forth to the Good I;nflr,u<ftion, 
 and Confervation of our People, and to tlie Confufion of thofe which 
 would fo Craftely und'ermind our Coii^mon Wealth, and at die la^ 
 deftroy both you,^ and all other our Loving Subjedts, although we 
 fhould give uiito you no. fuph Admonifhion : Therefore fayle ye not;^ 
 to follow the Effeft, Admonifhion and Comrpandment both in our 
 faid Letters, and in thefe P^efents, and to CoiTi^imica,te the Whole 
 tainour of thgfe, and with fuch J\^fiices of our Peas, yoi,xr Neigh- 
 bours, and other in that Diflrid, and to give unto them the ti;ew 
 Copie therof, exiiorting the;m Ijicea,* by tljiefe ykfe d.efijre aPi<^ pra-y> a,nd 
 nevertheles flraitlly Charge and Command you, and every of you, 
 that you will fhew your Diligence, Tovvardnes, and Good Inclination 
 to fee every Thing for his Parte, put in Execution accor(iingl,y, as ye 
 and they tepder our Pleafure, and will deferve our Condigne Thanks,^ 
 given under our Signet at our Manner of Hatnpton-Court, tti^ .v^aI. 
 Day of Deemkr, in the 3Qth Year of oyr Rei^n,. 
 
 Number
 
 500 
 
 A ColleSiion 
 
 Part III. 
 
 Number 65. 
 
 The Defign for the Ejtdowment of Chrift-Church in 
 
 Canterbury. 
 
 C5//o«Library 
 Cleop. E. 4. 
 P. 30'. 
 
 First aProvofi 
 
 Item, 1 2 Prebendaryes, each of them at 40 /. by 
 
 the Year 
 Item, 6 Preachers, every of them 20 /. a Year 
 Item, a Reader of Humanitie in Greke, by the Year 
 Item, a Reader in Divinitie in Hebrew, by the Year 
 Item, a Reader both in Divinitie and Humanitie, in 
 
 Latin, by the Year 
 Item, a Reader of Civil 
 Item, a Reader of Phyfike 
 Item, 20 Students in Divinitie to be found lo at 
 
 Oxford, and 10 at Cambridge, every of them 
 
 10/. by the Year 
 Item, 40 Scolers to be tought both Grammar and 
 
 Logik in Hebrew, Grck, and Laten, every of 
 
 them 5 Markes by the Year 
 Item, a Schole-Mafler 20/. and an Hufher 10/. by 
 
 the Year 
 Item, 8 Pety-Canons to Sing in the Quer, every 
 
 of them 10/. by the Year 
 Item, 1 2 Layemen to fing alfo, and fearve in the 
 
 Quer, every of them 6 /. 1 3 j. 4 ^. by the 
 
 Year 
 Item, I o Chorifters, every of them 5 Marks by the 1 
 
 Year J 
 
 Item, a Mafter of the Children 
 Item, a Golpeler 
 Item, a Epifler 
 Item, 2 Sacriftens 
 
 Item, I Chief Butler, his Wages and Diett 
 Item, I Under Butler, his Wages and Diett 
 Item, a Cater to Buye their Diett, for his Wages, 7 
 
 Diett, and making of his Books ^ 
 
 Item, I Chief Cook, his Wages and Diett 
 Item, I Under Cook, his Wages and Diett 
 Item, 2 Porters 
 Item, 1 2 Poor Men being Old, and Serving Men, ^ 
 
 decayed by the Warres, or in the King's Serving, > 
 
 every of them at 6 /. 1 3 ^, 4 ^. by the Year ) 
 
 Item, to be diflributed Yearly in Alms 
 
 I. 
 
 100 
 
 480 00 
 
 s. 
 
 00 
 
 00 
 00 
 
 120 00 
 30 00 
 
 40 
 
 CO 
 
 00 
 00 00 
 
 .20 
 20 
 
 GO 00 
 
 00 00 
 
 00 00 
 
 200 GO 00 
 
 200 Marks 
 
 30 CO 00 
 80 oo 00 
 
 80 00 00 
 
 38 06 08 
 
 00 00 
 13 04 
 
 10 
 006 
 
 005 g6 08 
 
 006 13 04 
 004 13 04 
 
 003 06 g8 
 
 006 13 04 
 
 004 13 04 
 003 06 08 
 10 00 00 
 
 80 
 
 00 00 
 
 130 00 00 
 Item,
 
 Book III. Of Records^ &c. ^oi 
 
 /. s. d. 
 
 Item, for Yearly Reparations loo oo oo 
 Item, 6 be employed Yearly, for making and mend- } 
 
 ing of High Wayes \ 4° °o ^^ 
 
 Item, a Stuard of the Lands 006 13 04 
 Itein, an Auditor 10 
 
 Item, for the Provoft's Expences, and receyving the 7 , 
 Rents, and Surveying the Lands, by the Year \ 
 
 00 00 
 13 04 
 
 Number 65. 
 
 A Letter of Thomas Lord Arch-Bijhop of Canterbury, 
 to Cromwell, upo?i the New Foundation at Canter- 
 bury. 
 
 j^n Original. 
 
 MY very fingular Good Lord, after my mofl hartie Commen- &//«'•• Library 
 dations, thefe fhall be to advertife your Lordfhippe, that 1 ^^'°f- ^' ' ' 
 have received your Letters, dated the 27th Day of November' : And 
 therewith a Bill concerning the Divife for the New Eftablifliment to 
 be made in the Metropolitan Church of Canterbury ; by which your 
 Lordfliippe requireth my Advice thereupon by Writing, for our 
 Mutual Confents. Surely my Lord, as touching the Books drawn, 
 and the Order of the fame, I think that it will be a very Subftantial 
 and Godly Foundation ; neverthelefs, in my Opinion, the Prebenda- 
 ries, which will be allow'd 40 /. a Peece Yearly^ might be altred to 
 a more Expedient Ufe : And this is my Confideration, for having 
 Experience, both in Tymes part, and alfo in our Dales, how the 
 faid Sedte of Prebandaries have not only fpent their Time in much 
 Idlenefs, and their Subftaince in fuperfluous Belly Chere, I think it 
 not to be a convenient State, or Degree, to be mainteyned and efta- 
 bliflied : Confidering Firfte, that commonly a Prebendarie is neither 
 a Learner, nor Teacher, but a Good Viander. Then by the fame 
 Name they look to be Chief, and to here all the hole Rule and 
 Preheminence, in the College where they be Refident: By means 
 whereof, the Younger of their own Nature, given more to Pleafure, 
 Good Chere, and Paftime, then to Abftynance, Studye, and Lern- 
 ing, fhall eafily be brought from their Books to follow the Appetite 
 and Example of the faid Prebandaries being their Hedds and Rulers. 
 And the State of Prebandaries hath been fo exceffively abufed, that 
 when Learned Men hath been admitted unto fuch Room, many Times 
 they have defifted from their Good and Godlie Studies, and all other 
 Vertuous Exercife of Preaching and Teaching : Wherefore if it may 
 fo ftand with the King's Gracious Pleafure, I would wifli that not 
 only the Name of a Prebendarie were exiled his Graces Foundations, 
 but alfo the fuperfluous Conditiones of fuch Perfons. I cannot deny 
 Vol. in. 6 M but
 
 f o 2 A ColleBion Part 1 1 1 . 
 
 but that the Beginning of Prebendaries, was no leffe purpofed for the 
 Maintenance of Good Learning, and Good Converfation of Living, 
 than Religious Men were : But for as much as both be gone from ■ 
 their Firfl Eftate and Order, and the one is found like OfFendour 
 with the other, it maketh no great Matter if they perifli both toge- 
 ther : For to fay the Truth, it is an Eftate which St. Paiile, reckon- 
 in o- up the Degrees and Eftates alowed in his Time, could not find 
 in the Church of Chrift. And I affure you, my Lord, that it will 
 better ftand with the Maintenance of Chriftian Religion, that in the 
 ftede of the faid Prebendaries, were 20 Divines at 10/. a Peece, like 
 as it is appointed to be at Oxford and Cambridge ; and 20 Students 
 in the Tongues and French, to have 10 Marks a Peece ; for if fuch 
 a Number be not there Refident, to what intent fhould fo many 
 Reders be there. And furely it were great petie that fo many good 
 Lectures fliould be there redde in vain : For as for your Prebendaries, 
 they cannot attend to applie Ledtures for making of good Chere. 
 And as for your 20 Children in Grammar, their Mafter and their 
 Hufsher be daily otherwife occupied in the Rudiments of Grammer, 
 then that they have Space and Time to hear the Ledtures. So that 
 to thefe good Ledlures is prepared no convenient Auditorie. And 
 therefore my Loi'd, I pray you let it be confidered what a great LofTe 
 it will be, to have fo many good Ledlures Redde without Profitt to any, 
 faving to the 6 Preachers ; farther, as concerning the Reader of Di- 
 vinitie and Humanitie, it will not agree well, that one Man fliould 
 be Reader of both Ledlures, For he that ftudietli in Divinitie mufl: 
 leave the Reading of Profane Authors, and fliall have as much to doe 
 as he can to prepare his Ledlure to be fubftantially redde. And in 
 like manner he that redeth in Humanitie, hath not need to alter his 
 Studie, if he fliould make an Erudite Ledlure. And therefore ia 
 mine Opinion, it would be Office for ii fundiy Learned Men. Now 
 concerning the Dean, and others, to be eledted into the College, 
 I fliall make a Bill of all them that I can here of in Cambridge, Ox- 
 ford, or elfewhere, mete to be put into the faid College, after my 
 Judgment : And then of the hole Number, the King's Highnefs may 
 choofe the mofl Excellente, afluring you my Lord, that I know no 
 Man more mete for the Dean's Room in England, then Dodlor Crome^ 
 who by his Sincere Learning, Godly Converfation, and Good Ex- 
 ample of Living, with his great Sobernefs, hath done unto the King's 
 Majeftie as good Service, I dare fay, as any Priefl in England. And 
 yet his Grace daily remembreth all others that doth him Service, this 
 Man only except, who never had yet, befides his Gracious Favour, 
 any Promotion at his Highnefs Hands. Wherefore if it will pleafe 
 his Majeftie to put him in the Dean's Room, I do not doubt but 
 that he fliould fliew Light to all the Deans, and Minifters of Col- 
 leges in this Realm. For I know that when he was but Prefident of 
 a College in Cambridge, his Houfe was better ordered than all the 
 Houfes in Cambridge befides. And thus my Lord you have my 
 finale Advice concerning the PremilTes, which I referr unto the 
 Kinges Graces Judgment, to be allowed or diflallowed at his High- 
 nefs Pleafure. Sending unto your Lordfliipp herewithall the Bill 
 
 again
 
 Book III. Of Records^ &c. 503 
 
 again, according to your Requeft, Thus, my Lord, moil hartely ' 
 
 fare you well. j 
 
 -1 
 
 At Croyden, the xxixtb ; 
 
 Day of November. ! 
 
 Your own ever aflured 
 
 7! Cantttarkn . 
 
 1 
 
 Number 66, 
 
 yi Pari of a "Letter cojicerning the Debates of the Six 
 Articles in the Hotfe of Lords. 
 
 AN D alfo Newes here ; I affure you, never Prince fliew'd him- &//<?» Library 
 felf fo Wife a Man, fo well Lerned and fo Catholick, as the '-^^"t- ^- s- 
 Kinge hath done in this Parlyment. With my Penne I cannot ex- " '^' 
 prefle his marvelous Goodnes ; which is come to fuch effedte, that 
 we Ihall have an Ade of Parliament, fo fpirituall, that I think none 
 fhall dare faye, in the Bleffed Sacrament of the Aulter, doth re- 
 mayne eyther'Bred or Wyne after the Confecration ; nor that a Prift 
 may have a Wife ; nor that it is necelfarie to Receive our Maker y«^ 
 ufraque Specie ; nor that private MafTes fliould not be ufed as they 
 have be ; nor that it is not necelfarie to have Auriculer Confeffion. 
 And notwithftanding my Lord of Canterbury, my Lord of Ely, my 
 Lord of Salislmrie, my Lord of Worcejler, Rocejler, and Saint Da- 
 lyds defended the contraiy longe tyme, yet finally his Highnes 
 confounded them all with Goddes Lerning. Yorke, Dtiram, Win- 
 chejler, London, Chichejler, Norwiche, and Carlilc, have fliewed 
 themfelfs honeft and well Learned Men. We of the Temporaltie 
 have been all of one Opynyon, and my Lord Chancellor and my 
 Lord Privye Scale, as good as we can devife. My Lord of Cafit' 
 and all theis Bifliopes have given ther Opinion, and came into us, 
 fave Saliskirie, who yet contynvieth a lewed Pole. Fynally, all 
 England have caufe to thank God, and moll hertelie to rejoyfe of the 
 King's moll Godlie Proceedings. 
 
 Number
 
 ^o4 ^ CoUeBion Part III. 
 
 Number 67. 
 
 A "Letter of the Fijitors., fent to Examine the Abbot of 
 
 Glaffenbury. 
 
 Ex MSS. IQLeafe hyt your Lordflilp to be advertifed, that we came to Glaf- 
 D. Tanner, j^ tetibury on Fry day laft paft, about Tenn of the Clock in the 
 Forenoone : And for that tlie Abbot was then at Sharpham, a Place 
 of hys, a Myle and fomewhat more from thabbey, We, without 
 any delay, went unto the fame Place ; and there, after certain Com- 
 munication, declaring unto him theffedl of our coming, examined 
 him upon certain Articles. And for that his Anfwer was not then 
 to our Purpofe, we advifed him to call to his Remembrance that 
 which he had as then forgotten, and fo declare the Truth. And 
 then came witii him the fame Day to the Abbey ; and there of new 
 proceeded that Night to fearch his Study for Letters and Books : and 
 found in his Study fecretly laid, afwell a written Book of Arguments, 
 againft the Divorce of his King's Majeflie, and the Lady Dowager : 
 Which we take to be a great Matter. As alfo divers Pardons, Co- 
 pies of Bulls, and the Counterfit Lyfe of Thomas Bequet in Print. 
 But we could not find any Letter that was materiall. And fo we 
 proceeded again to his Examination, concerning the Articles we re- 
 ceived from your Lordlhip, in the Anfwers whereof, as we take it, 
 fhall appear his Canker'd and Traiterous Heart and Mind againft the 
 King's Majeflie, and his Succeflion ; as by the fame Anfwers, fyned 
 with his Hand, and fent to your Lordfliip by this Bearer, more plainly 
 {hall appear. And fo, with as fair Words as we could, we have con- 
 veyed him from hence into the Tower ^ being but a very weak Man, 
 and fickly. And as yet we have neither difcharged Servant nor Mo7ik ; 
 but now the Abbot being gone, we will, with as much Celerity as 
 we may, proceed to the difpatching of them. We have in Money, 
 300/. and above; but the Certainty of Plate, and other Stuffe 
 there, as yet we know not, for we have not had Opportunity for 
 the fame ; but fhortly we intend (God willing) to proceed to the 
 fame ; whereof we fhall afcertain your Lordfhip, fo fhortly as we 
 may. This is alfo to advertife your Lordfliip, that we have found 
 a fair Chalice of Gold, and divers other Parcels of Plate, which the 
 Abbot had hid fecretly from all fuch CommifHons, as have bine 
 there in Times paft ; and as yet he knoweth not that we have found 
 the fame : Whereby we think, that he thought to make his Hand, 
 by his Untruth to his King's Majefty. It may pleafe your Lordfhip, 
 to advertife us of the King's Pleafure, by this Bearer, to whom we 
 fhall deliver the Cuflody and Keeping of the Houfe, with fuch Stuff 
 as we intend to leave there, convenient to the King's Ufe. We af«- 
 fure your Lordfliip, it is the goodliefl Houfe of that Sort, that ever 
 we have feen. We wold that your Lordfliip did know it, as we do ; 
 
 then
 
 Book III. Of Records^ &c. c^oc 
 
 then we doubt not, but your Lordfliip would judge it a Houfe mete 
 for the King's Majefty, and for no Man elfe : Which is to our great 
 
 Comfort ; and we truft verily, that there fliall never come any Dou- i 
 
 ble Hood within that Houfe again. Alfo this is to advertife your \ 
 
 Lordfhip, that there is never a one Dodlor within that Houfe ; but i 
 
 there be Three Batchelors of Divinity, which be but meanly Learn- I 
 
 ed, as we can perceive. And thus our Lord preferve your Good .' 
 Lordfliip. 
 
 Frotn Glaftenbury, the zzd i 
 Day of September. Yours to Command, 
 
 i 
 
 Ricba?~d Pollard, i 
 
 Thomas Moyle. '-. 
 
 Richard Lajtom \ 
 
 \ 
 
 To the Ryght Honorable, and their 
 Syngular good Lord, my Lord 
 Pryvye Scale, thys be dd. 
 
 This agrees with the Original, 
 in the Poffeffion of 
 
 _\ 
 
 T H O M. T A N N E R. J 
 
 1 
 
 Number 68. 
 
 CromwellV Letter to the King^ when he was cofn?mtted 
 
 to the Tower. 
 
 Moil Gracyous King, and moll MercyfuU Soverayng, your moli Cohw Library 
 humble, moll obbeyfand, and moll bounden Subjed:, and moll '^'""' ^* ■' 
 lamentable Servant and Prylbner, proftrate at the Feet of your moft 
 Excellent Majellye, have herd your Pleafure by the Mouth of your 
 Comptroller ; which was, that I fliould wrytte to your moll Excel- 
 lent Highnes fuche Things as I thought mete to be wryttyn, conli- 
 deryng my moll myferable State and Condicyon. For the which 
 your moll haboundant Goodnes, Benignite and Lycens, the Immor- 
 tall God, Three and One, rewarde your Majellye. And now, 
 moll Gracyous Prynce, to the Matter. Fyrll, Wher I have been 
 accufed to your Majellye of Treafon, to that I faye, I never in all 
 my Lyfe thought willinglye to do that Thing that might or Ihould 
 difpleafe your Majellye, and much lefs to doe or faye that Thing, 
 which of it felf is fo iii^he and abominable Offence, as God know- 
 eth, who, I doubt not, fliall reveale the Trewthe to your Highnes. 
 Myne Accufers your Grace knoweth : God forgive them. For as I 
 Vol. in. 6 N evtfr
 
 5o6 
 
 A ColleBion Part III. 
 
 ever have had Love to your Honour's Perfon, Lyfe, Profpente, 
 Health Wealth, Joye and Comfort, and alfo your moft Dear and 
 moft entyerly beloved Son, the Prynce his Grace, and your Pro- 
 ceedines. God fo helpe me in this myne Adverfyte, and confound 
 me yf ever I thought the contrarye. What Labours, Paynes, and 
 Travailes I have taken, according to my moft bounden Deutie, God 
 alfo knoweth. For if it w^ere in my Power, as it is God's, to make 
 your Majeftye to live ever yong and profperous, God knoweth, I 
 would, yf it had been, or were in my Power, to make you fo riche 
 as ye myght enriche all Men, God helpe me, as I would do it yf it 
 had been, or were in my Power, to make your Majefty fo puif- 
 faint as all the Worlde fliould be compellyd to obbey you, Chrift 
 he knowyth I woulde ; for fo am I of all other moft bounde ; for 
 your Majefty hath been the moft Bountiful Prince to me, that ever 
 was King to his Subjeds : ye, and more like a Dear Father, your 
 Majefty not offended, then a Mafter. Such hathe been your moft 
 Grave and Godly Councyles towards me at fundrye Tymes : in that 
 I have offended I afk your Mercy. Should I now for fuche exceed- 
 ing Goodnes, Benignite, Liberalite and Bountye, be your Traytor, 
 nay then the greateft Paynes were too lityll for me. Should any 
 Faction, or any Affe(5lion to any Poynt, make me a Trayter to your 
 Majeftye, then all the Devylls in Hell confounde me, and the Ven- 
 geance of God light appon me, yf I fliould ons have thought it. 
 Moft Gracyous, Soverayng Lord, to my Remembrance, I never 
 fpake with the Chancellor of the Augmentations and Throgmorton to- 
 gether, at one Tyme. But yf I did, I am fure, I fpake never of 
 any fuch Matyer ; and your Grace knoweth, what maner of Man 
 Throgmorton hath ever been towards your Grace Proceedings : And 
 what Mafter Channceler hath been towards me, God and he beft 
 knoweth. I will ne can accufe hym. What I have been towards 
 hym, your Majeftye right well knoweth. I would to Chrift I hadd 
 obeyed your often moft gracious, grave Counfayles and Advertif- 
 ments, then it had not been with me as now it is : Yet our Lorde, 
 if it be his Will, can do with me, as he did with Sufan^ who was 
 falfly accufed. Unto the which God, I have onlye commytted my 
 Soule, and Bodye and Goods at your Majefties Pleafure, in whofe 
 Mercye and Pyete I do hoUye repofe me : For other Hope than in 
 God and your Majeftye, I have not. Syr, As to your Common 
 Welth, I have, after my Wytt, Power and Knowledge, travayled 
 therin, having had no Refpeft to Perfons, (your Majeftie onlye ex- 
 cept, and my Duty to the fame) but that I have done any Injuftice 
 or Wrong willfully, I truft God fliall be my Witnefs, and the World 
 not able juftlye to accufe me : And yet I have not done my Duty 
 in all Things, as I was bounde. Wherefore I afke Mercy. That 
 I have herde of any Combinations, Conventicles, or fuch as were 
 Offenders of your Laws, I have (though not as I fliould have done) 
 for the moft parte revealed them, and alfo caufed them to be punifli- 
 ed; not of Malife, as God fliall judge me. Neverthelefs, Sir, I 
 have medelled in fo many Matiers under your Highnes, that I am 
 not able to anfwer them all. But one Thing I am well affured of,' 
 that wittingly and willingly, I have not had Will to offend your 
 
 High-
 
 Book III. Of Records^ Sec. 1-07 
 
 Highnes. But harde it is for me, or any other medling as I have 
 done, to hve under your Grace, and your Lawes, but we mufl daily 
 offende : And wher I have offended, I moil humbly aske Mercy 
 and Pardonne at your Gracious Will and Pleafure. Aniono-ft other 
 Things moil: Gracious Soveraigne, Mailer Comptroler iliewed me 
 that your Grace ihev/ed hym that within thefe 1 4 Days ye committed 
 a Matter of great Secrecye, which I did reveal contrary to your Ex- 
 ped:acyon : Syr, I do remember well the Matter, which I never re- 
 velid to any Creature : But this I did. Sir, after your Grace hade 
 opened the Matter, fyril to me in your Chamber, and declared your 
 lamentable Fate, declaring the Things wich your Highnes myilyked 
 in the Queen ; at which Time I ihewed your Grace that {\\e often 
 defired to fpeak with me, but I duril not : And ye faid why fliould 
 I not, alleging that I might do much good in goeing to her, and to be 
 plain with her in declaring my Mind : I theruppon taking Opertu- 
 nyte, not being little greyved, fpake prevely with her Lord Cham- 
 berlayn, for which I aike your Grace Mercie, defiryng him, not 
 naming your Grace to him, to finde fome Means that the Queen 
 might be inducid to order your Grace plefanriie in her Behaveour to- 
 wards you, thinking therbie for to have hade fome Faults amended 
 to your Majeflies Comfort j and after that by general Words, the 
 faid Lord Chamberlain, and other of the Queens Counfayle being 
 with me in my Chamber at Wejimi?ijlcr, for Lycens for the Depar- 
 ture of the ilrange Maydens, I then required them to Counfayle 
 thair Miilreife to ufe all Flefauntnes to your Highnes : the which 
 Things undoutedly were bothe fpoken before your Majeily commited 
 the Secret Matter unto me, onlie of Purpofe that flie might have 
 been induced to fuch Pleafant and Honorable Faifyons, as might 
 have been to your Graces Comfort, which above all Things, as 
 God knoweth, I did moil covit and defire : but that I opened my 
 Mouth to any Creature after your Majeilie committed the Secrefie 
 therof to me, other than onlye to my Lord Admyrall, which I did 
 by your Graces Commandment, which was uppon Sunday lail in the 
 Morning, whom I then founde as willing and glad to feek Remedye 
 ffor your Comfort and Refolution, and faw by him that he did as 
 much lament your Highnes Fate as ever did Man, and was wonder- 
 fullye grieved to fee your Highnes fo troubled, wiihing greatly your 
 Comfort, for the attaining whereof, he faid your Honour falvyd, 
 he would fpend the beil Blood in his Body, and if I would not do 
 the like, ye, and willingly Die, for your Comfort, I would I were 
 in Hell, and I would I ihould recey\'e a Thoufand Deths. Sir, this 
 is all that I have done in that Matter, and if I have oifended your 
 Majeilie therin, proilrate at your Majefly's Feet, I moil lowlye aike 
 Mercy and Pardon of your Highnes. Sir, ther was alfo laide unto 
 my Charge at mine Examinacion, that I had Retained contrarye to 
 your Lawes ; and what Expofycion may be made uppon Retaynours, 
 I know not, but this will I laye, if ever I retayned any Man, but 
 fuch onlye as were my Howihold Servants, but againfl my Will, 
 God Confound \nc. Moll Gracious Soveraign I have been fo called 
 on and fewyd to by them that faid they were my Friends, that con- 
 flrained therunto I retayned thayr Chyldren and Friends, not as Re- 
 
 tayners.
 
 5o8 
 
 A ColleSiion Part III. 
 
 tayners, for their Fathers and Parents did Proinife me to finde them, 
 and fo toke I them, not as Retayners, to my great Charge, and for 
 none Evil, as God beft knoweth, interpret to the contery who will. 
 Moft humbley befeeching your Majeftie of Pardon, if I have offended 
 therin ; and I do knowledge my felf to have been a moft miferable 
 and wretched Siner; and that I have not towards God and your 
 Highnes behaved my felf as I ought and fliould have done j for the 
 which mine Oifence to God, whiles I live I fhall continually call 
 for his Mercy, and for mine Offences to your Grace, which God 
 knoweth, wer never malicious, nor willfuU : And that I never thought 
 Trefon to your Highnes, your Realme, or Pofterite : So God helpe 
 me, either in Word, or Dede ; nevertheles, proflrate at your Majefty's 
 Feet in what Thing foever I have offended ; I appell to your High- 
 nes for Mercy, Grace, Pardon, in fuch wife as fliall be your Plea- 
 fure ; befeeching the Allmightie Maker, and Redeemer of this World, 
 to fend your Majeily continuall and long Helth, Welthe, and 
 Profperitie, with Nejlors Yeres to Reigne, and your moft Dear Son^ 
 the Princes Grace, to profper alwayes, and contenew after you : 
 and they that would contrarye, fhort Life, Shame, and Confulion : 
 Writin with the quaking Hand, and moft forrowfuU Harte, of your 
 moft forrowful Subject, and moft humble Servant and Prifoner, this 
 Satyrday at the Tour of London, 
 
 Thomas Crumwell, 
 
 W 
 
 Number 69. 
 
 i^uefiions concerning the Sacraments, 
 
 The Firft Queftion. 
 H A T a Sacrament Is by the Scripture ? 
 
 The Second Queftion. 
 What a Sacrament is by the Antient Authors ? 
 
 The Third Queftion. 
 How many Sacraments there be by the Scriptures ? 
 
 The Fourth Queftion. 
 How many Sacraments there be by the Antient Authors ? 
 
 The
 
 Book III. Of Records^ &c. ^09 
 
 ■■'■■ The Fifth Queftion. 
 
 Whither this Word Sacrament be, and ought to be, attributed to the 
 Seven only ? And whither the Seven Sacraments be found in any 
 of the Old Authors ? 
 
 The Sixth Queftlon. 
 
 Whither the Determinate Number of Seven Sacraments be a Doc- 
 trine, either of the Scripture, or of the Old Authors, and fo 
 to be taught ? 
 
 The Seventh Queftion. 
 
 What is found in Scripture of the Matter, Nature, Effect, and Ver- 
 tue of fuch as we call the Seven Sacraments ; fo as although the 
 Name be not there, yet whether the Thing be in Scripture or no, 
 and in what wife ipoken of? 
 
 The Eighth Queftion. 
 
 Whether Confirmation, cum Chrifmate, of them that be Baptized, 
 be found in Scripture ? 
 
 The Ninth Queftion. 
 
 Whether the Apoflles lacking a Higher Power, as in not having a 
 Chriftian King among them, made Bifhops by that Neceffity, or 
 by Authority given by God ? 
 
 The Tenth Queftion. 
 
 Whether Blfliops, or Priefts, were Firft ? And if the Priefts were 
 Firft, than the Prieft made the Billiop. 
 
 The Eleventh Queftion. 
 
 Whether a Bifhop hath Authority to make a Prieft by the Scripture, 
 or no? And whether any other, but only a Bifl:iop, may make 
 a Prieft ? 
 
 The Twelfth Queftion. 
 
 Whether in the New Teftament be required any Confecration of a 
 Biftiop and Prieft, or only appointing to the Office be fuf- 
 ficient ? 
 
 Vol. in. 6 The
 
 rio A CoUeBion Part III. 
 
 The Thirteenth Queftion. 
 
 Whether (if it fortuned a Chriftian Prince Learned, to Conquer 
 certain Dominions of Irifidels, having none but Temporal Learned 
 Men with him) if it be defended by God's Law, that he, and 
 they, fliould Preach and Teach the Word of God there, or no? 
 And alfo make and conftitute Priefts, or no ? 
 
 The Fourteenth Queftion. 
 
 Whether it be forefended by God's Law, that (if it fo Fortune 
 that all the Bifliops and Priefls of a Region were Dead, and 
 that the Word of God fhould remain there unpreached, and 
 the Sacrament of Baptifm, and others unminiftred,) that tlie 
 King of that Region lliould make Bifhops and Prieils to fupply 
 the fame, or no ? 
 
 The Fifteenth Queflion. 
 
 Whether a Man be bound by Authority of this Scripture, (do- 
 rian Retmferitis) and fuch like, to confefs his Secret Deadly Sins 
 to a Priefl, if he may have him, or no ? 
 
 The Sixteenth Queflion. 
 
 Whether a Bifliop, or a Prieft, may Excommunicate, and for 
 what Crimes ? And whether they only may Excommunicate by 
 God's Law ? 
 
 The Seventeenth Queflion, 
 
 Whether Unftion of the Sick with Oil, to remit Venial Sins, as 
 it is now ufed, be fpoken of in the Scripture, or in any Antient 
 Authors ? 
 
 Number
 
 Book III. Of Records^ &c* 511 
 
 Number 70. 
 
 An Anfwer to the former Queries ; with fome Remarks 
 
 on themy in the Ki?ig s Hajid written on the Margin : c«//c«Library 
 Together with fome Perfons Names ; but thefe are '"^ ^ 
 not written hy the Kingk 
 
 'S 
 
 Cripture ufeth the Worde j but it defineth it Whythenftiouldwe call 
 
 ^^<- them fo ? 
 
 not. 
 
 2. In them is found no proper Definition, but a gene- 
 ral Declaration of the Worde, as a Token of an Holly 
 Thinge. 
 
 3 . So named only Matrimony • in Effedts moo ; and at 
 the left 7, as we finde in the Scripture expounded. 
 
 4. Audlors ufe the Word Sacrame7it, to lignifie any My- Why thefe Seven to have 
 fterye in the Old and New Teftament ; but fpiritually be- S f""'"' '"°'^' *^''' *^" 
 note Baptifme, Euckarift, Matrimonie, Chrifme, Irnpofitio 
 
 Manuiini, Ordo. 
 
 5. The Worde, bycaufe it is General, is attribute to Arch-Bb.Ca»/. St.Z)aw./"s 
 other thenne the Seven ; but whether it ought fpecially to Why then hath the 
 be applied to the Oneonly, God knoweth, and hath not fatrupon them fo tolkme 
 fully revealed it foe as it hath been received. them ? 
 
 6. The Thing of al is found, but not named al Sacra- 
 ments, as afore. 
 
 y. The Dodlrine of Scripture is to teach the Thingej 
 without Numbring or Namyng the Name Sacrament, fav- 
 ing only the Matrimony. 
 
 Old Auclors Number not precifely* Arch-Bb. Cant.- 
 
 8. Scripture fpeaketh, ThenPcnnanccischang- 
 
 , s'^r^r T-. -r T/ii ed to a New Name, the Ab- 
 
 (l.) Of Baptifme manifeitly, folutionofPennancc. Iread 
 
 (2.) Of the Holy Communion manifeftlyi that without it we cannot 
 
 ( 3 . ) Of Matrimony manifeftly. )^otZ^o{ A^foiSn fid 
 
 (4.) Of Abfolution manifeftly. Pennance to sinners is com-. 
 
 (c.) Of Blfhops, Priefts and Deacons, Ordred *^r manded, but Abfolution of 
 
 ^ -' / . !: ' . „ , ■' open Crimes is left free to 
 
 Impojitwn Manuum aim OraUone, exprellely. the Askers. 
 
 6. Laying of the Hands of the Bilhop after Baptifme, Laying on of Hands being 
 which is a Parte of that is done in Confirmation, is grounded an old Ceremony is but a 
 
 _ . " fmall Proof of Confirmation. 
 
 in Scripture. t^ -. ^ 
 
 7. Undlion of the Sick, with Prayer, is grounded in ArchX««/^s.D..;^.,C.^. 
 
 '. ' .? ' o "YVtVi (hew where. 
 
 ^"iP^^^'E:., . c r> c • • C A ' Q ' . .1, Arch-Bp. C^//. S. Z)«Ws. 
 
 The Thing of Confirmation is found m Scripture ; the ^^^ ^ .^^^^^ .^ „^, jj^^^^ 
 
 Name Conjirmation is not there. and vet it proveth nither of 
 
 OiChnJma Scripture Ipeaketh not exprefsly; but it hath ^'^^ j^",^ 2',^'°'''S'-o»"'i; 
 
 been had in high Veneration, and obferved fynnes the *^ '" "^ 
 Beginning. 
 
 Q. The
 
 s^^ 
 
 A ColleBion 
 
 Part III. 
 
 Where is thisDiftinaion ? 
 Now, fince you confefs that 
 the Apoftles did occupate 
 the onePart.which you now 
 confefs belongcth toPrinces, 
 how can you prove that Or- 
 dering is only committed to 
 you Bifliops ? 
 Vbi hoc? 
 Arch-Bp. Cant. 
 S. Davids, Cox. 
 Arch. Cant. 
 B. David's. 
 
 Arch. Cant. 
 
 Arch. Cant. 
 Bp. S. David's. 
 
 Arch. Cant. 
 B. S. David' i. 
 
 9. The Calling, Naming, Appointment, and Preferment 
 of one before an other, to be Biiliop or Prieft, had a Ne- 
 cefTite to be don in that Sort, a Prince wanting. The Or- 
 dering appereth taught by the Holy Gofh in the Scripture, 
 per Manimm Jmpofitionejn aim Oratione, 
 
 10. Bifhops, or not after. 
 Scripture warranteth a Bifliop (obeying High Pow- 
 
 1 1. 
 
 ers as his Prince Chriftianed) to Order a Prieft, per Ma~ 
 niium hnpofitionem cum Oratione : And fo it hath been from 
 the Beginning. 
 
 12. Of other, Scriptures fpeaketh not. 
 
 Maniium Impo/itio ami Oratione, is required, which is a 
 Confecration ; fo as only Appointing is not fufficient. 
 
 13. It is to be thought, that God in fuch Care affifting 
 the Perfeftion of fuch an Enterprize, would further teach 
 and infpire the Confcience of fuch a Prince, what he fliould 
 and might doe, more then is yet openly taught by the 
 Scripture : which, in that Caie, were a good Warrent 
 to folow. For a fecret Vocation fupplieth, where an open 
 wanteth. 
 
 14. Sinnes the Beginning of Chriftes Churche, wherin 
 Chrift himfelf made Diftindlion of Minifters, the Order 
 hath had a Derivation from one to another, per Maniium 
 ImpoJitio?iem cum Oratione. How it fliould begin again of 
 an other Face, where it faileth by a Cafe, Scripture telleth 
 not; no Doftor writte of it, that I have rede. 
 
 15. Bounde ordinarely. 
 
 16. They may, being before of their Prince audlorlfed 
 to Minifter for open, publike, dedly Synne. 
 
 Of Excommunication by others, we rede not in the New 
 Teftament. 
 
 17. The Thing is in Scripture, and in auncient Au- 
 thors, according wherunto the Ufe fliould be : How it is 
 in dede ufed, is a Matter of Fad, and not of Lernyng. 
 
 Againft the 1 5th Article, thefe Names are fet down. 
 
 Torke. 
 
 Ctirwen. 
 
 Edgworth 
 
 Durefme. 
 
 Simon. 
 
 Day. 
 
 Carlijle. 
 
 Oglethorp. 
 
 Redman. 
 
 Wifichejler. 
 
 
 Robinfon. 
 
 And a little below. 
 
 Canterbury. Laton. 
 
 Hereford. TreJJiam. 
 
 Rochejier. Cox. 
 
 Wejimin/ler. Crayford. 
 S. David's. 
 
 But thefe Lifts are not in the King's Hand. 
 
 Number
 
 Book III. Of Records^ Sec. 513 
 
 *. Number 71. 
 
 Anfwers to thefe Queries. 
 
 I. O Cripture flieweth not what it is : but ufeth the Worde Sacra- C<3//o« Library 
 O ment in Latyn, for the Worde Mijlcrium in Greek. ^^"'^' ^' S- 
 
 2. Sacrament i by the Authours is called, Sacri Rci Sig}ium, or 
 Vifibile Signaaihim, SacrofanSlutn Signaculum, Vifibile Verbutn, Vifi- 
 btlis Forma Invifihilis Gratia y and perfytt Diffinition we fynde 
 noone. 
 
 3. In Scripture, we fynde no Determynate Number of Sacra- 
 ments. 
 
 4. There be very many in the moft general Signification ; and 
 there is no precife, or determinate Number of Sacraments in the An- 
 cyent Authours. 
 
 5. Not only to the Seven j but to many more. We fynde in 
 the Olde Auftours, Matrymony, the Holly Communyon, Baptifme, 
 Confirmation, Ordre, Pennance, and Extrem Unction. In Pen- 
 nance, it is doubted of the Name of Sacrament. 
 
 6. As touching the determinate Numbre of Seven only, we fynd 
 neyther in the Scripture, nor Auncient Audtours, any fuch Dodlrine 
 that ther (hulde be Seven onely, 
 
 7. Of Baptif7ne, Scripture ipeaketh, that by it Synnes be re- 
 mitted. 
 
 ^ Of Eucharlftia ; That we be united by It to Chrifte, and receive 
 thereby Spirituall Nurriihment, to the Comforte of our SouUes, and 
 RemifTion of our Synnes. 
 
 Of Matrymony ; That the kGit of It is made LawfuU, and with- 
 out Synne ; and Grace given, wherby to diredle ordinately of the 
 Luftes and Appetites of the Flefhe. 
 
 ■ Of Pennance ; That by it we be reflored again to the Favour of 
 God ; from which we did fall by Synne. 
 
 Of Ordre ; That by it, Grace is given to myniftre effedlually in 
 Preachinge the Worde of God, and Miniflration of the Sacra- 
 mentes. 
 
 . Of Co?ifirmation, (which is conteyned in Scripture, fpeaking de 
 Impofitione Maninm pojl Baptifma) it appeareth by Scripture, how 
 thereby Encreafe of Grace is given. 
 
 Of Inundlion of the Sick, Scripture fpeaketh, that by Undtlon of 
 tlie Sick, and Prayer of the Prieftes, Comforte is given to the Sicke, 
 and Synnes be forgeven him. 
 
 8, Impofitionem Maninm poji Baptifma, which we call Confii'ma- 
 tion, we reade in the Scripture : But that it was don Chrifmate, we 
 fynde not In the Scripture expreffed. But in the Old Auftours, we 
 fynde, that Chrifma hath been ufed in the fayd Confirmation. 
 
 Vol. III. 6 P 9- M^'
 
 SH 
 
 A ColleSiion Part III. 
 
 9. Making of Bifiops hath Two Partes; Appointment, and Order- 
 ing. Appointment; whiche the Apoftles, by Neceffity, made by 
 Common Eledion, and fometyme by their own feverall Aflignement, 
 could not then be don by Chriften Princes ; becaufe at that Tyme 
 they were not : And now, at thefe Dayes, apperteineth to Chriftian 
 Princes and Rulers. But, in the Ordering, wherein Grace is con- 
 ferred, as afore the Apoftells did folowe the Rule taught by the 
 Holly Ghofte, Ter Manuum Impofitionem, cum Oratione & Je- 
 junio. 
 
 10. Chrifle made his Apoftles firft, which were of his Making 
 bothe Preftes and Bifliops ; but whether at one Time, fome doubt. 
 
 After that, the Apoftells made bothe Bifliops and Preftes : The 
 Names wherof in the Scripture be confounded. 
 
 11. A Biftiop having Audlorite of his Cliriftian Prince to give 
 Orders, maye, by his Minifterye geven to him of God in Scripture, 
 ordeyne a Prefte. And we rede not, that any other, not being a 
 Bifliope, hathe, fence the Beginning of Chrift's Churche, ordered a 
 Prefte. 
 
 12. Onely Appointment is not fufficient, but Confecration, that 
 is to faye, Impofition of Handes, with Fafting and Prayour, is alfo 
 required. For fo the Apoftles ufcd to order them that were ap- 
 pointed ; and fo have been ufed continually : And we have not rede 
 the contrary. 
 
 13. In that Neceflite, the Prince and his Leraed Men fhuldc 
 Preache and Teache the Worde of God, and Baptize. But as for 
 Making and Conftituting Preftes, the Prince fhall and may thenne 
 do, as God ftiall thenne by Infpiration teache him : Which God 
 hath promifed to do allwayes to his Church, in Revling and Teach- 
 ing every neceflary Knowledge, where any Doubt requiring Difcuf- 
 fion doth arryfe. 
 
 14. The Aunfwer to the other Queftion next before, diflblveth 
 this. 
 
 1 5. He that knoweth himfelf gylty of any fecrete deadly Synns, 
 muft, if he will obteine the Benefite of Abfolucion miniftred by the 
 Prefte, confefte the fame fecrete Synnes unto him. 
 
 Abfoliition to be miniftred by a Prefte, if a convenient Prefte may 
 be had, is neceffarie. 
 
 Abfoliition by a Prefte, is the fureft waye, if he may be conveni- 
 ently had. 
 
 16. Biftiopes and Preftes au£lorifed by the Prince, may Excom- 
 municate, by Godes Lawe, for publique and open Crimes : But that 
 other thenne Biftiopes or Preftes may Excommunicate, we have not 
 rede in Scripture. Some Scolemen faye, that other thenne Preftes, 
 or Biftiopes deputed therunto by the Churche, maye Excommuni- 
 cate ; beciiufe it is an Adte JurifdiBio?iis, and not Ordinis. 
 
 17. We fynde it fpoken of in Scripture, and in Olde Authors. 
 
 Number
 
 Book III. Of Records^ Sec. 515 
 
 Number 72* 
 
 Ti)e Exammation of ^ Katherine Howard. 
 
 BEing again examined by my Lord of Canterbury of Contradls and 
 Communications of Marriage between Deerham and me ; I Ihall 
 here anfwer faithfully and truely, as I fhall make Anfwer at the laft 
 Day of Judgment ; and by the Promife that I made in Baptifm, and 
 the Sacrament that I received upon Allhalloives-Dny laft part. Hrft, 
 I do fay, that Deram hath many Times moved unto me the Queflion 
 of Matrimony ; wherunto, as far as I remember, I never granted 
 him more than before I have confefled : And as for thefe Words, 
 / promife you, I do Lcce you with all fjiy Heart, I do not remember 
 that ever I fpake them. But as concerning the other Words, that I 
 fhould Promife him by my Faith and Troth, that I would never 
 other Hufband but him, I am fure I never fpake them. 
 
 Examined what Tokens and Gifts I gave to Deram, and he to me : 
 i gave him a Band and Sleeves for a Shirt, And he gave me a Heart's- 
 Eafe of Silk for a New- Years-Gift, and an Old Shirt of Fine Holland 
 or Cambricke, that was my Lord Thomas Shirt, and my Lady did 
 give it him. And more than this, to my Remembrance, I never gave 
 nim, nor he to me, faving this Sommer Ten Pounds about the Be- 
 ginning of the ProgrefTe. 
 
 Examined whether I did give him a fmall Ring of Gold upon this 
 Condition, that he fhould never give it away. To my Knowledge 
 1 never gave him no fuch Ring, but I am alTured upon no fuch 
 Condition, 
 
 Examined whether the Shirt, Band, and Sleeves were of my own 
 Work. They were not of my Work ; but, as I remember, Clifto}ii 
 Wife of Lainbeth wrought them. 
 
 And as for the Bracelet of Silkwork, I never gave him none j and 
 if he have any of mine, he took it from me. 
 
 As for any Ruby, I nSver gave him none to fet in Ring, nor foi* 
 other Purpofe. As for the French Fend, Derafn did not give it me, 
 but he faid there was a little Woman in London with a crooked Back, 
 who was very cunning in making all Manner of Flowers. And I 
 defired him to caufe her to make a French Fenel for me, and I would 
 pay him again- when I had Money. And when I was Firfl come into 
 Court, I paid him as well for that, as for diverfe other Things, t6 
 the Value of Five or Six Pound. And Truth it is, that I durft not 
 wear the faid French Fenel, until I had defired my Lady Breerton to 
 fay diat fhe gave it me. 
 
 As for a fmall Ring with a Stone, I never lofl none of his, nor he 
 never gave me none. 
 
 As for Velvet and Satten for Billyments, a Cap of Velvet with a 
 Feather, a quilted Capp of Sarcenet and Money, he did not give me, 
 but at my defire he laid out Money for them to be paid again. For 
 
 all
 
 Si6 
 
 A ColleBion Part III. 
 
 all which Things I paid him, when I came into the Court. And yet 
 he bought not for me the quilted Cap, but only the Sarcenet to make 
 it of. And I delivered the fame to a little Fellow in my Lady's 
 Houfe, as I Remember, his Name was Rofe, an Embroiderer, to 
 make it what Work he thought beft, and not appointing him to 
 make it with Freer s Knots, as he can teftify, if he be a true Man. 
 Neverthelefle, when it was made, Deram faid, What Wife here be 
 Freer s Knots for Fraimce. 
 
 As for the Indenture and Obligation of an Hundred Pound, he left 
 them in my Cuflody, faying, that if he never came again, he gave 
 them clearly unto me. And when I afked him whether he went, 
 he faid he would not tell me untill his Return. 
 
 Examined whether I called him Hulband, and he me Wife. I do 
 Anfwer, that there was Communication in the Houfe that we Two 
 fhould Marry together j and fome of his Enemies had Envy thereat, 
 wherefore, he delired me to give him Leave to call me Wife, and 
 that I would call him Hufband. And I faid I was content. And fo 
 after that, commonly he called me Wife, and many Times I called 
 him Hufband. And he ufed many Times to Kifs me, and fo he did 
 to many other commonly in the Houfe. And, I fuppofe, that this 
 be true, that at one Time when he kifled me veiy often, fome faid 
 that were prefent, they trowed that he would never have Kijed me 
 enough. Whereto he anfwered. Who jhould Lett him to Kifs his own 
 Wife ? Then faid one of them, / trowe this Matter will come to paffe 
 as the Common Saying is. What is that, quoth he. Marry, faid the 
 other, "That Mr. Deram fhall have Mrs. Katherine Howard. By St. 
 John, faid Deram, you may gueffe Twice, and gueffe worfe. But that 
 I fliould Wink upon him, and fay fecretly. What and this foould 
 come to my Ladys Ear ? I fuppofe verily there was no fuch Thing. 
 
 As for Carnall Knowledge, I confefs as I did before, that diverle 
 Times he hath lyen with me, fometime in his Doublet and Hofe, 
 and Two or Thre Times naked : But not fo naked that he had no- 
 thing upon him, for he had alwayes at the leaft his Doublet, and as 
 I do think, his Hofe alfo, but I mean naked when his Hofe were putt 
 down. And diverfe Times he would bring Wine, Strawberryes, 
 Apples, and other Things to make good Chear, after my Lady was 
 gone to Bed. But that he made any fpecial Banquet, that by Ap- 
 pointment between him and me, he fhould tarry after the Keyes were 
 delivered to my Lady, that is utterly untrue. Nor I never did fteale 
 the Keyes my felf, nor defired any Perfon to fleal them, to that In- 
 tent and Purpofe to lett in Deram, but for many other Caufes the 
 Doores have been opened, fometime over Night, and fometime early 
 in the Morning, as well at the Requeft of me, as of other. And 
 fometime Deram hath come in early in the Morning, and ordered him 
 very lewdly, but never at my Requeft, nor Confent. 
 
 And that Wilks and Bafkervile fliould fay, what Shifts fhould we 
 make, if my Lady fhould come in fuddenly. And I fliould Anfwer, 
 that he fhould go into the Little Gallery. I never faid that if my 
 Lady came, he Ihould go into the Gallery, but he hath faid fo him- 
 felf, and fo he hath done indeed. 
 
 As
 
 Book III. Of Records J &c. 517 
 
 As for the Communication of my going to the Court, I remember 
 that he faid to me, that if I were gone, he would not tarry long in 
 the Houfe. And I faid again, that he might do as he lift. And 
 further Communication of that Matter, I remember not. But that 
 I fhould fay, it grieved me as much as it did him, or that he fliould 
 never Live to fay thou haft fwerved, or that the Teares ftiould trickle 
 down by my Cheeks, none of them be true. For all that knew me, 
 and kept my Company, knew how glad and defirous I was to come 
 to the Court. 
 
 As for the Communication after his coming out of Ireland, is un- 
 true. But as far as I remember, he then afked me, if I fliould be 
 Married to Mr. Culpepper, for fo he faid he heard reported. Then 
 I made Anfwer, What fliould you trouble me therewith, for you 
 know I will not have you j and if you heard fuch Report, you heard 
 more than I do know. 
 
 Katherlne Howard, 
 
 Number 73. 
 
 A Letter of Sir W. Paget' i-, of his Treating with the 
 
 Admiral of France. 
 
 An Original, 
 
 PLeafe it your moft Excellent M^eftie to be advertifed that the Papn-Offce. 
 1 6 th of this Prefent, I received Letters from my Lordes, and 
 others of your Majefties Privey Counfail, conteyning fuch feveral 
 Conferences as your Majeftie, and certain of your faid Counfail, have 
 had with the French Ambaffader there fethens my laft Difpeche. And 
 Yefterday having the Furft Opertunitie to fpeke with the Admiral, 
 I faid unto him, that albeit it was likelyhode that the King, his Maf- 
 ter's Ambaffader then in England, did from Time to Time advertife 
 them of the Proceffe of the Matier now in Treatie ; yet your Majeftie 
 reputing him to be a Man of Honor and fingular Vertue, and fuch a ' 
 
 one, as with Right Judgment doth confyder the hole State of his ] 
 
 Mafter's Caufes, with the Circumftances ; and therefore conceiving i 
 
 no little Affedlion towards him, had commanded me to fignifie unto ] 
 
 him, to the Intente he might knowe certainly the Plainnes of every 
 Thing, what Communication had now laft been had with their i 
 
 Ambaffador there. For the which, rifing from his Seate, and making ; 
 
 a gret and humble Reverence ; after that he had given Thanks unto ■ 
 
 your Maieftie, and with Two or Three Great Othes declared his ; 
 
 Vol. III. 6 Q_ Affedion
 
 S'S 
 
 A Colkaion Part III. 
 
 Affedlion towards you ; I entred the Accomplifliment of your Ma- 
 iefties Commandment. And when I had declared unto him from 
 Point to Point at length, and Word by Word (for it was a Leffon 
 meet to be learned without Book) as is conteyned in the faid Letter, 
 afwel the Communicacion had with your Counfail at the Furfl Con- 
 grelTe, and fuch Kingly and Philofophicall Conference as your Ma- 
 ieftie had with him your felf ; as alfo the Seven Points uttered by 
 your Majefties Counfail at their laft Affembliesj and finally, the 
 Epiloge of all together pronounced of your faid Counfail as of them- 
 felfs ; which he herd all together, not without Twenty Sighes, and 
 calling up his Eyes, for 1 marked him when he was not ware of it ; 
 accrofTing himfelf, and gyving a gret Sigh, he faide. As for the Aniytie 
 which ought to be between our Mafters, how much I have travailed, 
 and do travaile for the Confirmation of it, God is my Judge ; and 
 almoft all the World knoweth that I am an EngUfi-French Man, and 
 that next after my Mafter, I efteem the King your Mailer's Finger, 
 more than I do any Prince's Body in all the World, and would be 
 glad to give all the Goods I have in the World, that this Matter went 
 through between them ; for I perceive by my Mafter that he will 
 not lyve alone, and yet I am fure he will feek no new Friendfliip, 
 nor accept none offred, until the King your Mafter have refufed this. 
 As touching this Matter, I knowe they be two Princes of fuch Ho- 
 nour, and of Wife Condud in all their Things ; that though this 
 Marriage had never been fpoken of, they would have continued 
 Friends according to their "Treaties, and this Overture was never 
 opened, neither for Confirmation, nor for encreafe of Amitie between 
 them J for greater cannot be, but Marriage and Commidlion of 
 Blood with Blood, doth unite and knit Generation to Generation, 
 and Pofteritie ; the Benefit whereof how great it will be ; how many 
 Inconveniencies may therby be avoided by Procefle of Time ; the 
 Wifeft Man may foner think then be able to exprefs. But, alas, faid 
 he, what is Two Hundred Thoufand Crowns to give in Marriage 
 with fo gi-eat a King's Daughter to Monfieur Dorleans. Four Hun- 
 dred, Five Hundred Thoufand is nothing to him ; Monfieur Dorle- 
 ans is a Prince of great Courage ; Monfieur Dorleans doth afpire to 
 Great Things, and fuch is his Fortune, or els I am wonderfully de- 
 ceyved. It will grieve my Mafter much when he fhall here of 
 this bafte Offer, as we have not herd yet from our AmbaiTador ; I 
 taarvail therof not a little j nay to tell you plainly, as one Friend 
 fliuld tell another, there is farre gretter Offers, if we would herken 
 unto them, we might have in redy Money with the Daughter of 
 TortugalU Foure Hundred Thoufand Ducates, with the Increafe 
 that hath grown of it fithens her Father's Departure, which will 
 amount to afmuch and more. At the Furft breaking of this Matter, 
 it was faid the Man muft defyre the Woman ; now that we have 
 4efired her, you will give nothing with her, for what is Two Hun- 
 dred Thoufand Crowns, and herewithall giving a great Sigh, ftayed. 
 And I becaufe I perceived his Tale, fuch as was meet to be anfwered, 
 faid unto him, Monfieur L' Admiral I have no more to fay 
 unto you on my Mafter's Behalf, tlien I have faid unto you 
 allready. But for becaufe you have made a long Difcourfe as 
 
 it
 
 Book III. Of Records^ Sec. ^ip 
 
 it was fumewhat replying to that that I have reaportedj if it 
 fhall like you to give me Leave to fay myn own Fantafye, as 
 a Man that would this Thing fhuld take effedt, if it may 
 be equally done, I woll faye it. Yes, quoth he, with all my 
 Hart : Why fliuld not we talke together friendly, as Two that be 
 Servants to Two great Friends ; and I neither to take your Words 
 to be ipoken as of an Ambaffader, nor you to take my Words to 
 be fpoken of him that holdeth the Place about his Mafler that I do ? 
 Sir, quoth I, as touching the Benevolence you bear unto my Maf- 
 ter, you may think it well employed ; as well for that my Mafter 
 (I think) conceirneth like Opinion of you in tliat Parte, as alfo 
 for that you have proved my Mafter ahvayes to be a perfai<5l Friend 
 unto your Mafter, And to faye to you frankelly myn Opinion : 
 Albeit I am no Man at Home, neither of great Place, nor of great 
 Counfaile, yet have I beene of Court : And Men, you knowe, of 
 like Sorte, whenne they mete together, will be oftentymes talking 
 of Matiers that they have lide to do in, and bable of Herefayes. 
 And I being one of that Sorte, have many tymes herd, that my 
 Mafter hath been allwayes much affedied unto your Mafter, and 
 hath fhewed towards him great Kindnes, when that if he would 
 have taken Offers for the contrary, he might have had ineftimable 
 Benefites. Yea, and that he hath been fo well mynded unto your 
 Mafter, that neither the Maner of your Truce taken with the Em- 
 peror, nor your Strangenes at tlae Emperor's being here, nor Po/e's 
 Palfage, nor the Conveying of Brayicefter, nor the Reteyning of the 
 Hofyer that called himfelf Blancherofe, nor Cowbridge, nor nothing 
 els could alienate him from you, fuch hath been his Friendfhip to- 
 wardes you. And therfore, (I faid) if you love him, z^ous avez 
 Raifon, And if you have fet furth this Mariage for Love, let it ap- 
 pere. Is not Two Hundred Thoufand Crowns a Faire Offer? I 
 graunt you well, that Monfieur Tf Orleans afpireth to Gret Things, 
 and is of great Courage : And Reafon it is, for he is a Great King's 
 Sonne ; and fuch a King, as both may and muft, if he will have 
 his Courage mainteyned, give him wherwithall. It is not Reafon, 
 that my Mafter fliuld mainteyn his Courage'. My Mafter hath a 
 Sonne of his owne, whom I truft he fliall live to fee a Man of Cou- 
 rage, and will, I doubt not, provide him therafter. And as for his 
 Daughter, he doth confyder her as Reafon requyreth. Had King 
 Lowys any more with one of my Mafter's Syfters, than Three Hun;- 
 dred Thoufand Crownes; and the King of Scoffs, with another, 
 ^ny more than One Hundred Thoufand ? If our Friendfhip be advi- 
 sable unto you, (for that was his Terme) as you fay it is, leke it 
 by reafonable Meane, I doubt not but you ftiall obteine it j and afk 
 jeafonably with her, and it fhall be granted you to. By my truth, 
 quoth he, and fo we doe. Doe you fo ; quoth I ? . I have allwayes 
 noted you a Man of Reafone, and fo reaported you: Tiu^ne the 
 Cafe, quoth I. Would you remitt Eight Hundred Thoufand 
 CrowBCS, difcharge an Hundred Thoufand a Year, for the Mariage 
 ©f your Daughter ? Yea, by my trouth, would I ; quoth he. For 
 the Eight Hundred Thoufand Crowns I compte nodiing : And as 
 for the Penfion, She fliuld have redubled here in Fra?2ce; and we 
 
 would
 
 520 
 
 A ColleBion Part III. 
 
 would be Amys to Amys, and Enemies to Enemies : I meane, four 
 la Defence de nqjlre EJlats, quoth he. Par ttojire Dame, quoth I, 
 you fhall not be myn Auditour. Here is all the Matier, quoth I. 
 You take a wrong Pathe : You compte thefe Eight Hundred Thou- 
 fand Crownes nothing ; and we, if it were wayed in an indifferent 
 Ballance, think they Ihould waye down Tenne Hundred Thoufand. 
 We have a Saying in Etiglatid, A Penny at a time is ivorth a Pound. 
 He that fliould lend me Three or Four Hundred Crowns at my 
 Nede, fhuld do me even more Pleafure, then to offer me Tenne Hun- 
 dred when I neded not : So much efleme I Money lent at fuch a 
 tyme. Confyder our Parte, quoth he, and we muft knowledge it 
 great : Confyder your Parte, quoth he, it is nothing. The Payn is 
 pafl, and not to be reckened upon. You fay not much amifs, quoth 
 I, if we had an Evil Debter ; but our Debter is Riche ynough, and 
 a good Debter. And though he have been bold of a long Refpite 
 with his Friend, yet he will pay it, quoth I. I doubt not, quoth 
 he, but the Princes will obferve their Treaties. My Mafler hath, 
 and will, I am fure, quoth I ; and fo I think will yours. I wot not 
 what to fay, quoth he. Marrye, quoth I, do that that I have faid 
 heretofore : Afke reafonably for the Dote, and make a Recyproque 
 for the refl, if you would be eafed of it. Marke this, for it is to 
 be embraced, and a great Mariage to Monfieur D" Orleans. By my 
 Trouth, quoth he, the Dote you have offered is nothing : And if 
 I wer as King Leioys and the King of Scotts wer, I would rather 
 take your Daughter in her Kyrtel, and more Honour wer it for me, 
 then, being Monfieur D'orleans, to take her with Eight Hundred 
 Thoufand Crowns. But I wote not what you meane by that Reci- 
 proque. Mary, quoth I, it is to do fomthing again of like Goodnes 
 to the Thing, that you defire to have done unto you. As, quoth I, 
 you defire to have our Daughter, and for her you will give your 
 Sonne : There is one for an other. Your Sonne is the Reciproque 
 of our Daughter. You would have Two Hundred Thoufand Crownes 
 with her ; the Reciproque of that muft be a like Jointer. Here is 
 Sonne for Daughter, Dowery for Dote. Now, if you will be dif- 
 charged of 600000 Crowns ; what otlier Thing, that is as good, 
 fhall we have for that, and alfo for our Pencion ? Devife a Reci- 
 proque. O Monfieur L' Ambajfadetir, quoth he, I underfland your 
 Reciproque well. The King your Mafler is a Gentle Prince, and 
 a Great Prince ; and what Grive fhuld it be to him, to lett pafTe 
 Eight Hundred Thoufand Crowns, and ywys we be not able to pay 
 them. In Faith, quoth I, feing he hatli borne fo long with you for 
 all, he will be contented to bear with you fumwhat longer for fum : 
 And if you will give fome in Hand, I think he will give you Terms 
 for the refl. Ah Monfieur U AtnbaJJ'adeur, quoth he! and fhoke 
 his Head. As for the Penfion, quoth he, you fhall have a Reci- 
 proque here, a Dowery mete for it. Nay, quoth I, your Relative 
 agreetli with a wrong Antecedent. My Mailer is the Antecedent, 
 and the Reciproque mufl be to him, and not to Monfieur D'orleans, 
 for he fliould have the Benefite by it. Nay, quoth he, it is your 
 Mafler's Daughter, and it is no more but for your Mafler to give 
 
 from
 
 Book III. Of Records^ &c. 521 
 
 from himfelf to his Daughter. Ywys, the Queen of Navaj-res, 
 Daughter is a greatter Manage. And as for the Eight Hundred 
 Thoufand, if I were a right Man, and able to give, I would paye a 
 grete Pece of it my felf, er it fliuld flick. What the Queen of Na^ 
 "Jarre s Daughter is, I know not, quoth I : But if you might have 
 my Mafler's Daughter upon thefe Conditions, you might fay, you 
 had fuch a Mariage as was never herd of. And here we flay'd both. 
 At the lafl, quoth he, fudenly. When it was told me Yefternight, 
 that you fent to fpeke with me, I thought it was for thefe Matiers : 
 And all this Night I have turned and toffed, and thought upon them. 
 I would God it had never been fpoken of, if it take not effect. And 
 evyn now cummyth into my Head the Overture that the King your 
 Mafler made ones unto me. What Overture was that, quoth I ? 
 Mary, quoth he, the Overture of the Mariage of the Lady Eliza- 
 beth, his Daughter ; you to have had Recompence for the perpetuel 
 Pencion upon Moniieur de Va?jdome's Lands : And for the Pencion 
 Vyager, to have bene converted to a Eftate. Without any other Re- 
 compence, quoth I ? Yes, quoth he. We fhuld have bene Enemys 
 to Enemys, and left the Bifhop of Rome. That was fumwhat, quoth 
 I J and yet not a Reciproque ; becaufe you fliuld not have given as 
 good as you tooke. But then, was none Arrerage, quoth I ? And 
 here he paufed again. I will tell you my Fantafy, quoth hej 
 but you fliall promife me by your Faith, diat I fhall never heare 
 of it again. I woU fpeke it unto you, as a Freinde to a Freinde ; 
 and peraJventure neither of both Parties will like it. Sir, quoth I, 
 you flrall never take Diflionour by Things you fliall fay to me. 
 What, quoth he, if the Overture fliuld take effedl in one Parte? 
 As how, quoth I ? Mary, quoth he, the Arrerage to be remitted, 
 for the Mariage of your Daughter. And becaufe you think it great, 
 we to becum Friends to Friends, and Enemys to Enemys, and fo to 
 enter Warre together : And of that, that fliuld be conquered by com- 
 myn Expenfes, to lay out firfl: a Recompence for your Penfion Via- 
 ger, and the perpetuel Pencion to be fupplied, as the King your Maf- 
 ter devifed. How like you this Devife, quoth he ? Mar)', faid I, 
 if you will heare a Fool's Anfwer, I like it not : For what need we 
 to fight for that we have allready ? Mary, quoth he, then you 
 fliuld have it /;; perpetiaim. What if you defyred this for a Reci- 
 proque ? Mary, quoth I, peradventure my Mafter might purchafe 
 more Land another waye tlian that might cofl him. Why fliuld 
 we defire Warre, quoth I ; we have no Quarrell ? It is true, quoth 
 he ; but we would be the Authors. And if you covenanted to be 
 Enemye to Enemye, would you not joyne Warre with us ? By my 
 Trouth, Sir, quoth I, you be entred now into a Deep Matier, which 
 palfeth my Capacitie. It is a great Matier indeed, quoth he : But I 
 talk with you privement, neither becaufe I would have you to de- 
 clare this to your Mafter, nor for that I will declare it to myne : 
 And yet both you and I may ufe Meanes to the fame Ende. Wellj 
 quoth I, I fee you make Curfey at the Matier, and would have a 
 great Commodity, and yet are loth to offer for it. But I fay unto 
 you as a Friend, Afke, and offer reafonably, and go roundly to 
 worke, and make an ende of it. For, I fear, I may fiy to you. 
 Vol. IIL 6R ' if
 
 5 2 2 A CoUeEiion Part 1 1 1 . 
 
 if you will not, others will. Yea, quoth he, we knowe the Empe- 
 ror prad:ifeth with you, as he doth with us j and that the Bifliop 
 of London hath brought him Three fayre Palfreys from the King 
 your Mafler, for a Prefent. I name no Man, quoth I : But whe- 
 ther the Emperor praclifeth with you, I reaport me to his Offers and 
 his Demands. I think, he pradlifeth with us both, quoth he, onely 
 to diffever us : For with your Mafter he will not joyne, onles he 
 will returne again unto the Pope. For fo his Nuntio told the Chan- 
 celor, and the Chancelour told the Queen of Na'uarre ; who fell out 
 with him upon the Occafion of that Conference, and told him, he 
 was ill ynough before, but now lithens he hath gotten the Marke of 
 the Beaft, (for fo She called it, becaufe he was lately made Prieft) 
 he was worfe and worfe. But to my Purpofe, quoth he : I think 
 the Emperor praftifeth with us both ; he feeketh nothing els, but to 
 diffever us. You fpeake of his Offers and his Demaunds, quoth he; 
 knowe you what they be ? No, quoth I. And yet, indeed, I did 
 cume by the Knowledge of them within 24 Howres before. Mary, 
 quoth he, he would make the Duke of Orleahis King of Naples, 
 and give us the Seigneurye of Flanders. Tliey be faire Offers, quoth 
 I : But what be his Demands ? Wherat he fmiled. By my Trouth, 
 quoth he, I will tell you. He defireth a Renunciation of the Title 
 of Milan and Navarre, and the Reftitution of Piedtnount and Savoy, 
 What fay you to it, quoth I ? The King, my Mafter, will none of 
 it, quoth he ; for he thinketh, that the next War that fliuld fall, 
 being fo great Diftance between the Father and the Sonne, the Em- 
 peror would fend the Duke of Orlcains to his Father, une Baton 
 blanche. I have herd faye, quoth I, the Duke of Cleves alfo la- 
 boureth now fore to have his Wife Home, and fmyled therwith. 
 Why, quoth he, heare you any thing ? Yea, maiy, quoth 1 3 I hear 
 faye, the Emperor is in great Pradlife with the Duke of Cleves ; and 
 that he hath made him Half a Promife, that for to have Gelders 
 quietly, he and his Wife will renounce the Title of Navarre. Which 
 indeed I had never herd. But mufing upon the Word before, it 
 came into my Head at that Time, and chauncyng then to fpeake 
 it, I flrucke the Admirall into a great Dumpe. Wherin, when he 
 had pawfed a great while, I faid. Sir, I defeafe you. No, no, Mon- 
 fieur UAmbaJjadciir, quoth he : She is too young and fickly, to go 
 out of this Country. When Monfieur de Cleves, quoth he, hath 
 done the King fume good Service, and declared himfelf to all the 
 World to be pour he Roy, then fhall he have his Wife. You know 
 what you have to do. Sir, quoth I : But feeing you fee the World 
 fo full of Pradlifes, it is good Dealing with them that meane plain- 
 ly. Yo fay Trouth, quoth hej and fo it is. We knowe, the Em- 
 peror doth nothing but pradife with us, as he doth with your Maf- 
 ter: And we knowe, how he offereth your Mafter, to accord 
 hym with the Pope, without Breache of his Honour; and that 
 it fliall be at the Pope's Suite. I am privye, quoth I, of no 
 fuche Matiers; but if the Emperor defyre my IVIafter's Friend- 
 fliip, I cannot greately blame him, confyderinge he knoweth 
 partely by his own Experience, and partely by evident Tokens 
 
 towards
 
 Book III. Of Records^ Sec. 523 
 
 towards other Men, my Mafler is a Friendly Friend. And as for the 
 Bifliop of Rome, quoth I, if he fue to be reftored to my Mailer's Fa- 
 vour again ; I think it will be herd for him to obteyn it, for Vertue 
 and Vice cannot (land together in one Predicament. Call you him 
 Vice, quoth he, he is the very Divel. I truft once to fee his Confu- 
 fion. I have begune to pick him a litde, I truft to pick him better. 
 Every Thing muft have a Tyme and a Beginning. But when be- 
 gin you, quodi I j I think, quoth he, er it be ought long. The 
 King, my Mafter, will converte all the Abbeis of his Realme, into 
 the FoffeiTion of his Laye Gendemen, and fo go furth by little and 
 little, (if you will join with us) to overthrow him alltogether ; why 
 may not we have a Patr/ark here in France f Which Purpofe, I think, 
 he doth perceive, and his Legate therfore, now in Ahnayn, offred 
 that for a Reformation there fliould be a Council called, and appointed 
 the Place either Mantua, Verona, or Cambray : He liad as lief be 
 hanged, quoth he, as have a General Council ; and even then will 
 that be his Sentence. I would fayne fee you ones begyne fomewhat, 
 quoth I. A Monfieur Le AmbaJJadeicr, quoth he, I am flierewdely 
 matched. M^hy fo, quoth I, is not your Mafter a King, and if he 
 mynde that you {peak of, who can match you ? He favoreth Woun- 
 drous well, quoth he, but every Thing I faye muft have a Tyme : 
 who was a greater Champyon for the Pope then was your Mafter, 
 now who is more contrary ? If they might ones, quoth he, fpeke 
 together, I think it will be one of the gretteft Benifites that ever came 
 to Chrifendome, but that cannot well be, untill thefe Matiers cum to 
 fome nerer Point. The Faulte is not in us, quoth I, that it is not 
 at a nerer Point. Nor it fliall not be long of us, quoth he ; but 
 paradventure fum of your Mafter's Counfail moveth him more to the 
 Emperor's Friendfliip. And what is that Friendftiip in comparifon of 
 this Friendfliip. England is a Kingdome perpetuel, and fo is France. 
 Our Mafters, their Children, their SucceiTion, may ioyne for ever. 
 We be under one Clyme, and of one Complexion : We be at Hande 
 one to another. The Emperor is but one, and when he is Dead, 
 fum Almayn may be Emperor, I wot not who. Truth it is, Spayjie is 
 a Kingdome, but what is that alone : As for Flanders, it fliall be our 
 Friend if we joyne together. And as for Italy, when the Emperor 
 is Dead, who fliall be Mafter trowe you. And if the Emperor 
 might live allways, what is his Friendfliip. He careth not if Friend, 
 Father, and all together fliuld finke, fo as his infatiable Defyre to 
 Reign might be latisfied : Did he not fuffer Two of his Brethren-in- 
 Lawe to periflie for lack of Fifty Thoufand Crowns ; furft the King 
 of Hungarye, and after the King of Denmark, whom he might 
 have reftored with Ten Thoufand Crowns. He is a Covetous Man, 
 faving the Honour of a Prince, and yet he is now bafe ynough, and 
 therefore let us take him while he is Lowe, before he take his Breth. 
 Sir, quoth I, you are a Man of a great Trade, and knowe to Dif- 
 courfe of Things better than I am able to conceyve. If you efteem 
 the Effeft of this Matier fo neceffary for you, and the Emperor's 
 Friendfliip fuch as you fpeke of; take then a direct waye for the 
 compafling of it. And if you have any Thing in your Stomachs, 
 that you would have uttered, but not to many, let your Amballlidour 
 
 utter
 
 r2d. ' A ColleEiion Part III. 
 
 utter it to fum one, and lett him utter it not coldly, but frankly ; 
 and that is the next waye to make an Ende. Would God Monfieur 
 Le Ambajfadeur, quoth he, lay it in my Hande, it fliuld then be 
 fone at an Ende. Put to your Good Will, quoth I, in an Honefl: 
 Caufe, God will help you : I marvaile much, quoth he, we here 
 not from our Ambaflader there ; fo do I, quoth I, by lykelyhood he 
 is ill at eafe, or his Man is fike by the Way, or fome other like Ma- 
 tier. When fend you into Engla7id, quoth he : I have no great Ma- 
 tiers to write of, quoth I ; and yet I am determined within a day or 
 two to fend into England; for I have appointed my Bank to be made 
 at Paris, but now I muft fende to have it changed to Lyons ; becaufe 
 I here faye the King goeth thither. I pray you, quoth he, conveye 
 a Lettre to our Ambalfadeur in England, which I will fend to you 
 to morrow, which I promifed him. And brake our Communication, 
 and fo ready to depart, and flanding, I asked him whither the Am- 
 bafladeur was come to the King out of Almayn, or no ? He asked me 
 which Ambafladeur ? I told him for Aid againft the Turk. No, no, 
 quoth he ; Thinkedi Men my Mafler is fo unwife to aid the Empe- 
 ror and King Ferdinand for the Defence of Hungarye, tlieir private 
 Dominion ? Should my Mafler malnteyn their Eflate at his Difpens, 
 which keep his State from him ? Not but if it wer to defend Almayn^ 
 my Mafler would help the befl he could. What doth the King your 
 Mafler ? Giveth he any Ayde ? I know not, quoth I, that any hath 
 been yet asked. If any be, I think his Majefly will make a reafon- 
 able Anfwer ; and thus we departed. 
 
 Sir, your Majeflie hath heard truely reported, the diverfe Com- 
 munication and Varietie of Matier that hath pafTed between the Ad- 
 mirall and me : Wherin when I confyder myn accuflomed Protefla- 
 tions me thinketh, he fliuld take none Advantage of me ; and on the 
 other fide, when I remember the Simplenes of my Wit with 
 the Scarcitie of myn Experience, joynyng therewithall their 
 Proceeding with other your Majefties AmbafTadeurs heretofore, whofe 
 Saing they reaporte at Will for their Purpofes ; I cannot but tremble, 
 fearing that fumthing may have pafTed me to hotely, fum what to 
 coldly, fumthing fpoken more then neded, or fumthing left out that 
 fliuld have been fpoken. But fure you ar my Sayntuary, and my 
 Trufl is only in your Equanimite ; whom I befeech mofl humbly of 
 your gracious and favourable Interpretation, and of your Benignitie, 
 to confyder that this is the furft time that ever I came in arenam ; and 
 he with whom I am matched, is an old Player j neverthelefs, if I 
 had Experience or Wit to judge a Man, I would think him by his 
 Words and Countenance to be none Imperiall, and an utter Enemye 
 to Rome ; and yet I muft note a Praftife in him, for that he hath pro- 
 mifed me twife one fliuld be fent over, and none is yet fent. And 
 befides that, whereas he hath told me heretofore, that no Man 
 knewe of this lafl Treatye, but he and Madame Dejlatnpes, adding 
 yefterday the Queen of Navarre. I know of the Demands the 
 Ambafladeur hath made there, by other Meanes then by your Ma- 
 jefties Signification : But your Majeftie knoweth him farre better I 
 am fure, than my foolifli Wit can comprehend. And therefore I 
 leave to your mofl Excellent Wifdom the Judgment of his Proceed- 
 
 ings,
 
 Book III. Of Records^ Sec. 525 
 
 ings, the Clrcumftance whereof your Majeftie knoweth without 
 Addition or Diminucion of any thing, as nere as I could carye it 
 away. 
 
 As touchinge the Occurrents of this Court, it may pleafe your 
 Majellie to be advertifed, that the Emperor's Grand Efcuyer pafled by 
 Paris Eight Days agone into Flanders, and came not att the Court. 
 
 It is faid here tliat the Emperor is in great Pradlife, wdth your Ma- 
 jeftie, for the Marriage of the Lady Mary, your Majefties Daughter, 
 which they think here the rather to be true, for that you have 
 fent the Bifliop of London to be AmbafTador there, whom they note 
 here to be an Imperial, Saing commonly that the Marriage between 
 France and England is dailied. 
 
 Certain Merchants of Lyons, and Monfieur Langey, a Partener 
 with them, have Sentence for them of Threefcore and Tenne Thou- 
 fand Crowns againft the State of Florence^ and Reprifalls out for 
 Execution. 
 
 Sabnaiti and Antenori, Two Fhrentynes, having their Houfes in 
 Lyons, who wz^ Jideinjfores de foluendo iridic at o, be fled into the Em- 
 peror's Dominion in BreJJ'e. 
 
 The Fhrentynes take the Matier grevioufly, and think there is no 
 Juftice in Frattce, for they had moved theyr Cafe before in all the 
 Univerlities and Courts of Italy, and thinking it out of Doubt, offred 
 to put it to the Judgement of France, wherof now they repent them, 
 and will in no wife fland to it. And to advertife your Majefly of 
 the Cafe briefly; the State of Florence bought of certain Marehants 
 of Lyo}is a Quantitie of Wheate to fuch a Sume, to be delivered at 
 Florence before fuch a Day. The Wheat arryved not before Eight 
 Dales after the Tyme appointed. The Floretitines, conflreyned by 
 Neceflity, provided themfelves other ways, and fay the Bargain is 
 voyde. The Lyonhois alledge tempejlatem for the Lett, and fiy that 
 einptio is contractus bonce jidei, and that therefore the Fhrentynes 
 muft fulfill tlieir Bargayn ; and fo leaving their Wheat there, went 
 their wayes. 
 
 Error is founde in the Admirall's Procefle, and the Sentence re- 
 voked ; wherby the Application of his Lands to the Crown, and the 
 Amende Pecuniaire that he fliuld have made to diverfe Townes here 
 in Bourgoyn is adnichilated, and he rejlitutus in integrum. « 
 
 I thinice your Majefl:ie heareth from your Agent at Venice that 
 James Bey, ilimtyme a Chrifldan Man, is cuming from the Tiircque 
 in Ambalfade to Fenice-, and, as I think, by this Tyme arryved there, 
 if the Empereur have not intercepted him, who hath layed waye 
 for him in Ragufa : His cuming is nothing pleafant to the Ve?iycia?is ; 
 the Caufe therof being as the Venycians conjedrure, the fame that I 
 have written to your Majeflie before ; that is to faye, PaiTage through 
 their Cuntrey, or to be Enemyes to Enemyes, or to redeem the fame 
 with fum great Sumes of Money, if nothing els be aflced. 
 
 Seignior Horacio being heretofore accuftomed to be lodged at the 
 Court, or near as the Place required, is lodged now Four Leaggs of, 
 and yet the King lyeth in a great Town ; wherof the Nuntio's Secre- 
 tarye complayning to the Admirall, the Admirall anfwercd him in 
 Coler, he had one gyven him, and he refufed it, We cannot give 
 
 Vol. III. 6 8 him
 
 526 
 
 A CoUeBion Part III. 
 
 him here a Palais as though he were at Paris, and turned his Back, 
 and would talk no longer with the Secretary. 
 
 I fend unto your Majeftie herewith an other Charte of AlgierCj 
 fet furth after a forte, with the Emperor's AiTiege before it ; the 
 Plate wherof varieth from the other I fent your Majeftie before : 
 And yett I trufl: your Majeftie will take the fame in good Parte ; for 
 as they came to my Hands, being fent to fuch Perlbnages as they 
 wer ; thone to the French King, and this to the Duke of Ferrare ; 
 I thought it my Duety to fende both unto your Majeftie, leaving 
 unto your Excellent Wifedome the Judgment, whither this, or the 
 other be true, or neither of them bothe. 
 
 I fende alfo unto your Majeftie a little Book, both printed here in 
 Paris, conteyning the Conclufion of their Dyet in Almayn againft the 
 Turk ; whither the fame be true, or no, I doubt not but your Ma- 
 jeftie knoweth by fuch Advertifements as you have out of thofe 
 Partes. And thus having nothing els to writte unto your Majeftie 
 at this Time, I befeche God to fend you moft profperoufly and long 
 to Reigne. From Chabliz in Bourgoyji, the 1 9th of April. 
 
 Tour Majejlies 
 
 Mojl Humbk, Faithful, and 
 
 Obedient SuhjeSf, Servant, 
 
 And Daily Oratour, 
 
 William Pagett. 
 
 POSTSCRIPT. 
 
 AFter I had Written to your Majeftie this Letter redy to fend the 
 fame furthwith ; and defferring the Difpeche onely uppon At- 
 tendance of the Admirall's Letter, to be conveyed into Englatid -, 
 becaufe the fame came not, I fent the fame Night one to the Courte, 
 which is Four long Leaggs hens to the Admirall to know his Minde 
 therin ; which Meffenger he returned to me with this Letter herin- 
 cloced, written and defaced as your Majeftie feith the fame ; upon 
 Motion wherof, I was at his Lodging the next Day, by Eight in the 
 Morning, but I found him not there. At my cumming a Letter was 
 delivered me from certain of your Majefties Privy Counfail, the Te- 
 nor wherof, both before and fithens I have obferved as far as my 
 Wit can extend, like as your Majeftie rather by your great Judgment, 
 and gracious Interpretation of my Difcourfes, then by my fimple 
 
 Writings
 
 Book III. Of Records^ dec. 527 
 
 Writtings may gather. Anone cummeth Monfieur Admirall, accom- 
 paigned with Monfieur Longeville, Governour to the Duke of Or- '■■ 
 
 leans, and with more Solemnitie than was wont to be, took me with i 
 
 them to the Church, to paffe the Tyme (they faid) untill the King ] 
 
 wer up. Monfieur Longemlle left the Admirall and me walking, \ 
 
 and entring Communication after this Sorte. Monfieur Le Ambaf- \ 
 
 Jadeur, I have been bold to put you to this great Payne this ] 
 
 Morning J but this Matier troubleth me fo fore, that I am at i 
 
 my Wittes Ende : By I could not fleep for it j„ Oath-. \ 
 
 all this Night. We have received Letters from our AmbafTa* i 
 
 deur in England, conteyning the farne Difcourfes that you have j 
 
 declared, which my Mafter is forye to heare ; mervailing that | 
 
 the King, his good Brother, would offer that Summe to his Sonne \ 
 
 with his Daughter, that fome of his Gentlemen would not accept. 
 The Pope offred to Monfieur de Guyfes Sonne, with his Nepce, j 
 
 Two Hundred Thoufand Crownes, and he refufed it. To fee us fo ; 
 
 farre afunder, after fo long a Traifye, by it greveth me. For j„ Oath. \ 
 
 you mufl: underftand, that all which be of Counfaile about my Maf- ] 
 
 ter, be not of one Opinion. And upon the Receipte of our laft ! 
 
 Lettres, it was faid to me, We told you wherto the Enterprife of 
 this Matier would cum at length : But furely I have never repented, 
 me, nor myn Affedlion can never diminilhe, for the Friendfliip that 
 hath been fliowed on your Parte, afwell in commyn, as to my parti- 
 culer. And as for the Pope's and the Emperor's Lyes and Falfetes, 
 we know well ynough. Wherfore, for the Love of God, let us 
 growe to fome Friendly Point. After I had declared unto him for 
 fome Recompence of his Affedtion, what good Affeftion I beare to 
 France ; I faid unto him, Monfieur L' Admirall, you knowe, we 
 commun now privately, and therefore you fliall hear my private Opi- 
 nion. Seing that you knowe other Men's Proceedings with you 
 to have been fo indiredl as you fpeake of, and (as your felf hath 
 confeffed unto me oftentymes) that the King's Majeftie, my Maf- 
 ter, hath been fo perfaift and fincere a Friende unto you at all 
 Tymes ; embrace this Frendfliip ; confyder this Friend ; and think 
 that he is to be defyred rather with One Hundred, than any other 
 with Tenne Hundred. You faid, your Mafter will not live alone. 
 Ywys, my Mafter may have Company enough, if he would flippe 
 out of the Couple from you. Yea, quoth he, I know ; but fo will 
 not every Man of this Counfaile knowe, their Faulfeties. True it 
 is, quoth he, your Friendfliip hath been much, and we do recog- 
 nife it, and think our felfs in Obligation to requite it. But we can 
 do no more than we can do. But to come to a Point ; the Matier 
 eonfifteth in thefe Termes. Within thefe two Yeres, we fhall owe 
 you a Million ; after the which Tyme, we muft pay you during the 
 King your Mafter's Life (God grant it to be long) a Hundred 
 Thoufand Crownes yearly, and afterward Fyfty Thoufande perpetu- 
 ally, you faye. As for the Pencions, quoth he, there may be 
 fumwhat fayde for Things that fliuld be done by Treaties : For our 
 Defence, Things lliuld have been done ; Shipps and Men, and I 
 wot not what. And here he began to hack and to hume. Monfieur 
 I^e Admirall, quoth I, fpeke out plainly : for if you have any thing 
 
 to
 
 5^8 
 
 A ColleBion Part III. 
 
 to fay in that Parte, I can anfwer. Well, well, quoth he, let thofe 
 Thin^Ts pafle : You can clayme no Pencion yet thefe Two Yeres. 
 And herewithall the King fent for him. With whom, after Mafle, 
 he went to the Standing in a Foreft hereby ; promifing me to return 
 ymedyately after Dyner, and praying me hartely to tary his Return. 
 Monfieur Le AdmiralU quoth I, in his Eare, if you talk with the 
 King your Mafter of this Matier, deduce him to fome Conformitie. 
 I fpeake for the Affedtion I beare unto you : For I may fay to you, 
 there be others that wooe harder thenne you, and yet hitherto we 
 have not given like Eare. But you know, a Man may droppe Wa- 
 ter fo long upon a Stone, that it may fooke in. And herewith, 
 Monfieur LongeviUe tooke me at his Hand by and by, and had me to 
 Monfieur D'orleans Lodging, where I had an exceeding gret Feail 
 dhd Chere. About Two of the Clock the Admirall fent for me j 
 and after our Meeting, every Man avoided out of the Chamber. 
 Monfieur Le Ambajfadetir, quoth he, let us devife fome good Meane,' 
 to joyne thefe Two Princes together. Then muft you, quoth I, go 
 another way to work. Devide your Treatye into Two Partes : 
 Treate a Mariage, and treate the Redemption of the reft you de- 
 fyre. Well, be it, quoth he : But I underftand not yet very well 
 your Reciproque ; (and here he began to be plaifant in his Counte- 
 nance, and to fet his Wordes merily :) And yet, quoth he, our Am- 
 baffador writteth of the fame Terme, but I wot not what. You 
 will not, quoth I, underftande it : But you muft learne it ; for els 
 I feare (whereof I would be wondrous forye) that this Matier will 
 not go forwarde. Let me hear again, quoth he, I told him even 
 the fame Leffon, that is declared in the former Parte of this Letter. 
 It is not, quoth he, a Hundred Thoufand Crownes, or Two Hun- 
 dred Thoufand, that can enriche my Mafter, or impoveriflie yours : 
 And therfore, for the Love of God, quoth he, let us go roundly 
 together. We aike your Daughter, quoth he : For her, you fliall 
 have our Sonne, a gentye Prince, quoth he, and fet him out to 
 Sale. We afke you a Dote with her ; and for that after the Som 
 you will give. She fhall have an AfTignment after the Cuftome 
 of the Country here. And as for the reft, quoth he, what Reci- 
 proque demand you ? What will you, that we do for you ? As 
 for the reft of the Money, quoth I, take Order for the Payment 
 of it ; and for the Pencions, devife a Reciproque. Devife you, 
 quoth he, what you will have us to do for it. Nay, quoth I, offer 
 you furft, for it paffeth my Capacitye : And Reafon is fo : for the 
 firft Commodity fliall be yours. It is no Mattier, quoth he ; we 
 will offer furft, and you fhall afke next : Or you fliall ofJer furft, 
 and we fliall afke nexte : All is one. But I will now, as I did lafte 
 Daye, fpeke unto you after myn own Paffion, after myn own Affec- 
 tion ; for I would all the World knew I am not Imperial. And 
 here, with many Qualifications and Termes, he fet forth his Paffion 
 and Affections. You will give us your Daughter, and a Summe 
 with her, (it maketh no Matier what;) howbeit, I truft, your gentle 
 Prince will afke no Money of us ; And as for the Reciproque of 
 the reft, and therewith ftayed. Well, quoth he, to fpeake frankly 
 
 to
 
 Book III. Of Records^ &c. £^29 1 
 
 to you myn AfFedlion ; will you enter the Warre with us agair.fl ■ 
 the Emperor ? and be Enemye to Enemye, for the Defence of all ' 
 fuch States as we have at this prefent, and of fuch as we fliall Con- i 
 quere together ; or of fuch as fliall be comprifed in Treaty ; The ! 
 King your Mafter to fett upon Land in Flanders, Tenne Thoufand 
 EngliJJjtnen, and we Tenne Thoufand Frenchmen; Pay the Wap-es of ! 
 Five Thoufand Almayns, and we of afmany; Finde Two Thou- 
 fand Horfemen, and we Three Thoufand ; Finde a certain Number | 
 of Shipps, and we as many. And yett fliall the King my Mafter | 
 chaffe the Emperor in other Places, he was never fo chaffed : and i 
 Ipende a Hundred, yea Two Hundred Thoufand Crowns a Month I 
 other wayes. And of fuch Lands as fliall be conquered, the Pen- ; 
 cion furft; to be redoubled, and the reft to be devided equally. What 
 a Thing will it be to your Mafter, to have Graveling, Dunkirk, Bur- 
 burg, and all thofe Quarters joining to his Calais f Mary, quoth I, ' 
 all the Craft is in the Catching. And here I put him a foolilh Quef- ; 
 tion ; What if you fpent your Money, and conquered Nothing ? j 
 Mary, quoth he, then fliould the Pencion ftand ftill as it ftandeth. -i 
 Monfieur Le Admirall, quoth I, thefe Matiers you talk of, be of too I 
 great Importance for my Witt -, and I have alfo no Commillion to 1 
 medle in them. But to faye my Fantafye, I knowe of no Quarrel ! 
 
 that my Mafter hath againft the Emperor. quoth he, why ^„ q^^,^ \ 
 
 fay you fo ? Doth he not owe your Mafter Money ? Hath he not j 
 
 broken his Leages with him in 600 Points ? Did he not provoke us, j 
 
 and the Pope alfo, to joine for the Taking of your Realme from you, • 
 in Preye for Difobedience ? And hath he not caufed even now the Pope, 
 to offer a Council at Mantua, Verona, Cambray or Melz; (which 
 
 Place he added now laft) the Chief Caufe wherof, is to pick you? \ 
 A Peftilence take him, faufe Diffembler, quoth he : Saving my Du- 
 tie to the Majeftie of a King. If he had you at fuch an Advantage, 
 as you maye now have him, you (huld well knowe it at his Hande. 
 And here he went furth at large againft the Bifhop of Rome, and 
 
 the Emperor; difcourfing what Commoditie ftiuld enfue of this ' 
 
 Warre ; and that he would have it in any wife beginne this Yere, ; 
 
 now that the Emperor wer fo lowe ; and had, as he faithe, for all .; 
 
 his Millions, never a Sols. And that he would the Matier ftiould ■ i 
 
 take effedl fliortely ; for the Yere goith awaye : reckening how many j 
 
 Moneths were now loft mete for the Warre : And how the Con- ; 
 
 quefts fliould be fortified in the Winter; and the Warre recom- , 
 
 menced in the Sommer. And that their Chiefe Points refolved, his ' 
 Mafter ftiuld (if your Majeftie would) turne into Ficardy, to En- 
 
 tervieu. And a great Difcourfe, Sir, paffing min Experience, fliew- . 
 
 ing themfelfs by his Wordes and Countenance wonderfully gredy \ 
 of prefant Warre: which when he had ended; what fay you, 
 
 Monfieur he Ambajfadeur, quoth he? Will you faye nothing to '^ 
 
 me in this Matier ? Sir, quoth I, and told him Trueth, I wote not I 
 
 what to faye. Why do you not, quoth he ? Open the Bottom of \ 
 
 your Stomack to the King my Mafter, quoth I, by your Ambaffadour \ 
 
 there, by whom you have begun and treated this Matier. And alfo i 
 
 I noted in our other Conference, that you would not have thefe 1 
 
 Vol. III. 6 T Difcourfes - ;
 
 530 A ColleEiion Part III. 
 
 Difcourfes reaported again of your Mouth. Monfieur, quoth he, 
 this is indeed but my Devife. Howbeit, to fpeake frankly to youe, 
 I have fpoken nothing therin, but 1 think to perfwade my Mafter 
 to it : And write fo to the King your Mafter, quoth he, and alfo 
 the hole Devife. That fhall be as you w^ill, quoth I. Nay, quoth 
 he, I pray you to write, fo as you write as devifed of mej and 
 repeted the Overture hole together, as is before exprefled. Sir, 
 quoth I, feing you require me, I will write it, fo that you will 
 promife me to confirme my Tale by your Ambaffador there. Yes, 
 quoth he ; and clapt his Hande in mine. But I pray you, quoth 
 he, fend one in Diligence, that no Tyme be loft. Will you not 
 write, quoth I ? Yes, quoth he : But your Poft will be there before 
 ours. And fo deperted. 
 
 Sir, I befeeche your Majeftie moft humblie on my Knees, gracl- 
 oufly to accept my Good Will, albeit my Witt be not able to ferve 
 you in fo great an Affaire ; and to pardon me, of your moft Gra- 
 cious Goodnes, if any Thing have been faid, more or lefs thenne 
 was meet to have been fpoken for the Advancement of your Pur- 
 pofes : Of my Faulte wherin, if it fliould pleafe your Majeftie 
 to advife me of, I ftiould have the more Witt another Time, and 
 take the better Hede in a femblable Cafe : For furely, Sir, I have an 
 exceeding Good Will to ferve you ; and if my Witt wer as good, I 
 am affured I ftiould ferve well, and that knoweth God : To whom I 
 pray daily, for your prolperous and long Continuance. From Chab- 
 /iz, the 2 2d oi April. 
 
 Tour Majejiies 
 
 Moft Humble, Faithful, and 
 Obedient SubjeB, Servant, 
 And Daily Oratour, 
 
 William Pagett. 
 
 To the King's Moft Excellent Majeftie. 
 
 1543. 
 
 Number
 
 Book III. Of Records^ &c. 531 
 
 Number 74. 
 
 BiJJjop Thirleby'i- Letter concerning the Duke of Norfolk 
 
 ajid his Son. 
 
 An Original. \ 
 
 i 
 
 I Would write unto you my Harte (if I coulde) againft thofe Two papa--Off.ce. ' 
 
 Ungracious, Ingrate, and Inhumane non Homines, the Duke of \ 
 
 Norfolk and his Sonne. The Elder of whom, I confefs that I did 
 Love, for that I ever fuppofed hym a true Servant to his Mailer ; 
 like as both his Allegiance, and the manifold Benefits of the King's 
 Majeftie bounde him to have been ; but nowe when I fliolde begyn i 
 
 to wright to you herin, before God I am fo amafed at the Matter, I 
 
 that I know not what to fay ; therefore I fhall leavd them to receyve 
 for their Deads, as they have worthily defervyd ; and thank God ; 
 
 of his Grace that hath openyd this in Tyme, fo that the King's Ma- i 
 
 jeftie may fee that reformed : And in this Point, wher Almighty \ 
 
 God hath not nowe alone, but often and fondry Tymes hertofore, i 
 
 liot only letted the Malice of fuche as hathe imagenyd any Treafort { 
 
 againft the King's Majeftie, the Chiefe Comforte, Wealth, and Pro- i 
 
 fperite of all good Englifome7i next under God ; but hath fo wonder- ! 
 
 fiiUy manifeft, that in fuche Tyme that his Majefties High Wifdom ; 
 
 myght let that Malice to take his Effedle, all good EngliJJ:e cannot ; 
 
 therfore thanke God enough. And for our Parts, I pray God, that ; 
 
 we may thorough his Grace, fo contynue his Servants, that herafter \ 
 
 we be not founde unworthy to receyve fuche a Benefyte at his Hands; ' 
 
 On Chrijlmas Even, about lo of the Clock after Noon here aryved I 
 
 Somerfet with the Letters of the King's Majefties moft Honourable \ 
 
 Counfell, Dated the \ ^ih. oi December ztM^eftminJler, wherby I per- | 
 
 ceyved the Malicious Purpofe of the faid Two ungracious Men : 
 And for the Execution of the King's Majefties Commandment de- 
 clared in the fame Letters, I fuyd immediately for Audience to the \ 
 Emperor, who entred this Town within halfe an Houer after Somer- ' 
 fet was come. The Emperor praied me of Pacience, and to declare 
 to the Secretarie yotife, that I wolde faie to him. For he faid he j 
 had determyned to repofe him felfe for 3 or 4 Days ; and had ther- J 
 fore for that Tyme refufed Audience to the Nuntio, the Ambafla- 
 dor of France, and the Ambaflador of Venice, which had fued for ] 
 Audience. On CbriJhnas-D-3iy on the Morning, at Nine of the I 
 Clocke, Joyfe came to my Lodginge, to whom I declared as well 1 
 as I coulde the great Benefits theis ungracious Men had receyved at 
 the King's Majefties Hands, and how unkindly and traytoroufly \ 
 they went abought to fearve him, with the reft as myn Liftruftions j 
 led me. The King's Majeftie, my Mafter (taking the fame AfFedlion I 
 
 to ;
 
 532 A CoUeSfion Part IIL 
 
 to be in the Emperor, his good Brother, towards him, that his High- 
 nes hathe to the Emperor, {ut Amicorum omnia Jint communia, gau- 
 dere cum gaudentibus, fere cum fentibus,) hath commanded me to 
 open this Matter to the Emperor : That as naturally all Men, and 
 much more Princes, ought to abhore Traytors, and fpecially fuche 
 as had receyved fo great Benyfites as theis Men had : So his Majeftie 
 might rejoyfe that &e King's Highnes his good Brother had founde 
 forthe this Matter, or the Malice coulde be brought to Execution. 
 Secretary Joyfe faid that he would Advertife the Emperor herof ac- 
 cordingly, and after a little Talke of the Haughtinefs of the Earle of 
 Surrey, and a few Salutations, he bad me fare well. When I afked 
 him for Monfieur de Grandevela, to whom I faid, that I wolde tell 
 this Tale, for that I doubted not but that he, and all Honeft Men 
 wolde abhorre fuch Traytors : He faid that he was not yet come, but 
 he wolde this Day Advertife him herof by his Letters : for I wright 
 (quoth he) daily to him. Albeit that this be the Hole, and the 
 Effede of that I have done in the Execution of the King's Majefties 
 Commandment, declared in my faid Lord's Letters, yet I will as 
 my Dutie is, Anfwer a-part their faid Letters to the King's Majeftie : 
 herin I dare not wright. For to enter the Matter, and not to de- 
 left that as the Caufe requireth, I think it not convenient. And 
 again on the other fide, to renew the Memorie of thefe Mens Ingra- 
 titude, (wher with all Noble and Princely Harts above all others 
 be fore wounded) I thinke it not Wifdome. Therefore I befeeche 
 you hartely, amongft other my good Lords, there to make my mofl: 
 humble Excufe to his Majeftie for the fame. This ungracious Mat- 
 ter that hath happened otherwife than ever I could have thought, 
 hath caufed you to have a longer Letter than ever I have bene ac- 
 cuftomed to wright. Ye fhall herwith receyve a Scedule of Courte 
 Newis, whiche havyng lernyd while I wrote this ; Secretary yoyfe 
 hathe prayed me to fende the Letter herwith enclofed to the Empe- 
 ror's Ambaffador in England^ which I pray you to caufe to be de- 
 livered, and hartely fare you well. From Halebourne the Chrijimas- 
 Day at Night, 1546. 
 
 Tour ajfured Loving Friendy 
 
 Thomas Weftm'. 
 
 Herewith ye ftiall allfo receyve 
 the Copie of my Letters of the 
 19th of this Mongth, fent by 
 Skipperus, &c. 
 
 Number
 
 Book III. Of Records^ &c. 533 
 
 Number 75. 
 
 A Letter of the Duke of NorfolkV, after he had been 
 examined in the Tower. 
 
 MY very good Lords, whereas at the being here with me of fUus, B. i . 
 my Lord Great Chamberlayne, and Mr. Secretary, they exa- ^' 9+- 
 mynd me of divers Thyngs, which as near as I can call to my Re- 
 membrance were the Effects as here after doth enfew. 
 
 Firft, whether ther was any Cipher betwene me, and any other 
 Man : For Anfwer wherunto, this is the Truth, there was never 
 Cipher between me and any Man, fave only fuch as I have had for 
 the King's Majeflie, when I was in his Service, And as God be my 
 Judge, I do not remember that ever I wrote in Cipher, but at fuch ♦' 
 Time as I was in France. My Lord Great Mailer that now is, 
 and my Lord of Rochford being in Commiffion with me, and whe- 
 ther I wrote any then, or not, as God help me, I do not remember ; 
 but and I wrote any Thing, I am fure both their Hands were at it : 
 And the Mafter of the Horfe privy to the fame : I do remember that 
 after tlie Death of the Bifhop of Hereford^ Fox, it was fliew'd me that 
 the faid Bifliop had left a Letter, which I had feat him, amongft his 
 Writings, which being found by a Servant of his, that is now with 
 Mafter Deny, who fhewd the fame to the Bifhop of Durham that 
 now is, he caufed him to throw the fame in Pier ; as I do remem-- 
 ber, it was my faid Lord Bifliop of Durcham that advifed him to 
 burn it : And as I alfo do remember, the Matter that Was conteyned 
 therin, concerned Lewde Speaking of the Northern Men after the 
 Time of the Comotion againft the fiid Cro?nweIl : If there had been 
 any Thyng concerning the King's Majeflys Affairs, neyther the Bi- 
 fhope, nor he, were he now alyve, would not have concealed the 
 fame ; and Vv^hether any Part of that was in Cypher, or not, as I 
 fhall Anfwer to God, I do not remember, 
 
 Theffeil of another Quefbon there afked me, v/as, as near as I 
 can call to my Remembrance, Whether anie Man had talked with 
 me, that and ther were a Good Peace made betwene the King's Ma- 
 jeftie, the Emperor and the French King, the Bifhope of Rome would 
 brek the fame againe by his Difpenfation ? And whether I enclined 
 that waies, or not, to that Purpofe ? As God help me now, at my 
 mioft Nede, I cannot call to my Remembrance, that ever I heard any 
 Man living fpeak like Words, And as for mine Inclinations, that 
 the Bifliope of Rome fhould ever have Authority to do fuch Thing ; 
 if I had "Twentie Lives, I would rather have fpent them all againft 
 him, then ever he fliould have any Power in this Realme : For no 
 Man knoweth that better then I, by Reding of Stories, how his 
 Ufurped Power hath increafed from Time to Time, Nor fuch Time 
 as the King's Majeflie hath found him his Enemv, no living Man 
 
 Vol. III. 6 U hath
 
 ^^4 A ColleSfton Part IIL 
 
 hath, both in his Harte and with his Tounge, in this Realme, in 
 France, and alfo to many Scotip:i Jantlemen, fpoken more fore againft 
 his faid Ufurped Powre, then I have done, as I can prove by good 
 Witnes. 
 
 Alfo my faid Lord and Mr. Secretary afked me, vv^hether I was 
 ever made privy to a Letter, fent from my Lord of Wynchefier and 
 Sir Henry Knevet, of any Overture made by Grandville to them, for 
 a Way to be taken between his Majeftie and the Bifliope of Rome', 
 and that the faid Letters fhould have come to his Majeftie to Do'ver, 
 I being there with him. Wherunto this is my true Anfwer: I was 
 never at Dover with his Highnes fince my Lord of Richmond died, 
 but at that Time, of whofe Death Word came to Syttyngborne : And 
 as God be my Helpe, I never heard of no fuch Overture, fave that 
 I do well remember, at fuch Time as Sir Francis Biryan was fore fike, 
 and like to have died, it was fpoken in the Councill, that my Lord of 
 Winchefler fhould have faid, He cou'd dfvife a Way, how the King's 
 Majeftie might have all Things upright with the faid Bifliope of 
 Rome, and his Highnes Honour faved. Suche were the Words, or 
 much like. Wherupon, as I had often faid in the Councill, one was 
 fent to the faid Sir Francis, to know, if ever he heard the faid Bi- 
 fhope fpeake like Words j which he denied : And as I do remember, 
 it was Sir Rauf Sadeler, that was fent to the faid Sir Francis. And 
 to fay that ever I heard of any fuch Overture made by Grandville, or 
 that ever I commoned with any Man conferning any fuch Mater, 
 other then this of the Bifhope of Winchejler, as God be my Help, 
 i never dyd j nor unto more thenne this, I was never pre- 
 vye. 
 
 Now, my Good Lords, having made Anfwer according to the 
 Truth of fuch Queftions as hath been afked me, moft humblie I 
 befeeche you all to be Mediators for me to his moft Excellent Maje- 
 fhe, to caufe fuch as have accufed me (if it might be with his high 
 Pleafure) to come before his Majeftie, to lay to my Charge afore 
 me. Face to Face, what they can fay againft me : And I am in no 
 doubt, fo to declare my felfe, that it fhall appere I am falfly accufed. 
 And if his Pleafure ftiall not be, to talce the Paine in his Royall Per- 
 fon, then to give you Commandment to do the fame. My Lords, 
 I truft ye think CromweWs Service and mine hath not be like ; and 
 yet my Defire is, to have no more Favour fliew'de to me, than was 
 fliew'de to him, I being prefent. He was a fals Man ; and fewerly 
 I am a trewe poore Jantleman. 
 
 My Lords, I thinke furelie there is fome fals Man, that have laid 
 fome great Caufe to my Charge, or elfe I had not be fent hither. 
 And therefore, eftfonyts moft humblie I befeeche to finde the Names, 
 if they and I may not be brought Face to Face, yet let me be made 
 privy what die Caufes are ; and if I do not anfwer truely to every 
 Point, let me not live one Howre after : For fewerlie I would hide 
 nothing of any Queftions that I fhall know, that doth concern my 
 felf, nor any other Creature. 
 
 My Lords, there was never Gold tried better by Fier and Watter 
 than I have been, nor hath had greater Enemys about my Soveraign 
 Lord, than I have had, and yet (God be thanked) my Trouth 
 
 hath
 
 Book III. Of Records^ &c. r^r 
 
 hath ever tried me, as I dout not it fhall do in theis Caufes. Sueriv, 
 if I knew any Thought I had oiFended his Majeflie in, I would fuerly 
 have declared it to his Perfon. 
 
 Upon the Tiiyfdaye in Whitfoniveek laft pad, I broke unto his 
 Majeftie, mofle humhley befeeching him to helpe, that a Mariao-e 
 might be had between my Daughter and Sir Thomas Semour : And 
 wheras my Son of Surey hath a Son and divers Daughters ; that, 
 with his Favour, a CrolFe Manage might have been made bet^veen 
 my Lord Great Chamberline and them. And alfo wher my Son 
 Thomas hath a Son, that fhall (be his Mother) fpend a Thoufand 
 Marks a Yere, that he might be in like wife maried to one of my 
 faid Lord's Daughters. I report me to your Lordfhips, whether 
 myn Intent was honeft in this Motion, or not. And whereas I 
 have written, that my Truth hath been feverely tried, and that I 
 have had great Enemies. Firft, the Cardinall did confes to me at 
 AJfer, that he had gone about Fourteen Years to have deftroyed 
 me ; faying, he did the fame by the fetting upon of my Lord of 
 Suffolk, the Marquis of Exeter, and my Lord Sands ; who faid often 
 to him, that if he found not the Means to put me out of the way, 
 at length I fhould feuerly undo him. 
 
 Cromwell, at fuch Tyme as the Marquis of Exeter fuffred, exa- 
 mined his Wife more ftreitly of me, then of all other Men in the 
 Realme, as She fent me word by her Brother, the Lord Montjoy. 
 He hath faid to me himfelf many times. My Lord, Ye are an happy 
 Man, that your Wife knoweth no Hurt by you j for if She did. She 
 would undo you. 
 
 The Duke of Buckingham confeffed openly at the Bar, my Fa- 
 ther fitting as his Judg.: ) thac of all Men living he hated me moft, 
 thinking I was the Man that had hurt him moft to the King's Ma- 
 jeftie : Which now, quoth he, I perceive the contrary. 
 
 Kice, who had maried my Sifler, confeffed, that (of all Men liv- 
 ing) he hated me mofl ; and wifhed many times, how he might 
 find the Meanes to thruft his Dagger in me. 
 
 What Malice both my Neecys, that it pleafed the King's Highnes to 
 marie, did here unto me, is not unknown to fuch Ladies as kept 
 them in this Sute ; as my Lady Herberd, my Lady Tirwit, my Lady 
 Kynjlon, and others, which heard what they faid of me. Who 
 tried out the Fallhod of the Lord Darcy, Sir Robert CojiJIable, Sir 
 yohfi Bidmer, AJke, and many others, for which they fuffer'd for ? 
 But only L Who fliewed his Majeflie of the Words of my Mother- 
 in-Law, for which She was attainted of Mifprifion ? But only L In 
 all Times pafl unto this Time, I have flievv'ed my felf a mofl trewe 
 Man to my Soveraign Lord. And fince thefe Things done in Tymes 
 pail, I have received more Proffight of his Highnes, then ever I did 
 afore. Alas ! who can think, that I, having been fo long a trew 
 Man, fhould now be falfe to his Majeflie ? I have received more 
 Proffight then I have deferved : And a Poore Man, as I am, yet I 
 am his own near Kinfman. For whofe Sake fhould I be an untrewe 
 Man to them ? Alas, alas, my Lords, that ever it ftiould be thought 
 any Ontruthe to be in me. 
 
 Fynally,
 
 536 
 
 A ColkBion Part III. 
 
 Fynally, my good Lords eftfonys moft Humble I befeech you to 
 fhew this fcrible Letter to his Majeftie, and all joyntle to befeech his 
 Highnes to grant me the Peticions that are conteyned in the fame, 
 and moft efpecyall to remyt out of his moft Noble Gentle Hart fuch 
 Difpleafure as he hath conceyved againft me : and I fhall dewryng 
 my LyfF pray for the continuence of his moft Royall Eftate long to 
 endure. 
 
 By his Highnes Poor Prifoner, 
 
 T. Norfolk. 
 
 Colledtion of Records belonging to 
 BOOK IV, V, and VI. 
 
 Number 1. 
 
 ijiflruSiions given hy Luther to Melanchthon 1534; of 
 whichy one Article was erroneoujly publijhed by 7ne in 
 my \\d Vol. a?jd that bemg complained of the whole is 
 7J0W publijhed. 
 
 Cogitationes mes funt : {viz, Lufheri.) 
 
 PRimo ut nuUo modo concedamus de nobis dici, quod neutrl neu- 
 tros antea intellexerint. Nam ifto pharmaco non medebimur 
 tanto vulneri, cum nee ipfi credamus utrumque verum hoc efle, & 
 alii putabunt a nobis hoc fingi, & ita magis fufped:am reddemus cau- 
 fam, vel potius per totum dubiam faciemus, cum fit communis om- 
 nium. Et in tantis animorum turbis, & fcrupulis non expedit hoc 
 nomine addere ofFendiculum. 
 Torfam novum. Secundo, cum haftenus diftenferimus, quod illi fignum, nos Cor- 
 pus Chrifti afferuerimus, plane contrarii in Sacramento. Nihil minus 
 mihi videtur utile, quam ut mediam & novam fententiam ftatuamus : 
 Qua & illi concedant Corpus Chrifti addefle vere, & nos conceda- 
 mus panem folum manducari. Ut enim confcientiam taceam, con- 
 fiderandum eft certe ; Quantam hie feneftram aperiemus in re om- 
 nibus communi cogitandi : Et orientur hie fontes quaeftionum & 
 opinionum : Ut tutius multo fit illos fimpliciter manere in fuo figno : 
 Cum nee ipfi fuam nee nos noftram partem, multo minus utrique to- 
 tum orbem pertrahemus in cam fententiam : Sed potius irritabimus 
 ad varias cogitationes. Ideo vellem potius ut fopitum maneret difli- 
 
 dium
 
 Book IV. Of Records^ Sec, rny 
 
 dium in duabus iftis Sententiis, quam ut Occafio daretur infinitis 
 Quaeftionibus ad Epicurifmum profuturis. 
 
 Tertio, Cum ilent hie pro noftra Sententia, primum Textus ipfe 
 apertiffimus Evangelii, qui non fine caufa movet omnes Homines, 
 non folum pios ; Secundo, Patrum didla quam plurima, qux non 
 tarn facile pofTunt folvi ; nee, tuta Confcientia, aliter quam Ibnant, 
 intelligi, cum bona Grammatica textui fortiter eonfentiat. Tertio, 
 Quia periculofum eft ftatuere, Ecclefiam tot annis per totum Orbem 
 caruifie vero Senfu Saeramenti ; cum nos fateamur omnes, manlifle 
 Sacramenta & verbum, etfi obruta multis abominationibus. 
 
 Quarto, Dida Sandli Auguftini de Signo, quae eontraria noftr^ 
 Sentential videntur, non funt firma fatis contra ifta jam tria Di(fla. 
 Maximc, cum ex Auguftini Scriptis clare poffit oftendi, & convinci, 
 cum loqui de Signo praefentis Corporis, ut illud, contra Adamantum^ 
 non dubitavit Dominus appellare Corpus fuum, cum daret Signum 
 Corporis fui : Vel de Signo Corporis Myftici, in quo valde multus 
 eft, prapfertim in Joanne: Ubi copiose docet, manducare Carnem 
 Chrifti, efle in Corpore myftico; feu, ut ipfe dicit, in Socictate, 
 Unitate, Charitate Ecclefiae : Iftds enim Verbis utitur. 
 
 Quinto, Omnium eft fortiflimus Auguftinus, quod dicit, Non hoc 
 Corpus, quod videtis, manducaturi eftis, &c. Et tamen Confcientia 
 memor apertorum Verborum Chrifti, (Hoc eft Corpus meum) hoc 
 dictum S. Auguftini facile fic exponit : Quod de vifibili Corpore lo- 
 quatur Auguftinus, ficut fonant verba (Quod videtis) ita nihil pug- 
 nat Auguftinus cum claris verbis Chrifti : Et Auguftinus infirmior 
 eft, quam ut hoc uno didlo tam incerto, imo fatis confono, nos mo- 
 veat in contrarium fenfum. 
 
 Sexto, Ego S. Auguftinum non intelligo aliter (fic & ipfe Patres 
 ante fe forte intellexit) quam quod contra Judaeos & Gentes docen- 
 dum fuit, apud Chriftianos non comedi Corpus Chrifti vifibiliter, & 
 more corporali. Hac ratione Fidem Saeramenti defenderunt. Rurfus 
 contra Hypocritas Chriftianorum docendum fuit, quod Sacramentum 
 non eftet falutare accipientibus, nili fpiritualiter manducarent, id eft, 
 Ecclefiae effent uniti & incorporate Et hac ratione Charitatem in 
 Sacramento exegerunt. Ut ex Auguftino clare accipi poteft; qui, 
 abfque dubio, ex prioribus Patribus, & fui Seculi ufu, ifta aceepit. 
 
 Septimo, Iftis falvis, nihil eft quod a me peti poflit. Nam & ego 
 hoc diiTidium vellem (Teftis eft mihi Chriftus meus) redemptum 
 non uno Corpore & Sanguine meo : Sed quidfaciam? Ipfi forte Con- 
 fcientia bona capti funt in alteram Sententiam. Feramus igitur eos. 
 Si finceri funt, liberabit eos Chriftus Dominus. Ego contra captus 
 fum bona certe Confcientia (nifi ipfe mihi lim ignotus) in meam 
 Sententiam. Ferant & me, fi non pofllmt mihi accedere. 
 
 Si vero illi Sententiam fuam, fcilieet de Prcefentia Corporis Chrifti 
 cum Pane, tenere velint, & petierint nos invicem tamen tolerari ; 
 ego plane libenter tolerabo, in fpe futurte Communionis. Nam in- 
 terim communicare illis in Fide & Senfu non poffiim. 
 
 Deinde, Si politica Concordia quteritur, ea non impeditur diverfi- 
 tate Religionis: Sicut novimus pofle Conjugia, Commercia, aliaque 
 politica conftare, inter diverfae Religionis Homines: Primo Co- 
 
 VoL. III. 6 X rinth.
 
 538 
 
 A ColWion Part III. 
 
 rinth. 7. Chriftus facial, ut perfede conteratur Satan fub noftris pe- 
 
 dibus. Amen. ^ . r. ir 
 
 Noftra autem Sententla eft, Corpus ita cum Pane, leu \\\ Pane elie, 
 ut revera cum Pane manducetur: Et quaecunque motum vel adionem 
 Panis habet, eandem & Corpus Chrifti. Ut Corpus Chrifti vere di- 
 catur ferri, dari, accipi, manducari, quando Panis fertur, datur, ac- 
 cipitur, manducatur ; id eft, Hoc eft Corpus meum. 
 
 Coll. Corp. Chrijiiy 
 Febr, 4. 95-6. 
 
 We have collated this with the Original Paper of Luther, and find 
 It to agree exadlly. Witnefs our Hands, 
 
 John Jaggard. 
 Rob. Mofs. 
 Will. LiUmi. 
 
 Number 2. 
 
 The Lady Mary'j Letter to the Lord ProteBor, and to 
 the reft of the King's Majefty s Council^ upon their 
 ftifpeSiing fome of her Houpold had eiicouraged the 
 DevonfKire Rebellion, 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 ExMS.D.G. THave received Letters from you, and others of the King's Ma- 
 Cooke. X jefty's Council, dated the 17th of this prefent, and delivered 
 
 unto me the 20th of the lame, whereby I perceive ye be informed, 
 that certayn of my Servants fliould be the Chief Stirrers, Procurers, 
 and Doers in thefe Commotions ; which Commotions (I aflure you) 
 no lefs offend me, than they do you and the reft of the Council. 
 And you write alfo, that a Prieft and Chapleyn of mine, at Samp- 
 ford Cotirtncy In Devonfiire, Ihould be a Doer there. Of which Re- 
 port I do not a little marvel ; for, to my Knowledge, I have not one 
 Chaplayn in thofe Parts. And concerning Pcoly, my Servant, which 
 was fometime a Receiver, I am able to anfwer, that he remayneth 
 continually in my Houfe, and was never Doer amongft the Com- 
 mons, nor came in their Company. It is true, that I have another 
 Servant of that Name dwelling in Suffolk ; and whether the Com- 
 mons have taken him or no, I know not, for he reforteth feldom to 
 my Houfe. But by Report, they have taken by Force many Gen- 
 tlemen in thefe Quarters, and ufed them very cruelly. And as 
 touching Lionell my Servant, I cannot but marvell of that Bruit, 
 
 Ipecially
 
 Book IV. Of Records^ Sec. r^o 
 
 fpecially becaufe he dwelleth within Two Miles of London, and is 
 not acquainted within the Shire of Suffolk, or Norfolk ; nor at any 
 Time Cometh into thefe Parts, but when he waiteth upon me in my 
 Houfe, and is now at London about my Bufineffe, being no Man apt 
 or meet for fuch Purpofes, but given to as much Quietnefs as any 
 within my Houfe. 
 
 My Lord, it troubleth me to hear fuch Reports of any of mine, 
 and fpecially where no Caufe is given, trufting that my Houlhold 
 fliall try themfelves true Subjeds to the King's Majefty, and honeil 
 quiet Perfons ; or elfe I would be loath to keep them. And where 
 you charge me that my Proceedings in Matters of Religion, Hiould 
 give no fmall Courage to many of thofe Men to require and do as 
 they do : That Thing appeareth mofl evidently to be untrue, for all 
 the Rifmg about thefe Parts is touching no Point of Religion j but 
 even as ye ungently, and without defert charge me, fo I, omitting fo 
 fully to anfwer it, as the Cafe doth require, do and will pray God, 
 that your new Alterations, and unlawful Liberties, be not rather 
 the Occaiion of thefe Allemblies, than my doings, who am (God I 
 take to witnefle) inquieted therewith. And as for DevonJJjire, no 
 indifferent Perfon can lay their Doings to my Charge j for I have 
 neither Land, nor Acquaintance in that Country, as knoweth Al- 
 mighty God, whom I humbly befeech to fend you all as much 
 Plenty of his Grace, as I would wifh to my felf. So with my 
 hearty Commendations, I bid you farewel. From my Houfe at 
 Kcnnynghall the xxth of '^uly. 
 
 Tour Friend to my Power, 
 
 MARY. 
 
 Number 3. 
 
 u^ Letter of Chriftopher Mont co?icenmig the Interim. 
 
 Chriilophorus Montius S. D. 
 Wolph. Mufculo. 
 
 CUM harum Lator mihi indicaffet fe Domlnum noffe, nolui eum 
 line meis ad te reverti Uteris. Cum ego Augufta difcederem : jig, 
 difcefli autem, hujus nihil dum ibi innovatum fuit per Eccleiias, fed 
 optimi quique vehementer verebantur Superftitiones inducendas pro- 
 
 pediem 
 
 Ex MS. 
 
 ur.
 
 r^o A Colle8fion Part III. 
 
 pediem Concionator ad S. Georgium mihi fignificavit, Sena- 
 
 turn a Concionatoribus eflagitare, iit modo in his calamitatibus civi- 
 tatem non defererent, fed porro in ea permanerent, fe eos mature & 
 in tempore certiores fadluros, modo viderint fuperflitionem imminere, 
 quafi modo non in media urbe dominetur. Rogavit quoque Senatus, 
 ut Concionatores Populo Interim quam compofitiirimis & coloratiffimis 
 verbis poflent, proponerent, quod major pars recufarunt, dicentes fe 
 hoc fcriptum laudarc nulla ratione neque conftantia pofle, quod com- 
 muni fufFragio damnaffent, duo tamen fe id fadluros receperunt, quod 
 & fadlum audivi ad S. Crucem & Mauricium. Non dubito te audiiffe, 
 de eo Scripto, quod hue nuper allatum fuit ex Saxonia. Utinam 
 Germana virtus & Conftantia alicubi permanens emineat, ut fi non 
 fortiter agendo, faltem fortiter adverfa propter Domini gloriam feren- 
 do, profeflionem & officium noftrum teftentur. Dux Gemini pontis 
 Augufta difcefTifle dicitur, ut qui Interim indidtionem & promulga- 
 tionem Diocefano praeftandam 6c committendam dixerit, neque fe ne- 
 que fuos huic executioni idoneos Miniftros efle. Tamen qua condi- 
 tione dimilfus fit, certo nondum didici. Bremenfes difceffifle audio 
 nondum reconciliatos, nam tam graves eis conditiones praefcribi audio, 
 ut quas omnino etiam fi eas acceperint. praeftare non poflint. Multi 
 putant confulto tam gravia proefcribi, ut fub fpecie contumaciae & 
 obftinationis, obfidione preffi & expugnati Frifias jungantur. 
 Civitas quoque ea plurimis rebus agendis aptiffima eft, ut quae fupra 
 Vifurgim & Albim pofita accefilim aperiat ad Cherfonefum totam occu- 
 pandum. Qua lege Conftantienfes redierint domum ex Domino nofle 
 cupio. Rogo quoque ut mihi fignihcare vclis quae concordias & com- 
 municationis fpes ipfis inter fe Helvetis fit. Literas quas ad me per- 
 latas voles, cura ad D. Bucerum adferri. Bene vale. Argentinae 1 8. 
 Jul. 1548. Literas ted:as exuras. 
 
 Number 4. 
 
 A Pa?'t of a Letter of HooperV to Bullinger, giving an 
 Accoimt of the Cruelty of the Spaniards in the Nether- 
 lands. 
 
 Ex MS. T^T^^ ^'^' ^P^'^^''^ relicla Colonia, iter verfus Antwerpiam, per 
 Tigur. i.^ Campiniam Brabantinam, fterilem, ac arenofam, inftituimus. 
 
 18. ejufdem, venimus omnes, Dei Gratia, falvi 5c incolumes Ant- 
 werpiam. 20. Die, Precibus Oratoris Regis noftri, qui apud Cae- 
 farem nunc agit, compulfus, Bruxellam me contuli, una cum Joh. 
 Stumphio, ut videret moUitiem ac miferias Aula;, prxterea fervitutem 
 Civiuni Bruxellenfium, qui jam Hifpanorum Imperium, latrocinium 
 ac furtum, violationem Filiarum, Uxorum impudicitiam, minas deni- 
 que ac plagas perditiffimas Gentis ferre coguntur ; ut Statum ac Condi- 
 
 tionem
 
 Book IV. Of Records y Sec. r^i 
 
 tionem fuss Patrias altius coniideraret, ardentius pro illo oraret, ac di- 
 ligentius fuos admoneret, ut alienis malis edoftos cautiores reddcret. 
 Cffifarem non vidimus, quod raro Cubiculum fuum egreditur, nee Fi- 
 lium, qui Pafcha fuum egit extra Civitatem, in Monallerio quodam. 
 Ducem Saxonis Jo. Stumphius vidit per feneftram. Ego bis fui in 
 iEdibus illius valde humaniter acceptus a fuis Germanis, qui ei adhuc 
 inferviunt, ad numerum 30. Voluit Dux, bis vel ter, me admittcre 
 ad Colloquium ; fed impedivit femper primi Capitanei Hifpanorum 
 prtefentia, Vivit conftanter in fua Fide. Non valet, quantum ad 
 Valetudinem Corporis fpedlat, de liberatione illius nulla penitus af- 
 fulget fpes, nifi quod abfit, Religionem fuam mutet : non male fperat 
 de Verbo Dei. Catus Landgravius Captivus detinetur Auldenardi, 
 feptem milliaribus a Gandavo : Homo omnibus numeris mifer & in- 
 conftans: nunc omnem Obedientiam Ca^fari, ac Fidem poUicetur; 
 MifTam, ac ca^tera impia facra, obviis ulnis ampleditur, nunc Cacfa- 
 rem, cum fuo interdifto, execratur ac deteftatur. Dominus miferea- 
 tur illius J mifere affligitur, ac meritas pcenas perfidia; fujE jam luit. Et 
 vidimus, praeterea Lazarum Scuendi proditorem ilium, quem noflis. 
 De Brandeburgenfi, ac aliis Germanis, Hifpanorum mancipiis, nihil 
 opus ell quod fcriberem. Legatus Paps, per totam Quadragefimam, 
 in fua Aula eft concionatus, quam impie non fcribam. Hoc tamen 
 pro certo fcio, non bene convenire inter Papam & Casfarem, nee 
 inter Galium ac Casfarem. Uterque valde fibi timet a Caefare : Ca;- 
 far vicifTim a fulmine Papae maxime timet. Jam agitur ferio inter il- 
 los, an Concilium Generale Tridenti, an Bolognioe fit celebrandum. 
 Papa urget, mandat, rogat ac jubet, ut Csefar confentiat de Bolog- 
 nia: Is renuit, negat ac pernegat, omnibus modis: & potius dicit 
 fe omnes Amicitias cum Papa definere, quam ilium locum, Bolog-- 
 niam fcil. admittere : Quid monftri in hoc, ex parte Papas, lateat, 
 facile divinare licet. Diffidit Regno fuo valde ; nam hoc didici ab 
 Oratore nofti'o, quod fi Ca;faris Confeflbr elTet mediocriter plus, 
 effet maxima ipes, quod brevi in Cognitionem Chrifti induceretur. 
 Nam aperte mihi retulit, 6c Caefarem, & Confiliarios fuos omnes 
 regi, impelli, duci ac trahi, per ConfefTorem, qui omnia Papae fuafu 
 & concilio agit. Et facile credo : Nam ante feptem Menfes, cum 
 Caefar adhuc erat in fuperiore Germania, fuit dereliftus a fuo Con- 
 feffore, quod crudelius voluit fasvire in pios Viros, & in integrum 
 Papatum reftituere. Caefar obtulit ei Epifcopatum in Hifpania, ad 
 20. Millia Coronatorum per Annum : neglexit Caefaris Liberalitatem, 
 & Cjefarem ipfum hifce Verbis, Ecclefise Chrifti me folum debeo, fed 
 non Tibi, non Dono tuo, nifi Ecclefe mavis majori ftudio infervire. 
 Jam de Caefaris animo ergo Helvetian!. Omnes in hoc confentiunt 
 ilium veftras libertati hoftiliter invidere, propterea nullum non mo- 
 vere lapidem, ut rumpat inter vos concordiam : fi hac via res non fuc- 
 cedat, omnia aget pollicitationibus. Cavete igitur, ne ladtet vos inani 
 fpe. Denique abfque dubio vos aggredietur hoftili manu, non ut fie 
 vincat, vel multos ex fuis exponat periculo, fed ut vobis incutiat 
 timorem. Rogo itaque ut unanimiter ac mutuo vos diligatls, Deum 
 timete, fancte vivite, ftrenue pugnate, ac expecflate Viftoriam a Deo, 
 qui procul dubio vobis aderit ac defendet. Adhuc putem vobis non 
 imminere periculum, fed fitis femper parati: & abfit procul omnis fecu- 
 VoL. III. 6 Y ritas.
 
 r^i A ColleEiion Part III. 
 
 ritas, ne obruat inopinantes. Adhuc Caefar bene fcit, fe non poffe pro 
 Voto uti rebus Germanise. Doluit illi faspius, (ut accepi a Viris fide 
 dignis) aliquid tentafle in Religione : quidem fi Germanis permififfet 
 liberam maxime fuifle in re illius. Aiunt Cajfarem brevi profedurum, 
 Gandavum & a Gandavo iterum petiturum Bruxellam, vel afcenfurum 
 verfus Spiram. Copias militum habet prope Bremam ac civitates ma- 
 ritimas, fed otiofas : Nihil proficiunt res, a civibus multum timetur, 
 indies magis ac magis Civitates fuas muniunt & comeatum habent ad 
 quinque annos, non multum Csefaris gratiam amplius ambiunt. Quam 
 graves exaftiones a fuis Caefar jam exigit credo fe non ignorare. Di- 
 cam tamen triftem ac deplorandam Orationem, quam effiidit pia mu- 
 lier, hofpita noflra in Campinia : Si inquit ferre potuerim in finu meo 
 magnam ac jam nunc moleftam turbam liberorum meorum, fugerem 
 ac per flipem vi(ftum quasrerem, nam Caefare ac Reginae exadlores la- 
 bores fudores noftri exantlant. Hac ex parte Angli etiam jam valde 
 laborant, concefTa eft Regi quinta pars omnium bonorum. Sed adhuc 
 de Helvetia unum. Heri 25. Aprilis invitatus ad prandium a quo- 
 dam cive Antverpenfi, qui optime novit Helvetian!, ac faepe in omni- 
 • bus civitatibus Helvetiorum expofuit merces fuas, is mihi retulit, fe 
 frequenter vidiffe in aula Caefaris ex eo quod Caefar fuperiorem partem 
 Gernianias reliquerit, publicos Miniftros Civitatis Lucernanae, nam 
 bene novit illos ex colore veftium, metuendum eft, ne arcana patriae 
 per hujufmodi patefiant, vel aliquid niajus malum lateat. 
 
 The Reji of the Letter 7-elates to private Concerns. 
 
 Number 5. 
 
 The Oath of Supremacy , as it was made when the Bijhops 
 did Homage i?i King Henry the WWth' s Time. The 
 lafi Words were fir uck out by King Edward the Nlth. 
 
 Ex MSS. Y" ^ ^^^^^ f^y ^""^ ^^^^^ ^^ foloweth, I fliall be Faithful and True, 
 Rymer. JL and Faith and Trowth I fhall here unto your Majeftie, and 
 to your Heires Kings of this Realme ; and with LifF and Lymme, 
 and Erththelie Honour for to Live and Dye as your Faithful Sub- 
 jed:, agayne all Perfons of what Degre, State, or Condition foever 
 they bee : And I fliall prefer, fuftayne, and mayntayne the Honour, 
 Surtie, Right, Preheminence, and Prerogatif of your Majeftde, and 
 your Heires Kings of this Realm, and Jurifdidion of your Imperiali 
 Crowne of the fame, afore and agaynft all maner of Perfones, Pow- 
 ers, and Audorities whatfoever they bee : And I fhall not witlyng- 
 lie do, or attempt, nor to my Power fufter to be done, or attempted 
 any Thing, or Things, prively, or apartly, that may be to the Dy- 
 munytion, or Derogation of your Crowne of this Realme; or of the 
 Lawes, Liberties, Rights, and Prerogatiffes belonging to the fame, 
 but put myne effedual Endevour from Tyme to Tyme, as the Cafe 
 
 fhall
 
 Book IV. ^ Of Records, Sec, 543 
 
 (hall requier to advance and increas the fame to my Wit and utter- 
 moft of my Power : And in nowife herafter I ihall accept any Othe, 
 or make any Promife, FaQ., or Covenant, fecretly, or apertlye by 
 any maner of Means, or by any Colour of Pretence to the contrary 
 of this my Othe, or any Part therof. And I fliall be diligentlye 
 attendant uppon your Majeftye, and to your Heires Kings of this 
 Realme, in all your Commaundements, Caufes, and Bufynelfes. And 
 alfo I knowledge and recognize your Majeflie ymmed lately under 
 Almightie God to be the Chief and Supreme Hede of the Church of 
 Eiigland, and clayme to have the Bijhepriche of Chejler, Holye and 
 allonlye of your Gift : And to have and to hold the Proffites Tem- 
 poral and Spiritual of the fame allonlye of your Majeftie, and of 
 your Heires Kings of this Realme, and of none other ; And in that 
 forte and none other, I fhall take my Reftitution owt of your Handes 
 accordinglye, utterly renownfing any other Suit to be had herefore 
 to any other Creature liffyng, or hereafter to be, except your Heires. 
 And I fhall to my Wit, and uttermoft of my Power obferve, keep, 
 mayntayn, and defende all the Statutes of this Realme made ao-aynft 
 the Reservations and Provifions of the Bifhop of Rome^ called "the 
 Pope, of any of the Archiebufshopriches, or Bufshopriches in this 
 Realme, or of other your Domynions. And alfo I fhall obferve, 
 fullfiU, defende, mayntayn, and kepe to the uttermofl of my Power 
 all the hole Eifed:s and Content of the Statute made for the Surtie 
 of your SuccelTion of your Crowne of this Realme, and all the Caufes 
 and Articles mentioned and conteagned in the faide Statute : And 
 alfo all other Statutes made in conformation, or for the due Execu- 
 tion of the fame. And all theis Things I fhall do without colour, 
 fraude, or any other undue Mean agaynfl all Perfons, Powers, and 
 Audlorities of the World, whatfoever they be. And in one wife for 
 any maner of Caufe, Colour, or Pretence, prively, or aperdye I fliall 
 move, do, or attempt ; nor to any Power fuffer to be done, or at- 
 tempted any Thing or Things to the contrary herof, So help me God, 
 all Sayntes, and the Holye Evangels. 
 
 Fer me Roland" Co & LidS Ekaum 
 
 Number 6. 
 
 A Letter of Peter MartyrV to BuUInger of the State of 
 the Univerfay of Oxford, in the Tear 1550, June i. 
 
 SD. Literis tuis vir eximie mihique in Chriflo plurimum obfervan- Ex MS. 
 • de, longe antea refpondilTe debueram, ad quod faciendum, non T'g'"'- 
 folum inflitutum officium inter amicos, verum etiam quod fuavilTimEB 
 fuerunt & bene comitate aliis fymmiftarum epiflolis jucundilnmis: ve- 
 hementer extimulabar fed quando reddits funt adverfa valetudine non- 
 
 nihil
 
 ^^4 ^ ColkSiion Part III. 
 
 nihil affliftabar : 6c ftatim ut convalui, ea mole negotiorum pene fum 
 opprefllis, ut quod maxime cupiebam facere non licuerit, cujufmodi 
 autem fuerint hae occupationes paucis expediam. Praeter quotidianas 
 Interpretationes Pauli, quod totum ferme hominem fibi vendicat, fi 
 velit in eis pro dignitate verfari, acceflit ex legibus modo latis a Regia 
 Majeftate, huic Academiae novum onus. Qmppe decretum eft, ut 
 frequenter publics Difputationes de Rebus Theologicis habeantur, 
 hoc eft alternis hebdomadis, quibus mihi prscipitur, ut & interfim 
 & prsfim. Deinde in hoc Regio CoUegio ubi dego, fingula qua- 
 que feptimana, Theologicae Difputationes agitantur, quae cum ad 
 illas audiendas aditus omnibus patet, indentidem publics dici poffunt, 
 hifque fum conftitutus pariter, atque aliis cenfor. Eft itaque cum 
 adverfariis perpetuo luftandum, & quidem pertinacillimis, quo fit, 
 ut velim nolim facile cogar, alias non raro feponere literas, & vo- 
 cationi cui fum obftridlus, totum tempus mihi concefTum tranfmittere. 
 Verum certe fcio boni confutes, nee in malam partem capias (quae tua 
 eft humanitas) quod a contemptione profecSum non efle animadvertes. 
 Gaudeo quas fcripferam literas, abs te hilari la^toque animo fuiffe 
 fufceptas : neque vulgares ago gratias, quod tuum prasfidium, fi quid 
 me pofl'is cojuvare, tani promte atque alacriter offers. Recompenfet 
 Deiis iftum Animum, ut ego ilium fincera charitate compleftor ! Hie 
 vero fcito negotium religionis procedere non quidem eo fucceflfu, eo- 
 que ardore quo vclim, fed tamen plus quam noftra peccata mereantur, 
 & aliquantio felicius, atque mihi ante quatuor menfes polliceri aufus 
 efiTem. Permulta certe funt quae nobis obftant, cumprimis adverfario- 
 rum copia, concionatorum inopia, & eorum qui profitentur Evange- 
 lium crafla vitia, & quorundam praeterea humana prudentia, quijudi- 
 cant religionem quidem repurgandam fed ita vellent demutari quam 
 minime fieri pofTit quod cum Animo fint bcjudicio civiles, exiftimant 
 maximos motus republics fore perniciofos, Verum tu ipfe cernis, cum 
 innumers corruptiones, infiniti abufus, & immenfse fuperftitiones in 
 ecclefia Chrifti paflim inoleverint, fieri non pofTe ut jufta habeatur in- 
 ftauratio nifi qute deflexerunt in vitivim, ad fuos genuinos ortus purif- 
 fimos fontes & inadulterata principia revocentur. Satan aftute fandlos 
 conatus aggreditur, vellet enim hoc praetextu q. numerofiffimas pa- 
 patus relinquere reliquias. Partim ne homines ejus facile oblivifceren- 
 tur. partim vero ut reditus ad ilium facilior maneret. Ad vicifiim 
 ihde Confolationis haufimus, quod Regem habemus vere fanctum, 
 qui tanto ftudio Pietatis flagrat, ea eft, hac aetate, pra2didlus Erudi- 
 tione, eaque Prudentia jam nunc & Gravitate loquitur, ut omnes 
 in admirationem ftuporemque fe audientes, convertat. Quamobrem, 
 orandus eft Deus contentiffimis Votis, ut eum Regno 6c Ecclefis 
 multo diutilTime confen'et. Sunt 6c complures Heroes, Regnique 
 Proceres, bene admodum fentientes ; 6c aliquos Epifcopos habemus, 
 non peffimos, inter quos eft uti fignifer Cantuarienfis. Deinde in 
 eorum Album cooptatus eft Hooperus, magna porro bonorum om- 
 nium Istida ; utque audio, contigit ei Populus non malus : Me il- 
 ium fpero vifurum, quando ad fuum Epifcopatum iter faciet. Nam fi 
 Gloceftriam fe conferet, quae eft ejus Ecclefia, per nos hac tranfibit. 
 Quo autem padlo duci potuerit, ut fieret Epifcopus, referrem plu- 
 ribus, nifi compertilTimum haberem, ilium ipfiim (quas eft ejus in te 
 
 obfervantia)
 
 Book IV. Of Records^ Sec. 545 
 
 obrervantia) omnia fufiffime fcripturum. Eft alius pr^terea Vir 
 bonus, Michael Coverdallus, qui fupeiioribus annis agebat in Germa- 
 nia Parochum : Is multiim in Devonia, & praedicando, & interpre- 
 tando Scripturas, laborat ; eum te probe noffe arbitror, qui Exce- 
 ftrenfis Epifcopus fiet. Nilque poteft commodi, ut & utilius fieri 
 ad Religionis Repurgationem, quam fi homines hujus farins ad Ec- 
 clefia; Adminiftrationem impellantur. Contulit etiam fe hue Dominus 
 Alafco, quum ejus Phryfia Imperatorium Interim admiiit, utque 
 olfacio, Londini Germanorum Ecclefiac praserit ; quod mihi vehe- 
 menter placet. Degit nunc apud D. Cantuarienfem. Accepifti jam 
 quo loco noftras Res in Anglia fint, qua? adhuc nonnihil melioris 
 fpei efficit ; Pax ifta, cum Rege Gallorum fadla, qus videtur indies 
 magis corroborari. Solum nonnulli verentur, ne in bonorum perni- 
 ciem, quod jacflitare incipiunt Papiftae celebretur Concilium : Verum 
 fi fapuerimus & hoc genus Cogitationum, in Deum rejiciamus. Ser- 
 mones quos edidiili, fuerunt hoc tempore utiles monilares, qui ut ex 
 mediis Scripturis fandis recitati funt, ita & grati fuerunt ; & fpero, 
 non abfque frudtu legentur. Johannem ab Ulmis, & Stumphium, 
 quos mihi commendafti, ea qua pofTum Charitate compledlor ; atque 
 ipfi viciffim me colunt, & obfervant ; Ad me ventitant fa;pius ; & 
 fi quid vel fcribendum, vel aliud agendu:n, mea caufa fit, praeftare 
 non detredlant, fed lubenti volentique animo faciunt ; qua de caufa, 
 illis non parum debeo. Sed audio, Stumphium ad vos delatum efTe, 
 quod contra quam veflris Legibus liceat, nefcio quod ab Anglis 
 Stipendium accipiat ; id vero certo fcias, falfum efTe. Vixit hie ali- 
 quandiu in noftro CoUegio, fed fua pecunia ; quod poflhac non 
 illi fraudi fit, utque ulla fpecie mali abflineat : Hie difcefTit, & in 
 Oppido, apud Civem Bibliopolam, divertit. Modo quod fuperefl, 
 tuos, tuorumque Preces, quanta poflum cum inflantia imploro ; quo 
 progrediatur in hoc Regno Domini Opus, atque tandem Corda Pa- 
 trum in Filios, & Corda Filiorum in Patres fuos, noflro Miniflerio 
 revocentur. Oxonij, prima Junij 1550. Valeas in Domino 3 & me, 
 ut facias, ama. 
 
 Tuus, ex Animo, 
 
 Petrus Martyr, 
 
 Salutes, quasfo, lllhic meo Nomine, omnes bonos in Fra- 
 
 tres; ac nominatim, D. Bibliandrum, & Dodorem Ghifncrum. 
 
 INSCRIPTIO. 
 
 Clariflimo, Pietate & Doftrina, Viro, 
 D. Henrico BuUingero, Ecelefis Ti-^ 
 gurinas Paflori Fideliflimo, Domino 
 fuo ac Fr. ColendifTimo, Tiguri. 
 
 Vol. III. 6 Z Number
 
 54^ 
 
 A Colkaion Part III. 
 
 Number 7. 
 
 A Mandate in K. EdwardV Name^ to the Officers of the 
 Archbipop of Canterbury ; requiring them to fee, that 
 the Articles of Religion fjould be Subfcribed. 
 
 Mandatum pro Publicatione nonnuUorum Articulorum, 
 veram proponi Fidem concernentium. 
 
 V.eg.CrMme>; TT^Dwardus Sextus, Dei Gratia, Angllae, & Francias, & Hiberniae 
 F. 6j. \2j Rex, Fidei Defenfor, & in Terra Ecclefiae Anglicana; & Hiber- 
 
 nis Supremum Caput. Diledlis Sibi, Officiali Curia; Cantuar' & 
 Decano Decanatus de Arcubus Londin' ac eorum Surrogatis, depu- 
 tatis, aut locum tenentibus, Uni vel Pluribus, Salutem, Quoniam 
 nuper, per Literas noftras Regias, Signeto noflro obfignatas, Reve- 
 rendifiimo in Chrifto Patri, Confiliaria noftro Fideliflimo, Thomae 
 Cantuarienfi Archiepifcopo, totius Angliae Primati & Metropolitano, 
 dederimus in Mandatis. Quatenus ipfe, ad Dei Opdmi Maximi Glo- 
 riam illuflrandam, noftramque, & Ecclefiae noftrae Anglicans (cu- 
 jus Caput Supremum, poft Chriftum, effe dignofcimur) Honorem, 
 & ad toUendam Opinionis Diflenfionem, & Confenfum verae Reli- 
 gionis firmandum, nonnuUos Articulos, & alia reclam Chrifti Fidem 
 fpirantia, Clero & Populo noftris, ubi libet infra fuam Jurifdidtio- 
 nem degentibus, pro Parte noftra exponeret, publicaret, denunciaret 
 & fignificaret j prout in Literis noftris (quarum Tenores, pro hie 
 infertis haberi volumus) latius continetur, & defcribitur. Vobis 
 igitur, 6c eorum cuilibet, tenore praefentium, diftridte praecipiendo 
 noftra fublimi Regia Audloritate, mandamus ; Quatenus moneatis, 
 monerive faciatis, peremptorie, omnes & lingulos Redlores, Vicarios, 
 Preft»yteros, Stipendiarios, Curatos, Plebanos, Miniftros, Ludima- 
 giftros cujuflibet Scholae Grammatices, aut aliter vel alias Gramma- 
 ticam, aperte vel privatim profitentes, aut pubem inftituentes, Verbi 
 Dei Praedicatores, vel Praeledtores, necnon quofcunque alios, quam- 
 cunque aliam Fun£tionem Ecclefiafticam, (quocunque Nomine, aut 
 Appellatione, cenfetur, habetur, aut nuncupetur) obtinentes & ha- 
 bentes. Oeconimos quoque cujuflibet Parochiae, infra Decanatum de 
 Arcubus praedidlum, exiftentes aut degentes, quod ipfi omnes, & eo- 
 rum quilibet, per fe compareat, & compareat perfonaliter, coram didlo 
 Reverendiflimo Patre Cantuar' Archiepifcopo, in Aula indium fuarum 
 apud Lambehithe, die Veneris vicefimo terdo die praefentis Menfis Ju- 
 ni), inter Horas feptimam & nonam, ante Meridiem ejufdem Diei. 
 Hifque tunc iis ex Parte noftra fuerint fignificanda, humiliter ob- 
 temperaturoe, fadturofque ulterius & recepturos, quod confonans fu- 
 erit Rationi, ac fuo convenerit erga noftram Regiam Dignitatem Offi- 
 cio. Mandantes quatenus, didlis Die, Loco & Horis, eundem Re- 
 vei'endifTimum, de Executione hujus Regij noftri Mandati, una cum 
 
 Nomi-
 
 Book IV. Of Records^ Sec, r 47 
 
 Nominibus, & Cognominibus, omnium & fingulorum, per vos Mo- 
 nitorum, rite, rede, & audtentlce reddatis, certiorem, una cum prze- 
 fentibus, uti decet. Tefte Thoma Cant* Archiepifcopo, pradiclo, 
 decimo nono die Junii, Anno Regni noflri Septimo. 
 
 Certijicatormtn faSium fuper Executione Mandati frcediSil. 
 
 REverendifTimo in Chrlfto Patri & Domino Domino Thom;E, Per- 
 miffione Divina, Cantuarienfi Archiepifcopo, totius Angliae Pri- 
 mati & Metropolitano ; Audloritate Illuftriflimi in Chriflo Principisj 
 & Domini noftri Domini Edwardi Sexti, Dei Gratia, Anglia?, Fran- 
 ciae, & HibernitE, Regis, Fidei Defenforis, ac in Terra Ecckfiae An- 
 glicanas & Hibernicae, Supremi Capitis ; fufficienti Audloritate fulcitp 
 Johannes Gibbon Civilium Legum Profeflbr, veftras celcitudinis ob- 
 fervantiffimus, pariter eidem addiftiffimus decanatus veftr' Beatae Ma- 
 ris Virginis, de Archibus London, Commiffarius omnem que decet 
 Reverentiam, & Obedientiam, tanto Reverendiflimo Patri debitam 
 cum Honore. Mandatum Illuftriflimi 6c Potentiflimi Domini noftri 
 Regis, prefentibus annexum, nuper accepimus, cujus vigore pariter 
 & auftoritate omnes & fingulos ^eftores, Prefbiteros, &c. Dat, Vi- 
 ceffimo Secundo Die Menfis Junii, Anno Domini Milleffimo Quin- 
 genteffimo Quinquageffimo Tertio. --nO 
 
 ;. Number 8, 
 
 By the Kwg, 
 
 l^e Kings Mandate to the BiJJjop of Norwich, fent with 
 the Articles to be fiibfcribed by the Clergy. r^^\^^^^ 
 
 Right Reverende Father in God, Right Truftie and Well-beloved, 
 We Grete you Well : And bicaufe it hath pleafed Almightie 
 God in this latter Time of the World, after long Darkenes of KnoW- 
 ieadge to reveale to this his Churche of Englande ; whereof we have 
 under Chrift the Chief Charge in Earth ; a fincere Knowlege of the 
 Gofpell, to the ineftimable Benefit of Us and our People, redeemed 
 by our Saviour ChrilT:. We have thought it mete, and our Dutie 
 for the Pure Confervacion of the fame Gofpell in our Church, with 
 one Uniforme Profeflion, Doftrjme, and Preachinge, and for the 
 avoyding of many Perilous and Vain Opinions, and EiTors, to fende 
 unto you certayne Articles, devifed and gathered with great Study, 
 
 and
 
 548 
 
 A ColleEiion Part III. 
 
 and by Council, and good Advice of the greateft learned Parte of our 
 Byihoppes of this Realm, and fundry others of our Clergie ; which 
 Articles we Wyll and Exhort your felf to Subfcribe, and in your 
 Preachings, Redings, and Teachings, to obferve and caufe to be fub- 
 fcribed and obferved, of all other which do, or hereafter fliall Preache, 
 or Reade, within your Dioces. And if any Perfon, or Perfons, ha- 
 ving Benefice within your Dioces, fhall from henceforth, not only 
 refufe wylfully to fett their Hands to thefe Articles, but alfo obftinatly 
 Exhort their Parrochians to withftande the fame, and Teache the 
 People in a contrary way ; Our Pleafure is, that beinge duly proved, 
 ye fhall advertife Us, or our Cownfaile of the hoole Mattier, fully 
 to thintent fuche furter Ordre may by Direction from Us, or our 
 faid Cownfail, to be taken as the Cafe fhall require, and fhall flande 
 with Juflice, and th'Ordre of our Lawes. And further, that when, 
 and as often as ye fliall have any manner of Perfon prefented unto 
 you to be admitted by yowe as the Ordinary to any Ecclefiaflical 
 Ordre, Miniflry, Office, or Cure, within your Dioces, that ye (hall 
 before you admit him, conferre with him in every theis Articles. 
 And finding him therto confentinge, to cawfe him Subfcribe the fame 
 in one Legier Book to be fourmed for that Purpofe, which maye re- 
 mayne as a Regiflre for a Concorde, and to let him have a Copye of 
 the fame Articles. And if any Man in that Cafe fhall refufe to con- 
 fent to any of the faid Articles, and to Subfcribe the fame, then we 
 Will and Command you, that neither ye, nor any for you, or by 
 your Procurement in any wife fhall admitt him, or allowe him as 
 fufficient and mete to take any Ordre, Miniflery, or Ecclefiaflical 
 Cure. For whiche yower fo doinge, we fliall difcharge yowe from 
 all maner of Penalties, or Daungers of Adtions, Suits, or Plees of 
 Premonirees, quare impedit, or fuch lyke. And yet our Meaning is^ 
 that if any Partie refufe to Subfcribe any of thefe Articles, for lack 
 of Learning and Knowledge of the Trewth, ye fhall in that Cafe by 
 Teachinge, Conference, and Prouf of the fame by the Scriptures, 
 reafonably and difcretely move, and perfwade him therto before yow 
 fhall Peremptorilye Judge him as unhable and a Recufant. And for 
 the Tryall of his Conformitie, ye fliall according to your Difcrecion 
 prefix a Time and Space convenient to Deliberate and give his Confent, 
 fo that be betv^dxt Three Weks and Six Weks, from the Time of his 
 Firfl AccefTe unto yowe. And if after Six Weks he wyll not confent 
 and agree wyllinglie to Subfcribe, then ye may lawfullye, and fliall 
 in any wyfe refufe to admytt, or enhable him. And where there is 
 of late fett fourthe by our Authoritie a Cathechifme for the Infb-ud:ion 
 of Younge Scolers in the Feare of God, and the Trewe Knowleage 
 of his Holy Religion, with exprefTe Cpmmaundyment from us to all 
 Scole Maiflers to teache and inflrud: their Scholars the faide Cathe- 
 chifme, mailing it the Beginning and Firfl Foundacion of ther Teach- 
 ing in their Scholes : Our Pleafure is, that for the better Exequution 
 of our faid Commaundyment, ye fhall Yearely, at the leafl once vifit, 
 or caufe to be vifited, every Schole within your faide Dioces, in which 
 Vifitacion yt fball be enquired both howgh the Scole Maifler of every 
 fuch Schole hath ufed himfelf in the Teaching of the faid Cathechifme; 
 and alfo howgh the Scholars do receyve and foUowe the fame, ma- 
 king
 
 Book IV. Of Records^ dec. 549 
 
 king playne and full Certificate of tlie OfFendors, contrary to this 
 our Ordre, and of their feverall Offences, to the Archbifliop of that. 
 Province, within the Monethes from Tyme to Tyme after every fuch 
 Offence. Yeoven undre our Signet at the Manor of Greneivich the 
 ixth Daye of Jufiet the viith Yeare of our Reign. 
 
 This is Faithfully Tranfcribed from the 
 Beginning of a Folio MS. Book in the 
 Principal Regiftry of the Lord Bifliop 
 of Norimch After which imme- 
 diately follow, 
 
 ArticiiU de qui bus hi Symdo 'Loulineiifi, 
 Anno Domini 1552. ad tollendam Dijfen- 
 fionem & Confenfu vera Religionis, fir- 
 tnmidutn inter Epifcopos & alios eniditos 
 Viros, cowvenerat Rfgid Authoritate in 
 lucem Editi. 
 
 42 Articles as in the Appendix of 
 lid Volume of the Hiftory of the 
 Reformation, N. ^^. Subfcribed 
 by about 50 Original Hands, thus : 
 
 Per me Milonem Spenfer. 
 
 Per me Johanncm Barrett. 
 
 Per me Petrum Watts, ^c. 
 Peh. 12, 1713. 
 
 Examined by 
 
 'Thom, Tannir, 
 
 Number 9. 
 
 Ornatijf. Viris Do?m7iis Sands, ac Regentibtis &' Non-Re^ 
 gentibus Academice Cantabr. 
 
 TJT^Quum eft, ut qui fe Literarum Studiis dediderunt, 6c in veri 
 
 JLCj Inquifitione verfantur, illius Difciplinae veritatem profiteantur, 
 
 quae ad vivendum efl utiliflima, & ad judicandum cum Verbo Dei 
 
 conVenientiffima. Cum autem in redintigranda Religione, multum 
 
 Vol. III. 7 A diuque
 
 ceo A CoUeSiion Part III. 
 
 diuque Regia; Majeftatis Authoritate, & bonorum atque eruditorum 
 Virorum judiciis fit elaboratum, 8c de Articulis quibufdam in Synodo 
 Londonenfi Anno Domini 1552, ad tollendam opinionum difpentio- 
 nem, conclufum : ifEquiflimum judicavimus, eofdem Regia Authori- 
 tate promulgates, & omnibus Epifcopis ad meliorem Diocefeos fuje 
 Adminiftrationem traditos, vobis etiam commendare, & vifitationis 
 noftras Authoritate prscipere ac Statuere de his, ad hunc modum. 
 
 Singuli Doftores & Bachallores Theologiae, 8c finguli praeterea 
 Artium Doclores, folenniter 8c publice, ante creationem fuam, hoc 
 Jurejurando fequenti fe aftringant, fx, in Commentarios Academiie, ad 
 id defignatos, fua ipferum manu referant. Quod ni fecerint gradus 
 fui capiendi repulfam patiantus. 
 
 Ego N. N. DeoTefte promitto ac fpondeo, primo me veram Chrifti 
 Religionem, omni Animo Complexurum, Scripturae Authoritatem 
 Hominum judicio prsepofiturum, Regulam Vits 8c fummam Fidei, 
 ex Verbo Dei petiturum, caetera qu^ ex Verbo Dei non probantur, 
 pro humanis 8c non neceilariis habiturum. Authoritatem Regiam in 
 hominibus fummam, 8c externorum Epifcoporum Jurifdiftioni minime 
 fubjedam aeftimaturum ; 8c contrarias Verbo Dei Opiniones, omni 
 voluntate ac mente refutaturum. Vera confuetis, Scripta non Scrip- 
 tis, in Religionis Causa antehabituaxm. Deinde me Articulos, de 
 quibus in Sinodo Londenenfi Anno Domini 1553. ad tollendam Opi- 
 nionum Diflenfionem 8c confenfum verze Religionis firmandum inter 
 Epifcopos 8c alios eruditos Viros convenerat, 8c Regia Authoritate in 
 !ucem editos, pro veris 8c certis habiturum, 8c omni in loco tanquam. 
 Confentientes cum Verbo Dei defenfurum, 8c contraries Articulos in 
 Scholis 8c Pulpitis vel refpondendo vel concionando oppugnaturum. 
 Hffic omnia in me recipio, Deoque Telle, me Sedulo faiturum pro- 
 mitto ac Spondeo. 
 
 An. 1553, I 'jfun. Ex MS. 
 Coll. Corp. Chr. Cajit. 
 
 Tho. Ely Canc> Joannes Cheeke. 
 Gul. Meye. Tho. Wendy. 
 
 Ex MSS. 
 Petjti. 
 
 Number 10. 
 
 King Edward' J Devife for the Sticcejfton, written with his 
 
 own Hand. 
 
 FO R lack of Iffiie Male of my Body, to the Ijfue Male comifig of 
 the IJfiie Female, as I have after declared. To the faid Frances 
 Heirs Males, if flie have any; for lack of fuch lifue before my Death, 
 to the faid fane and Heirs Males; to the faid iu7//;«7Ws Heirs Males ; 
 
 to
 
 Book IV. Of Records^ &c. ^^j 
 
 to the Lady Mary% Heirs Males : To the Heirs Males of the Daugh- 
 ters, which She Ihall have hereafter. Then to the Lady Marget'% 
 Heirs Males. For Lack of fuch liHie, to the Heirs Males of the 
 Lady Jmies Daughters ; to the Heirs Males of the Lady Katherine's 
 Daughters, and fo forth, till you come to the Lady Marge fs Heirs 
 Males. 
 
 2. If after my Death the Heir Male be entred into Eighteen Year 
 old, then He to have the whole Rule and Governance thereof. 
 
 3. But if He be under Eighteen, then his Mother to be Gover- 
 nes, till He enters Eighteen Year old : But to do nothing without the 
 Advice and Aggreement of Six Parcell of a Councill, to be pointed ' 
 by my laft Will, to the Number of 20. 
 
 4. If the Mother die before the Heir enter into Eighteen, the 
 Realm to be governed by the Councill : Provided that after He be 
 Fourteen Year, all Great Matters of Importance be opened to 
 Him. 
 
 5. If I died without Jjiie, and there were none Heir Male ; then 
 the Lady Frances to be Gouvernes Regent. For lack of her, her Eldeji 
 Daughters ; and for lack of them, the Lady Marget to be Governes 
 cfter, as is aforefaid, till fome Heir Male be born ; and then the Mo- 
 ther of that Child to be Governes. 
 
 6. And if, during the Rule of the Governes, there die Four of 
 the Councill ; then pall She, by her Letters, call an Affembly of the 
 Councill, within One MojJth followijig, and chufe Four tnore : Wherein 
 She Jhall have Three Voices. But after her Death, the Sixteen fall 
 Chufe among themfelves, till the Heir come to Fourteen Tear old ; and 
 then He, by their Advice, fiall chufe them. 
 
 The laft Two Paragraphs, in Italicks, are dafli'd out, yet fo as to 
 be legible. 
 
 Number 11. 
 
 The CotinciPs Original Stibfcription^ to Edward the Vlth's 
 Limitation of the Croum ; in thefe Words : 
 
 E D W A RD. 
 
 WE whofe Hands are underwritten, having heretofore many ^-^^ 
 times heard the King's Majefty, our moft Gracious Sove- 
 reign Lord's earneft Deiire, and exprefs Commandment, touching 
 the Limitation of the Succeffion in the Imperial Crown of this 
 Realm, and others his Majefty's Realms and Dominions ; and having 
 feen his Majefty's own Device, touching the faid Succeflion, firft 
 wholly written with his moft Gracious Hand, and after Copied out 
 
 in
 
 ^^2, A Colkciion Part III. 
 
 in his Majefties Prefence, by his moft High Commandment, and 
 confirmed with the Subfcription of his Majefties own Hand j and 
 by his Highnes deUver'd to certain Judges, and other Learned Men, 
 to be written in full Order : Do, by his Majefties Speciall and Ab- 
 folute Commandment, eftfoones given us, agree, and by thefe Pre- 
 fents figned with our Hands, and fealed with our Seales, pro- 
 mife by our Oaths and Honours, to obferve fully, perform and keep, 
 all and every Article, Claufe, Branch and Matter, contained in the 
 faid Writing delivered to the Judges and others, and fuperfcribed. 
 with his Majefties Hand in Six feveral Places : And all fuch other 
 Matter, as his Majefty, by his laft Will, fliall appoint, declare or 
 command, touching or concerning the Limitation of the Succeffion 
 of the faid hnperiall Crown. And we do further promife, by his 
 Majefty 's faid Commandment, never to vary or fwerve, during our 
 Lives, from the faid Limitation of the Succeflion ; but the fame 
 fhall, to the uttermoft of our Powers, defend and maintain. And if 
 any of us, or any other, ihall at any time hereafter (which God 
 forbid) vary from this Agreement, or any Part thereof j we, and 
 every of us, do aftent to take, ufe and repute him, for a Breaker of 
 the Common Concord, Peace and Unity of this Realme j and to do 
 our uttermoft, to fee him or them fo vaiying or fwerving, puniftied 
 with moft fliarp Punilhments, according to their Deferts. 
 
 T'. Cant. T. Elx, Cane. Whichever. Northumberland. 
 J. Bedford. H. Siiffolk. W. Northampton. F. Shreivf- 
 biiry. F. Huntington. Pe?nbroke. E. Cli?iton. T. Darcy. 
 G. Cobham. R. Ryche, T. Cheyne. 
 
 John Gate. William Pefre. John Cheek. W. Cecill 
 Edward Mountague. John Baker. 
 
 Edward Grxffin. John Lucas. 
 John Gojnald. 
 
 Number 12. 
 
 Alleles and InJlriiEiio7ts., annexed to the ComjniJJton.^ for 
 Taki?ig the Surrender of the Cathedral of Norwich. 
 
 FIrft, the faid Commiffioners fliall repair to the Cathedral-Church 
 of Norwich, declaring to the Dean and Chapter of the fame, 
 tliat tlie King's Majefty's Pleafure is, for diverfe good and reafonable 
 Caufes and Confiderations, to have the faid College to be furrendred 
 and given up into his Majefty 's Hands ; to the intent, that the fame 
 fliall be altered in fuch Good and Godly wife, as the King that 
 
 dead
 
 Book IV. Of Records^ Sec, 553 
 
 dead is, (whofe Soul God pardon) amongft other his Godly Pur- 
 pofes and Intents, and the King's Majefly that now is, by the Ad- 
 vice of his Honourable Council, hath determined. And that they 
 fliall pradtife and conclude with them, for and in his Highnels's 
 Name, for the fame Surrender, to be had, done and performed, in 
 fuch Manner and Form, as by their Difcretions fliall be thought 
 moil reafonable and convenient. 
 
 2. And after the faid Surrender, and Gift made of the faid Col- 
 lege, and of all Lands, Tenements, Hereditaments and PoiTelfions of 
 the fame, by the Dean and Chapter thereof, to the Ufe of the King's 
 Highnefs, according to a Deed and Writing, devifed and delivered 
 to the faid Commiflioners for that Purpofe ; the faid Commifiioners 
 to take Order, with the Dean and Prebendaries, Canons, and all 
 other Officers and Minifters of the faid Cathedral-Church, that they 
 fliall be, remain, continue and minifter there, in fuch fort as they 
 do, until the Alteradon of the faid Church fhall be made perfed:. 
 Declaring further to the fame Dean, Prebendaries and Canons, that 
 they, and every of them, fliewing themfelves willing and conforma- 
 ble, according to the King's Majefty's Commiffion, fliall, from the 
 Time of the faid Surrender, have as much in Profit and Commodity, 
 for and towards their Living, as they had before the fame Surrender, 
 in fuch wife, as they Ihall have good Caufe to be well fatisfied and 
 contented. 
 
 3 . Alfo the faid CommilTioners fliall make an Inventory of all the 
 Plate and Jewels, Ornaments, Goods and Chattels of the fiid Ca- 
 thedral-Church, and deliver the fame to the Dean and Prebendaries, 
 by Bills indented : And the faid CommifTioners are to take Order 
 with them, that the fame may continue, remain, and be ufed there, 
 until the New Ere6lion of the faid Church, to the Intents and Pur- 
 pofes that they were ordained for : And declaring further, that the 
 fame fliall be affigned, and given to them, upon the New Eredlion 
 and Foundation of the faid Cathedral-Church. 
 
 4. Alfo the laid CommilTioners, calling to them the Officers and 
 Minifters of the faid Cathedral-Church, fliall caufe a perfed: Book, 
 Rental or Value, to be made, of all the Pofleffions, as well Spiritual 
 as Temporal, of the fame Church, with the Rents, Refolute, and 
 Dedudtion of the fame : And alfo to note and certify the Decays 
 thereof, if any be : And to caufe the fame Rentals, Book or Value, 
 to be certified and delivered into the Court of Augmentations and 
 Revenues of the King's Majcfty's Crown, with as convenient Speed 
 as it may be done. 
 
 5. Item, The faid Commiflioners are to do and execute, all fuch 
 other Things as they fliall think convenient and necefl"ary, to the full 
 Accomplifliment of this Commiffion ; and to certify the Truth and 
 Circumftance of the fame, together with this Commiffion. 
 
 F'era Copia, " 
 
 H. Prideaux. 
 
 Vol. III. 7 B Number
 
 ^^4 ^ ColkSiion Part III. 
 
 ^ Number 13. 
 
 An Original Letter of ^een MaryV to Ki?ig Philip, be- 
 fore He wrote to Her. 
 
 CottonUhxixy TV 4" Onfieur, mon bon & perpetuel AUie: Entendant que I'Ambaf- 
 xSlx. fadeur de I'Empereur, Monfeigneur 6c bon Pere, refidant ches 
 moy Depefchoyt le Porteur de ceftes devers voftre Haulteffe. Enco- 
 res que ne niayes particuliezement efcript dois, que noftre Alliance 
 a efle traiftee. Si eft ce me fentant tant obligee, de la iincere & 
 vray AfFedlion que me portes, que ves confirmee, tant par les effedz 
 que par les Lettres efcriptes, audidl AmbalTadeur, & par la Negoci- 
 ation que le Sieur dEgtmnt & aultres, & rAmbafladeur de mondi(5l 
 Seigneur ont traidle. Je ne peu delaifTer, vous tefinoigner le Vou- 
 loyr & Debuoyr, que jay de vous correfpondre a jamais : Et vous 
 Mercie trertiumblement tant de bons Offices, & joyndement vous ad- 
 vertis, que le Parlement, qui reprefente les Eftats du mon Royaulme, 
 a approuve les Articles de noftre Maryage fans Contradi(5lion, comme 
 trouvant les Condicions dicelluy Honorables, Advantaigenfes, & 
 plufque Raifonnables ; que me mecfl en entiere Confidence, que vo- 
 ftre Venue par deca fera feure & agreable. Et efperant de brief fu- 
 plier le furplus Verbalement, je feray Fin aux prefentes j priant le 
 Createur qui vous donnat, Monfeigneur, mon bon & perpetuel AUie, 
 faire voftre Voyage par deca en profperite & fante, me recommen- 
 dant trefaifeduenfement & humblement a voftre Haultefle. 
 
 A Londres, le xx. 
 
 d' April. Voftre Entierement, 
 
 Aftliree, 
 Et plus Obligee Alliee, 
 
 MAR YE, 
 
 Ex MSS. 
 Petyti, 
 
 Number 14. 
 
 ^een MaryV Letter to the Earl of Suflex, to take Care 
 of EleSiions to the Parliofmnt, 
 
 Mary the Queen. 
 
 Right Trufty and Welbeloved Cofen, we greet you well. And 
 where for diverfe Caufes, tending principally to the Advance- 
 ment of God's Glory, and the Commonwealth of this our Realme, 
 
 we
 
 Book V. Of Records^ &c. 555 
 
 wee have thought Convenient to call our High Court of Parliament 
 to the 1 2th of the next Moneth, as by our Writ of Summonds, fent 
 unto you for that Purpofe, ye may at better length perceive j likeas 
 for your own Part, wee doubt not but you will be ready to affifl us 
 with your beft Advice and Counfail for the furtherance of our Good 
 Purpofe, in fuch Matters as are to be treated of in our faid Parliament ; 
 fo to the End the fame may be more gravely debated, and circum- 
 fpe<3:ly handled, to the Honour of Almighty God, and General 
 Comodity of our Loving Subjedls, wee have tliought convenient 
 fpecially to require and pray you to admonifh on our Behalfe fuch 
 cur Good and Loving Subjedls, as by Order of our Writs, have the 
 Elections of Knights, Citifens, or Burgefes, within our Rule, to 
 choofe of their Inhabitans, as being eligible, by Order of our Lawes, 
 may be of the Wife, Grave, and Catholick Sort. Such, as indeed, 
 mean the true Honour of God, with the Profperity of the Common- 
 Wealth. The Advancement wherof wee, and our Dear Hufband 
 the King, doe chiefly profeffe and intend, without Alteration of any 
 particular Man's PofTeflion, as amongft other falfe Rumours, the 
 Hinderers of our Good Purpofes, and Favorers of Herefies, doe ut- 
 terly report. And to the End wee may the better confer with you 
 about thefe Matters that are to be treated of in our faid Parliament, 
 our Pleafure is, you do put your felf in a Readinefs to make your 
 Repair hither, fo as ye may be with us againft the Feaft of All-Sainti 
 at the furtheft. Given under our Signet at our Palace of Wejlminjler 
 the 6th of OBvber, the lid Year of our Reigne. 
 
 Number 15. ] 
 
 Cardinal PoleV Firji Letter to ^een Mary. ; 
 
 BEnedidla Manus Omnipotentis Dei, quae non folum Majeftatem e^ MS. fe- 
 
 tuam in alto Throno, & Pofleflione Regni coUocavit ; (quod »« »»^ \ 
 
 multos Annos ad earn fpexSabat, & ab omnibus bonis optabatur, atq; ! 
 
 inter Sacras Preces petebatur a Divina Clementia :) Sed etiam eo res i 
 
 deduxit, ut non modo res ipfa, verum etiam ratio ipfius rei confici- ■! 
 
 endje omnes Amicos incredibili laetitia perfundat, & precipue Pium • 
 Animum tuum, quia fine fanguine res peradla eft, prope cum magna 
 
 clades effet timenda propter fraudes Adverfariorum, quae non parvis j 
 
 viribus erant fufflilts ad earn juftiffima Succeflione privandam ; atque •' 
 cum propter longum fpacium fibi divinitus conceflum ad fuas infidias 
 
 fubtexendas, putarant fe ad finem optatum cum fcelere fufcepti con- ! 
 
 filii perveniffe, fine novis auxiliis, fed folis viribus quas Spiritus Dei ' 
 
 excitavit in Animis mortalium, eifeftum eft Divina Providentid, ut : 
 
 Brevi momento Temporis irriti ac delufi fint omnes Mortalium appa- i 
 
 ratus : Ita converfi funt, qui Humanae Malitioj Militabant ad prote- \ 
 
 gendura ;
 
 556 
 
 A ColleBion Part III. 
 
 gendum Honorem Dei, Majeftatis tux incolumitatem, ac totius 
 
 Regni falutem. 
 
 Si quis Itaque miratur cur tua Majeftas nuUis externis Viribus, 
 paucis etiam fubditis audentibus ejus partes amplecti, potuerit Reg- 
 num ita Ufurpatum adverlus tantam Hominum malitiam & Potentiam 
 recuperare ; aut fiquis rogaret, quo modo faftum eft iftud ? Res ipfa 
 refpondere poterit j Spiritus Sandlus fupervenit in corda Hominum, 
 qui ea ratione tibi Regnum reftituere voluit ; atque hoc uno Exem- 
 plo non folum veftris Populis, fed Univerfis Chriftianis, & Barbaris 
 Nationibus Manifeftum fit, quia nullum fit Confilium, nee Pruden- 
 tia, nee Fortitudo contra Dominum Deum, 6c quod excelfus domi- 
 netur, in Regno Hominum, & cui voluerit, & quando voluerit dabit 
 illud. Ejus Divinae Providentia; in rebus Humanis Credulitas (Prae- 
 cipium noftrae Religionis Fundamentum) fi unquam in iftud Regnum 
 introduci, & confirmari debult, per uUam Manifeftam Experientiam ; 
 hoc maxime tempore introduci necefle eft, quo propter impiorum 
 tam diuturnam Authoritatem, ita erat in Animis Hominum debilitata 
 & in eorum Animis pra;fertim, qui prudentiores, fapientiorefque pu- 
 tabantur, ut penitus videretur extincia. Cum Divinas itaque Bonitati 
 placuerit, ita evidentibus fignis luam potentiam in tua Majeftate ex- 
 toUenda, tunc cum a fuis inimicis, & a multis aliis prorfus opprefTa 
 putabatur, declarare j hoc eft cur maxime omnes Boni, 6c Pii Glori- 
 entur, & quod tibi magis gratum efte certo fcio, quam Regiam Digni- 
 tatem. Atque, fi ulla femina debuit Deum laudare iis Verbis fiiae 
 Sanftifiimas Matris, cujus nomen refers, quibus ea ufa eft ad expri- 
 mendam laetitiam propter Divinam Providentiam ad fui. Humanique 
 generis falutem, cum fpiritu San6to repleta inquit, Magnificat Anima 
 mea Domiiium, cum iis qu£e fequuntur ; tua Majeftas juftifilma de 
 Caufa eum Pfalmum canere poteft ; cum in fe ipfa fentiat, quod om- 
 nes vident, ut Divina Bonitas refpexit Humilitatem ancills fus : Et 
 fecit potentiam in brachio fuo, ftatim depofuit Potentes de fede 6c 
 exaltavit humiles. Hoc didlum de Divina Providentia erga Majefta- 
 tem tuam femper manifeftius in Adminiftratione cognofcetur tua, cum 
 increnento illo letitias, quod defideratur ad honorem 6c laudem Di- 
 vina; Majeftatis. Enimvero mea erga Deum, 6c fuam Ecclefiam Pietas, 
 6c erga Majeftatem tuam me cogit ut unum tibi in memoriain revocem 
 initio regnandi ; quod eft cum ita fingulare Beneficium a Deo acce- 
 peris, diligenter confideres e quibus radicibus perturbationes pullula- 
 rint, rerum adjufhitiam pertinentium 6c ad vers Religionis cultum ; 
 quippe cum ills indies cum tanta ruina fuccreverint, in ifto Regno 
 Privata 6c Publica, quanta non ignorantur : atque fi hoc ita feceris ; 
 percipies profefto Principium 6c Caufam omnium malorum tunc pul- 
 lulafi^e, cum perpetuus humani generis Adverfarius Patri tuo perfua 
 fit impurum Concilium ; ut divortium fieret Matris tuae optimae Regi- 
 ns, atque illi magnse in Deum, in ipfam, in te in feipfum injuriae, 
 majus additum eft fcelus, quod a Matre Spiritus divortium fecit om- 
 nium Chriftianorum j a Sandla Catholica Obedientia 6c ab Apoftolica 
 Reverentia. Ex hoc iniquo 6c impio femine tot peftiferi frudlus nati 
 funt, ut ita Regnum corruperint, ut nullum neque juftitiae neque 
 Religionis veftigium apparuerit : Tanquam relegats fint ambae, 
 quando Reverentia, 6c Obedientia Ecclefiae ejedla fuit j neque prius funt 
 
 redituras.
 
 Book V. Of Records^ &c. 557 
 
 rediturffi, quam Divina Obedientla in Animum recepta fit eorunl, qui 
 rebus prsfuerint. Hoc facile tua Majeflas illi fervo fuo poteft cre- 
 dere, qui omnium, viventium plura, & ifta, Majeilads veftree 
 Causa palTus efl : Neque uilam defendends Caufe tuse rationem pra^- 
 termifi, ubi aliquod extaret remedium, quo toties moleftiis fi.ibkva- 
 rem.. Quod nili niei labores eum finem confecud fint, quern femper 
 defideravi ; fepius vel vitam ipfam periculis exponens ; tamen nunc 
 multo magis laetor, quam fi ipfe adjutor fuiflem ; cum apertiflime cog- 
 noverim, Divinae Providentije in Majeflatem tuam propenfam volun- 
 tatem: Nam profedlo noluit Deus ulla humana nianu te adjuvari, ne- 
 que C^faris, neque uUius Principis : Quamvis nunquam cefiavit Pon- 
 tifex Csfarem ad opem ferendam adhortari : Neque mea defuit dili- 
 ^entia, utrifque ad hoc pium opus follicitantibus, fed Divinitus Res 
 protrafta efl donee ftatutum tempus a Deo adventarit, quo Divina 
 manu fublevareris. Interim ufus eft Deus eadem ratione, qua erga 
 cariflimos 5c dilecliffimos uti confuevit, quos nutrit, & educat in omni 
 calamitatum, a?rumnarumque genere : Ut gratis fus femen altiores 
 radices in corde ipforum pofTet extendere, meliufque floreat, ac 
 nobiliores fru6lus producat, cum vifum fuerit in priftinam faslicitatem 
 revocare. Iftud nunc omnes boni expeftant, atque ego in primis, 
 cui major occafio concefla efl; dotes Animi tui, quae Divinitus tibi con- 
 cefTs funt a teneris cognofcendi. Ea res me multo etiam magis im-- 
 pellit, ut Majeftati tuae id fignificem dere tanta, quanta eft Eccleliae 
 Obedienda, me magis etiam foUicitum efte, quam antea, qua mente 
 fis erga Religionem, & quo padlo affedta : nam cum circiter treccnta 
 millia paffuum diftam ab Urbe Roma, nuper ad me de rebus Britan- 
 nicis eft delatum ; per literas fummi Pondficis certior faftus fum, te ad 
 fummum imperium effe provedlam, & quod ego fim deletlus Legatus a 
 Sandla fede Apoftolica ad Majeftatem tuam 5c Casfarem, atque ad Gal- 
 liarum Regem, ut tibi gratularer pro Vidoria Dei in hac Caufa ipfius 
 Dei : Sed quia quanti res fit intelligo, cenfui non inutile fore, fi Ma- 
 jeftatis tu£e mentem quo padlo Deus movent, prius percunftatus fuero : 
 Cujus causa prsefentem nuncium cum meis literis mitto : Neque 
 iftud quidem, quia de optima voluntate tua fubdubitem, quoniam te 
 femper gratam, erga Deum fuifle cognovi, 6c acceptorum non imme- 
 morem, legumque divinarum oblervatiflimam, inter quas Obedientia 
 Apoftolics fedis continetur, cui maxime omnium favere debes. Narri 
 certe quidem Majeftads tuas Pater nulla alia de Caufa Apoftolicam 
 Obedientiam reliquit, nifi quia noUet Pontifex Romanus Caufa^ fuas 
 favere turpi. 6c iniquo ejus defiderio aflentiri. Sed quoniam tot an- 
 nos tanta fad:a eft mutatio, tantaque malida conata eft evellere ex 
 Animis Hominum penitufque reftringuere banc ipfam Obedientiam 5c 
 Obfei-vantiam, mihi vifum eft non abfurdum fore, fi ex te ipfa per- 
 cundlarer, quod tempus aut quae ratio aptior, commodiorque vide- 
 retur futura ad ipfius Vicarii Chrifti Legatione perfungendum, idque 
 ad iftius Regni Beneficium 6c Confolationem, cujus Fjelicitas 6c Quies 
 femper magis opprefi'a fuit, ex qua Sandla Obedientia expugnari caspta 
 eft, coad:aque folum vertere. Decrevi igitur prius refponfum ex- 
 peiflare, quod ut expeftationi meae optima3 refpondeat, ab Omnipo- 
 tente Deo fuppliciter peto, omniumque piorum fpei, quam habent de 
 Majeftate tua conceptam, idque ad confirmationem, 6c incrementum 
 Vol, III. 7 C Fa^licitads
 
 558 
 
 A CoUeEfion Part III. 
 
 F^elicitatis tuse, & iftius Regni. Quod fi mihi benignam audientiam 
 concefferis, fpero futurum Dei optimi maximi Beneficio, ut intelligas 
 in hac ipfa Obedientia Ecclefiae confiftere, & collocatum effe funda- 
 mentum & ftabilimentum omnium bonorum ipfius Regni. Sic igitur 
 rogans Omnipotentem Deum, ut pro fua infinita Mifericordia Ma- 
 jeflatem tuam fortunet in ipfo imperio, in quo collocavit, finem fa- 
 ciam dicendi. C^nobio Megazeni Benaci. Eidus Sextilis. 1553. 
 
 Reginaldus Polus. 
 
 Number 1 6. 
 'The ^Imens Anfwer to it. 
 
 OPtime fobrine Pole, in Chriilo Obfervandiffime ; accepi literas 
 tuas, quas tuus familiaris mihi reddidit, exquibus intellexi per- 
 petuam tuam optimam voluntatem erga hoc Regnum, Patriam tuam 
 nimirum, 6c erga Legitimos Ha?redes, cum fumma tetitias fignifica- 
 tione ob ea, quas placuerunt Divinte Clementife Omnipotentis Dei 
 in oftendenda fua erga me vera, juftiffima, infinitaq; Mifericordia j 
 propter quam me tibi etiam non parum debere fentio,. cum monitus 
 amantilTimos prseterea in literis addideris : Quod fi nullum naturas 
 vinculum inter nos intercederet, quod certe maximum intercedit ; ta- 
 men vel hac una de Caufa maximas tibi deberem gratias, quod me 
 tarn amenter monueris ; atque ego dabo operam pro viribus, ut mo- 
 nitis tuis fatisfaciam, quippe cum neq; unquam fuerim, nee fim, 
 neq; ut Divins Miiericordias confido unquam futura fim Catholicas 
 adhortationis in tuis literis contents adverfaria. Quod attinet ad 
 meam Obedientiam, & debitam Obfervantiam erga fponfam Chrifhi, 
 & Matrem Divinam, fuam Catholicam & Apoftolicam Ecclefiam, 
 harum literarum lator poterit te commode docere \ Is non poterit ex- 
 planare quanta fit Animi mei moleflia, propterea quod non poffim 
 Animi mei Sententiam, in hac re prorfus patefacere ; fed cum pri- 
 mum data erit facultas finceritatis Animi mei erga Divinum cultum 
 explicandse, Obedientisq; quid Sentiam exequendas, faciam te per 
 literas certiorem. Quod fpefiat ad Coronationem, idem Nuncius 
 omnia plane explicare poterit, multaq; alia quibus ilium adefle volui ; 
 cum mirifice Omnipotentis Dei Mifericordia confidam, futurum ut 
 hoEC Comitia omnia ftatuta abrogent, unde omnium calamitatum hu- 
 jufce Regni femina poUularunt. Spero autem futurum ut delidlorum 
 veniam a fummi Pontificis dementia obtineam, cui te rogo, ut meo 
 nomine humillime gratias agas pro fua multiplici in me Bonitate, ut 
 in eadem perfiftat Clementia, omnemq; praeteritorum commiflbrum 
 Oblivionem concedat 5 hunc igitur remitto fpe poftulationis non irritae 
 
 futurae
 
 Book V. Of Records^ Sec. p^p 
 
 futurae opera tua ; quando tantum Benevolentiae, & fraternae Chari- 
 tatis, mihi pignus obtulifti : Me itaque plurimum Sando Patri, ac 
 tibi commendanSj finem facio fcribendi. 
 
 Weftmonafterij, Sexfo 
 Idus Odlobris. 
 
 Maria Regina. 
 
 Number 17. 
 
 Cardtjml PoleV Ge^ieral Powers^ for Reco7icilmg England 
 to the Church of Rome. 
 
 Julius Papa III. 
 
 DIlecHie Fill noiler, Salutem & Apoftolicam Benediftionem. Du- ; 
 
 dum, cum chariilinia in Chrifto Filia noftra, Maria Andise ^^ '^^^^ ^^' 'j 
 
 tunc Princeps, Regina declarata fuifTet, & fperaretur PvCgnum An- | 
 
 glia?, quod, faiva Regum Tyrannide, ab UiMone Sandl^ EccleliK Ca- I 
 
 tholic^e feparatum fuerat ; ad Ovile Gregis Domini, & ejufdeni Ec- j 
 
 clefiae Unionem, ipfa Maria primum regnante, redire poffe. Nos Te, '\ 
 
 pra;ftanti Virtute, fingulari Pietate, ac multa Doctrina infignem, ad \ 
 
 eandem Mariam Reginam, & univerfum Angliae Regnum, de Fra- \ 
 
 trum noftrorum Confilio, & unanimi Confenfu, Noflrum &; Apofto- j 
 
 lies Sedis, Legatum de Latere deftinavimus. Tibique, inter cetera, ■ 
 
 omnes & fingulas utfiufque Sexus, tam Laicas quam Ecclefiafticas, I 
 Seculares, 6c quorumvis Ordinum Regulares, Perfonas, in quibufvis 
 
 etiam Sacris Ordinibus conftitutas, cujufcunque Status, Gradus, Con- j 
 
 ditionis & Qualitatis exifterent, ac quacunque Ecclefiaftica, etiam ' 
 
 Epifcopali, Archiepifcopali, & Patriarchali ; aut mundano, etiam Mar- 1 
 
 chionali, Ducali, aut Regia Dignitate pi'aefulgerent : Etiamli Capitu- i 
 lum. Collegium, Univerlitas, feu Communitas forent : quarumcunque 
 HcErefium, aut novarum Sedtarum, ProfefTores, aut in eis culpabiies, 
 
 vel fufpeitos, ac credentes, receptatores, & fautores eorum, etiamfi ' 
 
 relapfe fuilTent, eorum Errorem cognofcentes, & de illis dolentes, ^ 
 ac ad Crthodoxam Fidem recipi humiliter poftulantes, cognita in eis, 
 
 vera & non fidla, aut fimulata Pcenitentia, ab omnibus & iingulis j 
 
 per COS perpetratis, (Hasrefes, & ab eadem Fide Apoftalias, Blaf- \ 
 
 phemias, 6c alios quofcvmque Errores, etiam fub generali Sermone i 
 
 non venientes, fapientibus) peccatis, criminibus, excefTibus 8c delic- \ 
 tis ; nee non Excommunicationum, Sulpenlionum, Interdidlorum, 
 
 6c aliis Ecclefraflicis, ac Temporalibus etiam Corporis afflidtivis, 6c ■ 
 
 capitalibus fententiis, cenfuris 6c pa3nis, in eos Pra^milTorum occa- | 
 
 fione, a Jure vel ab Homine latis, vel promulgatis ; etiam li in iis ; 
 
 viginti, & plus annis inforduiffent ; 6c eorum Abfolutio, Nobis 6c | 
 DivinsE Sedi, 6c per Literas, in die Cosnas Domini legi confuetas, re- 
 
 fervata
 
 5o A Colkaion Part III. 
 
 lervata exifteret, in utroque, Confcientice videlicet, & contentiofo 
 foro, plenai-ie abfolvendi, & liberandi, ac aliorum Chrifti fidelium 
 confortio aggregandi : Nee non .cum eis fuper irregularitate,^ per cos, 
 Pra3miflbrum occafione, etiam quia lie ligati, Miffas & alia divina 
 Officia, etiam contra Ritus 6c Ceremonias ab Ecelelia eatenus pro- 
 batas & ufitatas, celebraflent, aut illis alias femifcuilTent. Contradla 
 nee non Bigamia per e6fdem Ecclefiafticos, Seeulares, vel Regulares, 
 vere aut fifte, feu alias qvialitercunque incurfa ; (etiamfi ex eo quod 
 Clerici in Sacris, conftituti, cum Viduis vel aliis corruptis, Matrimo- 
 nium eontraxiilent, pretenderetur) rejedtis &; expullis tamen prius 
 Uxoribus, fic de fade copulatis. Qjjodque Bigamia, & irregularitate 
 ac aliis prsemiflis non obftantibus, in eorum Ordinibus, dummodo 
 ante eorum Lapfum in Hserefin hujufmodi, rite & legitime promoti 
 vel ordinati fuiffent, etiam in Altaris Miniflerio miniftrare, ac quse- 
 cunque & qualitercunque etiam eurata Beneficia, feeukria vel regula- 
 rla, ut prius, dummodo fuper eis alteri jus qua^fitum non exifteret, 
 retinere : Et non promoti, ad omnes etiam Sacros & Preftyteratus 
 Ordines, ab eorum Ordinariis, fi digni & idonei reperti fuiffent, pro- 
 moveri, Beneficia Ecclefiallica, fi iis alias canonice conferentur, reci- 
 pere & retinere valerent, difpenfandi & indulgendi : Ac omnem in- 
 famis, & inhabilitatis maculam five notam, ex prasmiffis quomodo- 
 iibet infurgentem, penitus 6c omnino abolendi ; nee non ad prifti- 
 nos Honores, Dignitates, Famam 6c Patriam, 6c bona etiam confif- 
 cata; in priftinumqe, 6c eum, in quo ante prgemiffa quomodolibet 
 erant, Statum reftituendi, reponendi, 6c reintegrandi : Ac eis, dum- 
 modo corde eontriti eorum errata 6c exceffus, alieui per eos eligendo 
 Catholieo Confeffori, faeramentaliter eonfiterentur, ac Pcenitentiam 
 falutarem, eis per ipfum Confefforem propterea injungendam om- 
 nino adimplerent, omnem publicam Confeffionem, Abjurationem, Re- 
 nuneiationem, 6c Pcenitentiam jure debitam, arbitrio fuo moderandi: 
 vel in totum remittendi. Nee non Communitates 6c Univerfitates, 
 ac fingulares Perfonas quafcunque, a quibufvis illicitis Paftionibus 6c 
 Conventionibus, per eos cum Dominis aberrantibus, feu in eorum 
 favorem, quomodolibet initis, 6c iis praeftitis Juramentis, 6c Homa- 
 giis, illorumque omnium obfervatione j 6c fi quem eatenus occafione 
 eorum incurriffent Perjurij reatum, etiam abfolvendi, 6c Juramenta 
 ipfa relaxandi. Ac quofcunque Regulares 6c Religiofos, etiam in Has- 
 refin hujufmodi ut prefertur lapfos, extra eorum regularia loca 
 abfque didiae Sedis lieentia vagantes, ab Apoftafiae reatu, 6c Excom- 
 munieationis, aliifque Cenfuris ac Poenis Eeelefiafticis, per eos prop- 
 terea etiam juxta fuorum Ordinum inflituta incurfis, pariter abfol- 
 vendi. Ac eum eis ut alieui Beneficio Eccleliaftico curato, de il- 
 lud obtinentis confenfu ; etiam in habitu Clerici fecularis, habitum 
 fuum regularem, fub honefta toga Prefbyteri fecularis deferendo, de- 
 fervire, 6c extra eadem regularia loca remanere, libere 6c licite 
 poffint, difpenfandi. Nee non quibufvis Perfonis, etiam Eeelefiafti- 
 cis, ut quadragefimalibus, 6c aliis anni temporibus b^ diebus, quibus 
 ufus ovorum 6c earnium eft de jure prohibitus, butiro 6c cafeo, 6c 
 aliis ladliciniis ; ac diftis ovis 6c carnibus, de utriufque feu alte- 
 rius, fpiritualis, qui Catholicus exifteret, medici Confilio, aut ft Lo- 
 
 corum
 
 Book V. Of Records^ <&c. r6i | 
 
 . _ . "^ i 
 
 corum & Perfonarum Qualitate infped:a, ex defedlu Pifcium aut O- ; 
 
 lei, vel indifpofitione Perfonarum earundem, feu alia Caufa legitima \ 
 
 id Tibi faciendum videretur, ut tuo arbitrio uti & vefci poffint, in- \ 
 
 dulgendi & concedendi. Nee non per Te in prsteritis duntaxat Ca- ' 
 
 fibus, aliquos Clericos feculares, tantum Prelbyteros, Diaconos, aut j 
 
 Subdiaconos, qui Matrimonium cum aliquibus Virginibus, vel cor- ' 
 
 ruptis Secularibus, etiam Mulieribus, de facto eatenus contraxif- i 
 
 fent, confiderata aliqua ipforum fingulari qualitate, & cognita eoruni ! 
 
 vera ad Chrifti Fidem converfione, ac aliis circumflantiis, ac modifi- I 
 
 cationibus tuo tantum arbitrio adhibendis ; ex quibus aliis praefertim ! 
 
 Clericis in facris Ordinibus hujufmodi conftitutis, quibus non licet I 
 Uxores habere, fcandalum omnino non generetur; citra tamen AI- 
 
 taris, ac alia Sacerdotum Minifteria, & Titulos Beneficiorum Ecclefi- \ 
 afticorum, ac omni ipforum Ordinum Exercitio fublato, ab Excom- 
 
 municationis Sententia, & aliis Reatibus propterea incurfis ; injun<fla , 
 
 inde eis etiam tuo arbitrio poenitentia falutari, abfolvendi ac cum eis \ 
 
 dummodo alter eorum fuperftes remaneret, de caetero fine fpe Con- i 
 
 jugij, quod inter fe Matrimonium legitime contrahere, h, in eo poft- I 
 
 quam contradlum foret, licite remanere poflent, Prolem exinde legi- \ 
 
 timam decernendo, mifericorditer difpenfandi. Ac qua'cunque Be- i 
 neficia Ecclefiaftica, tarn Secularia quam Regularia, & qua; per Rec- 
 tores Catholicos pofTidebantur, de ipforum tamen Reftorum Catholi- 
 
 corum confenfu, feu abfque eorum praejudicio, cuicunque alteri Be- \ 
 
 neficio Ecclefiaftico, ob ejus frudlus tenuitatem, aut Hofpitali jam > 
 erefto vel erigendo, feu Studio Univerfali, vel Scholis Literariis ; 
 uniendi, annedlendi, & incorporandi, aut frudlus, reditus, & pro- 
 
 ventus, feu bonorum eorundem Beneficiorum dividendi, feparandi, & i 
 
 difmembrandi ; ac eorum fic divifomm, feparatorum & difmembrato- i 
 
 rum partem aliis Benefices, feu Hofpitalibus, vel Studiis aut Scholis, i 
 
 feu piis Ufibus, fimiliter arbitrio tuo perpetuo applicandi & appro- I 
 
 priandi. At cum PoJfeJJoribiis bonorum Rcclefiajlicorum^ (refitutis, x. B. ■ 
 
 prius ft Tibi expedire 'videretur, immobilibus per eos indebite dcten- 4 
 
 tis) fuper fruElibm 7nale perceptis, ac bonis mobilibus, confuniptis, j 
 
 concordandi, & tranftgendi, ac eos dejuper liberandi & qiiictandi. i 
 
 Ac quicquid Concordiis & Tranfadlionibus hujufmodi proveniret, in i 
 
 Ecclefia cujus efl'ent bona, vel in Studiorum Univerfalium, aut Scho- ' 
 larum hujufmodi, feu alios pios Ufus convertendi ; omniaque & fin- 
 
 gula alia, in quje in praemiffis, & circa ea quomodolibet neceffaria & ' 
 opportuna effe cognofceres, faciendi, dicendi, gerendi, & exercendi. 
 Nee non Catholicos locorum Ordinarios, aut alias Perfonas Dcum 
 
 timentes. Fide infignes, & Literarum Scientia praeditas, ac Gravitate 1 
 Morum confpicuas, & iEtate veneranda ; de quarum Probitate & 
 Circumfpe(ftione, ac Charitatis Zelo plena Fiducia confpici poffet, ad 
 
 prEEmilTa omnia, cum funili vel limitata Poteftate, (Abfolutione & j 
 
 Dlfpenfatione Clerlcorum, circa Connubia, ac Unione Beneficiorum, ■ 
 feu eorum frud:uum & bonorum feparatione, & applicatione, ac con- 
 
 cordia cum Poffeflbribus bonorum Ecclefiaflicorum, & eorum libe- i 
 
 ratione duntaxat exceptis) fubflituendi 6c fubdelegandi : Ac diverfas , j 
 alias Facultates, per diverfas alias noflras tam fub plumbo quam in foima 
 
 Brevis confed;as literas, concelTimus, prout in illis plenius contine- i 
 Vol. III. 7 D tur.
 
 56: 
 
 A ColkEiion Part III. 
 
 tur. Verum cum Tu ad Partes Flandriae, ex quibus breviffima ad 
 Regnum transfreatio exiftit, Te contuleris, ac ex certis rationalibus 
 Nobis notis Caufis inibi aliquandiu fubfiftere habeas, ac a nonnuUis, 
 nimium forfan fcrupulofis, haefitetur ; an Tu, in Partibus hujufmodi 
 fubfiftens, praedidlis ac aliis Tibi conceflis Facultatibus, uti ac in eo- 
 dem Regno locorum Ordinarios, aut alias Perfonas (ut prasmittitur) 
 qualificatas ; quas Facultatibus per Te, juxta didlarum Literarum 
 Continentiam pro Tempore concefTis utantur, alias juxta earundem 
 Literarum tenorem fubftituere &; delegare poffis. Nos caufam tuae 
 Subfiftentiae in eifdem partibus approbantes, & fingularum Literarum 
 prsedidarum tenores, praefentibus pro fufficienter expreflis, ac de ver- 
 bo ad verbum infertis, habentes, Circumfpedioni tuae, quod quam- 
 diu in eifdem partibus de licentia noftra moram traxeris, Legations 
 tua praedidla durante, etiam extra ipfum Regnum exiftens ; omnibus 
 & fingulis praedidlis, & quibufvis aliis Tibi conceffis, & quae per 
 praefentes Tibi conceduntur; Facultatibus etiam erga quofcunque 
 Archiepifcopos, Epifcopos, ac Abbates, aliofque, Ecclefiarum tam 
 Secularium, quam quorumvis Ordinum Regularium, nee non Mo- 
 nafteriorum, & aliorum Regularium Locorum Prelates, non fecus 
 ac erga alios inferiores Clericos, uti poffis j nee non erga alias Perfo- 
 nas, in fingulis Literis praediftis quovifmodo nominatas, ad Te pro 
 Tempore recurrentes, vel mittentes ; etiam circa Ordines, quos 
 nunquam aut male fufceperunt, & Munus Confecrationis, quod 
 iis, ab aliis Epifcopis vel Archiepifcopis, etiam Hasreticis & Scliif- 
 maticis, aut alias minus rite & non fervata forma Eccleliae confueta 
 impenfum fuit : Etiam fi Ordines & Munus hujufmodi, etiam circa 
 Altaris Miniflerium temere executi fint, per Te ipfum, vel alios, 
 ad id a Te pro Tempore deputatos, libere uti ; ac in eodem Reg- 
 no, tot quot Tibi videbuntur Locorum Ordinarios alias Perfonas 
 (ut praemittitur) qualificatas, quae Facultatibus per Te, eis pro tem- 
 pore conceffis (citra tamen eas quae folum tibi ut prasfertur conceffe 
 exiflunt) etiam te in partibus Flandrix hujufmodi fubfifkente, libere 
 utantur ; & eas exerceant & exequantur : Alias, juxta ipfarum Lite- 
 rarum continentiam ac tenorem fubftituere & fubdelegare. Nee non 
 de Perfonis quorumcunque Epifcoporum vel Archiepifcoporum, qui 
 Metropolitanam aut alias Cathedrales Ecclefias de manu Laicorum 
 etiam Schifmaticorum, & prefertim qui de Henrici Regis & Edvardi 
 ejus nati receperunt, & eorura regimini & adminiflratione fe ingref^ 
 ferunt, & eorum frudlus reditus & proventus etiam longiffimo tem- 
 pore, tanquam veri Archiepifcopi aut Epifcopi temere & de fadto ufur- 
 pando, etiamfi in Haerefin aut prefertur, inciderint, feu ante Haeretici 
 fuerint, poftquam per te unitati Sanftae Matris Ecclefiae reflituti ex- 
 ftiterint, tuque eos rehabilitandos efTe cenfueris, fi tibi alias digni & 
 idonei videbuntur, eifdem Metropolitanis & aliis Cathedralibus Ec- 
 clefiis denuo, nee non quibufvis aliis Cathedralibus etiam Metropoli- 
 tanis Ecclefiis per obitum vel privationem illorum Pra?fulum, feu alias 
 quovis modo pro tempore vacantibus, de Perfonis idoneis pro quibus 
 ipfa Maria Regina juxta confuetudinis ipfius Regni, tibi fupplicaverit 
 Authoritate noflra providere ipfafque Perfonas eifdem Ecclefiis in 
 Epifcopos aut Archiepifcopos prsficere : Ac cum iis qui Ecclefias Ca- 
 thedrales
 
 Book V. Of Records^ Sec, 563 
 
 thedrales & Metropolitanas, de manu Laicorum etiam Schifmaticorum 
 ut prefertur, receperunt, quod eifdem feu aliis ad quas eas alias rite 
 transferri coatigerit, Cathedralibus etiam Metropolitanis Ecclefiis, in 
 Epifcopos vel Archiepifcopos praseffe ipfafq; Ecclefias in Spiritualibus 
 & Temporalibus regere & gubernare ac munere Confecrationis eis 
 hadlenus impenfo uti, vel fi illud eis nondum impenfum extiterit, ab 
 Epifcopis vel Archiepifcopis Catholicis per te nominandis fufcipere 
 libere & licite poffint. Nee non cum quibufvis per te ut prtemitti- 
 tur pro tempore abfolutis & rehabilitatis, ut eorem erroribus & ex- 
 ceffibus preteritis non obftantibus, quibufvis Cathedralibus, etiam 
 Metropolitanis Ecclefiis in Epifcopos & Archiepifcopos prefici & 
 prasefTe, illafq; in eifdem Spiritualibus & Temporalibus regere & gu- 
 bernare : Ac ad quofcunq; etiam Sacros & Prefbyteratos Ordines pro- 
 movere, & in illis aut per eos jam licet minus rite fufceptis Ordinibus 
 etiam in altaris Minifterio Miniftrare nee non munus Confecrationi§ 
 fufcipere, & illo uti libere & licite valeant ; difpenfare etiam libere 
 & licite poflis, plenam & liberam Apoftolicam Authoritatem per 
 prefentes concedimus Facultatem & Poteftatem : Non obftantibus Con- 
 ftitutionibus & Ordinationibus Apoftolicis, ac omnibus illis qua^ in 
 lingulis Literis prsteritis Voluimus non obftare, caeterifq: contrariis 
 quibuicunque. 
 
 Datum Romce apud SanSlum Petrum, 
 Jub Annulo Pifcatoris, Die 8. Mar- 
 tis 1554. Pontificatus nojlri Anno 
 ^lintQ, 
 
 Number 18. 
 
 A Letter from Cardinal Pole to the Bipop of Arras, upon 
 King Philip'j Arrival in England, and his Marriage 
 to the ilueen, 
 
 A Mons'^. d' Arras. 
 
 M*o. IIU^ e Rev«Jo. $ig^«. 
 
 HAvendo a queft' hora ricevuto particolari avifi dopo 1' arrivo 
 del Sereniffimo Principe del Regno d' Inghilterra, del felice 
 fucceffo del Matrimonio mi e parfo convenire al debito mio rallegrar- 
 mene con S. Majefta Cefarea ficome fo con 1' alligata la quale indirizzo 
 a V. S. per la confidenza che ho nella folita fua cortefia, pregandola 
 fia contenta prefentarla a fua Majefta col baciarle riverentemente le 
 mani da parte mia. L' Abbate Sagante fuo 1' altr' hieri mi communico 
 
 una
 
 5^4 
 
 A Colle&ion Part III. 
 
 una Lettera di V. S. che dava particolar avifo della ritirata de Franzefi 
 il che mi fu di molta confolatione. Ben fi e vifto di quant' importan- 
 za fia la prefenza di S. Majefta. Ancor non e arrivato ill meffo mio 
 da Roma, ma fpero non poffa tardar molto : fubbito che fara gionto, 
 non mancaro di dame avifo a V. S. alia quale di cuore mi racommando 
 e prego N. Sig'' Iddio la confervire favorifca a fuo fervitio. Di Brux- 
 elles alii 29 di Luglio 1554. 
 
 Reginaldo Card, Pole, 
 
 Number 19. 
 
 A Letter from Cardinal Pole to the Cardhial de Monte, 
 acknowledging the Popes Favour in fending him full 
 Powers, 
 
 Al Card, di Monte, 
 
 Revno. & Ill"»o. Sigr. mio Ok^<^. 
 
 SCrifli a V. S. Reverendiflima per I'ultime mie, I'aviib dell' arrivo 
 in Inghilterra del Sereniffimo Principe, il qual' e poi ftato con la 
 Sereniffima Regina a Vinceftre, ove hanno celebrato il fponfalitio il 
 di San Giacomo con gran foUennita come V. S. Reverendiflima pia- 
 cendole potra intendere dall' efllbitor di quefla, al quale mi rimetto 
 in quel di piu, che in tal propofito io le potefli dire e bacio humil 
 mente la mano di V. S. Reverendiflima & Illuftriflima in fuo buona 
 gratia reccommendandomi. di Bruxelles alii 29 di luglio 1554. 
 
 In queft' hora e giunto 1' Ormaneto con 1' Efpeditione che e piac- 
 ciuto darle alia Santita di noftxo Signore, tutto fecondo quelle, che fi 
 potefl!e defiderare dalla pieta e benignita fua in fervitio di Dio, e della 
 fua Chiefa in quefl:a caufa cofli importante del che prego V. S. Reve- 
 rendiflima fia contenta baciarne humilmente a nome mio i piedi a fua 
 Beatit"^ alk quale con la prima occafione non mac caro di dar pieno 
 avifo di quanto fara bifogno. In vero 1' arrivar dell' Ormaneto non 
 poteva efl"er piu a tempo, e fpero che N. Signor' Iddio ci fara gratia, 
 che le cofe s' indirizzeranno in modo che fua Santita col fervitio di fua 
 Divina Maefl:a ne refl:era confolata. II tempo non patifce che per 
 hora io pofla efl"ere piu lungo, e di nuovo bacio humilmente le mani 
 di V, S. Reverendiflima & Illuflirifllma. 
 
 Regi?jaldo Card, Pole. 
 
 Alii 29 di luglio 1554 il Signore Ormaneto arrivo 
 a Bruxelles con 1' infratta fpeditione. 
 
 Number
 
 Book V. Of Records^ &c. ^65 
 
 Number 20. 
 
 A Breve impowermg Cardinal Pole to execute his Faculties 
 with relation to England, while he yet retnained beyond 
 Sea, and out of England. 
 
 AL Card, Polo. 
 
 Julius Papa III. 
 
 Dre(fle Fill nofter falutem & Apoftolicam Benediftionem. Supe- 
 rioribus menfibus ex diverfis tunc expreffis caufis te ad Charif- 
 fimam in Chrifto Filiam noftram Mariam Anglige Reginam lUullrem, 
 6c Univerfum Anglic Regnum primo, 6c deinde pro conciliando in- 
 ter eos pace ad CharilTiiTios in Chriflo Filios noflros Carolum Roma- 
 num Imperatorem femper Auguftum, 6c Henricum Francorum Re- 
 gem Chriftianiffimum, noflrum 6c Apoftolicae fedis Legatum de latere 
 de Fratrum noftrorum Concilio deftinavimus. Et licet te multis, ^ 
 quidem ampliffimis facultatibus, quibus etiam in partibus Flandris 
 exiftens, quoad Perfonas 6c Negocia Regni Angliae hujufmodi uti pof- 
 fes per diverfas noflras tarn fub plumbo, quam in forma brevis con- 
 fedlas litteras muniverimus, prout in illis plenius continetur. Quia 
 tamen ob Schifmata, 6c alios errores, quibus didlum Regnum diutius 
 infledlum fuit, multi cafus potuerunt contingere, qui provifione per 
 didlam fedem facienda indigebunt 6c fub didlis facultatibus veluti 
 infiniti, 6c inexcogitabiles comprehendi nequiverunt, 6c infuper a non- 
 nuUis hnsfitatur an tu facultatibus hujufmodi in infulis 6c Dominiis 
 eidem Marine Reginas fubjedlis uti poffis, quibus item facultatibus apud 
 Carolum Imperatorem 6c quibus apud Henricum Regem prasfatos ex- 
 iftens utaris : Nos de tuis fide, pietate, religione, doftrina, 6c pru- 
 dentia, in Domino bene confidentes, 6c volentes omnem in prxmiflis 
 hasfitandi materiam amputare, circumfpedlioni tuae, ut ubicumq; fue- 
 ris etiam extra partes Flandrite Legatione tua hujufmodi durante, om- 
 nibus 6c fingulis tibi conceffis hadtenus, 6c in pofterum concedendis 
 Facultatibus, quo ad Perfonas 6c Negotia Regni ac Infularum 6c Do- 
 miniorum hujufmodi per te vel alium vel alios juxta ipfarum Facultatum 
 continentiam, 6c tenorem uti, ac omnia 6c fingula quae tibi pro Om- 
 nipotentis Dei, 6c noftro ac ejufdem fedis honore, nee non Regni, 
 Infularum 6c Dominorum pr^didlorum ad Sandlae Catholicse, Eccle- 
 ficB, Communionem, redudlione ac Perfonarum in illis exiftentium 
 Animarum falute expedire judicaveris 6c fi ea in generali mandato 6c 
 Facultatibus tibi alias conceffis non veniant, fed fpecialem expreffio- 
 nem 6c mandatum magis fpeciale requirant, dicere, facere, exercere, 
 6c exequi, nee non quandiii pro pace hujufmodi tradtanda, vel aliis 
 Vol. III. 7 E Negociis
 
 566 
 
 A Colkciion Part III. 
 
 Negociis noftrum, & fedis prasdid:^ honorem concernentibus, apud 
 diftum Carolum Imperatorem fueris, omnibus & fingulis Facultatibus 
 olim diledo Filio Hieronimo Tituli St. Matthsi Prefbitero Cardinal! 
 tunc apud ipfum Carolum Imperatorem noftro & praefatae fedis Le- 
 gato de latere conceffis, & in omnibus Provinciis, Regnis, Dominiis, 
 Terris, & Locis, fub illis comprehenfis. Si vero apud didlum Hen- 
 ricum Regem extiteris eis omnibus, que dudum diledlo Filio Hiero- 
 nimo Sanfti Georgii ad velum Aureum Diacono Cardinal! tunc apud 
 Henricum Regem eundem, noftro & difts fedis legato conceffas fue- 
 runt, Facultatibus, & in omnibus Provinciis Regnis, Dominiis, Ter- 
 ris, & locis fub illis comprehenfis uti libere & licite valeas, in omni- 
 bus & per omnia perinde ac fi illce tibi fpecialitur &; expreffe conceflae 
 fuiflent, Apoftolica autem tenore prefentium concedimus, & indul- 
 gemus, ac Facultates tibi concefl'as pra^didtas ad hsec omnia extendi- 
 mus. Non obftantibus Conftitutionibus & Ordinationibus Apoftoli- 
 cis, ac omnibus illis, quae in fingulis Facultatibus tarn tibi, quam 
 Hieronimo Prefbitero, & Hieronimo Diacono Cardinalibus prafatis 
 conceflis, voluimus non obftare caterifq; contrariis quibufq; dat. 
 Romae apud S. Petrum, fub annulo pifcatoris Die xxvi Junii 1554, 
 Pontificatus noftri Anno Quinto. 
 
 yo. Larinen, 
 
 Number 21. 
 
 j^ Secofid Breve containing more fpecial Powers^ relating 
 
 to the Abhey-Liands, 
 
 Julius Papa III, 
 
 DllciSe Fill nofter falutem 8c Apoftolicam Benedidionem. Supe- 
 rioribus menfibus oblata nobis fpe per Dei Mifericordiamj & 
 Chariflima2 in Chrifto Filiae noftrae Mariae Anglijfi Reginae, fummam 
 Religionem, & Pietatem, NobililTimi illius Anglias Regni, quod jam- 
 diu quorundem Impietate, a reliquo Catholicse Ecclefias Corpora a 
 vulfum fuit, ad ejufdem Catholicje & Univerfalis Eccleliae unionem, 
 extra quam nemini falus effe poteft, reducendi ; te ad praefatum Ma- 
 riam Reginam, atque Univerfum illud Regnum, noftrum & Apofto- 
 licae fedis Legatum de latere, tanquam Pacis & Concordiae Angelum, 
 de venerabilum Fratrum nofti-orum, Saiidlas Romance EccleficE Cardi- 
 nalium Confilio atque unanimi aftenfu, deftJnavimus, illifque Facul- 
 tatibus omnibus munivimus, quas ad tanti Negotii confedtionem Ne- 
 ceflarias putavimus ^^q, feu quoramodolibet opportunas. Atque inter 
 
 alia
 
 Book V. Of Records^ Sec, 567 
 
 alia Circumipedlione tua, ut cum bonorum Eccleliafticorum Pofleflb- 
 ribus, fuper frudibus male perceptis, & bonis mobilibus confumptis, 
 concordare &c tranligere, ac eos defuper liberare & quietare, 
 ubi expedire poffet, Authoritatem conceffimus & Facultatem, 
 prout in Noftris defuper confeftis Literis plenius continetur ; 
 Cum autem ex iis Principiis, qupe ejufdem Marias Sedulitate & Dili-, 
 gentia, reftaque & conftante in Deum Mente, tuo 6c in ea re coope- 
 rante Studio atque Conlilio, prxfatum reduftionis opus in prjedidlo 
 Regno ufque ad banc diem habetur, ejufdemque praeclari Operis per- 
 fedlio indies magis iperetur ; eoque faciliores progreflus habitura res 
 effe dignofcatur, quo nos majorem in bonorum Ecclefiafticorum Pof- 
 feffionibus, in ilia fuperiorum Temporum confufione, per illlus Pro- 
 vincis homines occupatis, Apoftolicas Benignitatis & Indulgentia) 
 Ipem oftenderimus. Nos nolentes tantam dileifliffimze Nobis in 
 Chrifto Nationis Recuperationem, & tot Animarum pretiofo Jefu 
 ChriHi Domini noftri Sanguine redemptarum, Salutem, uUis terrena- 
 rum rerum refpedtibus, impedrri ; more Pij Patris, in Noftrorum & 
 Sand:as Catholicas Fiiiorum, port: longum periculofe peregrination'is 
 tempus, ad Nos refpedlantium & redeuntium, peroptatum complexum 
 occurrentes j Tibi, de cujus praeflianti Virtute, fmgulari Pietate, 
 Dodlrina, Sapientia, ac in Rebus gerendis Prudentia & Dexteri- 
 tate, plenam in Domino Fiduciam habemus, cum quibulcunque bo- 
 norum Ecclefiafticorum, tam mobilium quam immobilium, in prae- 
 fato Regno PolTeflbribus, feu Detentoribus, pro quibus ipfa Serenif- N- B. 
 iima Regina Maria interceflerit, de bonis per eos indebite detentis, 
 Arbitrio tuo, Authoritate nortira, traftandi, concordandi, tranfigendi, Paper-Offce. 
 componendi, & cum eis ut prsfata bona fine uUo fcrupulo in 
 port:erum retinere poflint, difpenfandi, omniaque & fingula alia, quaj 
 in his, & circa ea quomodolibet neceflaria & opportuna fuerint, con- 
 cludendi & faciendi. Salvo tamen in his, in quibus, propter rerum ^'' ^' 
 magnitudinem & gravitatem, haec Sandla Sedes merito tibi videretur 
 confulenda, noftro & pr^fatse Sedis, beneplacito & confirmatione, 
 plenam & liberam Aport:olicam Authoritatem, tenore praefentium, & 
 ex certa fcientia, concedimus Facultatem. Non obrt:antibus Literis, 
 faelicis Recordationis Pauli Paps II. Prsdeceflbris nort:ri, de non alie- 
 nandis bonis Ecclefiartiicis, nifi certa forma fervata, & aliis quibufvis 
 Aport:olicis, ac in Provincialibus & Synodalibus Conciliis, Edidis 
 Generalibus, vel Specialibus Conrtitutionibus, & Ordinationibus. 
 Nee non quarumvis Ecclefiarum & Monafteriorum, ac aliorum re- 
 gular ium & piorum Locorum, Juramento, Confirmatione Aporto- 
 lica, vel quavis alia Firmitate roboratis, Fundationibus, Statutis 6c 
 Confuetudinibus, illorum Tenores pro fufficienter exprefils habentes 
 contrariis quibufcunque. 
 
 Datum RofiKe apud S. Petrum, fub 
 Annulo Pifcatoris^ Die 28. Junij 
 1554, Pontijicatus Nojlri Anno 
 ^into. 
 
 Number
 
 S68 
 
 A ColkSiion Part III. 
 
 Number 22. 
 
 A Letter to Cardinal Pole, from Cardinal de Monte, full 
 
 of High Civilities, 
 
 Al. Card. Polo. 
 
 ReVno. & IIl^o. Sig^ mio Q.o\^^. 
 
 RItornando a V, S. Reverendiflima 8c Illuftriffima 1' Auditor Aio 
 con r Efpeditioni, che elk vedra, a me non occorre dirle 
 altro fe non fupplicarla, che fi degni mantenermi nella fua bona 
 gratia, e di non li fcordare d' haver qui un Servitore che in amarla, 
 & oflerverla non cede a qual/ivoglia altra Perfona, e che il maggior 
 Favore, che 10 fia per afpettare fempre da V. S. Reverendiflima & 
 Illuftriflima fara, che le piaccia di comandarmi in tutto quefto, 
 che mi conofcera buono per fervirla ; il che so d' haverle fcritto piu. 
 volte, e non mi e grave di replicarlo. Sua Sandlita fta coffi bene della 
 Perfona come fia ftata di dieci anni in qua, ringratiato Iddio : e faluta 
 e benedice V. S. Reverendiflima & Illuftriflima e li defidera, e prega 
 ogni profperita nelle fue Negociationi importantiflime, a tutta la 
 Chriftianita, & io le bacio humilmente le Mani. Di Roma alii xv. 
 di Luglio 1554. 
 
 H, Card, di Monte* 
 
 Number 23. 
 
 A Letter from Cardinal Morone to Cardinal Pole, telling 
 hitn horw uneafy the Pope waSy to fee his Going to Eng- 
 land fo lofig delayed ; but that the Pope was refolved 
 not to Recal him. 
 
 Al. Card. Polo. 
 
 Rev™o. & Illmo. Sigr. mio Ofs™". 
 
 AVanti la partita mia di Roma hebbi la Lettera di V. S. Reveren- 
 diflima delli 25 di Maggio in rifpofta delle mie, che gli haveuo 
 fcritto pur alii 6 di Maggio, quando vennero li primi aviff del Nun- 
 
 ao.
 
 Book V. of Records^ &c. 569 
 
 cio, doppo che V. S, ReverendilFima i.\ ritornata alli Coite dal Viag- 
 glo di Francia, hebbi ancora l' altra di 28 del Mtdcfnio, con la Que- 
 icla Chriftiana, che ella fa contro di n-e, anzi per dir ineglio con la 
 Dottrina che V. S. Reverendiirima con Sarnfla Charita querdandod 
 m' infegnn, fopra i,i quale non m' occoire dir altio, Te non che ella ha 
 gran Raggione, & che io 1' ho futo torto a fcriverle in quel modo, 
 di che in una parx mi pento, e fptro che ella mi hibhi per ionato ; 
 neir altra mi allegro, havendo havuto occafjone di Guadagnar quefta 
 fua altra Lettera, e dato a lei occafione di elplitarfi in quefto modo 
 in Lettre come ha fatto, e ne ringratio Dio priinj, e poi lei ancor.i, 
 che fi fia degnata mandarmi Lettera cofli grata, la qual potra lervire 
 a piu d' un prop .fito. 
 
 La prima di 21, Fu in fumma communica'a da me a Noflro Signi- 
 ore parcndomi neccflario chiarir bene fua Sanftita, fi per GiulUlica- 
 tione delle attioni paffate di V. S, Reverendillima come per non la- 
 fciar, che fua Sanftita ftefle nella difperatioiie dimoftraia gia dellc 
 cofe d' Iiighilteira, e della bonta del mezzo della Peifona fua: e 
 Benche S, Sanftita non havefle patienza fecondo 1' ordinario fuo di 
 leggere, o di udir la Lctttra, nondimeno le dilii talmente la fnmm.i, 
 che mollro rtflare fatisfattiffima, e dille elfer piu che ccria, che quella 
 non baveiia dato caiifa ne all' Imperatoie, ne ad altri d' ufar con lei 
 termini cofi eftravaganti, E quanto alia Revocatione di V. S. Reve- 
 rendiiTima fempre perfilleva che non fi poteffe fare fenza grand indig- 
 nita fua, e dilhonor della Sede Apcftolica, e carico dell' Imperatorc 
 ifteffo, e di V. S. Reverendiffima, e gran pregiudicio del Regno d' In- 
 glilerra : & Benche dicefTe di fcrivere alia Ca^farea Majcfta, nondi- 
 meno non fi rifolveua in tutto, com anco non fi rifolveua nella mate- 
 ria delli beni Ecclefiaflici, fopra la qual fua Sandlita ha parlato molte 
 ■volte variamente ; e nel refcrivere alia Regina d' Inghliterra, & al 
 Prencipe di Spagna, come V. S, Reverendiilima havera intefo da M. 
 Francifco Stella, & intcndera hora dall' Ormaneto, il qual fara porta- 
 tor di quefta, e tandem vien' efpedito in tutti li punti quafi conformi 
 al bifogno, 6c al dcfiderio fuo. 
 
 Io fon venuto a ftar qui a Sutrio fin le prime acque d* Agotto, che 
 poi piacendo a Dio ritornero a Roma. E le caufe della partita mia 
 V. S. Reverendifilma hora 1' intendera dal prefato Grmaneto, non ef- 
 iendo ftato opportuno fcriverle prima; non ho haviito altro fcrupulo 
 fe non partirmi, refiando il Negocio, e 1' Efpeditioni dcU' Ormaneto 
 cofti in pendente. Ma conofcendo la fufficienza, e la diligenza, e la 
 buon' Introduttione, che hanno quelli Miniftri di V. S. Reverendiili- 
 ma giudicando, non poterui far di piu di quel che g;a piu volte haveua 
 -fatto, penfai che ef]i haveriano potato fupplire megho di me, come 
 hanno di poi fatto. 
 
 Non occorre al prefente che io le fcrtva piu a lungo venendo il detto 
 M. Nicholo informato, che non e bifogno affaticarla in leggere mie 
 Lettere. Refta folo che Iddio conduca elTo, e M. Antonio a falva- 
 mento eflendo il viaggio in ogni parte da qui in Fiandra tanto perico- 
 iofo, dcppo che io preghi. che fua Maiella divina profpeii e felicitl 
 'V. S. Reverendifiima, ad Honor e Gloria iua in quell' Attioni, che 
 ha per le mani, come fon certo fara, e che quella mi ami, e mi co- 
 
 7 F mandi
 
 ^ 7 o j4 ColleBion Part III. 
 
 mandi al folito, perche comme ho detto, faccio conto, s* altro non mi 
 Fnterviene, avanti che di quella pofli haver rifpofta da lei, potei' efler 
 di ritorno a Roma, e con quefto faccio fine, e baci..ndo!e hum'lmen- 
 te la mano in bouna Gratia di V. S. Reverendiilima mi raccomando. 
 Di Sutrio, alii 13 di Lug'io 1554. 
 
 // Card, Mof'one. 
 
 A/ Card. Polo. 
 
 Number 24. 
 
 ALetter from Ormanet to PriLili, giving an Account of what 
 pafsd in an Audience the Bif}:)op of Avras gave him. 
 
 A Monfieur Priuli. 
 
 Claris'"*, e M". Rev"". Si:'', mio. 
 
 o 
 
 Uefta mattina affii per Tempo io glonfi al Campo, & ancor 
 che io poco fperafli d' haver commoda audienza da JMonfieur 
 d'^^-ras, ftando fi lul Marchiare, nondimeno 1' hebbi con la Giatia 
 ■di noftro Signlore Iddio, aflai commoda e grata, e fui gratiofamt-nte 
 -vifto da S. 6'ignoria alia quale feci intendere tutto qucllo, che mi era 
 flatocommeffo da Monfieur Uluftriffimo. La Rifpofta fu che 1' Impent- 
 toie h-iveua molto a cuore quefte cofe della Religione, e che non ha- 
 verebbe mai mancaco d' aiutaie quefta fant' imprcfa, come ha fempre 
 iatto in fimili occafioni con peiicoli-fin della Vita, ma che quanto all' 
 opportunita del tempo, la quale era ftata il principio e fundamento 
 del mio Raggionamento, a lui pareva, che fi fofil; caminato alquan- 
 to profperamente, non fi fipendo aliro doppo la venuta del Re d* 
 Inghilterra, che la Celebration' e folennita del matrimonio, e che pur 
 Sarebbc ftato a propofito, innanzi che s' andafi"e piu oltre, veder che 
 •camino pigliavano le cofe del Regno, e che dovendofi dar conco a fua 
 Majefta di quello, perche ioero firato mandato, eflb giudicava necef- 
 ifaii'o che fi tofi"e venato piu al pariicolare circa due c ;fe, la forma 
 dclle faculta d' intorno quefii beni (che gran diffcrenza Sarebbe fe 
 fofTe ftata commefiTa la cofa o al S. Cardinale, o alii Seren'.flimi Prin- 
 cipi) e poi il modo che voleua tener fua Sig. Reverendiilima circa 
 quefto afletto, e qui efl"o tocco che fofle ftato bene vedere la Copia 
 delle Faculta. A la cofa del tempo io rifpofi che per quifta opera 
 era fempre mature, immo che non fe ne doveua perdere memento per 
 il pericolo dell' anime, oltre che dovendofi dar principio a quefl' 
 imprefi col far capace ogn' uno di quello, che veramente fofl^e il ben 
 fjo, e perfuadeilo ad abbracciarlo, il qual' Officio fpetta principal- 
 mente a! Signior Legato, non fi vede che a far quefto il tempo non 
 iia fempre maturo, foggiongendo che S. Majefta non doverebbe mat 
 
 4 iat
 
 Book V. of Records^ Sec. ^yi 
 
 lafciir paffer 1' occalione di quefta veimta del Piincipe fuo figlivolo 
 in dar compimento a quefla riduttione, percio che facendofi hora, 
 r honor di quefta imprefa farebbe ftato attribuito a lui. Quanto al 
 particchr delle fV.culr?, difii che havcndo detro a S. Signoria die 
 quefto affetto era flato onimelTa all' aibitriodi S. Signo;ia llluftrilTima 
 mi paieva d' haver fatiifatto aflai, e che del modo del procedere ella 
 non era ancora rifoluto, non fi pot-. ndo pigliare in una cofa ta!e alcu- 
 «a rifolutione fe noi) ful fatto, e dop^io che el!a foflj (^ata picfeote, 
 per la neceflaria informatione di mohe cofe che corrono in quefta ma- 
 teria, circa h qujle toccii akuni altii punti, che S. Signoria Reve- 
 rendiflima iurendera piu iui^gamente alia mia venuta. La conclulione 
 fu che eflb non mancarcbbe d' infonnar fua Majefta del tutto, e per 
 far oeni buon officio in qiiedo, c qui nvi difTe deli an'mo che haveva 
 fempre hivuto d' aiutar quefte cofe della Religione, e del deliderio che 
 tenevadifervirfempre S, S. lUuflrifTima lingratiandola che 1' adoperaflc 
 io. Circa 1' afpetter la rifpoHa di S. Maieila mi d lie che non potendo 
 eflb far' all' hora qiiefto officio per la partita del campo, io me ne ve- 
 nifli a Valentiana, dove havuta la rcloliuione da S. Majcfca mi fa- 
 rebbe chiamare : e che non mi pigliafli altto afFanno di q lefto, e coHi 
 me ne fon vcnuto qua ccn queflo difegn:', di dar tempo tutto dimane 
 a S. Signoria di far quefi' oMici), e pofdimane non eilendo chlamattj 
 litornarniene a fv^licitare 1' efpeditione. Io ho volute dar quello conto 
 di quello che fin' hora e pafiato accio che non ritornando io, a quel 
 tempo che folli ftato alpettato, non fi ftelTe in qualche fofpenfion 
 d' animo. Sua M..jefla fta gagliarda, e cavalca, c va perfonalmente 
 vedendo 1' efiercito, e le cofe come paflano, il qual' cflercito hoggi 
 innanzi mezzo giorno e partito da Dolci quattro leghe lontano di qua, 
 Sc e and-ito ad unaltro viaggio chiamatolieu S. Amindo lontano di qua, 
 quello una legha, e piu vicino al campo Francefe, il quale quefta 
 mattina e partito da Crevacore e venuto una legha piu in qua. Bafcio 
 la mnno a Mens'' lIluftrilTimo e mi raccoinando a V. S. da Valentiano. 
 L,' ultimo di Luglio 1554. 
 
 Ser Ntcolo Ormaneta. 
 
 Number 25. 
 
 ^36 Letter that the Bipop of Arras '■ijcroie to Cardinal 
 Pole zip on that Audk7ice. 
 
 Al Card. Polo. 
 
 Ill""', e Rev"". Sio', mio Oil'^". 
 
 TRovomi ccn due Lettere di V, S. lUunrilllma nella prima delle 
 quali elle fi rallegra della felice arrivata del Principe N. S. 
 adelTo Re d' Inghilterra in que! Regno, « del confumato Matrimonio, 
 *^ la
 
 572, A CoUeBion Part HI. 
 
 la Leitera del medefimo per S. Miijefta Cefarea ho data io medefimo, 
 alia quale e piacciuto fommamente l' officio tanto amorevolmente da 
 V. S. Illufliiffima: dipoi arrive affai predo il fuo Anditore portator di 
 qacfta, veniito da Roma, dal quale ho intefo qiianto V. S. Revercn- 
 diiruna li haveva commeflb di riferirmi fopra le Lettere Credential!, 
 che egli mi ha portato, di che tutto ho fatto relatione a S. MajeOa 
 Cefarea, la quale ini ha comandata rifponderle quello die elTo fuo Au- 
 ditoie le potia riferirc, non giudicando S. Majeflii conveniente, ch^ 
 V. S. ReverendilTima piu.h il camino d' Inghilterra fin tanto, che con- 
 fultato il lutto con quelli Sereniffimi Re, come fa con un corricro ex- 
 prtflb pavtito hoggi, s' intenda da loro il flato prefenie delle coft; di 
 la e quello the conforme a quefto quel Re<:;no potria al prefente coin- 
 portare, accio che intefo il tutto S. Majcfta polTa meglio rifolverfi alia 
 ri^porta che ella havera a dare a V. S. Reverendiffima fj quella che di 
 fua parte ha piopoflo il detto fuo Auditore : non dubitando punto che 
 come fua Macfsta e V. S. IlluftrifTima hanno il zclo, che efie &, ambi- 
 doi i Re hanno alle cofe dellc Religione, che terranno per certo, 
 che non lafcieranno preterir punto di quello che convenghi al rimedio 
 d' efle nel punto Regno: caminandovi contal moderatione, che in 
 luogo di farvi del bene, non fi troncafle per fempre il camino al reme- 
 dio. E fenza piu a V. S. Illuftriffima bacio humilmente la mano. 
 Dull' exertito Cefarea appreflb Buchain li iij d' Agollo 1554. 
 
 Di V. S. Reverendiffima 
 
 Humil Ser' il Vefcovo cf A?-ras. 
 
 Number 26. 
 
 Cardinal Voiles Anfwzr to the BiJJjop of Attsls his Letter, 
 
 A Mens', d' Arras. 
 
 Molto 111". Rev^'. Sig'. 
 
 DAlla Lettera di V. S. e dalla relatione del mio Auditore ho inte- 
 fo quanto e piaciuto a fua Maefla farmi per hora fipere della 
 mente fua, intorno 11 negocio della mia legatione in Inghilterra, rife- 
 vandofi a darmene maggior rifolutione, quando havera intefo da quel- 
 li Sereniffimi Prencipi il prefente ftato delle cofe di la, perilche haveva 
 fpedito fubbito un corriero; Io mio fono molto rallegrato, vedendo 
 che in mezo di tanti, & fi urgenti negodi della guerra S. Majefia hab- 
 bia havuto tanta cura, e foUicitudine di quefta caufa di Dio, la quale 
 quando fia ben conclufa, non dubito le portera feco ogni buon fuc- 
 ceflion tuLto il reflo J llaro a fpettando quello che piacera a S. Ma-
 
 Book V. of Records y Sec. z;j^ 
 
 jefta di farmi fapere, poiche havera havuto rifpofla d' Inghilterra, ne 
 altramente penfai prima mi conveniffe fare. Et in quelto mezo pre- 
 garo la bonta d'Iddio, ciie coffi faccia ben intendere a tutto il corpo 
 di quel Regno queflo tempo, nel quale fua Divmi Maefta lo vifiu con 
 la gratia foa, come fon certo intendiuo beniffimo i capi loro, accio che 
 non fi habbita a dir contra di effi, miluus cognovit tempns fiium, po- 
 pulus autem hie non cognovit tempus vifitationis fuae, ma havendo 
 Iddio data gratia e quel Catholici Frincipi, a i quali tccca far' entcn- 
 dere & eflequir' a gli altri, quello che in quefta caufa con 1' honor di 
 S. MajeOa fara di falute, & univerfal bencficio di tutti, fpero che le 
 Maefta loro non fiano per mancare di far' in cio quello, ch' ogn' uno 
 afpetta dalla pieta loro, effende maffimamen'e eccitati, & aiutati, 6c 
 in cio dair authorita e prudentia di lua Majcfta Cefarea : havendo inte- 
 tefo che a V. S. f-ria ftato di fatisfattione veder copia del Bieve delU 
 faculta conceflami da N. S'. circa la difpofitione di i beni e^clcfijflici, 
 io glie la mando con qucfta, pregandola fia conter.ta farmi intendere 
 dalla ricevutd, e molto la ringra io dell' amorevolezza iua verfo di me, 
 e dcUacortefia ufata al dettb mio Auditoie. Dal Monarterio di Diligam* 
 alii 5 d* Agofto 1554. 
 
 Reginaldo Card. Pola. 
 
 Number 27. 
 Cardinal Volts Letter to King Philip. 
 Al Re d* Ifighilterra. 
 
 Ser"" Rex. 
 
 CUM maxime antea IcEfatus cfiem, cognito ex fima ipfa, &c lit- 
 teris meorum optatiflimo Majeftis tuic in Angliam adventu, & 
 falicifllmis nuptiis, qua; cum Sereniflima Regina noftra fummo omni- 
 um gaudio Scgratulatione celebrata; funt : tamen banc meam Ixtitiam 
 niagnopere cumularunt Serenitatis tux' littera- a Domino Comite de 
 Home, cum is in caftris apud Majeftem Crcfaream rcmanfiiTct, heri 
 miffaj ad me per nobilem Virum D. de S'". Martino Majeftis tuce do- 
 mefticum, eumdem cui ego has ad illam perferendas dedi. Etenim 
 expreffam in illis imaginem vidi ejus humanitaiis ac bcnignitatis, qua 
 Majeftatem tuam praster reliquas eximias virtutes excellere omnes prir- 
 dicant, qua; quidem virtus ab animi vcre Regii altitudine prcficifcitur. 
 Itaq ; ego Majeftati tuse ob hoc benevolentia; lignum mihi impertitum 
 maximas ut debeo giatias, ac tametfi per alia Litteras uberius hoc ip(b 
 officio furtSus fum, tamen iterum illi de hoc fslici matrimonio divina 
 Vol.. III. 7 G providentia,
 
 574 ^ ColkBion Part 111. 
 
 providentia, ut plane perfuafum habeo, ad irtius Regni quietem con- 
 ciliate, gratulor. Idq; eo magis quod confide brevi futurjm, ut ad 
 coram fibi Pontificis Maximi nomine gratulandum, quemadmodum in 
 mandatis habco, Majeftatis tuas pietas aditum mihi patefaciit cum 
 fummo totius EtclefiiE gaudio, & iftius Regni falute. Reliquum 
 eft ut Majeftati tuas omnia obfequa, quse illi vel pro Legationis mune- 
 re publice prseftare pofium, vel jam ut meo Principi ac Domino pri- 
 vatim debeq, defcram, atque poUicear. Qiiae quidem in rebus omni- 
 bus, quae ad ejus amplitudinem, laudem, honoremque pertinebunt 
 StudiofifTime femper praeftabo. Deus Opt. Max. Majcfl:atem tuam una 
 cum SerenilTima Reverendifllma Regina cuftodiat, ac diutiffime fjeli- 
 cem confervat. Mon''°. Deliga prope Bruxellas vii Idus Agufti 
 
 ^554- 
 
 Rgginaldo Card, Poluu 
 
 Number 2 8. 
 
 A Letter of Cardinal Pole'j to the Pope, giving an Account 
 of a Conference that he had with Charles/ he Vth^ con^ 
 cermng the Church Lands^ 
 
 Beatijfime Pater* 
 
 EMolto tempo cbe non havendo cofa d' importanza, non ho fcrit- 
 to a V. Santita per non moleftarle ; facendole col mezo del mio 
 Agente intendere tutio quello che occurreva ; e benche hora jo non 
 habbia da dirle quanto defidcrarei, nondimeno mi e parfo conveniente 
 fcriverle, e darle conto del raggiamento prima bavuta con Monfieur 
 d' Arrafs & poi di quel che ho negotiato con fua Majefta. Monf. 
 d' Arrafs ilia ex che fu il giorno ifteflb che fua Majefta torno, eflen- 
 domi venuto a vifitare, trovandofi all hora meco Monfieur il Nuncio, 
 mi difie, che fua Majefta havea veduta la Lettera che io mandai ulti- 
 mamente per 1' auditor mio, e che ella era heniftimo difpofta verfo 
 quefto negotio della Religione in Inghilterra come ft conveniva, e fi 
 poteva credere par la iua Pietat, & anche per 1' interefTe, che ne 
 fequeria de quel Regno & de qucfti Paieli per la congiuntione 
 che e tra loro. Si che quanto a quefta parte di difponer fua Ma- 
 jefta non accader far altro. Ma che era ben neceffario, che io 
 venifll a pariicolari, & atrattar de g)i impedimenti, e della via di rim,o- 
 verli.: Sopra che fua Maefta mi udiva molto volentieri, Jorifpofi che 
 veiamente non era da dubitare del huoAO e proato animo di fua Maefta, 
 
 C'Chc
 
 Book V. of Records^ &c. 57; 
 
 e che io ni era llato fempre peifuaffinimo. Na che quanto pertineva 
 all officio mio per efler io ftato mandate da V. Santita per far intender 
 L'ottima fua mente verlb i^ ialute di quello Regno, e la prontezza di 
 porgere tutti quel reniediiche dali' autorita Iba potcffer venire; a me. 
 non toccava far ahro, che procurar d'haver I'adito i E che ad tfle Prin- 
 cipi, quali ibno ful fatto, & hanno il governo in mano, le appartene- 
 va, far intended g':i impedimcn'i, che fuflcro in contrario : E tornando 
 pur elTo Monfieur d' Arras che bil'ognava che io defccndetli alii particu- 
 lari, io replicni che in qucfti caufa non conveniva in modo alcuiio 
 che fi procfcdefle come fi era fiitto inquella dclla puce; neile quale cialtu- 
 na delle parci flava fopra di fe non volendofi fcoprire, ma folo cercando 
 di fcopririie, I'al ra, per rifpetto de gli interefic particidari ; fercio che 
 quefta e una cnuf.i commune e ndla quale V. Santita e fua Maefta Ce- 
 ferea, & quei Principi hanno il medelimo fine, & noi ancora crme 
 miniftri. Confermo cio effer vero quanto al tratar della pace, con tlire 
 in efFetto in tratar del negocio della pace io mi aimo tutio. Ma pur 
 tuttavia tornava a dire, che io doveiii pei^fare e laggioi^.ar in p>irtico- 
 lare, con fua Maefta di queft impedimenti. E Monfieur il Nuncio 
 ■al hora voltatofi a me deffe, che in effetto era bifi gno venire a qacfti 
 particolari : E cofi al fine reftammo che ogniuno ti peuflafle fo- 
 pra« 
 
 Alii xi poi nell andar da S. Majefta, Monfieur d'Airas torna a re- 
 plicarmi il me^efimo; nellaudientia di S- Maefia, nelLi quale fi tro- 
 vo prefente Monfieur il Nuncio, e Monfieur d' Arras, poiche mi fiii 
 ralegrato con fua Maefta, che havendo libtrato quefii fuoi patfi 
 della Moleftie della Gueire, doppo tanti travagli, e d' animo e 
 di corpo fuft!e tornato piu gagliarda e meglio dil'pf fita che quando fi 
 paiti; in che fi videva che il Signior Iddio haveva prefervata & pre- 
 fervava, a maggior cofe in honor di S Di^ina Maefta a beneficio 
 commune. Sua Maefta confermo fenterfi aftfai bene, e dift^e dele in- 
 difpofitione che haveva havuta in Arras e altre cofe in fimil propofi- 
 to: Entrai poi a dire della Lettera, che io haveva flritta a S. Matfta 
 clella refpofta che Monfieur d'Arras mi haveva fatta, che era flata 
 di rimeterii al breve. Retorno di fua Maefta qui, e difli che i'e ha- 
 vefli a trailer qucfto negocio con altro Principe, della Pieta del quale 
 jion fufli tinto perfuafo, quanto io ibno ccrto di quella di lua Mae- 
 ft;a, dimoftirata da lei con tanti fegni, e nclla vira fua privata , e nell 
 attioni pubhche, cercarei de eflbrtarlo per tar.te vie qnan;e fi potria ad 
 abbracciar , e favorir quefta cofi fanta caufa. Ma che non efl^cndo 
 bifogno fare quefto con S. Maefta, e tanto piu per effer in querta 
 caula con honore d' Iddio, congionto anco il beneficio di S. Maefta 
 & del Sereniftimo Re fuo figUvolo, folo afpettava da lei ogni ajuto per 
 xemover gli impedimenti, che fuftero in quefto negocio : i quali per 
 quanto io poteva confiderere fono di duo forti : Uno pertinente alia 
 Do£brina CatoUica, nella quale non poteva efter in alcun modo indul- 
 gente, per eflbr cola pertinente alia fide ne poteva fanar altrimente 
 quefto ma'e, che con introdure de nuovo la buona Dodrina. L' al- 
 Iro impedimento effendo de i beni, gli ufurpatorl di quale, fapendo 
 Ja feverita delle Leggi Ecclefiaftiche, lemevano per quefta caufa di ri- 
 lornaral Obedienza dclla Chielaj dcfle difil che in quefta parte V. San- 
 tita
 
 57^., 
 
 A Collection Part III. 
 
 tita poteva, be era difpofta ad ufar la fua benignita & indulgen- 
 za : E primo quanto alle Cenfure e pene incorfe, fc alle Reftitutione 
 dc frutti percetti, che era di grand' importanza, V. Santita haveva 
 animo nell una nell altra di quefto due cofe d'ufar ogni indulgenza, 
 rimittendo liberamento il tutto: Ne penfava d'applicar parte alcana 
 d« detti beni a fe, ne alia Sede Apoftolica, come multi temevano : 
 Benche di Raggione lo poteffe fare, per le ingiurie & damni recevu- 
 ti ; ma che voleva convertir il tutto in fevitio d'ludio, & a Beneficio 
 del Regno, feuza haver pur une minima confideratione del fuo priva- 
 to interefle : Et confidandofi nella Pieta di quel Principi, voleva 
 far loro queft' Honore di far per mezo del fuo Legato, quelle grati« 
 che pareflero convenienti fecondo la propofta & interceffione delle 
 loro Maefta, a quelle Perfone che efle giudicaflero degne d' eflere 
 gratificate, & atte ad ajutar la Caufa della Religione. Sua Maefta re- 
 fpondendo ringratio prima molto V. Santita moflrando di conofcere 
 la fua bona mente, & con dire, che ella in vero haveva fatto aflai: 
 Poi difle che per gli impedimenti & occupation! della guerra, non 
 haveva potuto attendere a quefto negocio, come faria ftato ij fuo 
 defiderio: Ma che hora gli atcenderia; & che haveva gia fcritto e 
 mandato in Iiighiltcrra, per intender meglio in quefla parte 11 ftato 
 delle cofa, & aipettava in breve rifpofta: Et che bifognava ben con- 
 fiderare fin dove fi potefle andare ncl rimover queflo impedimento 
 d' beni ; il quali eflb per Icfperienza che haveva havuto in 
 Germania, conofceva eder il principale, Pcrchioche quanto alia 
 Dodrina, difle, che poco fe ne curavano quefto fali , non credendo 
 ne all' una ne all' altra via : Difle anche che eflendo ftati quefti beni 
 dedicati a Dio , non era da concedere cofi ogni cofa, a quelli che li 
 tenevano : E che fe bene a lei io diceffe fin dove s'eftendefle la miafacul- 
 ta, non pero fi haveva da far intendere il tutto ad altri : E che fara 
 bifogni veder il breve della faculta, per ampliarle dove fufle necefla- 
 rio : Alche io rifpofi haverlio gia fatto vedeie a Monfieur d' Ar- 
 ras, il quale non difle altra: E dubitando io che quefta non fufle 
 via di maggior dilatione difll a S. Maefta, che devendofi come io in- 
 tcndeva e come 8. Maefta doveva faper meglio , fare in breve il Par- 
 lamento, era d' avertire grandimente, che non fi facefle fenza Con- 
 clufione nella caufa dell obedienza della Chiefa 5 che quando altri- 
 mente fi facefle, farebbe d'un grandiflimo fcandalo a tutto il Mondo, 
 e danno alia detta caufa : E che fe bene la Regina a fare un cofi 
 grande atto , haveva giudicato haver bifogno della congiuntione del 
 Re fuo Marito, come che non efle bonum Mulierem efle folam, fe ho- 
 ra che Iddio ha profperito e condotto al fine quefta fanta congiunti- 
 one, fi dift*erifle piu I'efiecutjone di quefto eftetto, che dove eflar il 
 Principio & il Fundamento di tutte le loro Regie attioni, non refta- 
 rebbe via di fatisfar a Dio, ne a gli Huomini : E dicendo S. Maefta 
 che bifognava anco haver grand refpetto alia mala Difpofitione de gli 
 intereflati, e quanto imiverfalmejite fia abborito quefto nome d' obe- 
 dienza della Ciiiefa, e quefto cappel roflb, e I'habito ancora de i Reli- 
 giofi, Voltatofi all hora a Monfieur Nuncio e in tel propofito parlan- 
 do de frati coudofti di Spagnia dal Re fuo figlivolo, che fu confeg- 
 Kato far loro n>«tar i'Jhabito, is. bene cio non fi feci, ne fi conve- 
 
 Diva
 
 Book V. of Records y &c. cyy 
 
 nivafare: co;i dire anco dt quanto importanza fufle il tumulto del 
 Popolo, & in tal propofitotoccando anche de i ma'.i officij, che non 
 celiavano di fare per ogni via i nemici efterni. lo rirpofi che volendo 
 afpettare che tutii da ie fi dirponefTero, e che cefialle ogni impedimen- 
 to, faria un non venir mai a fine, perchiociie, gli intereflili madlma- 
 mente, ahro non vorriano fe non che fi continuaffe nel prefente ila- 
 to, con tenere 6c godere effe, tutto quello che hanno. In fine fa 
 conclufio che h aipettafle la ri porta d' Inghllterra, col ritorno del Se- 
 cretario Eras, che faria fra pochi di, e che iii quefto mezzo io pen- 
 
 'fafil, e conferiffi di quelle cofe con Monfieur d' Arras. V. Beatita- 
 dine pno on la fua prudenza vedere in che flato fi trovi quefta cau- 
 fi; e coi.ic fara necsffario, che qui fi trattino le difficulta fopra que- 
 fla beni i e per non tediaria con maggior lunghezz.j, quel di piu- 
 che mi occurreria dirle V. Santita fi degnira intendere dall A^entc 
 mio, alia quale conla debita reverenza bacio i fantiffimi piedi preg- 
 nando il Sig. dddio, Cheja confervi longamente a Servitio della fua 
 
 'Chiefa. Di Bruxelks alii 13 d' Od:ober 1554. 
 
 Reg'inaldus Card. Polus* 
 
 Number 29. 
 A Part of MafonV Letter to ^ueen Mary, concerning 
 
 Cardinal Pole. 
 
 CArdinal Poole having been fent to thefe Quarters for Tv^^o Pur- 
 pofes, th' one for the Meanning of a Cyvill Peas becween the 
 French King and the Emperor; and the other for the helping to con- 
 clude a Spiritual! Pea";, as he termeth yt, in the Re-ime of Eng- 
 land; perceyving neither of them both to come to fuch a pafs as his 
 good Mynde doth defyre, dotlie begvnne, as me femeth, to be ovvte 
 of Comfort: And being in manner clerely in dilpayre of th' one, yf 
 he receyve not fliortlye fomie Likeliadde of the other, being wery of 
 fo much Tyme fpent wythout Fiut'^ begyncth in that calb to 
 talk of his Return to Italy. If he return without tl)e feing of his 
 Countrey, lyke as he fhall retourne a forrovvful Man, fo fliall the 
 Realme have loft the Fruition of fuch a one, as for his Wyfdome, 
 joyned with Learning, Vertue and Godlynes, all the World fceketh 
 and adoureth. Jn whr^me it is to bee thought, that God hath cho- 
 fen a fpeciall Place of Habitation. Such is his Converfiuion, adorn- 
 ed with infinite Godly Qualities above the ordinary Sorte of Men. 
 And v;ho foever within the Realme lyketh him worft, I wold he 
 jnight have with him the Talk of one Half Howre : It were a 
 right ftony Harte, that in a fmall Tyme he could not foften, If 
 Vol. in. 7 H it
 
 A CoUeBion Part 111- 
 
 it be his Fortune to depart, without fhewing the Experience herof 
 in the Realme, his going away ftiall bL-, in myne Opinion, Uke the 
 Storye of theGofpell, of fuch as dwelt /« Regione Gerffmorum, wh9 
 uppon a fond Feare, defyred Chrifte, ofFring himfelf unto them, ut 
 ..dijcedere a Fhubus illcrum. 
 
 Thus, moft humbly defyring your Grace to pardone my bolde 
 and prefumptioufe medling in Matters pafling my Capacitye. I com- 
 mit the fame to the Tuicion of AJmightj^ Goddc. 
 
 From Bruxellsy the vth 
 
 oiQ£iobre isSA- Tour Grace's 
 
 Moft Humble, Faithful, 
 and Obedient Subje5l^ 
 
 John Mafone. 
 To the Queen's moft Excellent Majeftie. 
 
 Number 30. 
 
 A Letter of CardtJial PoleV to Philip the \\d^ complain- 
 ing of the Delays that had been made^ and defiring a 
 fpeedy Admittance into England. 
 
 Sereniilime Rex, 
 
 JAM Annus eft, cum iftius Regias domus fores pulfare capi, ire- 
 dum quifqiiam eas mihi appeiuit. Tu vero, Rex, fi queras, ut 
 folent qui iuas fores pulfare audiunt, quifnatii pullet ? Atque ego hoc 
 tantum reipondeam, me efle qui, ne meo afTcnfu Regia ifta domus ei 
 clauderetur, quce tecum limul eam nunc tenet, pallus fum me Dome 
 ■ & Patrii expelli, & exilium viginti annorum hac de caufa pertuii. 
 An li hoc dicam, non vel uuo hoc nomine dignus videar, cui & in Pa- 
 triam redi:us, .£c ad vos aditus detur ? At ego, nee meo nomine, nee 
 privalain Perfonam gerens pulfo, aut quidqiiam poftulo, fed ejus no- 
 mine cjul'qus Perfonam referens, qui Summi Regis & PaOoris Homi- 
 num in Terris vicem gerit. Hie eft Petri Succellor; atque adeo ut 
 ,: non minus verc dicam, ipfe Pctrus, eujus AiithorJtas & Poteftas, cum 
 
 . aatea
 
 Book V. of Records^ &c. 579 
 
 antea in ifto Regno maxinie vigeret ac floierer, pollquam non pafla. ell: 
 jusRegisedomus ei adiiri, qus nuiic earn poflidct, ex eo per fummam 
 inJHriam eft geda. Is Regias per me fores jampridem pulfat, Sc ta- 
 men quaj reliquis omnibus patent ei uni nondum apertuntur. Quid 
 :ita ejus ne pullantis Ibnum an vocantis vocem non audicnint, CjUi 
 intiis fun'.? Audierunt f..ne, & quidcm non minore cum admi- 
 ratione Divinae Potentia; & Benign! at!s erga Iicckfiam, qu.m 
 dim Maria ilia afFefta fuerit, cum uc eft in Adls Ap^ftolorum, 
 Rh' de ancilla ei nunciaffet Pctrimi qnem Rev in vi.uu'a con- 
 jecerat, ut mox necaret, Jx, pro quo Ectlefia affiduc precabatur e 
 carcere Jiberatum ante oftium pulfantcm flare. Ut tnim hoc 
 ci c^terilque qui cum ilia erant magnam attu!ic admirationem, ia 
 nunc qui norunt eos qui Petri Authoiitatem Poteftatemq; in iflo Reg- 
 :no retinendam elTe contendcbanr, in vincula Herodiano Imperio con- 
 jedtos, ,&crudeliffime intertedos fuilTi, quin etiam Succell'jFum Peiri 
 nomina e libris omnibus fublata in quibus pxcationes llccleiia} pro 
 eorum incolumitate ac lalute continebantur, qui inquam Ija^c norunt,, 
 fcdta ad omnem Memoriam Petri Autoriiatis a Chiifto tradi ai pcnitus 
 vCX Animis Hominum delendam, qui fieri poteft ut non maxime admi- 
 rentur hoc Divinaj Benignitatis & Potcntinae pignus £C Teftimcnium: 
 Petrum nunc qujii iterum e carcere Herodis liberatum, ad Regice do- 
 mus fores unde base omnia iniquiilima in eum cdidla .emanarunt, pul- 
 :fantem ftare, .& cum hoc maxime mirandum ell, turn illud non mi- 
 nus mirum, a Maria Regina domum banc teneii: Sed cur ill.i tamdiu 
 foras aperire diftulit. De ancilla cuidem illud Mariai Scriptum eft, 
 earn Petri Voceaudita prx nJmio gaiidio fuae quaii oblitam, de aperi- 
 endo non cogitaffe : Rem priu?, ut Maris aliifq; qui cum ca erant 
 nunciarer. accurriffe, qui cum primo an ita efiet dubitafient, mox 
 cum Petrus pulfare pergeret aperierunt, neq; ilium domo recipere funt 
 -veriti, etfi maxim:im timendi caufam habebant, Herode ipfo vivo 6c 
 regnante. 'Hie vero quid dlcam de Maria Regina, gaudeo ne e.im an 
 ■tinore elle prohibitam quominus aperaerit; prefertim cum ipfa Pi:Cri 
 ^Vocem audieiit, cum certo fciat eum ad domus ftia; janiiam jamJiu 
 pulHintem flare: Cum admirabilcm Dei in hac re potentiani agnofcat, 
 qui non per AngeUim, ut tunc Petrum e carcere Herodis, led fua man- 
 nu eduxit, dc'iefta porta fcrrea qua; viam ad Regiam ejur. domum in- 
 tercludebat: Scio equidem illam gaudeie, ftio crimn vcio timere; 
 neq; enim nifi timertt tam din dlftulifict. \'e um fi Petii liberaiione 
 gaudet, ll rd miracu'.um agnofcit, quid impedim;n:o Juic quo minui 
 eiad januam Itetabunda occrrreri*, ei.mque mt-riaras Dro gratias ageiis, 
 introduxerit, Herode prefertim mcrtuo, omniq; ejus ia^ipcr o ad earn 
 .dclato? An fortafTjs Divina Providentia qr33 ts d Jcftum Petri Fdium 
 & ei Virum deftinarat, illam timore aliquo (antifper aftici permifit, 
 • dum venifies, ut uiriufqj ad rem tarn pr.xclaram & falurarem agendam, 
 opera atque officium coniungeretur; Equidem fic antea hunc Marise 
 Regina.' conjugis tu:B timorcm, quod etiam ad earn Scripfi fum interpre- 
 tatus: Ac propterca ad te nunc, Virum ejus, Principem Rd glofiffi- 
 mum, fciibo, & abs te ipfius Petri Chrifti Vicarii nomine poft'do, ut 
 iilli omnes timoris caiifas prorfus excutias: Habis vero expeditifiimam 
 ^excutiendi rationem, fi confideres eique proponas, quam ind gnum fit 
 fi dum te ilia Corporis fui fponfum accerferiCj cum non deejTent qm?; 
 3 itim.eaJ5-
 
 sSo 
 
 A CoUeSiion Part iil. 
 
 timeiida viderentur, tamen omnem timorem fola vicerit, nunc te fan- 
 to Principi illi coniundlo, timore prohiberi quominus aditiim ad io 
 aperiat Iponfa; aiiimas (use, meaim una &; cum r'etro tamdiu ad fore5 
 expedanti; qui prefenim tot & tarn miris modis cullodem ejus fey 
 dctenforemq; eile declaravir. Noli enim, Rex, putare, me aut folum 
 ad veftram Regiimdomum, aut uno tan urn Pttro comitatum venifle; 
 cuius lei hoc qnidem tibi ccrtum Argumentum tff; poteft, quod tam- 
 diu pierevcro pulfans: Nam five ego Iblus veniffem, Iblus j<.mpridem 
 abiiflem, queiens 6c expoftulans quas aliis omnibus pateant, mihi uni 
 occlufas efle fores; five una mecum folus Petrus, jampridem is quoque 
 dircsflillet, meque fecum abduxiflct, pulvere pedum excuflb, quod 
 ei preceptum fuit a Domino ut facciet quotiellunque ejus nomine ali- 
 quo accedcns non admitteretur. Cum vero nihil ego, quod ad me 
 quidem attinet conquerens, perfeverem, cum Petrus pulfare non de- 
 iiftat, utrumque fcito ab ipfo ChriHo letineri, ut fibi fponlb animae 
 utriufque veftrum aditus ad vos patefiat. Neque enim unquam vere- 
 bcr dicere, Chriftum in hac Legaiione, qua pro ejus Vicario fungor, 
 mecum adeffe : Quamdiu quidem mihi confcius ero me nihil nieum, 
 me non veftra, fed vos ipfos toto animo omnique Audio qusrere. Tu 
 vero, Princeps Catholicas, cui nunc Divina Providentia &; Benigni- 
 tdte additum eft aUerum hoc prasclarum Fidei Dcfenlbris cognomen, 
 quo Reges Anglia; ApoUolica Petri Autoritate funt audi atque orna- 
 ti, tecum nunc confideia quam id tute Pietati conveniat, cum omni- 
 bus omnium Principum ad te Legatis aditus patuerit, ut tibi de hoc 
 ipfo cognomine adepto gratularentur, folum Succefloris Petri qui hoc 
 dedir, Legatum, qui propterea miflus eft ut te in folio Regni Divina 
 fummi omnium Regis quam affcrt pace & gratia, confirmet, non ad- 
 mitti? An fi quidquam hie ad tim'.;rem proponitur, quominus eum 
 admittis non multo magis Chrifti hac in re metuanda eftet ofFenfio, 
 quod ejus Legatus qui omnium primus audiri debuit, tamdiu fores 
 expcdtet, cum ca:teri Homines qui multo ptjft venerunt, nulla inter- 
 pofita mora, iiuroducli auditiq; fint 6c honorifice dimilli. At hie 
 conquer! incipio; conqueror quidem, fed idcirco conqueror, ne 
 jurtam tux Majeftati caulam de me conquerendi pra;beam, quam fane 
 pr^beiem, fi cum periculi, quod ex hac cundtatione admittendi Lc- 
 gati a Chrifti Vicano Mini, nobis veftroq; Regno impendtt, Regi- 
 nam fa^pe admonuerim, nihil de ea re ad Majcftattm tuam Scribe- 
 rem; quod officium cum tibi a me pro eo quo fungor munere maxi- 
 me dtbeatur, id me fatis perfoluturum tlTe arbitror, fi his Literis 
 oftendero quantam periculi ei immineat, cui iljud vere dici poteft, 
 dift'ilitli Chriftuni tuum. Is autem Chriftum difFert, qui Legatum 
 mifl'jm, ab ejus Vicario, ad requirendam Obedienti.;m Ecclefia;, ipfi 
 Chiifto debitam, ex quo noftra omnium pendet falus, non ftatim ad- 
 mittit. Differs vero, tu Princeps fi cum nccercitus fueris, ut pro 
 munere Regio viam ad banc Divinam Obedientiam in tuo ifto Regno 
 reft.tuendam munias, ipfe alia agas. 
 
 iNumbex 
 
 \
 
 Book V. of Records^ Sec. 5S1 
 
 Number 3 r. 
 
 J7}e Lore/ PagetV ^nd the Lord HaftingsV Letter con- 
 
 cer?img Cardinal Pole. 
 
 An Crigitiah 
 
 IT male pleafe your moft Excellent- Majefly to be adveitifed, that .oyr- 
 arriving here upon Sunday laft in the Forencone, we had Ai'di- 
 etice of the Emperors Majeftie in the Afternoonc, notwithfbanding 
 that the fame had that Daie received the BlelTed S.icramenr, vvherby 
 we noted a great Care in him, for the Expcdicioa of us hence again: 
 After dew Commendation made unto him by. us, 'on your Majeif les 
 Behalfe, and theCaufes of our comyng declared unto him with fuche 
 Circumftance«, as by the Tenure of our Indruftions, we have in 
 Charge to open unto him, he rtjoyced very much to here the fame; 
 and firft giving unto you both mofl harty Thanks for your Commen- 
 dations, and then enquiering very diligently of' your good Proiperi- 
 ties and "VVellfares, and fpecially (Madame) of the State of your Ma- 
 jefties Perfone, he roufed hlmfelf with a rneiry Cherp, and faid, that 
 among many great Benefits, for the which he thought himfflf moft 
 bounden unto God, this was one of the greateO, that it had plcafed 
 ]iim to bold his BlefTed Hand over that Realme ; and fo taking occa- 
 iion to reherfe in what gOv)d Eftate, and great Reputa ion, he knew 
 the Realme of E^/^/rt^;^ had :bene in the Beginning; and afterward in- 
 to what CalmTties the faine fell into, much (he faid) to his Regret; 
 he gave God Thanks, not only fjr the great JV'Iiracles, which he had 
 fnewe.i upon yt-ur Muj^llie to make yoa his apt Minifter for the rc- 
 floping of that Kingdome to the Auncient Dignite, Wehh, and Re- 
 Bowne, '.hnt alto for that it hath pleafcd him to give you fo fone, lo 
 eertalne a Hope of Succeffion ; wiierof like as he bathe Ca'jfe for his 
 Parte, (he llid) to Re)ovce and take great Comfarie, f j hath all Eng- 
 land greater Caufe to tliink themfelfs mofl: b:.unden unto Ciod, to 
 pleafe him, and to feivc him for the fame: Thcfe Tydings, he fiid, 
 of the State cf your Majeflies Pefone (Modame) with the Reaport 
 that we had made imto him of the great Conformiie, tnd bole Con- 
 f-nt of the Noble Men, 2n<l others in their Proceedings before your 
 Majeftics, touching the receivi-.g of my Lord Cardinal into Eiiglavd, 
 :itnd their esrneft Submifiions to the Obedience, and Union of the Ca- 
 ■tholique Church, were fo pleafant ur.to him, as if he had been half 
 Deade, yet ihey fould have been ynoughe to have revived him again. 
 Thefcand many other fuch like Woides he ufed to declae the Jov, 
 and Conrentmeiit of his Minde, for the good Succefir of tliib Matter. 
 I'nthe mayning v/hereof there, if any Thing (faid he) fiuild fortune 
 wh.erin his Advii'e might be thought requiiiie, ycur Maieilies rtuild 
 ■not onjey find the fame ready, but a'fo in any oiher Ti.iiv^ th;it lait 
 in him, which miLht fcrve to vour Honor', and the Bcntfi'C of t^ c 
 JRealme: To ihis w he a for our. .Parts h.Ml joined fuch Talk, as to 
 this Purpofe femed to our Poor Witts Convenient, dccluing your 
 •Godly -Difpofitiones in-this Mater, how much ycu repofed your felfs 
 iipon his great Wifdome aiid Experience; what Confidence ycu had 
 Vol. IlL " 7 1 m
 
 582 
 
 A ColleBion Part 111. 
 
 in his Fatherly Love, and Friendly AfFedtions towards your Majefties, 
 and the Benefite of your Realms: We toke our leaves of his Majeftie, 
 and repaired furthwith unto my Lord Cardinal, whofe Gladnes of 
 ■our comyng we fliall not need with many Words to declare unto your 
 Majeftie ; nor yet whst Speech he ufed to fct furth, how much he 
 Avas bounden unto your Majefties for your Gracious Difpofitions to- 
 wards him, and how much both you and he were bounden to Al- 
 mighty God, for the bending of your Harts this waies, for your Ma- 
 jefties fhall and maie perceive tlie fame more plainly by himfelf at his 
 comyng unto your Prefence. This under your Majefties CoiTed:ions we 
 maie be told to write unto you, that we bdieve verely^ that whenfo- 
 ever he (hall be in England, the fame fliall fare the better for him, 
 for he is the Man of God, full of all Godlines and Vertue, ready to 
 humble himfelf to all Facions that may do good ; and therefore he is 
 contented, not only to come into E?ig/and in fuch fort as your Ma- 
 jeflies have appointed, not as a Legate, but as a Cardinal, and Am- 
 baffador to your Majefties, but in any other fort whrttfoever it be, 
 that your Majefties will apointj he afliiring your Majefties, that 
 touching the Matter of PoflrelTions, all Things fliall come to paflTe, on 
 the Pope's Behalfe, in fuch fort as every Man there fliall have Caufe 
 to be contented. Yefterday Night he toke his Leave of the Emperor, 
 and fo did we alfo, This Daie he repaireth onwards his Journey, to 
 an Abbaye Two Miles hence, whither he hath ufed much to reforte, 
 the Tyme of his abode here. To Morrow at Night to Dendermount ; 
 Thurfday to Gawnte ; Friday to Bruges -, Saturday to Newport ; 
 Sunday to Dunkirke ; Mojiday to Calice ; (for his weake Body can 
 make no great Journies) and his Efl:ate alfo to be conftdered. In this 
 Tourney we fliall not fiile to do him all the Honour and Service we 
 can, afwell for that we take it to be our fpecial Charge, as for that 
 alfo his great Vertues have wonne us, and bind us to the fame : We 
 have written now, befides our fpeaking at our pafting by, to the Lord 
 Depute of Calice, for all Things to be in a redines for his Tranfpor- 
 tation ; fo as we trufl we fliall not have occafion to tarry long 
 there. And thus we befeeche Almighty God to prefcrve both your 
 Majefties long, and long to live together to your own good Content- 
 ments, and to the great Comfort, and Benefit of us your poor Subjedls. 
 From Bruxells the 13th of Noveniber in the Morning, 1554. 
 
 Tour Majejlies, 
 
 Moji Humble, Faithful, 
 And Obedient Servants 
 
 'Williafu Paget* 
 JEdw. Hajlings^ 
 
 To the King and Queens Majefties. 
 
 INumber
 
 Book V. of Records^ &c. ^83 
 
 Number 32. 
 
 An Original Letter of MafonV, of a Preacher that preffed 
 the Rejlitutmi of Chtircb-Lands, 
 
 AFter moft hartie Commendations, I have fent to my Lords at this p^.i,..of}ir{. 
 prefent the Emperor's Commiflarles Anfwere made at the Dietf, 
 to a Letter lately lent from the French King to the faid Diett, of 
 the Circulls of Germanye aflembled at Francfort. And forafmuche 
 as yt chanced me at the Clofing up of my Lettre, to have the Sight " 
 of an other Anfwer made to the faied Lettre, by fome bearing good 
 Will to the Emperor's Affaires, I thought good to coppye ir, and to 
 fend it unto you ; albeit by the reading thereof, yt may appere yt 
 was made by fome Man, rather to afiaye his Witte, and to declare 
 his Affeftion, then of intent to anfwere particulerly the Matier. It 
 was this Morning told me, by one of the Emperor's Counfell, who 
 jnilliked muche the Matier, that a Preacher of ours, whofe Name he 
 reherfed, betithe the Pulpetjolyly m Eiigland, for the Reftitution of 
 Abbaye Lands. If it be fo meant by the Prince, and be thought 
 convenient fo to be, then doth he his Duetie; but yf contrarely, yt 
 be neither meant nor thought convenient, it is a ftrange Thing in a 
 well ordered Commonwealth, that a Subjedl fliall be fo h.irdie to crye 
 unto the People openly fuch Learning, as wherby your Winter 
 Works maye in the Somer be attempted with fome Storme. And 
 wer the Thing fitt to be talked of, yet were the Princes and the 
 Counfell, who might remedy it, meter to be fpoken with therin, 
 then the Multitude, who therby may receyve an yll Impreffion, and 
 an Occafion of lewd Thinking, and lev/de Talking, and lewd Doing 
 alfo, if it may lye in their Powers; and that is all, that of Sowing 
 thies Maters amongs them can enfue. Thefe unbridled Preachings 
 were fo much to be mifliked in the yll governed Tyme, as Good 
 Men trufted, in this Good Governance, it fhould have been amend- 
 ed. And fo maye it be, when it fliall pleaf; my Lords of the Coun- 
 fell as diligently to confyder it, as it is more then necelTarie to be 
 loked unto. The Partye, me thinketh, might well be put to Si- 
 lence, if he were afked, How, being a Monk, and having profeffed 
 and vowed folemply wilful! Poverty, he can with Confcience keep a 
 Deanery, and Three or Four Benefices ? I he.ire, by the Report of 
 other Ambaffadors here, of the Return of the Rea!me to the Unitie 
 of Chriften Church, whereof all good Men have much caufe to re- 
 joyfe. I would have been glad to have been able, at the leaft, to 
 have confyrmed the News by fome certaine Knowledge: But being 
 the Ordenarye of AmbafTadors of England, to knowe leaft of all 
 others of the Matiers of the Reiilm, I murt: content my felf •, truft- 
 ing that, as I am enformed, the AmbafTador ther hath Icil: his Name : 
 For that it is not thought neceffarie the Father to have an Ambafia- 
 
 dor
 
 584 
 
 A Collection Part ill. 
 
 dor to the Sonne, fo fhall with Tyme, this Office on this Side be- 
 ing no more needful! then it is, be difchavged alio. Or if myne A- 
 bode fliall be longer, then wold I att -Leluie be a Suter to you, to 
 be a Mean for befure to come over for Three Week?, or a Month, 
 to fee the King's Highnes, and to doe his Majcfty my Duty, and fo 
 to return. I mean no Hafte, but as Matter and Occafion may fervc 
 hereafter. Thus I commit you to the Keeping of Almighty God. 
 At Brujjels, tlie 1 2th Day of December 1 554. 
 
 Yoiir mod afTurcdly 
 
 yohn Mafone. 
 
 1 2 til of Decejttber 1554- 
 
 To the Right Honourable Sir W. 
 Peter; Kt. King and ^tieejis 
 Principal Secreiarye. 
 
 Number 3 3. 
 
 Cardi7ial PoleV Commiffion to the BiJJoops^ to Reconcile all 
 in their Diocefes to the Chia'ch of Rome. 
 
 Ex. Reg. 13 Eginalcius-, Miferatione divina, Sand^ai Maris In Cofmedim 
 
 Norvvic, _f\ Sancla; Romana3 Ecclefirs, Cardinalis Polus, Nuncupatus San- 
 
 ' * ' ■ Clinimi Domini noftri Papa;, & Sedis Apoftolicfe, ad Serenifllmos 
 
 Philippum 6c Mariam, Anglic; Heges, & univerfnm Anglian Regnum, 
 
 de Latere Legatus. Venerabili, ac Nobis in Chrifto Dik(fto, Epif- 
 
 copo Norwiccnfi, feu ejus in Spiritualibus [V. carlo] Generali, Salu- 
 
 tem in Domini fempiternam. Cum Sancftiffimus in Chrifto Pater 
 
 Dominus nofler, Dominus Julius, divini Prcvidentia Papa Tertius, 
 
 inter alias Facultatts, pro hujus Regni, omniumque Perfonainim in eo 
 
 ■exiftcntium, Sanftae'EcclefisCatholica; Reconciliationem faciendam ne- 
 
 ceflarias, Nobis in noflra hac Legations concelTa?, banc fpccialiterin- 
 
 du'.gerit, ut quofcunq-ue in Pferefium & Schifmatis errores lapfos, ab 
 
 lis, ic a quibufcunque cenfuris &; poenis propLerea incurfi^ iibfol- 
 
 vere, & cum eis fuper irrcgularitate pra-mifibrum occafion e contradla 
 
 " difpenlare, & alia multa ad hxc neceffaria, feu quomcdolibet oppor- 
 
 ~tui^ facere. -Et hoc idem munus Catholicis locoram Ordnariis, &; 
 
 :aliis
 
 BookV. of Records^ Sec. t^Bc; 
 
 aliis Perfonis Deum timenabus, iiJe in/ignibus, & Litcrarum fcientia 
 prsdiris, demandare poffuinus; prout in ejus LIteris, tarn fub plum- 
 bo, quam in forma brevis expeditis plcnius continetur. Cun^que Dti 
 Benignitate, 6c Screniffimorum Regum Pietate, Regnum iioc univer- 
 faliter, & omnes Domini, Spirituales & Tempcrales, alijeque Perfo- 
 nx communitatum, in eo quod proxime celebratum eft, I'ai llamento 
 congregato fingulaiiier piitno : £t deinde univerlum Corpus Cieri 
 Provincias Caniuariens', & omnts fere Perfonse fingu'as didum Coro'os 
 reprefentantes, coram nobis exilien', aliteque plersque fuerint Sanda: 
 Ecclefias Catholicae, per Nos iplbs reconciliatae. Speramufque fore, 
 ut omnes alias quae reconciliataj adiiuc non funt, reconciliari debeant ; 
 difficileque, & potius impofljbile fit, ut tarn numerofa Multitudo 
 per Nos ipfos reconcilietur. Ideo vices noftras, in hoc, Lccoruni 
 Ordinariis, & aliis Perfonis ut fupra qualificuis, delegandas duxi- 
 mus : Circumfpedlioni igitur ^cdrx, de cujus Probirate, 6c Cbari- 
 tatis zelo, plenam in Domino Fiduciam obtinemus, Au<5loritate Apo- 
 ftolica, Nobis, per Literas ejufdem Sandiflimi Domini noftri Papa: 
 concefTa, & per nos vobis nunc impenfa, omnes 6c fingulas utriufque 
 Sexus, tarn Laicas quam Ecclefiafticas, Seculares, &" quoiumve Or- 
 dinum Regulares veflias Civitatis 6c Dioces' Perfonas, in quibufvis 
 etiam Sacris Ordinibus conflitutas, cujufcunque Status Sc Qualitati^j 
 exiftant, Etiam fi Capitulum, Collegium, Univerfitas, feu Commu- 
 nitas fuerir, quarumvis Hsrefum aut novarum Sedtarum Profeflbre?, 
 aut in eis culpabiles vel fufpedtas, ac credentes, receptatore , aut fau- 
 tores eorum, fuos errores agnofcentes, ac de illis dolentes ; 6c ad or- 
 thodoxam Fidem recepi humiliter poftulan' cognita in ipfis, vera, 6c 
 non fifta, aut fimulata * Potentia, ab omnibus 6c fingulis Hserefum, *.^'^'^""'"'" 
 Schifmatis, 6c ab orthodoxa Fide, Aportafiarum 6c Blafphemiarum, 
 6c aliorum quorumcunque fimilium errorum ; etiam fub generali Ser- 
 mone non venientium peccatis, criminibus, exceffibus 6cdeli(5lis; de 
 quibus tamen jam inquifiti, vel accufati, feu condemnati non fuerint, 
 & quibufvis Excommunicationis, Sufpenfionis, 6c Interdi(floruni, 6c 
 aliis Ecclefiafticis 6c Temporalibus, Cenfuris 6c Poenis, in eas pra:- 
 miflbrum 6c infrafciiptorum occafione, a Jure vel ab Homine Jatis vel 
 promulgatis ; etiam fi in eis pluribus Annis infordueiint, 6c earum 
 Abfolutio, didsB Sedi etiam per Literas in Coena Domini legi confuetas, 
 refervata exiftat in utroque ConfcientiiE, fcilicet & contentiofo foro, 
 cos vero qui jam inquiliti, vel accufati, aut condemnati fuerint, ut 
 pracfertur, ad cqr revertentes in ford Confclentiae, tantum pleijarie 
 abfolventur 6c liberentur. Nccnon cum eis fuper iiregularitate, per 
 eos prsemiflbrum occafione contrada, etiam quia fic Ligati, Miflas 
 5c alia Divina Officia, etiam contra Ritus 6c Ctremonias haftenus pro- 
 batas 6c ufitatas celebraverint, aut illis alias fe imniifcuerint, contr^dla 
 quoqiie irregularitate, 6c aliis prsemillis non ob.'laniibiis, in fuis Or- 
 dinibus, etiam ab Ha^reticis 6c Schifmaticis Epifcopis, etiam minus 
 lice, dummodo in eorum collatione, Ecclefine F"orma 6c Intentio fit fer- 
 vata, per eos fufceptis, 6c in eorum fufceptione ; etiamli Juramentum 
 contra Papatum Romanum pra^ftiteiint ; etiam in Altaris Minifleiio 
 miniftrare, ac quajcunque, quotcunque, 6c qualiacuiique ; eiiam 
 Curata invicem tamen fe Compatientia, Beneficia Sccularia vel Regu- 
 laria. Dignicatibus in Collegiatis, Ecclefiis Principalibus, 6c in Cathe- 
 VoL. HI. K k dralibus. 
 
 lia.
 
 ,5 86 
 
 AColkBion Part III. < 
 
 tiralibus, et'um MetropoUtanis pod Pontiticalem, majoribus exceptis ; 
 
 IS 
 
 etiam a Schiimaticis Epifcopts, feu aliis Collatoribus ; etiam Laicali 
 Pietatis prastextu habita, Auftoritate Apoftolica retinere, dunimodo 
 alteri Jus qutEfitum non fit, & non promotes ad omnes etiam Sacros, 
 g^ a_ & Prefbiteratus Ordine?, a fu's Ordinariis, fi digni & idcnei reperti 
 ■fuerint, rite 6c legitime promoveri, ac Btneficia Ecclefiafiica eiiam 
 curata, fi eis alias canonice conferantur, recipere & retinere valeant, 
 ■qiialitate temporis, Mininrorum defeiftu, & Ecclefia? Neceffitatibus, 
 Utilitatibufque ita pofcen' difpenfand' & indulgciid' ac omnem inha- 
 bilitatis 6c infamize maculam, five notam, ex praemifs' quomodolibet 
 infurgen' penitus 6: omnino abolend'. Necnon in priftinum, 6c 
 cum in quo ante prarmifTa quomodolibet erant, Statum ita ut omni- 
 bus 6c iingulis Gratiis, Privilegii% Favoribus 6c Indultis, quibus 
 casteri Chrilti Fideks gaudent, 6c gaudere quomodolibet pofTunt, uti 
 6c gaudere valeant, in omnibus, 6c per omnia ; perinde ac fi a Fide 
 Catholica in aliquo nunquam defecifTent, reftituend' 6c reponend' 6c 
 redintegrand', 6c eis, dummodo Corde contriti, fua errata 6c excef- 
 fus, Circumfpectioni veftrae, alicui alteri per eos eligend', Catholico 
 Confeflbri facramentaliter confiteantur ; 6c Peniten' falutare eis pr«- 
 •mifs' injungend' omnino adimpleaiur : omnem publlcam Confeflionem, 
 Abjurationem, Renunciationem 6c Pcenitentiani, jure debit' arbitrio 
 vettro mnderan', vel in tot' remitten'. Necnon quofcunque Regu- 
 lares 6c Religiofos, extra eorum regularia ioca, abfque Sedis Apofto- 
 licffi Licentia, errantes ab Apoflafije reatu 6c Excommunicationis, 
 aliifque Cenfuris 6c Poenis Ecclefnfticis, per cos propterea, etiam 
 juxta fuorum Ordinum inftituta incurs', injundla eis pro mcdocula, 
 Pcenitentia falutari pariter abfolvend' : Et fuper quacunq ; inegularitate 
 ■propterea, per ecs contrafla, ac turn eis ut a'iv.ui Curato Eenefic' de 
 illud obtinen' confcnfu, etiam in liabitu Clerici Secularis, habitur' 
 lunm regularem fub honefta toga Prefbitcri Secularis deferen', defer- 
 viie, 6c extra cadem Ioca regularia remancre ad beneplacitum noftrum, 
 libere 6c licite pofTuntj eadem Audtoritate Apoflolica, ob defedlum 
 Miniftrorum, hn alias prsdicflas caufas, difpenfandi. Ac quofcunque 
 quum in Sacris Ordinibus corftituti, Matrimonia etiam cum Viduis 
 6c coriuptis Mulieribus de i^QC contraxerint, poftquam Mulieres fic 
 copulat' rejrcerint, illifque abjuraveiint, ab hujufmodi exceffibus, 6c 
 •Excommunicationis Sen tentia impofit', eis pro mode culpae, Pceniten- 
 tia falutari, in f irma Ecclefise confueta abfolvend' : Ac cum eis, poft- 
 tiu'm Pcenitentiam peregerint, 6c continenter ac laudabiliter vivere 
 cogniti fuerint, fuper Bigamia propterea per cos contraft' ; Ita ut ea 
 non obftan', in quibufvis fufceptis 6c fufcipiendis Oidinibus ; etiam 
 rn Altaris Miniflerio miniftrare, ac alicui Beneficro Ecclefiartico, de 
 illud obtinentis confenCu, defcrvire ; 6c extra tamen Diocefin, in qua 
 fuit copulatus eifdcm de caus' difpenfand'. Necnon Parochialium Eccle- 
 fiarum tua; Dioces' Reclores five Curatos, de quorum Fide, Probita- 
 te, Circumfpedion' ac Charitatis zelo, plena Fiducia confpici poflit, 
 ad quarumcunque utriufque Sexus fuse Parochias Perfonarum Laica- 
 Tum, tantum Abfolutionem, 6c Ecclefias Catholic^e Reconciliationem, 
 ut praefertur, Auftoritate Apoflolica, faciendam. Et fi qui ex Cu- 
 fatis praedidtis ad id idonei non fuerint, in eorum defe<5lum alias ido- 
 
 neas
 
 Book V of Records^ &c. 587 
 
 reas & fufficientes Ferfonas, qui eorum Vices fuppleant nominand' 
 & deputand' quas fic per cas nominat' 6c deputat' in locum noftrum 
 in Rcemiflionibus, ahfolutionibus, &; recdnfiKationibus fubftituimus 
 eiifque vices noftras fubdelegamus : plenam & libei am Audoritate Apo- 
 ftolica nobis ut prasmittitur concelTa, tenore prefentium concedimus 
 Facultatem ; vofque in pra^miifis omnibulque in noftrum locum fubfti- 
 tuimus praemiffis ac reguta de infordefen' & ordinationibus Apoftolici.s 
 & omnibus illis, quae in Literis Praedidtis Saiidlitas fua voluit, noa 
 obftare, contrariis non obftantibas quibufcunque piefentibus in piK- 
 teritis cafibus locum haben' & ad bencplaciuim noftium duratuiis, 
 Dat' Lambeth' prope Londin' Winton' Dice' Anno a Nativitate 
 Domini Millefimo Quingentcfimo Quinquegefimo Quinto Quarto 
 Calen' Februarii Pontificatus Sandiffimi in Chrifto Paids & Domini 
 noftri Domini Julii Divina Providentia Papa Tertii Anno Quinto 
 Regni. 
 
 Car^'\ Polus^ Leg. 
 M, A?itonius Faita^ Seen 
 
 Number 34. 
 
 Articles of fucb Things as be to he put in Execution, 
 
 I, ' 'I ^HE Divorce of married Priefts according to the Canons. 
 
 J_ 2. The Reftitution of them by Penitence, thereupon X.Q randsrum'T^. 
 recommende them to other Diocefles as Penitents. ThoJhiribyjo. 
 
 3. To certifie the Exhilitie of Benefices, which for want of Livings, p^'^'^°'^',^^'. 
 have noo Curats. h-oriik. inReg. 
 
 4. To certifie the Counfaill of as maney as they know to have tz.-K!'"-^^/^""'' 
 ken info their H^nds the Goods of the Church. ¥ cb.'^"^' 
 
 5. To certifie what Chauncells of Benefices impropered * by fome* L. befoio. 
 ■decaye, as they need prefent Reparacion ; and to fignifie therwith in 
 whome the Fault is. 
 
 6. Not to confirms aney Leafe of aneye Benefice, to the Prejudice 
 of the Succeffor. 
 
 7. To caufe the Churches decay'd with vacant Fruits and Goods, 
 minitlred with what remaineth in the Executors Names. 
 
 8. To interrupt them that Eat Flefh by pretence of Difpenfacion 
 granted by the Princes. 
 
 9. To appoint fuche as dwell in Scites of Monafteries, to repaire 
 to fome Churche for to hear the Servyce. 
 
 10. To keep the Regiftre for Buryeinge, Chriflininge, and Mar- 
 riage. 
 
 11. A Fourme of Sute for Layemen to receyve their Tvthe in 
 Spiritual Courts. N.mber
 
 588 
 
 ACoUeBion Part III. 
 
 InfiruBions given by the Cardinal to the Bijhops^ and their 
 
 Officials, 
 
 F. 55. 6, ^Inguli Domini Epifcopl, necnon Officiales Ecdefiaruni quae nunc 
 j^ vacant pro exequutione eorumquas a Reverendiffimo Domino Le- 
 gato funt eis demandata Ordinem quam infraicript ell, poterint ob- 
 fervare. 
 
 Primum vocatum ad fe totum fingularum civitatum, qoibus finguli 
 prefunt Clerum, de hiis quse ieqnuntur, inftucre procur.ibunt. 
 
 De Paterno Amore & Charitate quam Sandliffimus Dominus nofler 
 Julius Papa Tertius erga Nationem Anglicam declaravit, qui ut primum 
 cognovit Seieniflimam Madam fuifle Reginam declaratam ReverendilFi- 
 mum Dominum Reginaldum Cardinalem Polum de fuo Latere ad has 
 Partes Legatiim mifit ut Regnum hoc tot jam Annos ab Ecclefia Ca- 
 tholica feparatum, ad ejus unionem reducere, & in errorem lapfos 
 Confolari atque in Dei Gratiam reftituere lluderer. 
 
 De ejufdem Domini Legati adventu, quanta Lastitia & honore is 
 cxceptus fuerit turn a Sereniflimis Regibus, turn ab aliis omnibus, 
 
 De hiis quae in Proximo Parliamentb Afla & cbhclufa funt. Scilicet 
 de omnibus Dominis de Parliamento & Univerfo Regno a Schifmate & 
 Cenfuris incurfis abfolutis & Ecclefiae Catholics, reconciliatis : de om- 
 nibus Legibas quae contra Authoriatem Sedis Apoftolica: & Romani 
 Pontificis fuerant per Henricum Odtavum & Edyardum Sextum latse 
 & promulgate^ revocatis & abolitis. De reftitula Sandtiffimo Domi- 
 no noftro Papje & Ecclefise Romanae eadcm Obedientk quas ante hoc 
 perniciofiflimum Schifma preftabatur. 
 
 F. 57. a. DeAuctoritate Epifcopis reftituta & maxime ut poffint 
 
 contra Hereticos & Schifmaticos procedere, & eos juxta Canonicas 
 Sandiones coercere & punire : hiis ita expofitis veniant ad Facultates 
 fibi ad eodem Reverendiffimo D. Legato concelTas, qua3 recitentur, & 
 hie omnes qui in Schifmata vel alios Errores lapii funt invitentur ad 
 Abfolutlonem & Reconciliationem Humiliter & ex toto corde peten- 
 dam. Necnon difpenfationes tarn fuper Ordinibus quam fuper bene- 
 ficiis Neceflarias & opportunas poftuLindas ; deinde prasfigatur dies in- 
 fra quem didi de Clero Humiles 6c Pcnitentes compareant ad pe- 
 tendum fuppliciter Abfolutlonem, Reconciliationem &; Difpenfationes 
 Piasdidlas: lecundum vero Dominium Epifcopi poftquam illi omnibus 
 Erroribus fuis renunciaverint 6c promifTerint Sacramentaliter ipfis, 
 aut alteri Sacerdoti Catholico Confeffuros effe Errores fuos Peniten- 
 tiam fibi injungendam adimpleturos eos abfolvent, 6c Ecclefije reconci- 
 habunt, 6c cum ipfis juxta forman Facultatum perpetendum Neceffita- 
 tibus prout fibi vifum fuerit, difpenfabunt : adhibendo femper con- 
 venientem diftindionem inter eos, qui folum in Schifma 6c Herefes 
 inciderunt, 6c eos qui ea etiani Publice docuerunt 6c alios ad pec- 
 candum induxerunt. 
 
 Eodem
 
 Book V. of Records^ Sec. ^89 
 
 EoDEM Die conftituetur Dies Feftus & Solemnis in quo a- 
 flantc in Ecclefia Populi Multitudine Domini Epifcopi omnes Curaii 
 Ecclefiis fui?, omnia eadem qua2 Clero jam expofit' fuerint Populo 
 quoq; infinuabent & omnes irwltabunt Paterne & cum omni affecilu, 
 ut agni^is erroribus fuis 2d Ecclefia Catholics gremium revertantui- : 
 promittendo fore, ut omnibus preterita Crimina omni condonentur 
 & remittantur modo cos ex animo illorum peniteat, "iSc iliis renun- 
 cient. Prcfigatur aiitem terminus, ut pote tota pafchatis Odava, infra 
 terminum omnes Ecclefiic rcconcilientur aliotjuin eo laplb contra ipfo5 
 & eos qui poll, reronciliationem ad vomitum averfi fae.int feve- 
 riflimi procedetur, dicatur etiam de Facultate concefla a Reverendiflimo 
 Domino Legato Epifcopis, 6c aliis ut abfolvere poirint, omnes qui- 
 cunq; ad vos reverfi fuerint. - - 
 
 Idem Domini Epifcopi & Officiales nominabunt dc deputabunt, 
 Ecclefiarum Parochialium Redores feu alias Perfonas idoneas, quae 
 Laicos ab Herefi, Schifmate, & quibufcunq-, Cenfuris abfolviint juxta 
 Facultatum Form;im & tenorem. Data per Enifcopos fln'mula qua 
 i« Abfolutione& Reconciliatione uti debeant. 
 
 Eadem poterint cum Clero totius Dioces' obfervari prout commodi- 
 us vifum fuerit. Domini Epifcopi & officiales p!a?fiti, necnon omnes 
 Curati feu alii ad id deputati, habeant Libium in quo nomen & cog- 
 nomen Parochianorum reconciliatorum inftrlbantur; & polka fciatur 
 qui fuerint reconciliati & qui non.. 
 
 Idem Domini Epifcopi & Officiales Oftiva Pafchatis elapfa pote- 
 rint facere vifitationem Civitatis primo, deinde Dioc' 6c fe qui non 
 fuerint reconciliati, poterint eos ad fe vocare, & cognofcere propter 
 quas ab erroribus fuis nolint recedere, & fi in eis obflinate perfevera- 
 rint, turn con' eos procedent. 
 
 In hac fecunda vifitatione attendant diligenter quas in hoc brevi 
 compendio funt notata, & maxime faciant ut omnes Ecclefiafticae 
 Perfonas oftendant Titulos fuorum Ordinum & Beneficiorum, ut fi 
 in eis aliquis alius defedlus in fit illis, provideant & omni fludio pro- 
 curent ut Errores quibus Dioccfes eorum fiut infeftje extirpentur, ut 
 Veritas fidei turn in concionibus turn inconfeffionibus doceatur: depu- 
 tando Perfonas idoneas ad conciones faciendas, & confeffiones audi- 
 endas. Id & curent ; ut Sacrorum Canonum inftituta in omnibus 
 obferventur & Nomen Divi Thoma: Martyris necnon Sandtiffimi 
 Domini noRri Papa ex Libris difpundtum in illis reilituatur 6c pro eo 
 Secundum morem Ecclefias ut ante Schifma fiebut oretur. 
 
 In publicationibus liujufmodi erit ante omnia facienda comme- 
 moratio miferiarum 5c in felicitatis preteritorum temporum 6c 
 Magnas Gratia, quam nunc Deus pro fua Milericordia Populo huic 
 exhibuit, hortando omnes ad haec grato animo cognofcendum, 6c 
 infinitas Gratias Divine ipfius Bonitate affidue agendum. 
 
 Vol. III. 7 L Hortandi
 
 590 
 
 A ColleBion Part III. 
 
 Hortandi & funt omnes ut devote orent Dum pro Salute fie Fe- 
 lici ftatu horum Sereniffimorum & de hoc Regno optime meritorum 
 & merentium Regum & Sperialitur pro filici ftatu Sereniflima; & 
 Piiflima Reginae. 
 
 Faithfully tranfcribed from the Old 
 Book aforementioned, with which 
 Collated by 
 
 fhom. Tanner. 
 
 Number 35. 
 
 *Thc Procefs and Condemnation of BiJJjop Hooper, afzd the 
 Order given for his Execution. 
 
 Condemnatio Johannis Hooper fuper Articulos Haereticam pravita- 
 
 tem concernentes. 
 
 j^TA Die Luna xxviii Die Januarii Anno Domino in fequendo 
 compiitationem Ecclcfice Anglicana m ccccc liiii /« Ecclefia Paro- 
 chiali SanSii Salvatoris in Burgo de Soiithwarke Winton' Dioc eo- 
 ram Reverendo Patre Domino Stephana Permijjione Divina Winton' 
 Epifcopo, &c. AuSloritate fua Or dinar ia illic judicialiter feden' 
 cjjijien'' fibi Reverend in Chrifii Patribus Epifcopis, &c. In Prefen- 
 tia nojlra Antonii Hufey, Roberti 'Johnfon^ ©" Willielmi Day, No- 
 toriorum, &c. 
 
 QUibus Die & loco Produdlus fuit in Judicium Joannes Hooper 
 Clericus de & fuper Hasretica pravitate, Publice & Nororie 
 ianae.TiHoo;er.\nF.\ma.tus: cui didus Reverendus Pater palam propofuit, quod cum 
 ipfe Superiori Die coram eodem Reverendo Patre & nonnuUis aliis a 
 PiivatoConfilio Dominorum Regis &: Reginse ad hoc fpecialiter defti- 
 natis evocabatur 6c exhortatus fuerar, ut agnofcens tranfadiE Vkx fuas 
 & Perverfe Dodirinas Errores & Herefes, rediiet cum caeteris ad uni- 
 tatem Ecclefia; : Oblataque fuerat ei fie volenti prcteritorum Erratorum 
 & facinorum fuorum condonacio. Ipfcq; Johannes tunc indurato 
 animo lie redire recuerit. Propterea in Prcfentiarum in Publicum 
 juftitiae forum ad refpondendum Articulis Heretica pravitate concer- 
 nen' coram eodem Reverendo Patre Audloritate fua Ordinarie fedente 
 evGcatus fuit. Offerens preterea Publice tunc & ibidem quod 11 adhuc 
 ic reconfiliare veller, libenter in gremium Sanftje Matris Ecclefia 
 
 reciperetur
 
 Book V. of Records^ &c. 591 
 
 reciperetur. Et ipfe Johannes Hooper non foluni facere reniiit, ve- 
 rum etiani in nonnullas Blafphemias impudeiiter penupit. Et deinde 
 Don:iinus Epifcopus, &c. inter csteros complures Articulos, 6c Capi- 
 ta, hos fequentes eidem Johanni Hooper fpecialiier objecit. 
 
 In Primis, Quod Tu Johannes Hooper, exiflens Prefbyter & Reli- 
 giofus, Regula a Jure approbata exprefle profeflus, quandam Mulie- 
 rtm de fa6lo, cum de jure non debuifti, in Ux'orem, five Conjugem 
 accepilli; 6c cum ilia, tanquim Uxore 6c Conjuge tua, cohabitafti in 
 Nepbariis 6c ijlicitis cum ea amplexibus cobabitando, Matrimoniaq; 
 pretenfa hujofmodi licita, 6c de jure divine valida fuifle, fs: effe, tarn 
 infra Dioc' Winton', qiiam alias quamplures Dioc' hujus Regni Ang- 
 lisB, afleruifli, prasdicafti, docuifti, Librlfq; editis publicafti 6c de- 
 fendifti, 6c fie aflcris 6c credis in prsfenti, Et miniftramus con- 
 jundim, 6c de quolibet. 
 
 Ad quern quidem Articulimi refpondet 6c fatetur, Se Piefbiterum 
 6c Religiofum profefi!um, quandum Mulierem in Uxorem legitime ac- 
 cepifle, 6c cam eadem tanquam cum Uxore legitima cohabitlffe : Et 
 quod hujufmodi Matrimonia, in locis prsdidis, licita, 6c de Jure di- 
 vino valida fuifle, 6c efle, afferuit, prsedicavit, docuir, 6c Libris edi- 
 tis publicavit 6c defendit; ficq; aflerit, credit, 6c defendere paratus 
 eft in prefenti, ut dicit. 
 
 Secundo, Quod Tu Joannes Hooper, in locis prjedidlis, afleruifli, 
 prasdicafti, docuifli, ix, Libris editis publicafti 6c defendifli; ficq; 
 credis, tenes aflTeris be defendis, Quod propter Culpam Fornicatio- 
 nis, five Adulterij commiflam, Perfonce legitime conjungata?, poflunt 
 ex Verbo Dei, ejufq; Audlhoritate ac Minifterio ab invicem 
 
 pro Adulterio a Vinculo Matrimonij feperari 6c divorciari: Sicq; li- 
 cebit Viro aliam accipere in Uxorem ; 6c Mulieri fimiliter, alium ac- 
 cipere in Maritum. 
 
 Ad quern quidem Articulum refpondit aflirmative, Qnpdque para- 
 tus eft defendere contenta in eodam, contra omnes Adverfarios, efle 
 vera, de Jure divino 6c humano. 
 
 Tertio, Quod Tu, locis prsdidls, afllruifti, tenuirti, publicafti, 
 libris edidlis docuifli 6c defendifli ; ficque credis, afl"eris, tenes, & 
 defendis in prasfenti, Quod in Euchariflia, five Sacramento Alta- 
 ris, verum 6c natufale Chrifli Corpus, 6c verus h. naturalis Chrifti 
 Sanguis, fub fpeciebus Pan's 6c Viui vere non eft : Et quod bi 
 eft materialis Panis, 6c materiale Vinnm tanlum, abfqtie veritatc 6c 
 przefentia Corporis 6c Sanguinis Chrifti. 
 
 Ad quem quidem Articulum, fub hoc contemptu verborum, re- 
 fpondit; viz. That the very Natural Body of Chrijl, is not Really 
 and Subjlantially in the Sacrament of the Ahar : Saying alfo, That 
 
 tie
 
 59% 
 
 A ColkBton Part III; 
 
 the Mafs is the Iniquity of the Devil; and that the Mafs is an 
 Idol. 
 
 PitEtniffis expeditis, Dominus afllgnavit eidem Johanni Hooper, ad 
 comperendum in hoc loco craflina die, inter Horas 8"" & 9"" ante 
 Meridiem, ad vidend' ulteriorem Procellum, &c. Quibus Die & 
 Loco inter Horas aflignatis, coran:i dido Reverendo Patre, VVinton' 
 Epifcopo, &c. affiftentibus fibi Reveiendis Patribus, &c. in noftra 
 Notariorum praedii5lorum Pijefcutia, rurfus compcruit didus Johannes 
 Hooper, quern Dominus Epilcopus Wintonienlis, multis rationibus, ad 
 fefe reconciUandum, fuafit & exhortavit : Didas tamen Johannes 
 Plooper, in Pertinacia & Mahcia fua perleverans, perrupit in Bla- 
 fphemias, dicendo etiam publice, That Matrimony is none of the Se- 
 ven Sacraments : And that if it be a Sacrament, he can prove Seven- 
 /core Sacraments. Deinde Dominus Epifcopus, perfpedta ejus perti- 
 naci duritia, tandem tuht contra eiim Sententiam definitivam, in Scrip- 
 tis condempnando eum pro Ha^retico & Excommunicato: Et confe- 
 quenter cum tunc ibidem tiadidit Curias Setulari, atq; in manus Da- 
 vidis Woodroff, 6c WiUielmi Chefter, Vicecomil' Civitatis Londini ; 
 qui eundem Johanncm Hooper tunc fecum abduxerunt. Super cujus 
 Sententi® Prolatione & Ledura, idem Reverendus Pater requilivit 
 nos Notarios, &c. ad conficiendum Inftrumentum, TeQerq-, lubfcript* 
 ad perhibendum Teftimonium, &c. Pra;fentibus tunc ibidem Nobi- 
 Hbus & Egregiis Viris, &;c. & aUis quampluribus, in Multltudine 
 copiofa tunc ibidem congregatis, 6cc. 
 
 Faithfully Tranfcribed from a Folio Book 
 of Proceedings in Ecclefiaftical Courts, 
 Colledted in Qiieen Mzr/s, or the Be- 
 ginning of Queen Elizabeth's Time, by 
 Anthony Style, Notary Publick ; now in 
 the Hands of 
 
 Thorn. 'Tanner. 
 
 Number 36. 
 
 Hoe Queens Letiery ordering the Mmmer of FlooperV 
 
 Execution. 
 
 Right Trufty and Well-beloved, &c. Whereas John Hooper^ 
 who of late was called Bufliop of Worcefler and Gloucejfer, if, 
 by due C)rder of the Lawes Ecclefiaftique, condempned and judged 
 for a mofte obflinate, falfe, deteftable Heretlque, and committed to 
 our Secular Power, to be burned according to the holfome and good 
 
 Lawes 
 
 Cctt. Libr.
 
 Book Vc of Records^ &:c. rn^ 
 
 Lawcsof our Realmein that Cafe provided. Forafmucha as in thofe 
 .Cityes, and the Diocefle therof, he hath in Tymes parte preached 
 And tauiht mod peiliient He„efye5 and Doclryne to our Subjeds 
 .there : We have therefore geven Order, that the laid Ho'j.pe?-, who 
 yet perfiflech obilinate, and hath .refufed Mercy when it was graoy- 
 oufly ofFred, fluU be put to Execution in the fayd Cytie of Glouce- 
 Jier, for the Example and Terror of fuche as he hath there feduced 
 ^nd miftriught, and bycaufe he hath doone .molte Harme there. And 
 well that you, calling unto you-fonie of Reputation dwelling in the 
 Shire, fuch as ye thinke befl, fhall repayre unto our faid Cytye, and 
 .be at the faid Execution, affifting our Mayor and Shriefs of \\\c fame 
 -Cytie, in this Behalf. And forafmuche aJfo -as the faid Hooper is 
 .as Heretiques he, a vain-glorious Perfon, and delyteth in his l^ono-ue' 
 .and having Liberty, may ufe his fayd Tongue to perfwade fuch as 
 Jie hath feduced, to perfill: in the myferable Opinion that he hath 
 .fowen among them : Our Pleafure is therefore, and we require you 
 to take Order, that the faid Hooper be neither, at the Tyme of his 
 .Execution, nor in goyng to the Place therof, fufFred to fpeak at 
 .large ; but thither to be ledde quietly, and in Sylence, for efchuyng 
 of further Infedion, and fuch Inconvenyence, as may otherwife en- 
 :£ue in this Parte. Wiiereof fayle jiot, as ye tender our Plea- 
 ,fure. 
 
 A True Copy of an Old Paper in my Cu- 
 flody, which fcems to be the firfl Draught 
 of a Letter from the Queen to the Lord 
 Cbandois, &c. who went to fee Execution 
 . done on Bilhop Hooper, 
 
 *Thom. Tanner, 
 
 Numter 37, 
 
 v^ Ijetter of Bifiop Hooper'j to Buliinger, written out of 
 
 Prifon. 
 
 Hoperus BuUingero. 
 
 GRatiam & Pacem u Domino. Literas tuas, Compater Chariffime,P,.,,.o#.. 
 datasTigur' 10 Odtobris, n Decembris accepi. Fuere mihi 
 perjucunda;, quia plenas Confolationis. Ex quibus, Animum, Amo- 
 rem, & Pietatem tuam erga me priftinam, facile intellexi. ' Habeo 
 tibi Gratias immortales, quod hifce Temporibus difficillimis, noflri non 
 te capit oblivio : Semper te, ob eximias tuas Virtutes, & prsclara 
 Dei iate Dona, prs cseteris amavi. Et quod a me, mi fcribi?, hade- 
 VoL. III. 7 M nBS
 
 -5^4 ^ CoUecUon Part III. 
 
 nu3 per annum integrum nullas acceperis Literas ; hoc accedit, non 
 quia non fcripferim, fed quas fcripferam parum candidis reddendas 
 commifi. Nee omnes quas ad me mileras accepi, fed vel in Curia 
 Tahellarij periere, vel invidia maloium fuerunt incerceptac. Idtm 
 accidit & Literis & Libello Domini Theodori. Nam de Conciona 
 Domini in monte, quam mihi deftinavit, niiiil intellexi, ufque ad ali- 
 quot dies poft morteni SandifTimi Regis noflri Edwardi. Et id quidem 
 in Confinibus Vallia^, in bibliotbeca pij cujufdam Viri, quern Eccle- 
 fiis quibufdam Decanum conftitui. Sed quas nunc fcripfifti omnibus 
 Concaptivis meis Fratribus, legendas curabo -mitti, Incolumitatem & 
 Conrtantiam veftijc Ecclefiae, vobis omnibus grarulor : Et Deum pre- 
 cor, propter Filium fuum Jefum Chriftum, illam, contra Tyranni- 
 dem Antichrifti femper muniat, ac defendat. Apud nos, in inte- 
 grum, vulnus quod accepit, fanatum eft ; 6c pro Capite Ecciefia de- 
 nuo habetur, qui Membrum Ecclefije Chrifti non ell Ab aliis, Res 
 noftras, & Statum Reipublicae intelliges. Verfamur in maximis peri- 
 culis, quemadmodum hadenus, jam per fefquiannium ferme. Indies 
 hoftes Evangelij magis ac magis negotium faceffunt In carcere feor- 
 fmi fcrvamur, & omni ignominiarum faftidio afficimur : Mortem quo- 
 .tidie minitantur ; quam nihili facimus. Ferrum & flammas, in Chri- 
 fto Jefu, fortiter contemnimus. Scimus cui credimus ; & certi fa- 
 mus, quod animas noftras depofituri fumus bene faciendo. Interim 
 adjuvate nos veftris Precibus, ut qui in nobis bonuna opus incepit, 
 perficiat ufque in finem. Domini fumus ; faciat quod videatur bonum 
 ' in oculis fuis. Rogo, ut fubinde digneris Literis tuis Uxorem meam, 
 
 modeftiffimam &; piam mulierem confolari ; & exhortari, ut ftudiose 
 Liberos noftros, Rachelem Filiolam tuam, optimae indolis adolefcen- 
 tulam, ac Filiam Danielem pie educai, in Cogriitione & Timore Dei. 
 Praeterea, tua^ Pietati jam mitto duos Libellos legendos, judicandos, 
 ac corrigendos, fi quse oecurrant, Verbo Dei parum Convenientia : 
 Cui Titulum feci. Hyperafpifmus de vera DoBrina & Ufu Coence Do- 
 mini ; qiiem Senatui Anglias dedicavi hoc nomine, ut publice, in Cu- 
 ria Parliamenti, adverfariis noftris refpondeamus. Alteri Titulum fe- 
 ci, Syntagma, de falfa Religione dignofcenda & fugieuda. Et rogo, 
 ut quam citiffime fieri pofiit, imprimantur. Hie, apud omnes pios 6c 
 ■ dotSos, uterque Liber efl "approbatus. Scripfi praiterea multas Lite- 
 ras alias ad Epifcopos, ut Libros in Parlianiento promoverent, & il- 
 
 ■ los imprimi etium cupio, ut omnes intelligant, quam iliique & iri- 
 iufle nobifcum agitur. Non opus eft, ut multa hac de re fcribas : Ex 
 ipfisLibellis 6c Literis, facile intelliges quid volo. Et fi Frofcovenvs 
 vefter aliis gravioribus Libris impediatur imprimendis ; rogo, ut Ba- 
 fileam mittat, ad D. Operinum, qui valde cafte imprimit, 6c omnia 
 nitide in lucem emittit. Hoc faciet, fcio, modo Libelli tuis Literis 
 ad -ie veniunt commendati : Quod ut facias, vehemenrer ore. "Nihil 
 eft quod mihi metuatis, quafi propter Libellos atrociu3,&; feverius ho- 
 i\es Evangelij fasvient : Habeo Salutis mes fidelilTimum Cuftodem, 
 
 " 6c Propugnatorem, Patrem noftrum Caeleftem, per Chriftum Jefum, cui 
 meipfum totum commendavi : Illius FideiacTuteljE-meipfum commen- 
 do ; fi dies.meos elongaverit, :faxi^, ut fint ad ^Glociani Nominis fui ; 
 
 ■ ,fia huic brevi & flagitiQfie Vit« :^liem ■■voluity.aequc .duco, -Fiat Vo- 
 
 ... luntas
 
 — ^ ■ nj-—t - -r~«-~rt-w^f 111 ■—— ■», », ,11 ■ , i. 1^ _ 
 
 Book V. of Records y &c. ^9 
 
 ^urrtas illius. Quia furtim fcribo, breviores & perturbatiores Liters 
 ■tus prseftantia: facio, quas boni confule quafo. Raptim ex Carcere 
 XI Decembris 1554. Saluta oiHciose cailam tuam Conjugem, cum 
 tota tua Farailia, doini&foris, ac alios omne=; ut nodi 
 
 TuaD praAantiie ut debeo Studiofiffimus 
 
 J. Hooperus. 
 INSCRIPTION 
 
 Prjcflantiffimo Viro, Domino Henrico BuU 
 g r lingero, Compatri fuo longe CharilTimo 
 Tiguri. 
 
 'r* 
 
 Number 38. 
 
 A Letter of MafonV concerning a Treaty began 'with 
 France^ CTid of the Affairs of the Empire. 
 
 AFter my hearty Commendations. Your laft was of thexxiiid 
 of the laft Month, and my laft to you wer of the viith of this 
 prefent. By thcfe you {hall underftand that the Emperor hath ap- 
 pointed Monfieur De V Allain^ Governor of Hennalt ; Monfieur De 
 Boningcow't, Governor of Arihojs; the Bifliop of ylnas; t'le Pre- 
 fident of the Counfel here, named Viglius. j and the P: xfident of the 
 Counfel ot Mallynes i to refort to Gravelynghe, for the Tretynge of 
 a Peaxe with foch others as may lyke the French Kyngeto {twA to 
 ylrdres ; wherofihe Conneflable, and the Cardinal oi Lorrayjie, he 
 Jiath -alredye appointed. But by reafon of the Death of the Pope, 
 'I thinke the Cardynal of Lorrayne goeth another way. In whole 
 'Place ys to be thought fome' other Diall be appointed, with the others, 
 to anlwer to the INumbre afTigned by the Emperor. The Cardynal, 
 and my Lord Chawncelor came out of Hand to Cnllais to be Media- 
 tor .on the Queen's- Behalf, to bring thefe Princes, yf their Will be, 
 to fome CompoTition. O Lorde afiift them fo with his Grace, as 
 Xl.hr i ft endo?m may have a Treattyng Tyme. The ivth of this Month 
 the Kin^ and Queen went to HamptoJi-Ccurt to keep their Rafter j 
 Vheather Eqfter done they retorne to Lojidon, or goo to JVyndefcr, 
 the certentye ys not yet knowen. Bolls of Cambridge/J.'ire, and Sir 
 Peter Meivtas, remayne ftill in Prifon. The firft in the Tower, and 
 thother in the Fide, and lytle Words made of theai j fo ytis thoght 
 
 3 ' ^H
 
 59^ 
 
 A CoMiion Part IIL 
 
 the Sufpition was more vehement then founde to be of ai.y grcte 
 Ground. The Dean and Prebendaries of Weftminjler have laid fore 
 Lawe to defend th' alteration of the Church into an Abbay:; in 
 which Matter, Dr. Cale flieweth hymfelf very llowfe, alleging that 
 Monks have no Inflitution of Chrift, wherein Preflis have the Ad- 
 vantage of them, ^c. What thende will be, yt is not known ; but 
 yt is feared they fliall be put to chofe, whether they will depart with 
 their Wills, or againft their Wills. 
 
 The Emperor hath by reafon of his long unfeafonable Cold, ben 
 very ill handled of his Gowte, whereof he is now indifferently weli 
 amended. 
 
 The Princes of Almayne do moche myflyke the Arryving of Car- 
 dinal Moron at Augufta ; for the Satisfadlion of whom, the Emperor 
 hath given full Audoryte to the Kynge his Brother, as fo ys the Car- 
 dinal lyke to retayne, con la picca in facco. The Duke of Aha ys 
 not yet departed owt of England ; neither yet in the Way, fo far as 
 I can yet here, albeit his Baggage, and a good Number of his Com- 
 pany are arrived at Callais. On Tiiejday laft, the AmbafTadors, or 
 Agents, Nan>e them as you will, of Cremona^ Novaria., and Lodi^ 
 paffing between Dover and Callais hitherward, were taken by a French 
 Shallop ; but it Is thought, they fhall (hortly be fet at Libertye, as 
 well for that they were publycke Perfons, and not Subjeds to the 
 Emperor, as for that they were taken out of an Englijh VefTel. Their 
 Money and Baggage is faved, whatfoever is become of their Perfons, 
 Thus for lack of other Matter, I bid you moil hartely well to fare. 
 From Bruxelh the xivth Day of April, ISSS- 
 
 Tour own mojl ajfuredly 
 
 John Mafonc. 
 
 Endorfed 
 To the Honourable Mr Petre Vannes, 
 the Queen's Majeftlcs Ambaffador 
 
 at Vennis. 
 
 "This Letter is Faithfully tranfcribed 
 from the Original in the Hands 
 of 
 
 ^^m. Tanner, 
 
 Number
 
 Book V. of Records^ &c. 597 
 
 Number 37. 
 
 A Tranjlatton of Charles the VtEs Letters^ Refigntng the 
 Crow7i of Spain to Ki?ig Philip. 
 
 ^ I "O our Counfclours, Juftyce?, the Nobllyte, Curat?, Knights, 
 J|_ and Squiers ; all kinde of Minifters, and Offycers ; and all 
 other our learn'd Men that within that our Town of Tolledo, greeting. "^^'' 
 By fuch Letters as I have from Tyme to Tyme taken Order to be 
 wryttenunto you, fince my Departing out of the Kingdome of Spain, 
 you have fully bene advei tifed of the Succeflcs of myne Affiyres ; 
 and namely how that for Religion's fake, I enterprifed the Warre of 
 Almayne, uppon the great Defire I had, as Reafone was^ and accord- 
 ing to my bounden Dewty to reduce, and to returne agayne thofe 
 Countreys into the Unitye of the Church, procuring and feeking by 
 all the Means I could, to fett Peas and Quietnes in all the Etktes of 
 Cbfiflciidome, and do what might be done for the Aflembling, and 
 AiTifting of a Generale Counfale, bothe for the neceflarye Reformation 
 of many Things ; and fo draw home alfo therby, with lefTe Difficul- 
 tye, fuch ^s had feparated themfelves, and were fwerved from the 
 Catholike Faith of Chrift. Which my great Defyre having brought, 
 by God's Goodnes to a very good Pointe; the French Kinge fud- 
 dene'y, without all Reafone, or any good Foundation, alluring to 
 his Ayde the AUmaynes^ and making a League with them, agaynffc 
 theire Othes and Fydclityes, brake with me, and openned the Warre 
 agaynft me, bothe by Sea and the Land. And not fatisfyed herewith, 
 he procured the coming of the Turxques Armye, to the Notable 
 Domage of Chrijlcndome ; and namely of cur Eflatcs, and Seigneue- 
 ryes ; wherby 1 was forced, and dryven to bring an Armye to my no 
 little Trouble, afwell by my great Payns taken in myne own Perfone 
 in the Felde, as by my Traveil othervvife ; which thereuppon I was 
 conftrayned to endure, in the treating and maynayng of lundry ur- 
 gent and great Matters daylie and contynually falling out upon the 
 Kime; which were the greate, and in Effedl, the only Occafions of 
 the greate and p.iuncfull Infirmity, and Indifpofition of my Body ; 
 ■which 1 have fince had thefe Yeres pafled, and yet have, wherby 
 I find myfelf fb encumbered, and fo deftitute of Healthe, that not 
 onely have I been, or .nme able by myne owne Perfone to difcharge 
 fuch a Traveil, and to ufe fuch a Diligence in Refolutions, as was 
 requifyte; but have alfo, which I do confelTe, been a Lett, and 
 an Hindrance to fundry Things wherof I have had, and now have a 
 greate Confcynce. And I wold to God I had fooner taken therein 
 fuch an Order as I now am determyned to take: Which nevertheles 
 for many Confiderations, I could not well doe, in the Abfence of 
 the High and Mighty Prince, the King of England and Naples, and 
 my Right Dear and Right Well-beloved Sonne : For that it was ne- 
 cefiary many Th'ngs to be Firft communicated unto him, and to be 
 Vol. Hi. 7 N tieated
 
 598 
 
 A CoUeBion Part III. 
 
 treated with him. And for this Purpofe, after the Marriage put in 
 dew Execution with the High and Excellent Princeffe, the Queen of 
 Efigland, I laftly took Order for his coming hither : And within a 
 fliort Tyme after, I took Order to refigne, and to renounce unto 
 him, lyke as I have done all thofe my Ellates, Kingdome^ and Seig- 
 neueryes, of the Crown oi Cajhlla and Leon^ with all their Membres 
 and Appertennes, in fuch forte as more fully and more amplye is con- 
 teyned in fuch Inftrumcnts as I have figned and agreed unto of the 
 Date of thefe Prefents ; trufting that with his greate Wyfedome and 
 Experience, wherof I have hitherto had a right gieate Proofe in all 
 fuch Things as have been pafled and handled by him for me, and in 
 my Name, he will now for himfelf, and in his own Name, Govern, 
 Order, Defend, and Mainteyne the fame with Peas and Juflice. And 
 not doubting but that according unto your Olde and Comendable Loyal- 
 tye, Fayth, Love, and Obedyence, which you have borne, and do 
 beare, both to him and to me ; wherof for my Parte, 1 have had al- 
 ways large Experyence by your Deed?, you will fcrve him and obey 
 him as apperteyncth to my Truft and your Duties ; for the Good- 
 Will borne to you fo many Yeres. " Commanding you nevertheles, 
 and flraightly charging you that difplaying and fetting upp Banners, 
 and doing all other Ceremonies, and Solemnities requifyte, and 
 which have been accuflomed to have been done in likg Cafes, for 
 the dew Execution of the Purpofe above fayed, in the faine Manner 
 and Sorte as yf God had taken mx unto his Mercy, you doe Obey, 
 Serve, and Honour, from henceforth the faide King, accomplidiing 
 his Will and Pleafure in all fuch Things as he fliall by Word and 
 Writing Command you, as you ought to doe to your true and na- 
 tural Lord and King: Even as you have, and ought to have, during 
 my Reigne palled to you from me : Wherin befydes that you fhall 
 doe your Duetyes, and doe that as yon arc bound to doe, you fliall 
 doe unto me acceptable Pleafure. Given at BruJJelh the J7th of 
 Januariej 1556. 
 
 Copye of the Lettre fent by the Empe- 
 ror to fundry Eftates in Spaine, upon 
 the refigning of the fame unto the 
 King's Majeflie; turned out of Spa- 
 nijlo into EngUjh. 
 
 Number
 
 Book V. of /Records, &c. 
 
 599 
 
 Number 40. 
 
 ^ Remembrance of thpfe Things that yourHighnes s Plea- 
 fur e was I fold put in Writings as mojl Conveniem in 
 my Pore fudgment^ to be commoned and fpoken of by your 
 Majefie^ with your Coujifelly called to your Prefence thjs 
 y^fternoojie. 
 
 Wiitten in the Hand of Cardinal Pole. 
 
 FUifl: of al, that your Majeftie fhold put them yn Remembrance ^-^y^.B ^ 
 of the Charge the Kyng's Highnts gave them at his Departure;?! 177. 
 which beyng reduced to certen Articles, and put in Writing, it fec-m- 
 eth v/el if feme of the Lords f©r ther fudden Departure after ther 
 Charge had not the fame in Writing, that it were reherfed and given 
 unto them with Exhortation to employ cd ther Diligence for the due 
 Execution thereof. 
 
 And whereas amongfl other Charges, thys was one, that thofe that 
 be named in the firfl parte Counfellours, were al to be prefent in the 
 Ccurte, thys firfl your HIghnes may require them that they do ob- 
 ferve : Specially befide, for the Weight of the Matters that be now 
 in Hand; the Tyme befyde being fo fhorte, after the Parliament to 
 examyn them. And that the King's Plefure ys, as the Matters he 
 propofed in the Counfell, afore the further Execution of them, to be 
 ynformed therof, to knoe his Pleafure theryn. And aniongfl: other, 
 hys Majeftie beyng in Expedlation to know the uttre Refolution of 
 the Ccuncell, twichyng thofe Matters that be to be intreatyd thys 
 Parliament. Thys ys that your Majeftie looketh of them thys Day, 
 to fend with all fpede to the Kyng's Highnes, 
 
 And wheras for the Dylation of the Kyng's comyng, your Maje- 
 flie thought it well to put in Confulte, whether it were better ther- 
 for to make a Dilation and Prorogation of the Parliament to Candel- 
 fms, beyng thought bey ther Opinion, that for Neceffite of Money 
 that is to be demanded in the Parliament, and otherwyfe can not 
 be provided, the Prorogation of that fliould be much difpendiofe. 
 Your MajeRIe not dil'alowing ther Deliberation ; but confydering 
 wyth ail the great Need of Money for to be had, for the Difcharge 
 of the prtfent Neccfli e, which requyreth prefent Provifion of Mo- 
 ney, as is for the fcttyng forth of the Ships, as wel for the Empe- 
 ror's Paffage to Spain, 9s for the King's Return. And befyde thys, 
 
 for the Payment of that is ,dew , at , C«//y^, as for your Credyte wyih 
 the Merchants aj-prochyng the Day of Payment ; and for the De.t 
 of Ireland &\io, of al thele it may pleafe your. Majeftie to know thys 
 Day of our Counfell what is den. 
 
 I And
 
 6oo ■ ^ ColleBion Part II L 
 
 And bycaule the moll: ordynarie and juft way, touching the Pro- 
 vifion of Money to pay your Highnes Detts, is to call in your own 
 Dettsj which Charge hath been fpecially committed afore, and is 
 principally confidered and renewed in the Writing the Kyng's High- 
 nes left tychyng fuch Affayres, that his Counfell fliold prefently at- 
 tend into, wher be ther Names alfo that fame: The Charges fpeciall 
 therfore, your Majeftie fliall do wel this day to charge them with the 
 fame; that with all Diligence they attend to the ProfTecutioii therof, 
 givyng them all Autoryte that fhal be neceflary for them, to make 
 the moft fpedy Expedition tberyn. Wylling them withall, that 
 they never let pafs one Week, but in the end of the fame, at the 
 leaft, your Majeftie may know fpecially of that is coming yn, and 
 that Order it taken for the reft. 
 
 Alfo yf it pleafyd your Majeftie in generall, for all Matters whych 
 be intreated in the Counfell, which requyre Commiflion and Exe- 
 cution, to give thys Order, that thofe that have had Commiffion to 
 execute any Matter, let never paffe the Weke, but they ynforme 
 the Counfell what Execuiion is made of ther Commyffions: And 
 that the Counfell themfelfs fhould never begyn Enti'etance of new 
 Matters the Second Week; but that they have Information iirfl", 
 what is done in thofe which wer commytted to be executyd the 
 Week afore; I think it (liould help much to the fpedy Expedition 
 of all Caufes: Thys ys my poore Advyfe, remitted al to the godly 
 and prudent Judgment of your Majeftie. 
 
 Number 41. 
 
 Some DireB'ions for the ^^ee?is Council, left by King 
 
 Philip. 
 
 CottanUhr. TMprimis, pro meliori & magis expedita Deliberatione, in iis quas 
 7itu!,E\. J^ in Confilio noftr agenda funt ex reliquis Confiliariis noflris"; 
 eos, quorum Nomina fequuntur, feligendos putavimus; quibus fpe- 
 cialem Curam omnium Caufarum Status, Finantiarum, & aliarum 
 Caufarum Graviorum Regni , committendam diiximus & committi- 
 mus. 
 
 Legatus Cardinalis Pol us, in Caufis magnis, ubi 
 voluerit, & commode poterit, 
 
 D. Cancellariu?. D. Thefaurarius. Comes de Arundell. 
 
 Comes de Pembroke. Epifcopus Elienfis. D. Paget. 
 
 M'. Rochefter Comptroller'. M'. Petre Secretarius. 
 
 Confiliarii
 
 Book V. of Records^ Sec. 6c i \ 
 
 Confiliarij prjcdidti omnes 6c finguli erunt prasfentes in Aula, & 
 intelligent, & confiderabunt omnes Caufas Status, omnes Caufas Fi- j 
 
 nanciarum, Statum Poffeffionum, Debitorum, 8c quomodo Dcbita ; 
 
 cum honore fulvi pofTint; & geneialiter, omnes alias Caufas majoris j 
 
 momenti, tangentes Honorem, Dignitatem, £c Statum Coronas. I 
 
 Et quo melius Confi.ium Nobis dare poffint, hortamur eos in Do- i 
 
 mino, quod omnem difcordiam, fi qua; inter eos fir, mutuo remitten- ' 
 
 tes, concorditer, amite, 6c in timore D^i, ea in Confiliis proponant 
 8c dicant, qua; Dei Gloriam, Noftrum 6c Regni noftri Honorem 6c ': 
 
 Uiilitatem, promovere poflint. j 
 
 Volumus, quod quoties a'liqua erit Occ.ifio, Nos adeant, vel ali- ' ' 
 
 quos ex Te mittant, per quos inteliigcre pofiuiius Delibcrationes faas, \ 
 
 in omnibus Caufis qu;T3 coram eis proponeiimr, 8c ad minus ter quali- s 
 
 bet Septimana, referant Nobis qu£ fuerint per eos adta 8c delibe- ; 
 
 rata. i 
 
 Di6li Confiliarij deliberabunt de Parlir.mento, quo tempore haben- i 
 
 dum fit, 6c quae in eodem agi 8c proponi debeant : Et quas agenda 6c 
 proponenda videbuntur in Parliamento, in Scriptis redigi volumus, 
 ante Parliamenti initium. j 
 
 Quod fingulis diebus Dominicis, communicent reliquis Confiliariis i 
 
 priclentibus, ea quae videbuntur eis communicanda. .' 
 
 Quod habeant fpecialem Curam pro Debitorum folutione, diminu- 
 tione Sumptuum, 6c provida gubernatione 6c colkdione Reddituum, 
 Terrarum, Poflefiionum 6c Vedtigalium, £>c pro Adminiflratione Ju- i 
 
 Number 42. 
 
 u^ Letter to the Ambajjadors^ concerjnng the Rejlitutwi 
 
 of Calais. 
 
 AFter our right harty Commendations to your good LordHiipp, p ^^^^ 
 by our lafi: Letters of the 4th of this Mounth, we fignifved 
 unto you our well Lyking of your Opinions, to have the Matter 
 touching CrtZ/^'j moved in the Parliament: And tiaat we being alfo 
 of the fame Mynde our felfs, ment to propofe the Cafe there with 
 all the Expedition we might, and to make you Anfwer of that 
 fholde be farther refolved therein, as flioitly as we Could. Sence 
 which Tyme, uppon Confultation had amonglt our felfs, how the 
 Matter fliold beft be opened and ufed there: And being of Opinion, 
 as we have byn from the Begyning, that it were not convenient to 
 have the fame broken to the hole Houfe, but only to the Nobilite, 
 and fome other of the beft and graveft Sort; We thought it allfo 
 receffarie, before we proceeded any farther, both to declare our 
 Opinions unto the Queen's Majeftie, and to underftande her High- 
 neflfes good Pleafure and Refolution therein. Whofe Majeftie, up- 
 VoL. III. 7 O pen
 
 5o2 A ColkBion Part 111. 
 
 pon the opening thereof unto her, thought mete for good Refpeds, 
 v-e fholde fyrft "write unto the King's Highnes to fuch effedV, as by 
 ihe Coppie' of our Letters prefently addreffed to his Majeflic, for 
 that Purpofe, (which you fliall receyve herewith) you may at bet- 
 ter length perceyvej and then underftanding his Highnes Anfwer, 
 fholde either goe forvvarde with our former DeHberacion, or other- 
 wyfe ufe the Matter, as we fiiolde fee Caufe. Wherefore, lyke as 
 we have thought good to give your Lordihips Knowledge by thefe, 
 fo when we {i)all have receyved the King's Majefties Anfwer herein, 
 v/e will not fayle to Cgnify unto you with Diligence, what fiiall be 
 firthcr refolved touching this Matter. And in the mean tyme, we 
 byd your good Lordfliips right hartely well to fare. 
 
 The Queen's Majeftie remayneth yet ftiU both ficke and very 
 weake; and although we hope of her Highncfles Amendment, for 
 the which we daylye prayej yet are we dryven both to f^-are and. 
 midrufl: the worft; which v%-c befeche Almighty God to remedye, 
 when it fliall lyke hym. 
 
 After that we had written the Letters inclofed to the King's Ma- 
 jcHie, we receyved yours of the 4th of this Inflant; by the which 
 we do underftande, that the French Commifilcners contyr,ue Hill of 
 the lame IVIind that they were at your Meeting with them, not to 
 leave the Poflefiion of Caliais. By your fayd Letters appereth allfo, 
 that the King's M.ijeflie tolde you, that his Commifiioners were 
 agreed with the French well nere upon all Matters; and that his 
 Highnes neverthelefs wolde not agree to any Conclufion, but that the 
 Qneen's Majeftie fl-iolde be fyift fatisfitd for the Matters of this 
 Realme. 
 
 Af er that we had confidered the Effed: of thefe your Letters, con- 
 fidering of what Importance the Leaving of Calice is for this Realm ; 
 howe much it wolde touche the Honour of their Majefties, and of 
 this Crowne, that fo many Reflitutions being made on bothe Sydts, 
 this fholde be fuflrcd to paffe unreftored; and fynally, howe yli 
 the Suhjeds of this Realme will digeft this Matter, if there fholde 
 any fuche Thing be agreed unto; we neither can of our fclfs well 
 confyder what to anfwer, nor think mete to propofe it to the Parlia- 
 ment, uniill we may yet once agayne heare from you. And where 
 Policy fayleth, we are compelled to ufe Playnes. You knowe thefe 
 Warres, wherein Cahce is loft, began at the King's Majefties Re- 
 queft, and for his Sake. Wc doe confider, that other his Majefties 
 Freends and Confederals, be reftored to Things taken many Yeres 
 paft. And what may be judged in this Realms, if this Peas be con- 
 clnded, and Calice left in the Freiich King's Hands, fo many other 
 Reftitutions being made, it may be eafely confidered. On the other 
 Syde, His Majefties CommilTioners being fo nere an Agreement for 
 all other Matters, muche were to be indured for the Welthe of 
 Chrijlendome. 
 
 And it hath byn confidcryd here, howe much this Realme is tra- 
 vaykd and fpent allready with thefe Warres. 
 
 Thefe Things being amongft us confideryd, knowing his Majefties 
 gracious Difp'.fition and Favour towards this Realme, we think good 
 your Lordfhips doe plainly open thefe Confiderations to hym, in 
 
 fuch
 
 Book V. of Records^ &c. 603 
 
 fuch good forte as you may think good. And fyrft to defyre to tm- 
 derflande his Majefties Difpofition playnely, if you may for Calicc 
 the remayning whereof in the French King's Hands, doth as m'jch 
 importe for his 'Lo'vse Countries, as for this Realme. 
 
 And Secondly, that it may pleafe his Majefly to gyve us his good 
 Advife for our further Doings, and manner of Proceeding in this 
 Matter J wherein albeit our Meaning is to ufe the Advife of the Reft 
 of our Nobilitie and Parliament, yet do we ftay that to do, until! 
 we have Anfwer agaiio from you, and underftande his Majefties 
 playne and determinate Anfwer therein. And we do hartely pray 
 your Lordfliipes to ufe your accuftomed good Wifdomes in the good 
 opening of the FremifTes, and to fend us Anfwer as foon as you 
 may. 
 
 November the 8th, 1558. 
 
 Minute from the Counfcll unto the 
 Earle o^ Arrundell, and the Reft 
 of the Commiffioners beyonde the 
 Sees. 
 
 Number 43. 
 A Letter of the Amhaffadors cojicernlmg Calais. 
 
 An Original. 
 
 AFter ourRight HeartleCommendacions to your good Lordniips,p^^«..0^.-r 
 by Francifco Thomas the Poft, we have receyvid Two Letters 
 from your Lordfliippes. The Firft of the 29th of the laft Month: 
 And the Later, of the Firft of this prefcnr. With other Letters di- 
 rected to the King's Majeftie; upon the Receipt whereof, we having 
 mette together, and confuUed upon the Contentes of the fame, dw- 
 termyned to open to the Kinge's Majeftie by our Letters, the Matters 
 whereof your Lordn:iips wrote unto us; for his Majeftie is not in thefe 
 Parties heere, but is at Bnixelles, or beyond. The Copy of our Letter to 
 his Majeftie in that Behalfe, we fend your Lordfliipes heerwith. And 
 where your LordiLipes wryte unto his Majeftie, that by our Letters 
 dotli appcare that the French King, by no means will leave the Pof- 
 fefiion of Callais: And that he would rather hazard his Crown, 
 then to confente to the Reftitution of it: True it is, that we wrote 
 to your Lordfhipes, that the French Commiffioners yn their Confe- 
 rence with us, and with the King's Commiffioners, have ever refufed 
 to confcnt to the Reftltution oi Callais. And that the French have 
 
 declared
 
 5o4 ^ ColhBion Part Hi. 
 
 "declared to one of the King's Commiflioners, that the French ^ King 
 for to hazard his Crowne, will not forgo Callus. And albeit that 
 for becaufe of the good Face fctt upon that Matter by the French 
 Commiflioners, we fomewhat miftrufted, that that which they fpoke, 
 was the King their Maifters Determynacion: Yet indeed, did we not 
 affirm it to be fo. No, nor did not then utterlye defpayre, but that 
 the French, yf tliey wer kept foniwhat fhorte, would at the length 
 relente; for elles to what Purpofe had it been agreed and appointed, 
 that boih the King's, and the French King's Commiflioneis, fliuld 
 retourne to their Mainers, to declare what liath been done alheady, 
 and to know what their Maifters further Pleafure was theruppon. 
 And forafnuich as we have ever been of Opynion, that yf the King's 
 Majellie rtfufe to conclude any Thing with them, without the Relti- 
 tution oiCallais; that may the fooner induce the French to agree to 
 it. And Lkewife yf they perceyv'e the King's Majeftie, or his Myni- 
 fter?, not fo earned: therin, but that by a Eragge of the Frejich; 
 they will the fooner gyve over, and flande the more fayntely for the 
 Rtflitut'.on of it; tliat will make the French the bolder, and to ftand 
 the more earneftlye in their Refufal. Therefore we have not thought 
 it meet to ufe anye kvnde of Wordes to the King, wherby his Ma- 
 icft^e might by anye Meanes thinke that the Queen's Highnefle, and 
 the Realme of £/?^/c/;^<-/, c(;ude be contente to conclude a Peace with- 
 out the Reftitution of Calhiis. Afwell for becaufe our Inftiudlioiis 
 importe that, as allfo truftingc that that wold move his MajefHe, and 
 lus Commiliioners to be t! e more Careful for the Reflitution of it. 
 And fteinge that his Majeflie, and his Commiflioners, have ever 
 fayde, that tliey will conclude nothing without the Queen's High- 
 nes be fiift fatisfyed: Yt Teemed to us, that if her Highnef^, and 
 your Lordfluf es, did flande earneftlye in the Repetition of Callais : 
 That the French at this Time mufl: either forfake Callr.is, or elles the 
 Peace. And in Cafe this Occafion to redemaunde Callais be now for- 
 floune, God knoweth wlien ever England fliall have the lyke again. 
 And where your Lordfliipes vvryte, that the King's Commiflioners 
 beeinge fo neere to agree with the French upon the hole, much wer 
 to be endured for the Wealth of Chrijlendom-. It is even fo indeedc 
 - as your Lordfliipes wryte. Mary that all other fliuld have Reilitu- 
 tion of their owne, and poor E?2gland that began ne not the Fraye, 
 bear the Burthen and the Lcfle for the Reflj and fpecially of fuch 
 a Jewel as Callais is, we feare will feeme very liarde and llrange to 
 all the Realme. And yet yf the LoflTe of Callais might Purchafe 4 
 i^ire Peace to Chrijlendom, that wer yet fome colour why fomwhat 
 the rather to agree to it. But yf we may be fo bold to faye playnely 
 our Myndcs unto your Lordfliipes j we not onely thinke not that, 
 that the luiveing Callais to the French, fliall purchafe Chrijlendom a 
 fure Peace; but rather ar perfuaded that nothing can more evidentlye 
 fliew, that the French entend no Peace to contynue, fpeciallye with 
 England, then the retention oi Callais, yf they earnefllye and finallye 
 perfift theron. Your Lordfhips do right well underfl:ande what Ad- 
 vantage the French have to annoy us by Scotland, which now is much 
 ruled by France. And in Cafe any Peace be made, then fliall the 
 French have good Tyme and Leafure to eftablifli and order their 
 
 Matters
 
 Book V. of Records y &c. 60; 
 
 Matters fb yn Scotlafid, fpecially confiddering the Mariage of the 
 Dolfyn, and the Queen of Scotts, is now done ; that Scotland lliall 
 be every whitte as much at their Commandment, as any Part of 
 France is. And what the French pretend unto by that Mariage, is 
 rot unknowne to your Lordfhipes. 
 
 If now Callais fliall remayn yn idieir Hands too, wherby neither 
 England fhall have the Commoditie to offende their Rnemyes, nor 
 to fuccour their Friends, nor lykewyfe to receyve fuccoiir from 
 their Friends at their Need, but by very uneafy Means : Yea, 
 and wherby England fhall in a manner be ex'cluded from know- 
 ledge of all Things, done both by their Enemys, and by their Freends; 
 or at the leaft, the Knowledge therof fhall not come, but io late, tl.at 
 it will fearve to little Purpofe. And that Callays lyeth lo commcdy- 
 oufelye to be a Scourge for England, as it was before King Edward 
 the Third took it: Which caulcd him to adventure himfeif, and his^ 
 Son the Prince, to come but with a meane Armye from Normandxe 
 into France, and thence through all Picardye, to go to befeege Callais : 
 He beinge contynuallye pourfewed by his Ennemyes wi.h greate Ar- 
 myes, with the which he was enclofed and compafled about, and fy- 
 nallye conftrained more than once to Fight it out, and fpecially at Crecy, 
 where his Enemy's Armye wns thyrfe as greate as his, and to lye io 
 longe at the Seege before Callais, as he did. This Scourge of Efig- 
 lafid, (o well knowne by Experyence then, and therefore io dearly 
 bought by King Edward the Illd, and now not yet known for lacke 
 of Experyence; yf the French fliall retayne yn their Hands, they 
 having likewyfe Scotland on fiie other fide, how dangerous this fhall 
 be to E?igland, is eafy to be confydered. Thefe, and other Confy- 
 derations, make us to be of Opynion, that leaving Callais to the 
 French, they will be content to delyver you a Peece of Parchemyn 
 fealed with a little Wax ; but that they meane anye contynuance of 
 Peax, we cannot be perfwaded, no more then King Francis did by a 
 Nombre of Peeces of Parchment fealed, which he fent to King Hewy 
 the VJIIth: Nor the French King that now is, did, by the Parche- 
 myne fealed, which he fent to King Edward the Vlth. And where- 
 as now the King's Majefties Contreys ar in Warre with France, as 
 well as England: If the Peace be ones made, the French will foon 
 feek Occafion to fall out with England againe ; and then may it per- 
 haps chaunce fo, that Spaine will not think it neceffarye for them to 
 venture yn Warre againe with France. Whereas now the Kings Ma- 
 jeftie cannot Honoiablye, nor entendith not (as he himfeif hath de- 
 clared and faid) to make any Peace without us. So that the Premiflcs 
 confydered, we cannot for our Parts thinke, that Chrijlendom fhall 
 be reflored to a good Peace, though we forfake Callais, but that then 
 we fhall be more opprefTed with War than before. And in Cafe we 
 muft needs have War, as good it feemeth to contynue in it yet for a 
 while, being conjoyned to the King's Majeflie, who beareth the 
 Chief Burthen and Charges of it ; then fliortelye after to begynne 
 a new, and to fland in Danger to have all the Burthen lye on our 
 Neckes. And then fhould we know what a Jewell we had forfaken, 
 when we did agree to forgo Callais-, and that by the Retencion of 
 Calluis^ the French meant nothing lefs then the quietnes oiChri/iendom. 
 Vol. 111. 7 P , We
 
 6o6 A Coileciion Part III. 
 
 V/e hiV£ thought ic our Dutie to dcviare to your Lordihipes what 
 oi;r Opyr.ion ia hceriii. Which revertheltfle we pray your L(.rd- . 
 fhipcs to accepte ya good Birte. 
 
 I the Rifliop of E/y le.ourned XoCercamp^ according to ths King's 
 Majeftics Appointment; where I have contynued till now thit I 
 came hither to confult uj.on thefe Matters with my Colleagues. And 
 all this while hath there nothing ben done yn our Mitiers for Eng- 
 land; but the other C^miirioners have b;n bufye contynuallye. 
 And as far as I can kaiii, they aie not veit all a^;reed uppon the 
 Matters of Piednioimt^ nor of Cor/ica, nor Sietia. Yea, and as I heere, 
 the French begyne now to call the Matters of Navarre in queftion ; 
 and to afk Reiftitution thereof; yn lb much, th^it lome hegyne to 
 thinke contrary to that hath ben commonlye thought hi herto ; that 
 the Ende of this Matter will be, that all fliall departe, re infeSla. 
 
 After we had written thus farre, I the Earle of Arundall, receyved 
 a Letter from the Bilhope of Arras, of the 17th of this Preftntj 
 wherin amonge other Things he writeth thus. Monfmir Levefque 
 deEly vous aura dit en quels tertnes nous eftions a Jen Partement en 
 ce Purgatoire. Et bier les Francois nous declarer ent qu'en toutes cha- 
 fes condefcendront its plujlot que de n^enir a ce de Calais : Ne qu'il 
 kiir efliappe: Et nous leur declarajmes derecbef au contraire que jam 
 fatisfaire a Royaume d' Angleterre nous ne traiterons en facon quel- 
 conque avec eux & fut nojlre depart fur ce til qu'il y a plus d'appa- 
 rence de rompre que de conclufion. 
 
 So that by this lykewife it may feme, that they agree not beft: 
 But whether that be for Callais onelye, we doubt much. And 
 thus we bid your good Lordfhipes mofl hartely well to fare. From 
 Arras the 18 th of November, 1558. 
 
 Tour good hordjhi pes mofl ajjuredly, 
 
 Arundell. 
 Thomas Elye. 
 N. Wotton. 
 
 Number
 
 Book VI. of Records^ <Scc. " " 667 
 
 Number 44. 
 
 A Letter of Jewel'j to Peter Martyr, from Strafburg, of 
 the State of yjjfairs in England. 
 
 Scripta (ut videtur) 155'"'. 
 
 Juellus ad Martyrem.j 
 S. P. 
 
 "■\E prima ilia noHra ProfedJone, 6c de novis omnibus, quu; 'Ufn^^.-vjT; 
 J ferebantur PafilciE, fcripli ad tc per D. Simlerum noibum.i^/^:-/!" 
 Quinto poftridie vix perveniimis Argentinnm; lantoper miferi co- 
 afti fumus hirere in luto. Hie omnes noftros invenimus incolii- 
 mes, & cupidi!]]mos tui. Quid Sandu=, Hornus, aliique uodri 
 fecerint in Anglia, nihil adhuc audivimus. Ncque id ianc mi- 
 rum. Profedli enim Argent"na ad Vicefimum primum Deiem- 
 bris, vix Vicefimo poft die potuerunt pervenire Antuerpiam, 
 quod Rbenus conflriftus glacie, illorum Navigationern impediret. 
 Hoc tantum audlmus, Rcditum illorum Reginaj effe gratiflimum; id- 
 que illam non obfcure p;cE fe fcrre. Si Epifcopi pcrgant porro ut 
 ccEperunt, erit brevi magna Vilitas Epifcopatuuin. Certum enim 
 ■eft, Chriftopherfonum, Rabulam ilium Ciceftrenfem, ell'e mortuum-, 
 quod idem de Vatfono quoq; Lincolnienfi nunciatur: Q^od fi ita 
 eft, vacant hoc tempore Epifcopatus quatuordecim. Whiius tuus, 
 in funere Maris-, quemadmodum ad te fcripfi cum efiem Bafileas, ha- 
 buit ad Populum infanam, & turbulentiffim^m Concionem ; Omnia 
 potius tentanda effe, quam. ut quicquam ds Religione immut.iretur. 
 Bonum fadum, fi quis exules reduces interfecerit. Accufatus eft Se- 
 ditionis a Marchicne Vintonienfi Thefaurario, & Hetho Archiepif- 
 copo Eboracenfi. Londinenfis jufTus eft, reddere Ha^redibus D. Rid- 
 lasi, qusecunque illis per vim & injuriam eripuerat. Vocabitur brevi 
 ad Caufa; dicftionem; interim jubetur, fe domi continere, tanquam 
 in carcere, Regina edixit, ne quis habeat Concionem ad Populum, 
 neve Papifta, neve Minifter Evangelij. Id alij fadlum piitant, quod 
 cum unus tantum eflct Minifter Verbi turn temporis Londini, Bent- 
 hamus, tantus eflet numerus Papiftarum. Alij, quod audita una tan- 
 tum Benthami publica Concione, Populus inter fe caeperit litigate de 
 Ceremoniis : Et alij Genevenfes eflb vellent , alij Francofordiani. 
 Quicquid eft, utinani ne noftri Homines nimium prudenter & poli- 
 tico verfari velint in Caufa Dei. Multi putant D. Coquum fore 
 Magnum Cancellariumj Hominem bonum quidem, & pium, uti 
 nofti; fed illi muneri, meo judicio, non aptilTimum. Elienfis haeret 
 ahud apud Philippum, dum aliquid de ifta prseclara Pace, fi Deo 
 placet, transfigatur ; qujD quali<;, aut qnam firma, & diuturna futura 
 fit, Qiuv iv y^vfin-t Kurcii. D. Ifabella, fpero, vocabitur in AngHam. 
 
 Video
 
 6o8 ^ Colkci'wn Part III. 
 
 Video enim alios quoque noftros Homines, de ea re ferio cogitare. 
 D. Zanchius etiani fcribet ad Reginam : Erat fcripturus ad totum Par- 
 liamentum, nifi ego difluafiflem; id enim mihi videbatur alienum. 
 Cranmerus Puer relidus eft Argentinae apud Abelum, ut meae Fidei 
 committeretur: Ego ab Abelo mutuo fumpfi Coronatos pueri nomine. 
 Oro Juliura, ut Sarcinam & Pecuniam, quam reliquimiis numeratam 
 apud te, ad ilium mittat Argentinam. Ille tibi curabit cautionem, 
 eamq; vel deponet apud D. Zanehium, vel, fi mavi<:, ad te mittet. 
 Bene vde, mi diilciffime Pater, & plus quam Animi dimidlum mei. 
 Nolo ad te omnia; oportuit enim me etiam ad D. Bullingerum 
 aliquae fcribere: Cui ego Viro, pro fumma ejus erga me Humanitate, 
 debeo omnia. Sed ea, qua'Cunque funt, non dubito, tibi cum illo 
 fore communia. 
 
 D. Hetonus, D. Abelus, D. Springhamus, D. Parkhurftus, te plu- 
 rimum falutant, & cum tibi cupiant omnia, nihil tamen magis cupi- 
 unt hoc tempore quam Angliam. Saluta D. Muraltum, Herman- 
 num, Julium, Juliam, & omnes tuos meofque, meo nomine, 
 
 D. Fr. Beti, & D. Acontius, funt nunc Argentinae: Uterque te 
 plurimum falutant. Ego D. Beti reddidi Literas D. liabellje: Id ob- 
 fecro, ut illi fignifices. 
 
 Argentina^ 26. 
 
 Januar. JohannesJuellus 
 
 Ex Animo, &; femper, Tuus. 
 
 INSCRIPTIO. 
 
 OrnatiJJimo Viro, D. Pefro Marty ri^ 
 in Ecclefid Tigurind trojejj'ori S. 
 Theologicty Domino fuo Colendif- 
 Jimo. 
 
 Number 45. 
 
 A Letter of GualterV to Dr. Mafters, advifing a Hjo- 
 
 rough Reformation. 
 
 Domino Richardo Maftero, Medico Regio, Amico ve- 
 teri, & Fratri fuo diledo. 
 
 i?rMSS iT^ Ratulabar mihi non parum, Annis fuperioribus, qcando regnante 
 
 Tigur. ' V_T Edvardo Sexto Sards Memorize, tu prior fcribendi Officium, 
 
 quod multis annis intermiflum fuerat, repetere caspifli. At nunc 
 
 5 multd
 
 BopkVI. of Records^ &c. 609 
 
 multo magis & tibi & mihi gratulor, Vir dodi.Time, & Frater in 
 Chriito cblcrvande, quod ea Tempora Anglia; vefiras, per Dei C!e- 
 mentiam, redudla effe audimus ; quando lub Region piiffimas Tutela, 
 piis Hommibus, Deum vere colendi Libertas leilltuetur, & Amico- 
 I uiiT t-iter?; tuto hinc inde ferri & refei'ri poterunt. AgnordnrnHn 
 his admirabilem Dei Sapientiam 6c Eonitatem, qui EcclefuE Ais) &- 
 rumnas !ns:is vicibus temperare fblet, ne tentationum fludibus toti ob- 
 ruamur. Faxit idem ille, ut Spei fidelium, quam de Angl'ae Regno 
 jam onines concepeiunt, fatisfiat. Quod eo magis futurum }utc, fi 
 quotquot illic in aliquo Dignitatis- gradu collocati cftis, Ecclel'^ & 
 Religionis Curam ad vos cum primis pertinere memineritip, nee illo- 
 rum admiferitis Confilia, qui cum Papatum nee honefie defendi, nee 
 totum retineri pofle vident, ad artes convertuntur, quibus Religionis 
 Forma mixtam, incertam & dubiam fingunt, •& eandem, Tub Evan- 
 gelic£B Reformationis prastextu, Ecclefi^ obtrudunt ; ex qua deinde 
 facillimus eft ad Papifticam Superftitionem & Idolomaniam tranfitus. 
 Quod non eo fcribo, quod tales apud vos ^Kt Iciam, fed quod ne 
 tales fint metuo. Jam enim annis aliquot in Gennania, magno Eccle- 
 faarum malo experti fumus, quantum ejufmodi Homines valeant. Eo 
 quod illorum Confilij, carn^s judicio, Modcftia; plena, & ad alen- 
 dam Concordiam, cumprimis idonea efle videantur, h. credibile eft, 
 publicum ilium humanaj Salutis hoftem, apud vos quoque fua fla- 
 bella invenfurum, quorum oper^ Papatiis femina retinere ftudeat. 
 Quibus Scripturae fandl^, 2C Verbi divini armis, conllanter reliften- 
 dum fucrit, ne dum circa prima initia, aliquam mediocrem animorum 
 ofFenfionem declinare ftudemus ; ii:iulta p.d tempus duntaxat duratu- 
 ra admittantnr, qua3 poftea vix ullo ftudio, & non abfque gravifli- 
 mis tenrationibus omnino tolli poHint. Exempla hujus mali Gcrma- 
 nicae. Ecclefiae muka viderunt, quorum confiderdtione edodli, fufpedia 
 habemus quascunque cum fyncera Verbi Dodrina, aliqua ex parte 
 pugnant. Nee me alia ratione, ut hsc moneam, adduci credas, qnam 
 quod AnglisB veftriE, ob veterem Confuetudinem, cujus vel fcra Re- 
 cordatio mihi eiiam hodie jucundiffima eft, miririce faveo. De Re- 
 bus noftris certiorem te reddet Parkhurilus, nofler Frater, & Ho- 
 fpes meus dile<ftiflimus, qucm tibi commendatiffimum efte velim. Su- 
 ftinuit ille jam loto quinquennio, graves exilij rnoleftias j inter quas 
 tamen, admiral-ilem Fidei Conftantiam, & Patientiam incrcd:bilem 
 conjunxit. Nunc fpe la^ra plenus, in Patriam con;endir, ut Ec- 
 clefia: renafcentis Caufam pro fuo talento adjuvet. Nee dubito, quia 
 bonam operam prasRiturus fit, cum Scripturarum Cognitionem habe- 
 at piseclaram, & Veiitatis ftudiofilllmus fit, & a Contentionibus ab- 
 horreat, quarum ftudiofi vix aliquem in Eccleiia frudum faciunt. 
 Optime ergo feceris, fi tua Authoritate ilium juve>, & pro virili pro- 
 vehas. IVlihi vero nihil jucundius fuerit, quam. li ex tuis Literis in- 
 telligam, noilrs Amicitice memoriarn penes te adhuc fdvam elTe, 
 qus certe in animo meo nunquam intermcri poierit. Vale, Vir prse- 
 ftantiflime. Tiguii, i6. Januarij 1559. 
 
 VoT,. 'IT. 7 Q Ni'jrb-r
 
 6io A CoUeBion Part III. 
 
 Number 46. 
 
 A Letter of the Earl of Bedford^ to Bullinger, from 
 
 Venice. 
 
 T I T« 
 
 DoclifTimo Viro Domino Bullingero, Sacr^e Theologias 
 Profefibri eximio Tiguri. 
 
 Xx MSS. ^^UM meus in Te Amor fingularis, & perpetua Obfervantia, 
 '^'"^' V^ ^}^^ ^^ femper Religionis Caula fum profecutu^, turn tua erga 
 
 me incredibilis Humanitas, multis modis a me perfpefta, cum Tiguri 
 fuerim, (Eullingere Dodifilme) fecerunt, ut hafce Literas animi er- 
 ga Te, mei pignus certilTimum, & veluti Tabulas obfignatas mei in 
 Te perpetui amoris quas extare volui, huic adolefcenti ad Te darem. 
 In quibus ita tibi gratias ago, propter tuam Humanitatem, utetiam me 
 tibi relaturum poUicear, fi qua in re tibi unquam gratihcari queam. 
 Atque hjec ira a me didta velim accipias, non licut Homines qui ho- 
 die verborum quand.mi fpcciem inducunt, & officiof;^m formam, ma- 
 gis id adeo ut videantur, quam q'jod effe velint id quod pra3 fe fe- 
 rant : Sed potius, ut ab animo fincero, & prorfus tibi devindtiflimo 
 profedla, certiffimum tibi perfuadeas. Itaque, fi quid tua Caula un- 
 quam facere poflim, (quod quam exiguum fit non ignoro) illud ta- 
 men, quantulumcunque erit tuuin crit totum, Sed de hoc fatis, & 
 fortafle fiiperque, pra;fertim etiam cum adhuc mihi ftatuium lit, (fi 
 alia non intei venerint, quaj inceptum iter al 6 evadere pofiint) ut 
 "vos obiter invifam in Angliam reverfuro. Ubi id viva voce confir- 
 mare, quod hie nudis veibis folummodo declarare pofllim. Juvenis, 
 qui has Literas perfert mihi, nunciavit de obitu Conradi Pellicani, 
 (quern Honoris Caufa nomine) quod ut audivi, fane quam pro eo 
 ac debui, graviter molefieque tuli, non tarn fua, quam Ecclefije uni- 
 verfae Caufa. Is enim hujus vitac Curriculum, in curis, vigiliis, afli- 
 duis fiudiis, literatis Hominibus promover;di«, gloriofiflime confecit, 
 ac denique moriendo quemadmodum vivebat ad meliorem vitam in 
 Coelum tranfiams eft. At ilia multum defiderabit plurimis nomini- 
 bus, virum abfolutifiimum : Itaque, ut illius Caufa iietor, ita hujus 
 vicem non pofiiim non magnopere dolere. At hujus maeflit'ae caufam 
 tul (ut fpero & opto) prafentia faci'e mitigabi', quern Ecclefia?, bo- 
 nifque omnibus, diu incolumem Deus Opt. Max, per li;am Mifericordi- 
 anieflcvelit. Venet. 6. Calend. Maias. 
 
 Tui Nominis Studiofifiimus, 
 
 F. Jjedford. 
 
 Domino Gefnero, & Domino Gualthero, meis amiciffimis 
 diligentcr a me, q' asfo;, Salutem diciio. 
 
 Number
 
 Book VI. of Records^ Sec. 6ii 
 
 Number 47. 
 
 A Letter of Jewel'j to Peter Martyr, of the State he found 
 Matters i?i whe?i he came to England. 
 
 S. P. 
 
 t I ^Anflem tamen aliqnando, Quinquegefimo, videlicet, Septimo 
 
 1 
 
 poft Die, quam i'olvilTemus Tiguro, parvenimufque in Angliam.j^^ 
 
 Qiiid enim necefle eft multa ■zs-^oori^d'^siv, apud te prfefertim, qui rem 
 potius ipfam quacra?, & longos iftos logos non magni facias? interea 
 vero, Deiim immortalem, quaj ilia Vita fuit, cum & Aqua, 6c Terra, 
 & Caelum ipfura nobis indignaretur, & omnibarque mod's reditum ■ 
 nonrum impedirct ? Qmd quasiis? Omnia nobis toto illo tempore 
 odiofillima, & adverfifTima acciderunt. Verum ha^c an'ea ad te, & 
 ad D. BuUingerum fufius, cijm adhuc hasrerem Antwerpia?. Nunc 
 accipe caetera. Qnanqiiam hie, ut vere dicam, arte opus eft & vi\y- 
 rotheciis : Non tam quidem, quod mihi nunc ornanda, & polienda 
 fint nova, quae nefcio an ullaiint hoc tempore. Scio tamen a te plu- 
 rima expedtari, quam quod recantanda lint Vetera. Ilia enim fere 
 omnia, qus ego ad te jam antea fcripfi ex itinere, multo tum erant 
 alia, 6c longe auditu jucundiora, quam quae poftea re ipfa inveni domi. 
 Nondum enim e'ledus erat Romanus Pontifex : Nondum pars ulla 
 religionis reftituta : Eadem erat ubique miffarum proluvies : Eadeni 
 pompa, atq ; infolentia Epifcoporum. Ilia tamen omnia nunc tandem 
 mutare incip'unt, 6c pene ruere. Magno nobis impedimento funt 
 Epiicopi : Qui, cum linr, ut fcis, in fuperiori Conclavi inter primo- 
 res, 6c proceres, &c nemo ibi fit noflrorum Hominum, qui illornni 
 fucoSj 6c mcndacia p.;ilif, coram dicendo refutare, inter Homines 
 Literarum, 6c rerum imperitos foli regnant, 6c paterculos noftros 
 facile vel Numero, vel Opinione Dodiinaj circumCcribunt. Regina 
 interea, etii aperte faveat nollra2 Caufe, tamen p.utim a fuis, quorum 
 Confilio omnia gciun'ur, pa' tim a Legato Fh)lirpi Comite Ferio -Ho- 
 mine Hifpano, ne quid patiatur innovari mirihce deterretiir. Ilia ta- 
 men quamvis lentius aliquanio, quam nos velimus, tamen 6c pruden- 
 ter, 6c foititer, 6c pie pcrlequitur inftitutum. Et quamvis haftenus 
 Principii, paulo vifa funt duiioia, tamen fpes, eft aliqnando rede fore. 
 Intere;5, ne Epiicopi noftri queri porfint fe potent a t..ntum, 6c lege 
 efle victos, res revocata eft ad Difputationem, uc novcm ex nodr'S, 
 Scorsus Coxus, Wiih-dus, S.uKius, Grindjllus, Ilornu", Elmer, 
 Gheftus qu.dam Cantabrigienii<, ex eg^, cum quinque Epifcopis, Ab- 
 bate Weftmonafterienfi, Colo, CheadliEO, Harpes feldo, de his rebus 
 coram Senatu colloquamnr. Piima noflra affertio eft: In pub'icis 
 precibufq ; 6c Adminidraione Sacramentorum alia iiti Lingua, quam 
 quae a Populo inteltigatur, alienum efle a verbo Dei, 6c a confuetu- 
 dine Primitiva Ecclefije. Altera eft ; Quamvis Ecclcfiam Provincialcm, 
 3 , etiam 
 
 Ex MSS. 
 
 '&"':
 
 6ia A CoUeBion Part III. 
 
 etiani injunU Gencralis Concilii, pofTe vel inftituere, vel mutare, vel 
 a'-jroqarc Ceremonias, & Ritiis Ecclefiaflicos, fie ubi id videatur facere 
 ad i^dificationem. Tertia faciificium illud propitiatorium, quod Pa- 
 pilla fingunt efle in Mifla, non pofic probari ex Sacris Literis. Pridie 
 Calendaruin Aprilis infliiuitur Prima conflidatio, Epifcopi interim, 
 quafi parta Vidtoria, jamdudum Magnifice Triumphant. Ubi Frofcho- 
 verus ad nos venit, fcribam de his rebus omnia difertius. Regina te 
 gerit in oculis. Liteias tuas tanti fecit, ut eas iterum, tertiolq ; cu- 
 pid iffime relegerit. Libriim tuum, ubi advenerit, non dubito, fore 
 multo gratiorem. Oxonii a tuo diiceflu dua5 praeclarae virtutes incre- 
 dibiliter audaj funt, infcitia, & contumncia : Religio, & fpes omnis 
 Literarum, atq ; ingeniorum funditus periit. Brochas Epifcopiis GIo- 
 ceflrienfis beftia impuriffimac Vitae, ex multo impuriorls Confcientia?, 
 pauIo antequam Moreretur, miferabiiem in moduni exclamavit, (th 
 jam fe ipfo judice effe damnntum. Faber tuus prsclarus, fcilicet, Pa- 
 tronus caftitatis deprehenfis eft in adulterio : Ex ea Caufa, quod alio- 
 qui vix folet fieri, cum Maria adhuc viveret, novo more, nuUo exem- 
 plo juffus eft cedere Leftione Thcologica. Bruernus fimili, fed longe 
 flagitiofiori de fcelerecoadus eft relinquere ProfefTionem Linguae Hebrai- 
 crc. De Martiali nihil Scribo, ne Chai tas contamirem. De Welbno audifti 
 antea. Sed quid iftos, inquies, Commemores? Ut intelligas, quibus judi- 
 cibus oportuerit B. Cranmerum, P. Ridlaeum, P. Latimerum condem- 
 nari. De Scotis, de Pace, de Bello nihil, Ternas ad te dedi Literas 
 ex itinere : Qiue utrumq ; ad te pervenerint, nefcio. Sed quoniam 
 longe abfumus, longius, 6 Dcum Immortalem, & diutius multo, 
 quam veUem, Literae noftras interdum ventis &, fortunje committendzE. 
 funr. Vale, mi Pater, & Domine in Chrifto Colendiffime, Saluta 
 D. Biillingei um, D. Gualterunji, D. Simlerum, D. Gefiierum, D, La- 
 vaterum, Julium, Juliam, Martyiillum,^ D. Hermannum, & con- 
 vidores tuos Trevicenfes. Omnes nodri tc falutanr. Londijii 20 
 Martii, 1559. 
 
 yo. Juellus, 
 
 Iftas funt PrimJB, quas ad te fcribo, ex quo 
 redii in Angliam. Ita pofthac fublcri- 
 bam omnes, ut fcire polBs, fi quaj forte 
 inttrciderint. 
 
 INSCRIPTIO. 
 
 Dodiffimo Viro D. Petro Martyri Vcrmilio. 
 ProfelTori Sacrae Theologis in Ecclefia 
 
 Tigurina Domino fuo Colendiffimo. 
 
 
 Nambt
 
 Book VI. of Records^ Sic. 6 1 ; 
 
 Number 48. 
 
 A "Letter of JuellV to Bullinger, concernmg the State of 
 Things in the Begi7imng of this Reig7t. 
 
 S. P. 
 
 C"^ Ratlfllmse erant mihi ParkurRoque meo litera; tus, ornatillimerA-iif^^. 
 3^ vir, vel quod a te fiat, cui quantum debeamu?, nunquam pof-'^'^"'^" 
 fumus oblivifci, vel quo fuavitatis, & humanitatis erga nos tuae, quam 
 toto nos tempore exilii noftri expert! fumus maximam, altiflima vcrti- 
 gia retineient. Atque utinam poirimu:^ aliquando pietatis tua: partem 
 aliquam compenfare. Quicquid erit, animus certe nobis nunquam 
 deerit; Quod nos hortaris, ut flrenue ac fortiter nos geramu^, erat 
 ille aculeus non tantum non ingratus nobis fed etiam pene neceffarius. 
 Nobis enim in hoc tempore non tantum cum adverfariis, fed etiam 
 cum amicis noftri^, qui proximis iftis annis a nobis defecerunt & cum 
 hoftibus coniurarunt, jamque actios multo, 6^, contumacius refiflunt, 
 quam ulli hofles, quodque moleftiffimum eft, cum reliquiis Hifpano- 
 rum, hoc eft cum teterrimis vitiis, fuperbia, luxu, libidine ludan- 
 dum eft. Facimus quidem nos, fecimufque quod potuimus. Deus 
 bene fortunet, & det Incrementum. Sed ita hactenus vivimus, ut vix 
 videamur reftituti ab exilio. Ne dicam aliud : ne fuum quideni ad- 
 huc reftitutum eft cuiquam noftrum. Quanquam, & fi molefta no- 
 bis eft ifta tarn diuturna expeftatio, tamen non dubitamus, _brevi 
 reftefore. Habemus enim Reginam be prudentem, & piam, & nobis 
 faventem & propitiam. Religio reftituta eft in eum locum, quo fub 
 Edwardo rege fuerat, ad eam rem non dubito, tuas, reipublicsque 
 veftrx literas & exhortationes multum pondeiis attuIi/Te. Regina 
 non vult appellari aut fcribi. Caput EccleHa; Anglicaiise: graviter 
 enim refpiondit, illam dignitatem fili effe attributam Chrirto: nemini 
 autem mortalium convenire. Deinde illos titulos tarn foede contami- 
 natos efle ab Antichrifto ut jam non poffint amplius fatis pie a quo- 
 quam ufurpaii. Academ'a^ noftras ita affli(ftiE funt, 6c perditas, ut Ox- 
 onii vix duo fint, qui nobilcum fentian% 6c illi ipfi ita abjedi 6c 
 fradli, ut nihil poflint. Ita Soto fratercnlus, ?z alius, nefcio quis, 
 Hifpanus Monachu?, omnia ea, qua? D. Petrus M;irtyr pulchenime 
 plantaverat, everterunt a radicibuF, & vineam Domini redtgerunt in 
 Solitudint-m. Vix credas tantam vaftitatem afferri potuifle tarn parvo 
 tempore. Quare 6c fi m:ignam alioqui voluptatem capturus lim, fi 
 vel cancm Tignrinum videre poiTem in Anglia, tamen non pf-fTum tlTc 
 Author hoc tempore, ut juvenes vcftros aut litcrarum aut religion is 
 caurS ad nos mittati?, nili eofdem remittit velitis ad vos, impios 6c bar- 
 baros.' Rogavit me nuper D. Ruftclius qua maxime re tibi, aliilque 
 tuis fratribus, 6c Symmidis gratum facere. Hoc videlicet, fenfit, vcl- 
 le fe Humanitat's veflra;, quam femper prasdicat 6c hofpitii caufa ali- 
 quid ad vos dono m'ttere. Ego vcro nihil tibi tuifque fire gratius, 
 quam fi religionem Chvifti fiudiofe r.c fortiter propagaret cc papifta- 
 rum infolentiam imminuerct. Quod il!e 6c rccepit fe fadurum, ^ 
 Vol. hi. 7 R ceVte-
 
 A CoUeBion Part III. 
 
 Ex MSS. 
 Tigur. 
 
 certe facit, quantum poteft; Venerunt hodie Londinum Legati Regis 
 GallijE, qui gratulantur de pace ; Piinceps legationis eft juvenis Mo- 
 morancius. De nuptiis Reginae adhuc nihil. Ambit quidem filius 
 Johannis Frederic!, & frater fecundus natu Maximiliani. Vulgi tamen 
 fufpicio inclinat in Pikerimum hominem Anglum, virum & pruden- 
 tem & pium, & regia corporis dignitate prasditum. Deus bene vcrtat, 
 quicquid erit. Iftae primas funt, quas ad te leorfim fcripfi, ex qao redii 
 in Angliam: Sed quoniam, quae fcripfi ad D. Martyrem, fcio ilium 
 propter fummam inter vos conjundlionem tecum habuiffe communis 
 non dubito, quaecunque ad ilium fcripfi, eadem ad te quoque fcripta 
 dicere. Bene vale mi pater, 5c Domine in Chrifto colendiHime. Sa- 
 lutaoptimamillam mulierem uxorem tuam : D. Gualterum D. Simlerum 
 D. Zuinglium, D. Lavaterum. Si quid unquam erit, in quo poffim, 
 aut tibi aut tuis cfle voluptati, aut ufui, polliceor tibi non tantum 
 operam, ftudium, diligentiam, fed etiam animum tc corpus meum 
 
 2 2. Maij Londini, 1559. 
 
 Tui Studiofis 
 
 yo. yueiitw. 
 
 I N S C R I P T I O, 
 
 Viro longe Dodiflimo D. Henricho Bui- 
 lingero Faftori Etclefiae Tigurinse Dig- 
 nifljmo 6c Domino fuo Colendiflimo. 
 
 Tigu?-L 
 
 Number 49. 
 
 A Letter of JevvellV to Peter Martyr, concerning the 
 Difputation with the Papijls at Weftminfter. 
 
 Idem ad P. Martyrem. 
 
 S. P. 
 
 DE illis Difputationibus inter nos, 6c Epifcopos, quas proximis 
 Literis Scripfi indidlas fuifle in ante Calendas Aprilis quid 
 fadlum fit, paucis accipe. Sic enim vifum eft continuare Orationem 
 fine proaemis. Primum ergo, ut omnis caufa jnrgiorum & otiofa 
 contentionis tolleretur, Senatus decrevit, ut omnia utrinque de fcripto 
 legerentur, & ita defcriberentur tempera, ut primo die aflcrtiones 
 tantum utrinque nuds proponerentur: Proximo autem conventu, ut 
 i nos
 
 Book VI. of Records^ &c. 615 
 
 ■ ' ■ — ■ - -. - . ■ ■ - .-^ ■ . — ■ ■ , ^ ^ .. 
 
 nos illis lefponderemus, & illi vicifTim nobis. Pridie ergo Kal. April* 
 cum magna expedlatione, majori credo frcquentia conveniffimus 
 Weflmonafleiii, Epifcopi, pro lua fide, nee fcripti, nee pidli qaic- 
 quam attulerunt, quod dice rent, fe non fatis temporis habuifle ad res 
 tantas cogitandas: Cum tamen habuiflent plus minus decern dies, ic 
 interea copias auxiliares Oxonio 6c Cantabrigia, & lindiq; ex 
 omnibus angulis contraxifTcnt. Tamen ne tot Viri vidcrentur fruflra 
 convenifTe, D. Colus fubornatus ab aliis venit in medium, qui 
 de prima quaeftione, hoc efl, de peregrina Lingua, unus om- 
 nium nomine peroraiet. Ille vero cum omnibus nos contumeliis 
 & convitiis indignilfime excepiflef, & omnium feditionum au- 
 thores & faces appeliaffet, & fupplofione pedum, projeftione 
 brachiorum, inflexione laterum, crepitu digitorum, modo dejedlione 
 modo fublatione luperciliorum, (nofti enim hnminis vultum & 
 modeftiam) itit omr.es in partes & tormas convertiffet, hue poftremo 
 evafit, ut d'cerer, Angliam ante mille trecentos Annos recepilTe Evan- 
 gelium. Et quibus, inquit, Literis, quibus annalibu?, qnibus monn- 
 mentis conftare poteft, Preces turn publicas in Anglia habitas, fuiffe 
 Anglice. Poftea cum in illo Circulo {tit fatis jamdiu ja^ftavifiet, ad- 
 jecit ferio, & vero vultu, atq; etiam admonuit, ut omnes hoc tanquam 
 quiddam de didis melioribus diligenter attenderent, atque annotaient, 
 Apoftolos ab initio ita inter {tk diftribuilTi operas, ut alij Orientis 
 Ecclefias inftituerent, alij Occidentis. Itaque Petrum 6c Paulum, 
 in Romana Ecclelia, quas totam prope Europam contincret, omnia 
 Romano fermone, hoc eft, latine docuifle. Reliquos Apoflolos in 
 Oriente, nuUo unquam alio Sermone nfus fuifle, nifi Grceco, Tu 
 fortaffe ifta rides: Atqui ego neminem audivi unquam, qui folennius 
 6c magiftratius infaniret. Si adfuiflet Julius nofter, centies exclamaf- 
 fet, Poh ! Horfon Knave. Verum ille, inter alia, nihil veritus eft, 
 myfteria ipfa 6c penetralia, atq; adyta prodere Religionis fus. Non 
 enim dubitavit graviter 6c ferio moneere, eitamfi alia omnia maxime 
 conveniunt, tamen non expedire, ut Populus, quid in facris ageretur, 
 intelligat. Ignorantia enim, inqui^ Mater eft vertc Pietatis, q'a;im 
 ille appellavit Devotionem. O Myftica ficra, atque Opertanea Bona; 
 Deael Quid tu me putas interim de Cotta Pontifice cogitafle? Hoc vi- 
 delicet illud eft, In Spiritu 6c Veritate adorare. Mitto alia. Cum 
 ille jam calumniando, convitiando, mentiendo magnam partem illius 
 temporis, quod nobis ad difputandum datum erat, exemift'ct ; nos po- 
 ftremo noilra pronunciavimus de fcriptn, ita modefte, ut rem tantum 
 ipfam diceremus, nihil autem Isderemus adverfarium, pollremo ita 
 dimifta eft Difputatio, ut vix quifquam eflct in toto illo Conventu, 
 ne Comes quidem S.lopienfis, quin Viftoriam illius dici adjud;c.;ret 
 nobis. Poftea inita eft Ratioe, ut proximo die LunjE, de iecunda 
 Quajftione eodcm modo diceremus; utque die Mercurij, nos illotuni 
 primi Diei Argumentis refponderemus, illi viciflim noftris. 
 
 Die LuncE, cum freqnens Multitudo, ex omni Nobilitatc cupidif- 
 fima, audiendi conveniflct, Epifcopi, nefcio pudoreve fuperioris diei, 
 an defperatione viftorise, primum tergiverfari, habere fe quod dice- 
 rent de prima Quaalione, nee oportere rem fic abire. Refponfum eft 
 a Senatu, Si quid haberent, id tertio poft die, prout ab initio conve- 
 nerat, audiripofte: Nunc hoc potius agerent, neve turbarent Ordi- 
 
 nem.
 
 5i6 A CoUeBion Part III. 
 
 nem. Dcjedli de hoc gradu tamen hue evaferunt, li dicendum omni- 
 no fit, nolle fe priores dicere ; fe enim in Poffeffione conftitiflc; : 
 Nos, fi quid vellemus, priori loco experiremur. Magnam enim fe 
 fadluros injuriam caufs fua;, fi paterentur, nos pofteriores difcedere 
 cum applaufu Populi, &; aculeos Orationis noArae recentes in audl- 
 torum animis relinquere. Senatus contra, Hanc ab initio inftitutam 
 fuiffe Rationem, ut illi, quod dignitate priores efTent, priori eliam 
 loco dicerent: nee earn nunc mutari pofle. Miraii vero fe, quid 
 hoc lit Myfterij, cum omnino necefTe fit, alteiutros priores dicere; 
 alioqui enim nihil pofTe dici : Et pra^fertim, cum Colus in piimis Dif- 
 putationibus etiam injulTus, uUio prior ad dcendum profiluerit. 
 Poftremo, Cum altercationibus magna pars temporis extradia eflet, nee 
 Epifcopi ullo pado concedere vellent de lecundo loco, ad extiemum 
 fine Difputatione dilceflum eft. Ea vero res iucredibile di^ftu eft, 
 quantum imminuerit Opinionem Populi de Epifcop's : Omnes enim cai- 
 perunc jam fufpicari, quod nihil dicere voluiftent, ne potuiffe quidem 
 illos quicquam dicere. Poftero die, Vitus Vintonienfis, amicus tiius, 
 & Vatfonus Lincolnienfis, de tarn aperto contemptu & contumacia, 
 damnati funt ad Turrim : Ibi nunc caftrametantur, & ex infirmis 
 prEEmiflis concludunt forliter. Reiiqui jubentur quotidie, prsfto efle 
 in Aula, 6c expedlare quid de illis Senatus velit decernere. Habes 
 svTtv^viv anXy} & pene uieu tivxtov ; quam tamen, quo meliiis rem 
 omnem intelligeiCS, defcripli pluribu% fortaffe, quam oportuit. Bene 
 vale, mi Pater, Decus meum, atque etiam Aiiimi dimidium mei. 
 Si quid efl: apud vos Rovarum reium, hoc tempore, id male efts pro-^ 
 ximarum Literarum Argumentum. Saluta plurimum, meo nomine, 
 venerandum ilium Virum, & mihi in Chiifto Dominum colend;ffi- 
 mum, D. BuUingerum, D. Gualterum, D. Simlerum, D. Lavaterum, 
 D. Wolphium, D. Gefnerum, D. Hallerum, D. Frifium, D, Her- 
 mannum, & Julium tuum meumque. Noflri omnes te falutant, & 
 tibi omnia cupiunt. Londini, 6. April. 1 559. 
 
 Pojl-fcrip^ Jo. Juellus tuiis. 
 
 IftiE funt fecundx, quas ad , 
 
 te fcribo, ex quo redij in 
 An2.1iam. 
 
 INSCRIPTIO. 
 
 D, Pttro Martyri, Profeflbi i SacriE Theo- 
 logias in Ecclefia Tigurina, Viro Dodif- 
 iimo, & Domino fuo in Chiifto Colen- 
 dinimo. 
 
 Tiguri. 
 
 Number
 
 Book VI. of Records^ &c. 617 
 
 Number 50. 
 
 A Letter of ]t\vdXs to Peter Martyr, of the Debates bt 
 the Houfe of Lords ; ajtd of the State of the Univer- 
 fities ; and concerning the Inclinations to the Smalcal- 
 dick League, 
 
 S. P. 
 
 ACcepi ternas a te Literas, omnes eodem fernie tempore : Qa^e ^^' '^'^^• 
 cum multis de caufis mihi effent, ut certe dtbrbant, jucundif- '^'"' 
 fimse, vel qaod efl'-nt a te, vel quod Rerum tuaium Statum fignifica- 
 renr, & amorem erga me tuum : Tamen nulla al a caula mihi vifae 
 funt jucundiores, quarrt quo! officiiim meum lequirerenr, njeq; vel 
 oblivionis vel tarditats, blaiide ac t^Lite accufarent ; quorum altcrum 
 magnitudo tuorum erga me meritorum, alteruni negotia m:;a non 
 finunt. Sciipfi quidem ego ad te ternas Literas, ex quo redij in 
 Angliam ; quas tamen video, cum tu illas tuas fcriberes, nondum ad 
 ,te pervenifle. Et fieri poteft, ut Tape fit, ut aut hccreant iifpimi, & 
 ignavae atq ; otiofas imitentur R'cligionem noflram, aut eliam perierint 
 in itineri. Sed quicquid eft, nulla potefi: in ea re migna iactura fie- 
 ri. Erant enim pene inanes, quod non mulium adhuc tfl't, quod 
 aut tu audire libenter veile?, aut ego icrihere. Nunc agitur Ciufa 
 Pontificis, 6c agiiur utrinque foni.er. Epifcopi cnim fudant, ne 
 quid erraffc videantur : Atq; ea Cjufa moratur, & imped't Religio- 
 nem. Difficile eft enim Curfum incltare. Fecnumus, Abbas V^'eft- 
 monaflerienfis, opinor, ut authoritatem cddent Profeffioni fiis, cum 
 peroiaret in Sena:u, Nazarseos, Prophetas, Ciiriftum ipfum, fi" Apo- 
 ftolos conjecit in Numerum Monachoium. Nemo Caufam noflr,;m 
 acrius oppugnat, quam Elienfis. Is 5c locum fuum in Senatu, & in- 
 geniiim retinet. Epifcoporum praidia redatla lunt in fifc(]m : Illis ex 
 permutatione dabuatur Sacerdotia, qu£ antea attributa erant Mora- 
 lleriis. Interim de Schoiis, and cura Literarum magnum ubiqae Si- 
 lentium. Regina de te honorlfice & loquitur, & feuiif. Dxit nu- 
 per D. Ruft'elio, fe velle te accerfere in Angliam ; id enim ilk-, alii- 
 que urgent, quantum pofluiit. Sed nifi & lerio, & ct;pide, & ho- 
 norifice petaris, nunquam ero author, ut veniss. Nibil equidem ma- 
 gis, aut miferius cupio, quam te videre, & dulcifiimis illis Sei monibus 
 tuis frui, five (quod 6 utinam aliquando contingat) in Anglia, five 
 ctiam Tiguri. Verum quantum video obftabit defiJerio m.ftro, 
 inaufpicata ilia ex Saxis ac Saxonibus damnata Trafea-^ix. Noftrce 
 enim nunc cogitat Fa'dus Smalcaldicum. Sciibit aiitem ad illam 
 quidam e Germania, illud Fcedus non polTe uHo p.ido coire, Ci tu ad 
 nos venias. Ilium autem quendam, fi addo aliqu:indo fiiifi!e Epifco- 
 pum, fi nunc eflTe exulem, fi hominem ftatum, fi veteratorem, ti au- 
 licum, fi Petrum, fi Paulum, magiS eum fortafi"e n6ris, quam ego. 
 Sed quicquid eft, nos Articulos omnes Religionis, & DodlrinsE no- 
 VoL. 111. 7 i> ftfse
 
 6x8 A CoUeBion ?- Hr 
 
 lliaeexhibuinnus Reginas, &; ne minimo quiJeni apice dilceniir .-. a 
 C'oriRll'ione Tigurifjii. Quanquam Am'cus tuus I ventum ■ c- 
 
 irio quoJ, iuuin tuctur moiuiciis, & nobis omnibus n.ir.lke ccen- 
 icx. A.ihu'.', ncnuoi iioftrum ne deobuloqu'dem proij.eftum clt. Jta- 
 quc ci!,o ijundutn abjicio iiifi^;r.ia iila, quae mihi finxi Tiguii, Librum 
 & crucein. GoodmanniiUi auciio t^-t spud nns ; fed ita, ut ncn aufit 
 V'. nire in publicum. Sed quanto fiitius fu ffct fapuifle in tempore ? 
 {•i velit agiiofvcrc errorem, nihil eiic pericu'i. Verum, uc homo eft 
 fluisacer, 6c in eo, quod kmel fafcepit, nimium pcninax, non nihil 
 vcreor, ne no!it cederc. Libii lui nondum venenmt : Id ego taiito 
 m;n'ii niirur, quod tot Angli jam pridcm redierint Francofordia. Mu- 
 1UJ3 tuum ubiadvenerit, nondubito Regiras fore gratiflimum. Iliud ego, 
 <iuoniam tu iia jubes, quamvis alioquin lit per fe ornatiflimum, tamen 
 ii dabitur facuUas, vtrbis ornabo meis. l3e illo autem Libio, qutm 
 tu feorfim ad me niifiHi, equidem non invcnio, quibus verbis tibi 
 2gam gratias. Itaqne malo, 6c huic humanitati tua;, & fuperiorum 
 tuorum erga me meiitornm magnitudini ultro fuccumbere. Cene et- 
 fi, tc nunquam ex animo eram dimilTurus, tamen hac commoneEdtione, 
 & mnemolyno excitatus, tuito acrius &; reverentiiis colam, quoad vi- 
 xero, Nomen tuum. Alij tui Libri jampridem allati funt a Bibliopo- 
 lis, 6c emuntur cupidiflime. Omnes enim libenter videre cupiunt, 
 quibus Venabulis ilia Bcftia confoffa fit. 
 
 Bene vale mi Pater, 6c Domine in Chrifto Colendiflime. Salut» 
 D. Bullingerum, D. Bernardinum, D. Gualterum, D, Simlerum : Di- 
 cerem 6c Frenchamum, nifi ilium putarem jamdudum aut in Balneo 
 efle, aut in via. Hoc enim Anni tempore, cum auditur Cuculus, -vix 
 folet efle apud fe. Loidini, z'i, Apr. 1559. 
 
 Tui Cupidifllmu?, 
 
 Tuoq; Nomini Deditifllmus, 
 
 Iflae funt Quartae. Johannes Ju ellus. 
 
 INSCRIPTIO. 
 
 Do5ijJfimo Firo, D. Petro Martyri, 
 in Ecclefid T'igurind Profeffori S. 
 Theologia, Domino fuo Colendif- 
 fmo. Tiguri, 
 
 Number
 
 Book VL of Records y Sec. 619 
 
 Number 51. 
 
 A Letter of Jewelfj to Peter Martyr of the State of Affairs 
 hoth in England a7id Scotland. 
 
 Ejjfdem ad Eundem. 
 
 "Adenus mini^ frequenter ad te fciipfi, mi Pater, quod multa /r^ jv^s;. 
 me negotia publica, piivataq; impedireiu. Nunc Icribo, woviTigxr. 
 q.iod plus nunc otii fit, quam an:ea, fed qiiod minus pofthac futu- 
 rum fit multo, quam nunc eft. Alteruin enim jam pedcm in terra 
 habeo, alteium p^ne fublatum in cquum. Mox enim in2;rcdior lon- 
 ginquam & d:ffici!em !e2;ationem conflituendce nli^ionis ergo per 
 Redingum, Ab ndonam, Glc/cefliiam, Briiiollium, TherniaS, Welliam, 
 Exonium, Cornubiam, Dorccftriam, Sarifburiam. Ambitus itir.eris 
 noftri erit plus minus feptlngentoruin miliiirium : Vix ut quarco de- 
 mum menfe putem nos effj redituros. Quare ne m^ inrerea putares 
 efTe mortuum, etfi ante duodecim dies, nefcio quid, ad te fcripfcrini 
 de rebus communibus, tamen non alienum foie duxi, fi nunc quoque 
 paucis te quafi in degrelTu falutarem. Res noftrs futis nunc funt in 
 proclivi : Regina optime animata : Populus ubique fitiens religionis. 
 Epifcopi, potiij?, quam ut relinquaru Papam, quern toties jam antea ^ 
 abjurarunt, malunt cedere rebus omnibu?. Nee tamen id religionis 
 caufa faciunt, quam nullam babent, fed conftanlias, quam miferi ne- 
 bulones vocari jam volunt confcientiam. Sacrifici jam tandem mutata 
 religione paflim abftinent a cojiu facro, quafi piaculum fummum fit, 
 cum pnpulo Dei quicquam habere commune. Eft autcm tantailloium 
 nebulonum rabies, ut nihil fupia. Omnino fpeiant, & prajd.cant, eft 
 enim, ut fcis, genus hominum prxdftiofiofum, 6c valde dedituai 
 futuritionibus ifta non fore diuturna. Scd, quicquid futuium eft, 
 nos agimus Deo Optimo Maximo gratias, quod res noftrai eo jim tan- 
 dem loco fii.t, quo funt. la Scoja fervent omnia. Knoxus cindus 
 mille fitellibus agit convenius per totum regnum. Regina vetiila co- 
 ad:a eft fcfe indudere in pra^fid um. Nobilicas ceojUntflis animis, 6c 
 vivibus feftiiuit ubique religionem invitis omnibus. Monafteria paf- 
 fim omnia aequaniur folo, veftcs fcenica;, calices facr.legi, idola, al- 
 taria comburuntur : Ne veftigia quidem piifcs fuptrilitionis 6c ido~ 
 lolatrise relinquuntur. Quid quseris ? Audifli Tape, crxoS-^s-* ''■•fn/ : 
 Hoc veroeft cDcoBig"^ iKKXrja-iols-iy. Rex Gallia?, qui nunc e i, fcribit fe 
 Regem Scots, 6c haredem Anglia;, fi qr.ii Regina: noftra3, quod 
 Deus avcrtat, contingat hunianitus. Sed mirari non debes, ii noftii 
 homines molefte fcrant : Et quo res erup:ura tandem fit, 0ck Iv yi- 
 vacrt xuTui. Fortafsc, ut fjt, communis hoftis conciliabit nobis vici- 
 num Scotum. Quod fi fit, etfi accedant etiam nuptiaj, fed definodi- 
 vinare. D. tJetonus te falutat, idque non minus amice, quam fi illi 
 pater tfTt;, Aliquot nollrum defignamur Epifcopi. Coxus Elienfis, 
 
 Scorxus
 
 6zo ~A ColleBton Part HI. 
 
 ScoiJEUs Erfordienfis, Alanus Roffenlis, Grindalus Londinenfis, B.ir- 
 lovus Chiclienrcrifis, & ego minimus Apoftoloriim Sarifburienfis. Quod 
 ego onus proilus decievi excuteie. Interca in Academics mere til 
 ubiqiic foUtudo. Juvcnes diffugiunt potius, quam ut velint in leligio- 
 nem confeiitire. Sed comites jamdnduai exfpedanf, & claman , ut 
 veniam. Vale ergo, vale, mi Paier, &: dulciffimuin decus mciim ; 
 faliita venciandum virum, & milii mille nominibiis in Chrillo Coleii- 
 dinimum. D. Bullingertim, ad quern eliam reorfjm fcriberim, fi effet 
 ©tium. Saluta D. Gualrerum, D, Sinilerum, D. Lavaterum, D. Ilal- 
 krum, D. Gefnerum, D. Tiillum, D. Hermannum. Habeo quiiique 
 pirtolettos aureosa D. Barth. Compagnoad venerandum fenem D. Ber-. 
 nardinum, & ab eodem ad eum literas. Sciiberefh ad eum de rebus 
 omnibus, nifi excludcrcr auguftid temporis. Quanquam hoc, quasfo 
 te, ut illi fignifice?, praeter iftos aureos, nihil adhuc confedum efle. 
 Res aulicae, quantum video, iia funt difficiles, ut nefciam, an quic- 
 quam poflit exprimi. Reginte jam abcfl: procui gentium in Cantio, ut 
 agi nihil pcllit. Vale, mi Pater, vale. Quantum tgo libi optare 
 poflum, tanium vale. Et Juliam tuum, Annamque &; Martynllum 
 meo nomine Londini Calendis Augufti, 1559. 
 
 To. Juellus tuns, 
 
 Tibi omnibus modis dcditiflimus.' 
 
 INSCRIPTIO. 
 
 Viro longe Dodliflimo D. Petro Martyri 
 
 Vermilio Profitenti Sacram Theologi- ^ 
 
 am in Ecclefia Tigurina. : i::,. I 
 
 % 
 
 iiru 
 
 Number 52. 
 
 A Letter of JewellV to Peter Martyr, before he issent hh 
 Progrefs iiito the Wefiern Parts of England. 
 
 Ejufdem ad Eundem. 
 
 S. P. 
 
 Ex ms. TTT' T quid tandem ego ad te Scribam ? Nos enim adhuc omnes pere- 
 
 '^'£'"--j §^j grini fumus domi noftrse. Redi ergo, inquies, Tigurum. Uti- 
 
 nam, utinam, mi Pater, id mihialiquando liceat. Te enim, quantum 
 
 2 video,
 
 Book VI. of Records^ Sec. 62 1 
 
 video, nulla fpts eft: ventuium uiiqiiam in Angliam. 6 Tigurum, 
 T gurum, quanto ego nunc fepiiis de te cogito, quiitn iinquam de An- 
 gl a, cum eflcm Tiguri. Q_uamvis autem, ut dixi, in Patria noftra 
 fimus hofpites,' excipimus tamen interdum qua^dam ccyoPju y^ a.^iYiycila. 
 Veruni ■sro'XXaTii ro ycatcov KXTCix.sif/,Bvov evoou oi^Btvov, De religione 
 tranladum eft, utinam bonis aulpiciis, ut effet eo loco, quo fait ulti- 
 mis tuis teniporibus fub Edouardo. Sed, quantum quidem egoadhuc 
 videre pofTim, non eft ea alacritas in noftris hominibus, quss nuper 
 in Pap'ftis fuit. Ita mifeie comparatum eft, ut mendacium armatum 
 fit, ve. iuis autem non tantum inermis, verum etiam fepe odiofii. Agitur 
 nur.c de lacro & fcenico apparatu, quaeque ego tecum aliquando ri- 
 dcns, ea nunc, a nefcio, quibus, nos enim non advocamur in con- 
 filium, ferio, & graviter cogitantur, quafi religio Chriftiana conftare 
 non poftit fine panni-. Nos quidem non ita otiofi fumus ab animo, 
 ut tanti poffimus facere iftas ineptias. Alii feftantur auream quandam, 
 qua3 milii plunib.;a poiius videtur, mediocritatem : Et clamant", di- 
 niidium plus toto. Q'jidam ex noftris defignati funt Epifcopi, Par- 
 keiu^ Cantuarienfis, Coxus Norviccnfis, Barlovus Ciceftrcnfi*:, Scors- 
 us Heifurdenfi-, Grindallus Londinenfis. Nam Bonerus juffus eft 
 ctdcre : qui quando adituri lint poflcllionem, nefcio. Ego ex ifto 
 fl re, quod tu de vino foles, f.cile divino, quas fit futura vindcmia. 
 Adverlarii interim noPui xa^aipyXa^jrifo-;, & pollicentur fibi, ifta non 
 fore perpetua. In Scotia, nefcio quid, audimus tumultuatum de reli- 
 gione : Nobiles ejedis Monachis occupafte Monafteria : Et aliquot 
 milites praifidiarios Gallos in tumuliu occidilTe : Reginam iratam edix- 
 ifle, ut Knoxus concionator inflato cornu, eft enim ille in Scotia mos 
 folennis, fi quetn volint extorrem facere, ex omnibus finibus ejice- 
 retur. Qiiid de illo fadum fit, nefcio. Nunc inftiiuitnr legatio in 
 toam Angli tm de formanda religione. Sandus ibit in Lancaftriam : 
 ego in Devoniam : Alii alio. Regina non vult nppellari caput Eccle- 
 {is, quod mihi certe non difplicet. Interim, quid il cavetfo de la 
 Ciiiefa cogitet, aut murmuret, aut quas turbas daturus fir, tu quoni- 
 arn propias abes, facilius audire poteft. Papifta^ noftri odiofifllme pug- 
 nant, neque alii ulli contumacius, quam qui a nobis difcelTerunt. 
 Tanti eft fcmel guft.dTe de Miftli. Qui bibit inde, furit : Procul h:nc 
 dilcedite, quels eft Mentis cura bonae : Qui bibit inde, furit : Vident 
 excepto illo palladio omnia ventura in periculum. Pax inter nos & 
 Galium ita convenit, ut Caletum, odo poft annos redeat in poteftatem 
 Anglorum. Quod ut Julius nofter credat, opus eft incredibili, 6c ro- 
 bufta fide. Quicquid eiit tamen nos eo nomine exfpedtamus pig- 
 nora e Gallia. De nuptiis Reginae adhuc nihil. Tamen ambit hac 
 tempore Suecus, Saxo, Carolus Ferdinandi, Mitto Pikerinum Homi- 
 nem Anglum. Tamen, quid malim, fcio. Et ifta funt ut fcio ^u- 
 r-Jco'refa : Et apud nos proverbii loco dici folet matrimonia efi!e fatalia. 
 Bene vale, mi Pater, & Domine in Chrifto Colendiflime. Saluta 
 qujefo optimum fenem D. Bernardinum, D. Muraltum, D. Wolphium 
 meo nomine. Liber tuus, quem Reginae mififti dono, redditus eft a 
 D. Ccecilio : Ad meas manus, nefcio quo cafu, non pervenit. Ego 
 tamen, quoties fum in aula, diligenter exquiro, numquid ilia ve- 
 Vol. III. 7 T lit i
 
 glT"" '^AColkaion PartlTL 
 
 " lit . Et adhuc nihil audio. Sed quicquid erit, faciam ut JntelHgas. 
 Londini. 
 
 Iftse funt quintae, tu vide an aliquae perlerint. 
 
 INSCRIPTIO. 
 
 Doftiflinio, Viro D. Petro Martyri, 
 Profeffori Sacrae Theologix in 
 Ecclefia Tigurina, Domino fuo 
 Colendiffimo. 
 
 Tiguri. 
 
 Number c^^, 
 
 A Declaration made by the Confederate Lords of Scotland, 
 to the ^ee7i of England ; of their taking Arm^ gainfl 
 the ^luee?i Dowager of Scotland, and the French. 
 
 TT T may be, that on the French Parte it wyll be faide, that it be- 
 cliig-sJic. ^ hoveth them to fubdue the Rebellion in Scotland ; and to L:.^t 
 Foi 24. End only biinge all this Power thither: Firfl it may i e, and that 
 truly faide, the Begynning and Ground, yey, and the Proceding hi- 
 therto being truly confidtred, is no Rebellion. For true it is, that 
 when the French Kyng had long fought to compafle the Yonge 
 Queenc of Scotla?id, and to have her caryed owt of Scotland into 
 Fraunce, there was great Difficuitie made yn it by the Scots^ ; nd att 
 length brought to palfe only by the continuall Travayle of the Mo- 
 ther, being Dowager Qneene ; partly by Corruption with Money, partly 
 . by Authoritie, partly by fayre Promifes ; and yet was the Maiter 
 thus ended, that before her Perfon coulde be tranfported thence, Af- 
 fuiance was made by Treaty, by Othe, by Parlement, by the Great 
 •Seal of Praunce^ by the Seal of the Dolphyii, that Scotland fhoiild 
 not be otherwyfe governed, but by the Lawes, by the Nobilitie, by 
 the People of the Land ; that the Offices of the Land fliu'd remayne 
 in the Nation of Scotland ; that no Ganifons (huld be kepte by the 
 French. After that Tyme much Labour and Piadtife was made by 
 the Qiieene Dowager to procure the Favour of the Nobilitie of Sect- 
 land, to accorde to the Mariadge of the Queene with the Dolphyn ; 
 and fynally that obtaygned in a Parlement in Scotland, and was the 
 Crowne afligned to the Queene, and the Heirs of her BoJy j and for 
 default therof, to the Duke of Ch::Jl€lkrauIty and his Hires, and fo he 
 
 declared
 
 Book VI. of Records^ Sec. 623 
 
 declared the Seconde Perfon. Then allfo was on the Parte oi Fraunce, 
 Othes taken, Chartres delyvered under the Create Scale of Fraimce, 
 and confirmed by the Yong Queene under her Seal, and by the Dol- 
 phin under his Seale, that Scotland Hiuld be governed by the Coun- 
 iayle of the Land; that no Liberties fl-iuld be violated; that Eduiburg 
 Caftell Ihuld be delyvered to the Lord Arjkin to be kept, for the Pre- 
 fervation of the Rights of the Realme ; and Dunbritton Caflell fliuld 
 be delyvered to the Duke for his IntereH: as Heyre Apparent. Thefe 
 Things were done, and Duplicats made of the Grants of Fraunce^ 
 One Parte delyvered to be kept in Edenburg Caftell in the Treafury ; 
 tliC other delyvered to the Duke : Hereupon an AmbalTade was fent 
 in Anno 1558, of 8 Perfons, 2 Bifhops, 2 Earles, 4 Lords q{ Scotland^ 
 and the M;.riadge then concluded in Fraunce ; which done thur, was 
 att.mpied that the Ambaflade fhuld return home, and in Parlement 
 obtayne, at the Yong Queencs Requefl, that the Crown of Scotland 
 mi 'ht be given to the Dolphin her Hufband ; which Matter, the 
 Amhaffude fo much mifliked, and utterly refufed ; alledging that it 
 could never be obtayned ; that in the End they were thus abufed, 
 yt was devifcd they ihould retourne, and procure that a Matrimoniall 
 Crowne fliuld be granted to the Kyng : By which Words they weare 
 made believe there was a great difference ; and yet they could not 
 lyke the Matter, but required leave to retourne Home, and they 
 wou'd doo that they might. In their Departure at Deepe, theyr 
 Ncmbre was made in one Night fodenly lefll* by one EiOiop, z Erles, 
 and 2 Ba. ons, and fo departed Home the other Three, much amafed 
 att t^e Matter. At theyr return, the Dowager Queene pradifcd all 
 the V.'':^ys fhe co :ld in Parlement, to obtayne this Purpofe ; which 
 ihe f vj;^ht by Two Wayr, one by rewarding thofe who had not re- 
 ceived Favour of the Duke in the Time of his Governaunce, partly 
 for the Favour they bare at that Time to E>?g]and, parte for other 
 Refpefts; and fo fett an Enmitie betwixt he Duke and them. One 
 otlier way, fl^e ofi'ered to certayne of the Lf^rds a Peimiffion to 
 lyve freely accordyng to their Confcience in Religion ; and ^.t length 
 Ihe became very flronge, and in Parliament obtained this Matrimo- 
 niall Crowne, v.'ith thefe Cji;ditions, that the Duke's Right flauld 
 not be empayred therby. Thus preceded flie tf'wards her Purpofe, 
 and daily ufuipcd againft the Liberties and Frrmifcs made. She 
 fpaied not to begin with the greateft. She comujitted to Prifon the 
 'Chancellor of the Realme, the Eile Huntley ; being one of the Prin- 
 cipal Frends to the Duke, She took a great Fyne of him, and took 
 the Seale from hym ; committed that to one Riibay, a Fienchmany 
 an Advocate of Paris. Not content therwith, She coinmitted the 
 iayd Erie to Prifon, untill She had put hym to a great Raunf .me ; 
 whit h She took of hym : And to flatter hym, gave hvm the Name 
 of Chancelor, and put the Office in Rubaye's Handes, Nexte to this. 
 She h.ith taken the Office of the Comptroller of the hole Realme, to 
 whom belonged the Charge of the whole Revenues of the Crowne ; 
 and hath allfo commiited it to another Frenchman, a Servant of her 
 owne, named Vulemore. She hath alfo fequeftred all Matters of 
 Counfaill of the Governaunce of the Land, from the Scottijh Men 
 b.riie, and retayned all the S*;creties to French Men. But thefe weare 
 
 2 but
 
 624 
 
 A Colkciion Part III. 
 
 but finall Thyngcs, yfF greater had not followed. Having Peace 
 with England, She kepte all the CJarrifons of French Men ftill in the 
 Countrey, who lyved upon Difcret'on ; which was a new Ofienfe to 
 Scohnd.' Wages they had none out of FraJice at all : The Revenue 
 of the Crowne, which was not greate, was fent into Fraimcc ; and 
 to paye the French Band, a new Devife was made. She procured 
 out of Fraiince a certayne Nombre of Franks, bting altcgeiher in a 
 certayne Coyne of Sowces, which had bene, for theyr Emtinefs, de- 
 cried and barred in Fraunce Two Yeres before, and were but Bulli- 
 on : Thefe She made currant in Scotland, to paye the . Soldiers. 
 She allfo creded a Mynte, and theiin nbalTed a grete Quantite of 
 the Sco'tip Money, and therwith allfo payed her Soldiers. In that 
 Mynte allfo, She permitted certayne of the Principalis of the French 
 to Coyne theyr owne Plate, to theyr owne moft Advantage : Which 
 Matter both did notable great Hurt in all Scotland, aud much offend- 
 ed the Realme. 
 
 Now follows the Pradifes of the Qneene with diverfe Noblemen, 
 to beccm Parties agaynfh the Duke : Meanes was made, fyift to have 
 wonne the Lord Arjhn, to deliver the Caftell of Fdcnburgh ; next, 
 to have ftolen it : But this prevailed not. In this Se.ifon, and be- 
 fore allfo, which had much exafperated the People of the Land, the 
 Queene gave away Abbeys, that fell voyd, to French Men : Som to 
 her Brother, the Cardinal Guyfe, fom to other. And generally. She 
 hath kept in her Hands thefe Three hole Yercs, allmoft all the Eccle- 
 fiaftical Dignities that have fallen voyde ; faving fuch as wer of any 
 Value, which She gave to French Men, Generally She governed all 
 Things io, as She never would in any Matter followe the Counfell 
 of the Lordes and Nobilite, which, at her firft Coming to the Regi- 
 ment, were appoynted to be of Counfell. Agaynft thefe her Do- 
 ynges, many Intercefiions were made by the Nobihtie, both joyntly 
 together in good Companyes, and Advices allfo gyven aparte, by 
 fuch as were fory to fee that this Governance wold be fo dangerous, 
 as it could not be borne: But nothing avayled. And then followed 
 a Praftife, of all ether moft dangerous and ftrange, and, for a Perfo- 
 nage of Honor, a great Indignity. The Principall Matter that was 
 coveted by the Queene, was to have cutt away the Duke, and his 
 Houfe, and to make a Party agaynft hym : By Perfuafion, this was 
 devifed. The Lord James, being a Baftard, Son of the laft Kynge, 
 a Man of greate Courage and Wyfdom ; and certayne Erles and Ba- 
 rons of tlie Realme ; in whom were confidered thefe Two Thyiige?, 
 No great Love towards the Duke, nor certayne Ceremonies of the 
 Churche ; and yet being Men of Courage, were borne in Hand by 
 the Queene, that She her felfe wold beare with theyr Devotion in 
 Religion, and upon Condition that they would joyne with lier Go- 
 vernaunce agaynft the Duke, for the fivour or Fraunce, they fliuld 
 lyve freely according to theyr Confcience in Religion, without any 
 Impedyment. Herupon they were fomwhat boldned, and therby in- 
 curred the Cenfures of the Churche, and were alfo, by a private 
 Lawe of the Land, ignorantly in danger of Treafon : Wherupon 
 Pfocefte was made, they endangered. And then was it Tyme for 
 the Queene to tempt them to forget theyr Country, and become 
 
 French.
 
 Book VI. of Records^ &c. 625 
 
 French. Bat when no Inticement coul i prcvayle, thtn began She to 
 threaten tliem with the Luwe, and would neds declare them Tray- 
 tcrs. This Matter the Queene purfued ; taking ic ior a great Advan- 
 tage. But, for their Defcme, the Nobiiitie of the Realme made 
 much Labour. Nothyng would ftoye the Queene; but forthwith 
 She produced her Ganifons to the Feld, proclavmed them Tr.ytors, 
 gave away their Lands, entred with Men of War in o a principal 
 Towne, called St. yokn's Toivr.e, changing the Provofl: of tie 
 Townc, agaynft the Wyll of the B.irgefils; and left there F ur 
 Bands of Men of Warre, to fortefie her New Provoft, And She 
 fynding the whole Realme much offended herwith, and charging her 
 dayly with Mifgovernaiice, and Violating the Liberties of the Realm, 
 •and her Power there not fufficient to precede, as She ment, to Con- 
 quer the Land -, She fent for the Duke, and the Erie Hiifitlty, aid 
 pretended in this Neccflitie a new Good Will to them ; who tra- 
 vayled for her, and flayed all the adveife Part in Qujetnefb; And 
 •then She promifed all Matters to be flayed and redrcffid at Parle- 
 msnt the next Spring: And promi'ed alfo diverfe other Thyngs, for 
 theBenefite of the Land. And then the Duke, and the Edc Hunt- 
 ley, tooke upon them to make a Quiet with the adverfe Part. And 
 whiles this was in doyng, the Duke's Sonne and Heyre was fought 
 and fent for, to the Courte in Fraunce: From whence he was cer- 
 tainly advertifed by diverfe of moft fecret Knowledge, that his Ru» 
 ine fljuld follow, and that he fliould be accufed, and executed for 
 Matters of Religion. At the length he abode, untill certayne of 
 good Authoritie were depeched from the Court, to bryng hym ey- 
 ther quick or dead. Bel'ore their comming, he efcaped, without 
 daungtr : And they toke his yonger Brother, a Child, abowt Fif- 
 teen Yeres of Age, and commytted him to Prifon. In this Tyme, 
 Thyngs being well appeafed in Scotland, and every Noble Man re- 
 turned to theyre Countree?, by the Duke's Means principally, who 
 fhewed moft Favour to the Quene, and had gaged his Fayth to the 
 Nobiiitie oi Scotland, forkeping of all Thynges in quiet, untill the 
 Parlementj there arrived certayne Bands of Souldiours out of 
 Fraunce into Leethe ; whofe comming made fach a Chaunge in the 
 Queene, as She newly caufed the Towne of Leeth to be fortified, 
 being the principall Porte of the Realme, and placed Twenty two 
 Enfeignes of Souldiors, with One Band of Horfemen, therin. Her- 
 upon the Nobiiitie challenged the Duke: Who had nothing to 
 faye; but entreated the Queen, by his moft humble Letter,-, to 
 forbeare thefe mannor of Doings; wherin he could not prevayle. 
 The Force of the French was then encreafed, Leeth fortified, all 
 Ammunition carrii-d into the Towne, nothyng left to the Sc&tts, 
 whereby either well to defend thenifclfts, or to annoye the Towne. 
 Befide this, out of Fraunce there came dayly French Pov/re by Sea ; 
 )ea ther went allfo, not denyed by the Queen's Majeit'C of Eng- 
 hnd, Captayns by Land through England. Well, at the-. Length, ■ 
 the Duke, and all the Nobiiitie, made new Intercefiion by thevr 
 Letters, that She would forbeare this Fortificacion: For otherwyie 
 her Purpofc of Conquefl vvou'd appeare to the w o!e Realm ; whcr- 
 VoL. in. 7 U upon
 
 626 A Colkci'wn Part IIF. 
 
 upon would grow great D Iquiet, But her Ccmti.rai grew lo gicaic 
 owt of Fiance, that She delpiled all Requeues, Ami thus came the 
 Matter to the Termes which xh?: French courted: For now thought 
 they it would be but 3 or 4 Dayes Work to lubdne Scotland: Wher- 
 unto nevertiielefs bcfydes thcyre owne Powre, She entrerayned Two 
 or Three meane Lords fuch as lay betwyxt Leeth and Baruick, 
 which was the Erie Bothivell, and Lord Setan, who be the only 
 T\^'o, of all the Noblli.ie of Scotland, th.it keepeth Company with 
 t!)c Queen ; an! yet, as they do notify themfcifes by their Doyngs, 
 nnd the lert of the; Nobilitie, with the Ba-ons an 1 Burgefes of the 
 Rcalnie, fyndiiig no Hope of Remedy at her Hands but perceyving 
 an eminent Danger to the Realme, which could not be avoyded by 
 any Entreaty, aflembled themfelves, as regrating the afflidfed Realme. 
 They began depely to confyder, on the one Parr, the Right of their 
 Sovcraign Lady, bdng married to a Straisge Prince, and out of her 
 Realme, in the Hands of Freiicbmen only, without Counfell of her 
 own Natural People; and therwith the Mortalitie of her Hulband, 
 or of her felf, before She cold hive Iffue: And on the other Side, 
 what the Dowager, being a French Woman, Syftar to the Houfe 
 which ruleth all in Fiance, had done, attempted, and dayly per- 
 fifted in ruinating unnaturally the Liberties of her Daughter, the 
 Queen's Subjeds, for Ambition, to knit.e that Realme perpetually to 
 France, whatfoever becam of her Daughter; and fo to execute ther 
 old Malace upon England, the Stile and Title wherof they had al- 
 redy ufurped ; were in the end conOrayned to conftitute a Coun- 
 fivle, for the Governaunce of the Realme, to the Ufe of theyr So» 
 verayn Lady: and therwith humbly to fignifie to her the reafonable 
 Sufpenfion of the Dowager's Authoritie; which to mayntayn, they 
 have of themfelves, as Naturall Subjedl?, convenient Sirenght, being 
 fore oppreiTed with the French Powre; which untill this prefant 
 Day they do, as theyr Powers can endure ; being very mean and un- 
 able that to do, compared to the meaneft Force of France. So as 
 althoug-h they have been of long Tyme occafioned thus to doe ; 
 and now for Safety, as well of theyr Soveraign's Right, as of the 
 Ancient Right of the Crown, have been forced to fpend all ther 
 Subflance, to hazard theyr Lifes, theyr Wifes and Children, and 
 Country: Yet can they not longer preferve themfelves and the Realm 
 from Conqueft, by this Power that is now arrived in Scotland^ and is 
 in Readinefs to be fent thither before next Spring. And therfore 
 they have communicated their hole Caufe to certayn of the Queen's 
 Majcfties Minifters upon the Borders, and feek all the Ways they 
 can, how they might, without Offence of hir Majefty, committ 
 theyr Juft and Honorable Caufe to the Protedion of hir Majefty, 
 oncly, requiring this, That theyr Realme may be faved from the 
 Conqueft by France^ and the Right of theyr Soveraign Lady pre- 
 ferved, with all other Rights of their Nation of Scotland depending 
 
 (thereupon. 
 
 Augujl
 
 Book VI. 
 
 of Recordsy Sec, 
 
 627 
 
 u^Ugli/l, 15:9. 
 
 Tbe Petition of the Lords of Scotland y?^;ic'J with there cwn Hands. 
 
 WE defire yat he hall nommeris of Frenchmen of weir being pre- 
 fentlie within yis Realme, may be removed with fpeed ; that 
 we may in Tymes coming leifquyetlie without feir of thair tioubill. 
 
 Item, That we may haif Place to fute of the King and Queen our 
 Soveraignis fik Arliclis as ar necefTarie for us, for Pacification and 
 ♦Perfedl Government of the Realm without Alteration of our Anteant 
 Liberties. 
 
 * The Earl of Aran always figns 
 thus, for the Title of Aran was 
 in his Father at that Time. 
 
 * This feems to be the Lord James, 
 afterwards made Earl of Mur- 
 ray. 
 
 f The Earl of Huntley'^ Son. 
 
 * Cannot be read. 
 
 * 
 
 « Probably the Earl of Atholl's 
 Son. 
 
 James Hamilton. 
 
 Ard. Argyll. 
 
 Gkncarn, 
 
 * James Stewart. 
 + Alex. Gordon. 
 
 * John. 
 R. Boyd. 
 
 Uchiltfe. 
 John Maxwell. 
 Ruthuen. 
 
 * James Stewart. 
 
 Number 54. 
 
 A Jhort Dtjcujfton of the Weighty Matters of Scotland, 
 
 Aug. 1559. 
 
 or no? 
 
 In Sir W. Cecyll's Hand. 
 
 Ueftion, Whether it be mete that England fhould helpe the^^^^ ^ib 
 Nobilitie, and Proteflants of Scot laud, to expeli the French : Ca/ig. B. 10. 
 
 That
 
 628 A ColleSiicn Part III. 
 
 That No. 
 
 I. It is againft God's Law to ayd any Subjeds againft their Naturall 
 Prince, or thsir Minifters. 
 
 II. It is dingeroufe to dooit; for if the Ayd Hial be no other th;in 
 may be kept iii Srcret'e, it cannot be great; and fo confequently 
 ic fliall not fuffice. If it (hall be open, it will procure Warres, 
 and the End therof is uncertain. . 
 
 III. It maye be dowted that when Money fpent is, and Aids fliall be 
 given, the French maye Compownd with the Scottes, and Pardon 
 that Error, to joyre both in Force agcynrt England; v^hich is 
 moreeafy to be beleved, becaufe they had rather make a flnmefull 
 Comporfition Willi iS<::"</</?/i, than fuffer it to be rejoyned, and uni- 
 ted to the Crown of England. 
 
 IV. It may be dowbted, that to flaye the Progrefs of Religion, a- 
 geynfb the See of Rome, the Emperor, the King Catholicke, the 
 Pope, and the Potentates in ItaJy, the Duke of Suvoye, will ra- 
 ther confpyre witli the French King, th .n to fuffer theis Two Mo- 
 narchies to be joined in one Manner of Religion. And in this 
 Part may be dowted tliat many, afwell Scottes, as EngUjh, that 
 can lyke very well to have thefe Two Kingdomes perfedly knia in 
 Amytye, will not allowe them to be knitt in a lyke Religion. 
 
 That Yea. 
 
 T. Firfl, It is agreeable, both to the Law of God, and Nature, that 
 every Prynce, and Publyck State, flmld defend it felf ; not only 
 from Perrills pref;ntly fene, but from Dangers that be probably 
 fene to come fhortly after. 
 
 II. Secondly, Na'.ure and Reafon teacheth every Peifon, Politick, or 
 other, to ufe the fame Manner of Defence, that the Adverfary 
 ' ufeth in Offence. 
 
 Uppon theis Two Prynciplees agreed will evidently follow, 
 that England both maye, and ought to Ayde Scotland to 
 kcpe owt the Fremhe. 
 
 I , Firfl. The Crowne of England hath a good Title to the Supe- 
 riorcty of Scotland; and owght to defend the L'berrycs thereof, as 
 Thcmperor is bound to defend the State of Millane, or of Bohemey 
 being held of the Empyre. And to prove this Snperiorety, remayne 
 undowttd Proof?es under ■ Seale, of fondiy Homageej done to this 
 Crowne by the Kings of Scotland fucceffyvely. Of their Acceffes to 
 the Parkracnts of 'JS«^/««^, Of the Epifeopail Jurifdidion of the See
 
 Book VI. of Records^ Sec] 629 
 
 oi' Tork over Scotland : In Confideration wherof, if it may apppre 
 that the French meane to fubdue Scotland, and fo to exempt that 
 Realmc from the Amytye of England, it femeth that England is of 
 Ducty, and in Honour^ bound to preferve the ^t^\mto^ Scotland itovrx 
 fuch an Abfolu'e Dominion of the French. 
 
 2. Iiein, Befide this lotereft that England hath in the Crowne of 
 Scotland, for the quiet Poffeffion, wheras France hath onely by th; re 
 Waires kept the Reahne oi England*. It is moft manifeft that France AWo^Aktm, 
 cannot any wife fo redely, (o puilTantly, {o eafely, offend, yea, in- wanting ; pro- 
 vade, and pat the Crown of E«^/^W in Daunger, as if they 'may ^*^^'^''"^'"" 
 recover an abfolure A u thorite over iVo//^;;/,/ .- And before that be pro-" 
 ved, it femeth not out of Order, though not very nedefull to make 
 manifed that the French ar to be taken as Enemyes in Will, though 
 not in manifed Words. 
 
 How long Time they have bene Enemyes to England, how brickie, 
 how falfe, how double ther Pads of Peace have bene, the Storyes 
 be VVitnelfes, theis Seven Hondred Yeres, Was there ever King of 
 England, with whom they have not made Warres ? And now of 
 late, uppon what Occafion they made Peace with England, is too 
 manifelt. It was by reaf ni of Wearynefs and Poverty., wh ch was 
 fuch, as the late French King forboare not to exprefle in his Letters 
 to the Queen of England, mentioning the Invafi .ns made in Bryt- 
 taine by Sea. And indede this is to be received as a Principle, .hat 
 France cannot be poor above One or Two Yeres, nether can fo !ono- 
 be out of Wars. The Revenues of th^ French Crown, are Tayn -i 
 unknown : Tiie Iiifolency of the French Nation, being in flope of 
 Vidory, is not unknown. The long old H'tred of the Hou'fe of 
 Gidje^ which now occupyeth the Kyng's Auihorite, agaynft Eng- 
 land hath been often well underftood. 
 
 And to come nerer to the Matter ; it is manifeft many waves what 
 manner a Piatt that Houfe hath mad?, to bereave the Queen's Maje- 
 fiy of hir Crowne. In Queen Marfi Tyme, the Frenrb did not let 
 to divulge ther Opinions agaynft this Lawful Title of the Queen's 
 Majefty ; and as it was well knowen, had not Almighty God fivo- 
 red the Queen's Majefty to come to the Crowne with fach univt-rfall 
 Joy of hir People, the French had proclaimed ther Title both in France 
 and Scotland. 
 
 And likewife in the Treaty of the Peace at Chafieau in Cambreps, 
 it appeared what they would have compaflsd, when they preffed the 
 Bnrgmdiatis to conclude with them, and over-pafs the Treaty with 
 England ; alledging, that they could not tell liov/ to Treat with £«^- 
 land, but to the Prejudice of ther Right ; the Dauphinefs, his Daugh- 
 ter, then having Right to the Ciown of England. How bold they 
 wold have been, if at that tyme She had been Queen of France, and 
 her Huftjand King, as he now is ? Eor then the Wifdom of the Con- 
 ftuble governed the Raftinefs of the Guijians. 
 
 Sence the Peace concluded, whileft the French King lived, what 
 Means they made at Rome to have made the Queen's Majefty to 
 be declared Illegitimate, is manifeft ; and fo as it is known that the 
 fame Sentence is brought into France, under the Pope's Bull?; Like- 
 wiff, at the Confirmation of the Peace betwixt Spain and France^ at 
 Vol. III. 7 X the
 
 63 
 
 O 
 
 A Collection I' an UI. 
 
 the Solemnities even when the k'rencb King w,;s flayne, Jtappcrnh, 
 what manifeft Injurye and Diflwnour they did to the Quetn's Maje- 
 fly, to affi^n the Arms of England and Ireland to the Fi ench Qjieen, 
 and that in^ all their Pageants : And being admoniflied theieof by the 
 Ambaffador, wold nether mJce Collcrable Excufe, nor leave it ; tu: 
 botli concinued therin, and alio to defpife the Qceen's Majefty's Amb f- 
 fador and Ratification of ihs Peace with the Stile. M.Me'z A?^ferv'd them 
 with Silver Vtflell ftamped with the fame ufurped Arme?. How lightly 
 they have efteemed the Queen's MajeRy, in all this Tyme appereth: For 
 here they be bound by Treaty to deliver 4 Hoflages, notwithftanding 
 that they have been prclled therto, they have fent but Three ; wherof 
 One or Two be fucb, as if they had not been here ; but whether the 
 Queens Majeftie had not fuffered the Uiflionour, to have one of her 
 Subjeds murdered, and no Redrefs therof, but as it appeied when 
 they had committed the Muider, they difdaincd, and quarrelled 
 againft fpch as did but fcke to underdand the Offenders. 
 
 Now the very Caufe why they (lay the Profecution hereof is this, 
 their Inte.rupiion and Parboylls unlooked for in Scotland, whi.h 
 doth fo occupy thein as they nether Cun ne dare to utter ther former 
 Maliciofe Purpofe untill that be ended. 
 
 But furely bcfid there old Cankered Malyce to this Realm, tliis 
 Matter fo inflamelh the Houfe of Guife, that they will not forbear 
 one Day longer than of mere r.eceffity they fhall be conftreyned, to 
 bord this Realm with that fiyned Tytle, and to avance the fame. It 
 is knowen that they have fent a great Scale into Scotland with the 
 Armes, and very Stile and Title of England and Ireland, and what 
 more manefefl Arguments can be to fhew what they mean aud in- 
 tend then thefe. In Princes Frad'ces it is mere Childeflinefs to tarry 
 until the Practices be fet abrcde, for then Were it as good to tarry 
 till the Trumpet found Wais. All Things have there Caufes pre- 
 cedeing before, but noihing hath his Caufes precedeing more fecretly 
 than the Praftices of Princes ; and of all other none is fo conning 
 as the French, 
 
 Itfolloweth to be confijered, that now the French have no conve- 
 nient way to Invade England but by Scotland -, by Carlijle they were 
 accuftomed, by Sea is not io convenient for them, the fame being too 
 chargeable for them to afluyle : Wherefore if it be fene that they 
 will perfue their Purpofe and that by Scotland, then Reafon muft 
 force England, to con fefs that to avoyde this Danger fo apparant, en 
 no way be devifed, but to help that the French have not fuch Rule 
 and Overhand in Scotland as that they may by that Realm invade 
 England. 
 
 Laftly, It is to be confidered howdangeroufe it is for England to 
 be invaded by the way of Scotland. 
 
 Firft, If the French fhall prefent to England a Battle, either they 
 will do it with Strangers, or French and Strangers : If they win, 
 which God forbid, they put in hazard this Crown. And though 
 they Lefe, yet do they not put there own Kingdom of France in 
 Danger. And therefore it is double the Danger for England, to ven- 
 ter Battle upon the Frontiers of England, to a Battle upon the Mar- 
 ches of CalaU, or Bulloynefs, A
 
 Book VI. of Records^ Sec. 62 
 
 A Conclufion. 
 
 It feemeth the weightieft Matter to be confidered, that either hath, 
 or can chance to England, What is prefently to be done for th? Aid 
 of Scotland: For if it fhuld be nedeful the Delay will adventure the 
 Whole : And if Lofs come, it is unrecoverable. Wherefore it were 
 good that the Caufe were well and fccretly weighted : Firft, by Di- 
 fcreet and Wife Men, that have Experience, affedled to the EngUp 
 Nation, fpecial Love to the Queens Majefties Perfon ; and that done, 
 to fend by feme Colour for the Nobilitie, and to confult with them, 
 or ells to fend fome triifly Perfons with Credit to underftand their 
 Miid?. 
 
 Number 55. 
 
 The Bo7id of Ajjociation, with this Title^ Ane Contract 
 of the Lords and Barons, to defend the Liberty of the 
 Evangell of Chrift. 
 
 Copied from the Original at Hamilton. 
 
 AT Edinburgh, tl-.e Twintie feventh of Apryll, the Year of God 
 Ane thoufand Fyve hundred Threefcore Years: We whaes 
 Names are underwritten, haif promittit and obliedged our felves 
 fiithfully, in the Prefcnce of our God, and be thir Prefents pro- 
 mitts, that we altogether in General, and every one of us in Spe- 
 cial, be himfelf, with cur Bodies Goods, Friends, and all that we 
 may do, fall fet forwart the Reformation of Religion, according to 
 Goddes Worde ; and procure, be all Means poflible, that the true 
 Pre cl.ing of Goddes Word, may haif fee PafTage within this 
 Rea'me, with dew Adminiflration of the Sacrament?, and all 
 Things depending upon tl:e faid Worde. And ficklyke deiply 
 weigl Jng with our ftlves the Milbehaviour of the Franche Mi- 
 nilicrs heir, the intolerable Oppreffions committed be the Franch- 
 mm of Weir, upon the pair Subjedls of this Realme, be Mcyn- 
 tenance of the Qneen Dowriare, under Collour and Pretence 
 of Authority; the Tyranny of their Captains and Leaders, and 
 manifeft Danger of Conqueift, in whilk this Countrie prefent- 
 ly ftands ; be Reafon of diverfe Fortifications on the Sea-Coaft, and 
 other Novelties of late attemptat be themj promitts tiiat we fall als 
 weel every one with otiiers, as altogether with the Queen of Eng- 
 land:% Armie, prefently come in for our Deliverance, efiedtually con- 
 curr and joyn together, taking one fold and plain Part of the Expul- 
 fion of the faid Strayngars, OpprefTors of our Liberty, furth of 
 this Realme, and R covery of our Ancient Freedomes and Liber- 
 ties; to the end in Tyme coming, we may, under the Obedience 
 
 of
 
 632 -^^ Cd'ection Part III. 
 
 of our King and Queen our Soverains, be only Reulyt be the Laws 
 and Cuftomes of the Countrie, and by the Men of the Land : And 
 that never any of us all haiff pryvy Intelligence, be Writing, or 
 Meflage, or Communication, with any of our laid Enemys or Ad- 
 verfars in this Caufe, bot be the Advyce of the reft, at leill of Fyve 
 of our Numbers : Attour, that we L\\ tender this preftnt Caufe, as 
 if it were the Caufe of every one of us in particular ; and that the 
 Caufe of every one of us now joyned together, being leiful and ho- 
 nefl:, fliall be all our Caufes in General. And he that is Enemy to 
 the Caufe forfai^l, fall be Enemy to us all : In fo far, that whatfom- 
 ever Perfon will plainly refill thir our Godly Interpryfis, and will 
 not conciirr as anc gnid Member of this Common Weill ; we fall for- 
 tify the Authority of the Counfell, to reduce them to their Deuty : 
 Lyke as we fall fortify the faid Authority of the Counfale, in all 
 Things tending to the Furtherance of the fa'd Caufe. And gifFany 
 particular Debate, Quarrel or Contraverfee fall aryfe, for whatfom- 
 ever Caufe, bygain, prefent or to come, betwixt any of us; (as 
 God forbid) in that Cafe, we fall fubmit our felves, and our faid 
 Queftions to the Decifion of the Counfale, or to Arbitrators, to be 
 named be them. Provyding allwayes, that this be not prejudicial to 
 the ordinar Jurifdldion of Judges : But that Men may ptrfue their 
 Adions by Ordour of Law, Civilly or Criminally, betor the Judges 
 Oidinars, gif they p'eafe. 
 
 Number 56. 
 
 A Letter of Jewell' j to Peter Martyr, fetthig forth the 
 Progrefs that Superjiitio?! had 7?tade in ^ueen Mary'.f 
 Reign. 
 
 ' Juellus ad Martyrem. 
 
 S P. 
 
 Ex Mss. '^"^Andem famen aliquando Londinum redij, confe»5to moleftiffimo 
 -?Vf«r. Jl^ itinere, confedo corpore. Tu fortalTe me, quod nihil fcribe- 
 
 rem, putabas effe mortuum. Ego veio interea tres totos menfes lon- 
 ginqua, & perdifficili Legatione diftinebar. Cum effem Briftolij, 
 redditae mihi funt Literae tuse, quas fecum Randolphus nofter addu- 
 xerat : ita amice fcriptas, itaqj fuaves, ut mihi omnem illam molcftiam 
 itinerum, atque occupationum prorfus exciperent ex Animo. Tan- 
 qiiam enim li prtEfens adfuifles, ita turn mihi videbar tecum colloqui. 
 Randolphus, antequam ego redirem, abierat in Gallias : Itaque ego 
 njifer, privatus fum bona parte fuavitatis tuas, quam tu ilU prajfens 
 praefenti verbis commendaveras. Literas meas in itinere intercidiffe, 
 video : Quas enim ego odlavas dedeiam, eas video ad te vix quintas 
 2 perve-
 
 Boole VI. of Records^ &c. 633 
 
 perveniffe. Sed de Legatione, inquies, ilia veftra quid tandem fa- 
 ftam eft ? Accipe ergo uno verbo, quod mihi exploratu perlongum 
 fiiii. Invenimus ubique animos MuUitudinis fatis propenfos ad Reli- 
 gionem ; ibi etiam, ubi omnij putabantur fore difficillima. Incredi- 
 bile tunen diftu eft, in illis tenebris Mariaiii temporis, qujnta ubique 
 proruperic Seges, & Sylva Superftitionum. Invenimus pafTim voti- 
 vas Reliquias luperftitiofaS Divorum, clavos, quibus fatui Chriftum 
 confixum fuifle fomniabant ; &, nefcio quas, Portiunculis Sacra; 
 Crucis. Magarum & vtneficarum numerus ubique in immenfum ex- 
 ereverat. EcclefijB Cathedrales nihil aliud erant, quam fpeluntse la- 
 tronum, aut fi qu'd nequiu-, aut fedius dici poteft. Si quid erat ob- 
 ftinatae militia;, id totum erat in Preft)yteris, illis priEfertim, qui ali- 
 quando ftetiffent a noftra Sententia. Illi nunc, credo, ne pirum ccn- 
 fidera.e videantur mutafTe voluntatem, turbant omnia : Sed turbent, 
 quan um velint. Nos tamcn interim, illos de gradu, & de Sacerdo- 
 tiis exturbavimu?. Hardingiis, Homo conftans, locum mutare maluir, 
 quam lententiam. Sidallus fubfcripfit quidcm, fed confknter j hoc 
 eft,' per invitu'^. Smithasus autem tnus ; quid ille ? inquies. An 
 poteft a Nazareth quicquam proficifci boni ? Mihi crede, ut vete- 
 rem illam fuam Confiantiam retineret, nunc tandem etiam quinto re- 
 cantavit. Fatuu?, cum videret Religionem efle immutaram, mutata 
 vefte., ftatim fugam ornaverat in Scotiam. Sed cum hasreret in fini- 
 bus captus eft, & retraftus ex itinere. Ibi ftatim Homo gravis, & 
 Columen atque Antiftes Religionis, acceftit ad nos, reliquit omnes fu- 
 os, & repente faftus eft Adverfarius infeftiilimus Papiftarum. I nunc, 
 & nega Tranfubftantiationem. Papiftarum acies pene fua fponte ce- 
 ciderunt. O, iiifi nobis deeftet operze, non male de Religione fpe- 
 rari poflet. Difficile enim eft currum agere fine jumento, praefertina 
 advei fo inonte. Heri, ubi primum Londinum rcdij, audivi ex Epif- 
 copo Cantuarienfi, te invitari ad nos, & tibi Ledtionem illam tuam 
 veterem aflervari. Quid fit, nefcio : Hoc tantum pofilim affirrrtare, 
 nehiinem adhuc deleftum efl'^, qui Oxonij doceat facras Literas. E- 
 quidtm te, mi Pater, videre percupio, & prsfertim in Anglia. Quid 
 enim ni cupiam, quern toti^s cupio etiam nimc videre Tiguri? Sed 
 novi tuam Prudentiam : Nofti Genium, & Ingenium Infularum. Ei, 
 quag nunc videmus, efle inchoata, utinam fint boni Principia. Nihil 
 eft hodie ilia Scholia defperatiuf. Putabis te, cum ibi effes, pene 
 lufifle operam : Ita in latiffima aliquando Segite, nunc infaslix Lol- 
 lium, & fteriles dominantur avenae. Liber tuus de Votis, ut alia 
 tua omnia, avidifilme diftrahitur. Omnes nunc expedamus, quam 
 mox editurus fis alias Commentationes in Librum Judftum, & in du- 
 os Libros Samuelis. Omnes enim nunc noftri fciunt, te illos Libros 
 habere pra; manibus, & velle edere. Soecu?, & Carohis Ferdinand! 
 Fr mirificifiime ambiunt. Sed Suecus impenfe ; I-lle enim, modo im- 
 petret, montes argenteos poUicetur. Sed ilia fortafle Thalamos pro- 
 piores cogitat. Alanus nofter obiit diem fuum, poftquam defignatus 
 efl!et Epifcopas Roffenfi?. Ex Scotia hoc tempore nihil audimus, 
 quod tibi pofTit videre novum. Docetur Evangelium, Ecclefiae afli- 
 du^^ coUiguntur, & omnia prifcae Superftitionis Monumenta convel- 
 luntur. Gain tamenfperant, fepofte & Regnum, & Religionem re- 
 VoL. III. 7 Y tinere.
 
 ^34 
 
 A ColleBion Part 111. 
 
 tinere. Quicquid futurum eft, fcribam ad te alias pluribus. Inftat 
 nunc Annus fexagefunu?, de quo mihi tu folebas aliquando ex Tor- 
 quato quodam Stato, nefcio quae, mirifica prsdicare. Faxit Deu?, ut 
 verum & folidum Gaudium gaudeamus, ut aliquindo O.bi terrarum 
 patcfiat a.vO^u'Tr'^ Tr,? aVoXe/af, & in omnium oculos incurrat Evan- 
 gelij Jefu Chrini Veritas. Vale, mi Pater, & Uxorem tuam meis 
 verbis refaluta, Mulierem mihi quidem ignotam, fed nunc ex tuis Li- 
 teris, & Abeli noftri Piajiicatione, notiflimam. Gratulor & te illi, 
 & illam libi. 
 
 Saluta D. BuUingerum, D. Gualterum, D, Bernardinum, D. Her- 
 mannum, Julium, Juliam, Martyrillum. Frenrtiamum meum Ion- 
 gum valere jubeo. Puto enim ilium jam folviffe a vobis, & efle cum 
 Chrifto. Omnes noftri te falutant, tibique omnia precaatur. Loa- 
 dini, 2 Novembr. 1559. 
 
 Tuns ex Animo, 
 
 yo. yuellus, 
 
 D. Etonus inftantiflime rogavit, ut te fuo Nomine falutarcm. Si 
 poflet ipfe Latine fcribere, non uteretur manu mea. Crede mi- 
 hi. Nemo de te aut faspius, aut honorificentius loquitur. Uxor 
 etiam ejus Saluttm, & tibi dicit, & Uxori tuae. 
 
 INSCRIPTIO. 
 
 Dodiflimo atque Ornatiflimo Viro, 
 D. Petro Martyri, profitenti Sa- 
 cras Scripturas in Ecclefia Tigu- 
 rina. 
 
 Number 57. 
 
 A Letter of JewellV to Peter Martyr, concerning the 
 Rarnejinefs of fome about Vejiments and Rituals » 
 
 Idem ad Eundem. 
 
 ^jrMSS. TT^Iduo, poftquam ex longo 5c perdifficili itinera rediiflem, & lafTus 
 'ligvr. J-^ jg ^'^^^ ^jq. anhelans, nefcio quid, ad te fcripfiflem, redditce mi- 
 
 hi funt a te literae ternas eodem tempore : Qi^rum fuavifllma ledtione 
 ita fum exhilaratus, ut omnem illam fuperiorum dierum molefti- 
 am prorfus abjecerim ex animo. Etli enim quoties de te cogito, 
 quod certo aftidue, & in fingulas Horas facio, & nifi face- 
 
 rem,
 
 Book V[. of Records^ Sec. 6^z 
 
 rem, ingratus eflem, ipfa cogitatidiie, & memorii tiii nominis^pef- 
 fufidor gaudio, tamen cum literas tua? ad'me fcriptas lego videor mi- 
 hi tile Tiguri, & te vider-e coram, 5c tecum ama3nit,r]me colloqui: 
 Quod equidem, mihi crede, pluris a^flimo, quain omnes opes EpilcQ- 
 potuni. De Religione quod fcribis, & velle fcenica, 6 utinam id im- 
 petniri potuiflet. Nos quidem tarn bona; caufae non defu'inus. Sed 
 iili, quibus iila tantcpcie placuerunt, credo, fequuti funt infcitiain 
 prclbyteroium : Quos, quoniam nihil aliud vidcbant effe, quam fiipi- 
 tes, line ingenio, line dodlrina, fine moribus, vefle faltfm comica vo- 
 labant popub commendari. Nam ut alantur bonse literae, & furroge- 
 tur leges aliqua do<rtorum hominum, nulla, 6 Deus bone, nulla hoc 
 tempore cura fufcipitur. Itc.que quoniam vera via njn pofllint, iftis 
 lud cris inepriis teneri volunt oculos multitudinis. Sunt quidem i(i^, 
 ut lu optime fciibis reliquise Amoreha^crum. Quis enim id neget^ 
 Atque utinam aliquando ab imis radicibus auferii, & extirpari pomnr, 
 noilrse quidam n:c vices ad eam rem, nee voces deerunt. Quod fcri- 
 bis rffc quoldam, qui nulKm adhuc fignificationem dcderint fua; erga 
 te voluntatis, fuboltacio equidem quos dicai:. Sed, mihi crede, noa 
 funt eo numero, aut loco, quo tu fortafle putas, quoque omnis Jfrael 
 illos fperabat fure. Nam fi eirent. Non (cripferunt haflenus ad te, 
 non quod noluerint, aut tui obiiti fuerint, led quod puduerit fciibere, 
 nunc uterque laboiat graviffime, e quartana, fed 'A^nii^uyn^o^, quo- 
 niam eft na'ura triftiori, muho gravius. Ingemuifti, pro tua erga 
 communem caulam pictate,- cum audires nihil profpedum efle cui- 
 quam noilrum. Nunc ergo rurfus ingeme. Nam ne adhuc quidem 
 quicquam. Taiitum circumferimus inanes titulos Epifcoporum, ~^--^ 
 Scoto, & Thoma defccimus ad Occamiftas 6c Nominale?. Sed, ut 
 fcis, migna funt momenta regnOrum. Regina ipfa & caufo favet, & 
 nobis cupit. Quamobrem, etfi fatis dura funt ifta initia, tamen noa 
 abjicimus animos, nee definimus fperare Isetiora. Facile intereunt, 
 quae facile maturitatem affequuntur, De Libro tuo, memini me, an- 
 tequam difcederem Londino, ad te fcripfilTe pluiibus. Sed ilia: liters, 
 fortaffe, ut fit, perierein itin&re. Hoc etiam adfcripfi, Reginam 
 ultio Sc cupide legiffe, Epiftolam, & apud ipfam, atque in univcrfum 
 doftrinam, atque ingenium tuum mirificc pra^dicafT;: Librumque 
 ilium tuum ab omnibus bonis tanti fieri, quanti baud fcio an aliud 
 quicquam in hoc genfere. Nihil autem tibi hadenus donatum efle, 
 hci mihi, quod ego dicam? Pudet me, nee fcio, quid rcfpondeanj' 
 Tamen Regina £dul6 fcifcitata eft nuntium, quid ageres, ubi viveres, 
 qua valetudine, qua condltione efles, an pofles per astatem iter facere. 
 Omnino velle fe omnibus modis te invitari in Angliam, ut, qui tua 
 voce coluiffes Academiam, eandem nunc diflipatam, & mifere habi- 
 tam eadem voce inigares. ' Ppftea tamen, nefcio quo pai5lo, Delibera- 
 tiones Saxonicse, is: Legationes SegulianiE ifta Confilia peremerunt, 
 Tamen quidquid eft, nihil eft hoc tempore celebrius, quam Petrum 
 Martyrcm invitari' & propediem venturum efle in Anglam. 6 Uti- 
 nam res noftrsE aliquando ftabiliiatem aliquam, & robur afi"equantur. 
 Cupio ehim, mi Pater, te videre, & fuavifiimis Sermonibus, & ami- 
 ciftimis Confiliis tuis frui. Quern ego diem fi videro, vel potius, Uti 
 fpero, ubi videro quas Sama'rabriiias, aut Sarlft)urias non contemnam ? 
 Vale dulce dccus nieum, atque animi plufquam dimidium mei, Salu- 
 
 ta
 
 636 ^ CoUeSiion Part III. 
 
 ta uxorem tuani optimam mulierem meo nomine. Deus faxit, ut fseli- 
 citer pariat, & pulchra facial te prole Parentem. Saluta D. BuUin- 
 gerum, D. Gualterum, D. Lavaterum, D. Simlerum, D. Gefuerum, 
 D. Frifmm, Julium, Juliam, & Martyrillum, D. Hermanum tuum, 
 meumque. Noftri omnes te falutant. Londini 5 Novemb. 1559. 
 
 Thus ex animo quantus quantus, 
 
 Jo. Juellus. 
 
 INSCRIPTIO. 
 
 VoSliJpmo atque OmatiJJimo Viro, 
 D. Petro Martyri^profitentifa- 
 eras literas in Schola Tigurind 
 Domino fuo Cokndijjimo. 
 
 T'iguri. 
 
 Number 58. 
 
 A Letter of JewellV to Peter Martyr, full of Appre- 
 
 henfions, 
 
 Ejufdem ad Eundem. 
 
 s. p. 
 
 ET S I ante non ita multos dies ad te fcrlpferim, & hoc tempore 
 nihil hie fit, quod tu magnopere fcire velis, tamen, quoniam te 
 ita velle non dubito, illud ipfum, nihil malo fcribere, quam iftum 
 nuntium, quern forte audieram velle Coloniam proficifci, inanem a me 
 dimittere. Religio apud nos eo loco eft, quo jajn antea ad te fcripli 
 fepius. Omnia docentur ubique puriffime. In cereraoniis & larvis 
 paffim plufculum ineptitur. Crucula ilia argenteola male nata, 
 male aufpicata, adhuc ftat in larario Principis. Me miferum : Res ea 
 facile trahetur in exemplum. Spes erat aliquando tandem ereptum 
 iri. Idque ut fieret, nos omnes dedimus diligentur, & adhuc danius 
 operam. Sed jam quantum video conclamatum eft. Ita prorfus ob- 
 firmati funt animi. Nimis prudenter ifta mihi videntur geri, nimifq ; 
 myftice. Et quo tandem res noftr^ cafura; fint, Deus viderit. iWw 
 fSfuSvTro^ig morantur cufium. Caecilius caufae noftras impenfe favit. 
 Epifcopi adhuc defignati tantutti funt : Interim prsedia pulchre augent 
 
 fifcum.
 
 Book VI. of Records, &c. 637 
 
 fifcum. Acadeniia utraque, & ea pixfertim, quam tu non ita pridem 
 dodliflime atqu ; optimecoluifti, miferrime nunc disjedla jacet, fine Pie- 
 tate, fine Religione, fine Dodore, fine fpe ulla Literarum. Multi de 
 te cogitant primarii, 6c tibi non ignoti viri, & te primo quoque tem- 
 pore, vel invitis omnibus Seguleiis, accerfituin cupiunt. Ego vero, 
 qui tibi, fi quis alius mortalium, ^ animo, atq; unice cupio, au;hor 
 lum, ut fi voceris, quod tamen inter ifta arma futurum vix puto, ta- 
 men ne quid prscipltes. Novi ego Prudentiam tuam: Et tu viciffim, 
 fpero, Obrcrvanti;im erga te meum. Equidem hoc pofTum vere affir- 
 nure, neminem efle Hominem, cui confpedtus tuus jucundior futurus 
 fit; qiiam mihi. Tamen, ut lunt res r.ofliras fluxaj, incertae, inftabi- 
 les, utquc uno verbo dicam, inlulare?, magis te falvuni audire abfen- 
 tem cupio, quam prrefentem vidcre cum periculo. Sed ilia parum op- 
 portune. Literas enim filere jequum eft inter anna. Nos terra mariq; 
 juvamiis vicinumScotum. Nofti enim. Turn tua res agitur paries cum 
 proximus ardet. Galium adventurum aiunt cum omnibus copiis. Et 
 fortdfse non minoribus excipietur. Londini i6Novemb. 1559. 
 
 Iftae funt Nonac. 
 INSCRIPTIO, 
 
 Ornatifiimo 6c longe Dodlifllmo VIio, 
 D. Petro Martyri, profitenti Sacras 
 Scripturas in Schola Tigurina, Do- 
 mino fuo Colendiflimo. 
 
 'Tiguri. 
 
 yo. yuellusj 
 Totus tuus. 
 
 Number 59, 
 
 Tl-ie Queens Letter to the Emperor., concerning her Aver- 
 
 jion to Marriage. 
 
 A7i Original. 
 
 NO S, in ipfius animi noftrl fenfiis diligentur inquirendo, non^''/^''Q7^'' 
 Invenimusin nobis Voluntatem ullam dcferendi banc Solitariam 
 Vitim, fed potiu>, juvante Deo, libentem animi Indu6tionem in ea- 
 dem diutius porro vita perfeverandi: nos certe ncccflario ob earn ip- 
 fam caiifameoin his Uteris utemur fermone, qui cum corde noftro om- 
 nino confentiat, quem ut amanter accipiet, & LeiKvaie interpretetur 
 Vol III. 7 Z veftra
 
 638 
 
 A Colkaion ' ■ ^ ^ Part Ul 
 
 "Td^a Majeftas, admodura ro'^mus. In quo noftro (ermone, fi no- 
 vum aliquid ineflc vidcatur, quod facile poteft arcidere, fi aetas no- 
 ftra cum reliquis conditionis noftrje rationibus conhderetur. Nullum 
 timen nos novum hoc tempore, aut fubitum Confilivim fiifcipere, M 
 vetus potitus retinere viderijure debemus; cnm tempus qiiidem fuit, 
 quo tempore confenfifle ad prfficlar fane ^ honorata Connubia _ eripe- 
 re nos potuiffet, e certis quibufdam magnis maeioribus & periculis: De 
 quibus rebus noii amplius dicemus; nos tamen nee difcriminis mala, 
 nee libeitatis cupiditate movrri potuimus, ut animi noflri Voluntatcm 
 ul!o modo ad earn rem adduceremus. Itaque haud voluimus, vel 
 iiperte lecnfrindo videri, Veftram Majeftatem offendere, vel contra, 
 occafionem dando id verbis conccdere, quod mente Sc voluntate noii 
 inftituim'.if. 
 
 5 Januaril, 1559- 
 
 Veflrse Majcftatis bona Soror 
 
 & Confanguinea, 
 Elisabetha R. 
 
 R. Afcamus» 
 
 Number 60. 
 
 A Letter- of BiJIjop JevvelV to Peter Martyr, concerning 
 the Crofs in the Queens Chapel. 
 
 Ejufdcm ad Eundem. 
 
 S. P. 
 
 Mi Paier, quid ego ad fcribam ? Rei non multum eft, ffimporis 
 vero multo minus j fed quoniam te fcio deledlari brevitate, te 
 auihore fcribam brevius. Nunc ardct L's ilia Crucularia. Vix: ciedas 
 in re fatua quantum homines, qui fapere aliquid videbantur, infaniunr. 
 Ex illi?, quos quidem tu noris, prscter Coxum, nullus eft. Craftino 
 die iijftituetur de ea re Difputatio. Arbitri erunt e Senatu feledli 
 quidani viri. Adlores inde Cantuarienfis & Coxus; hinc Grindallus 
 Londincnfis Epil'copus, & ego, Eventus \v jc^truv ■y^van y.^lrai. 
 Rideo tamen, cum cogito, quibus illi, 6c quam gravibus, ac foiidis 
 rationibus defenfuri fint fuam Cruculam. Sed quicquid erit, fcribam 
 poithac pluribus. Nunc enim, fub judice lis eftj tamen quantum 
 auguror, non fcribam pofthac ad te Epifcopus. E6 ejjim jam res 
 
 pervenir.
 
 Book VI. 
 
 of Records^ Sec. 
 
 639 
 
 pervenit, ut aut Cruces argentex & ftanneoj, quas nos ubique cop- 
 fregimus, rcftituends finT, ,aut Epifcopatus relinquendi, p'ii: 
 
 Sed quid -ago? dcftituor tempore, & obruor negotii?, & invitus 
 cogor finem facere. Tamen hoc fcire debes, Vitum, amicum tuum 
 fummum, & popularem Epifeopum Vintouienrtm, & Oglcthoipum 
 Carliolenfem, & Bainum Litchfildenfetn, & Tonftallum Saturnum 
 Dunelmenfem, ante aliquot dies efle niortuos. Samfonus ruri agit 
 lorige gentium; Parkurftus in Regno Tjo. Itaque mirum videri non 
 debet, fi ad vos fcribaiit infrequentius. 
 
 Saluta, quasfo, Reverendiilmium Patrem D. Bullingerum, D. Ber- 
 nardinuiTJ, D. Wolphium, D. Hermaniium, & Julium: Ad quos ego 
 omnes libenter fcriberem hoc tempore, fi effec otium. Saluto optimani 
 illam Muliercm, Uxorem tuam, ' &c Annam, & MartyriUum tuum. 
 Etonus, Etona, Abelus, Abela, Giindallus, Sandus, Scorasus, Falco- 
 neruSj Elmenus, te f.ilutant, & cum tibi omnia cupiunt, nihil magis 
 cupiunr, quam Angliam. Qnanquam, ut adhuc funt Res noftra?, 
 crede mihi, pulchrum eft cffc Tiguii. Bene vale, mi Pater, bene 
 vale. Londii)i, 4 Ftbruarij 1560. 
 
 Tibi Deditifllmus, 
 
 Jo. Juellus tuns, 
 
 ^ I N S C R I P T I O. 
 
 Dodiffimo Viro D. Petro Martyri, 
 Vermilio, profitenti Sacras Li- 
 teras in Schola Tigurina, Domi- 
 no fuo Colendiffimo, 
 
 Tigiiri. 
 
 Number 6r. 
 
 ^ Leifer of Bijhop Sands, expreffmg the UmaftJiefs h& 
 was in^ by Reafon of the Idol in the Queens Cha- 
 pel. 
 
 Edwinus Wigornenfis ad Martyrem. 
 
 Salutem in Chrifto. 
 
 QUod nullas tarn din, Vir Reverende, Literas ad te dederim, non ^■^ ^(^y^^ 
 officij qujdem erga te mei oblitu?, aut quid tua de me mereatur ^r/^ar. 
 Humanitas leviter perpendens, id feci, fed negotioium multitudine 
 obrutus, fcribendi munus pro tempore invitus intermifi, ^quod cum 
 
 ' Tabel-
 
 1640 
 
 ...AColkBion Part III- 
 
 Tabellarij jatn fefe offert opportunitas, diutius differendum non cen- 
 feo. Sub Augufti initium, cum Literas ad te dcdilTcm, in par(es An- 
 8;lis boreales, ad abu/us EccLfiaj tollendas, & Ritus Pietati & veije 
 Reli-yioni cor.fonantcs, eidem reftituendoF, tanqur.m Infpedlor & Vifi- 
 tator, ut vcCant, cum Principis Mandato dimiffus; & illic ad No- 
 vembfis ufque initium, aflidue in obeundo quod mihi crcditum erat 
 munere, non fine maximis cum Corporis turn Animi Labonbus verla- 
 tus, Londinum tandem redij. Ubi nova; rurfus Curas advenienttm 
 acceperunt, majorque negotiorum moles humeros premebat : Opera 
 cnim mea in Epifcopatu Wigornienii adminiftrando a. Principe rtqui- 
 rebaiur, tandtmque reludanti, Epifcopi munus impcnitur. Volui 
 quidem ut antea Carliolenftm, ad quem nominatus eram, hunc etiam 
 Epifcopatum omnino recufare; at id non licuit, n'.fi & Princij is In- 
 dignationem mihi prccurare, & Chrifti Ecclefiam quodauimodo defe- 
 rere voluifTem, Subhac, Lireras tua.=, omni humanitate plcnillimar, 
 Burcheius mihi tradidit; quibiis, per eundem, quDm hinc difccderer, 
 refponderc diftulij partim, quod Res Angli.a; turn temporis non i;a 
 mutatas, fed in eodem quafi gradu conrilleiit.s, txiguam fcribendi 
 materiam fuppeditabant j partim veio, quod novum illud Onus (fie 
 enim verius quam Honos dici potefl) novis Curis &; Negoiiis me mi- 
 rum in modum diHrahebat. En diuturni Silentij mei caufam h;-bcs, 
 Vir plurimum cbfervande. Euchariflias Dcdrina hadenus Dei Be- 
 neficio non impugnata, nobis falva & incolumis ma net, manfuramq; 
 fperamus. Pro viribus enim 66 ipfe, & aljj Fraties Co-epifcopi, illam 
 quoad vixerimus, Deojuvante tuebimur, Deo Imriginibus, jampridem 
 ncnnihil erat ControverlioE. R. Majeftas, non alienum elTe a Verbo 
 Dei, immo in commodum Ecclefias fore putabat, fi Imago ChiiAi cru- 
 cifix!, una cum Maria & Joanne, ut tale?, in celebriori Ecclefia; lo- 
 co poneretur, ubi ab omni Populo fliciliime confpicerctur. Quidem 
 ex nobis longe aliter judicabantj prasfertim cum omnes omnia generis 
 Imagines, in proxima noflra Vifitatione, idqre publica Authoritate, 
 non folum fublata;, verumetiam combufloE erant : Cumqne huic Ido- 
 lo, prai caeteris, ab ignara & Ibperflitiola plebe Adoratio fokt adhi- 
 bjri. Ego, quia vehementior eram in ifla re, nee ullo modo con- 
 fentire poteram, ut lapfus Occafio Ecclef^a; Chrifti daretur ; non mul- 
 tum aberat, quin 6c ab Officio amoverer, is: Principis Jndigna ionem 
 itlcuireiem. At Deus, in cuius manu Corda lunt Rcgum, pro Ttm- 
 peftate Tranquillitatem dedit, 6c Ecclefiam Anglicam ab bujufmo- 
 di offendiculis liberavit : tantum manent in Ecclefia noflra Veftin^enta 
 ilia Papiftica, Cap;.s intellige, quas diu non d'liaturas fpcr, mue. 
 Quantum, ex eo quod te tuaque pisfentia jam deflituitur, Angl a de- 
 trimenti capiat, hie Ecclefiae &; Religionis negotium, diHgentcr 6c fce- 
 pifiime apud eos, quibus Rtipublica? Cura imminet, commemorare 
 foleo. Nefcio tamen quomodo animis eorum, in alias res gravifumas 
 intehtis, nihil haftenus de te accerfcndo flatutum video. Semel fat 
 fcio Reginas in animo fuit, ut te vocaret: Quid veio impedivit, pu- 
 to te facile ex te colligere pofTc. Caufa Clirifti multos fe^per hdbet 
 adverfirios i 6c qui optimi funt, pefTime ftmper audiunt. Sxrumen- 
 tum illud Unitatis, magnas facit hndie divifiones. Novum tibi Con- 
 jugium gratulor: Precor ut fa'lix fauflumque fitj qucmadmodum 6c 
 
 mihi
 
 Book VI. of Records^ &c. 641 
 
 mihi ipfi opto, qui earn Conjugij Legem nuper fubij. Mirus hie bel- 
 li apparatus eft, partim ad propulfandam Gallorum vim, fi forie dum 
 Scotiam fibi fubjugare conentur, noftras fines invaferint, partim ad 
 auxilium Scotis contra Gallos ferendum, ficubi Pacis fcedus nobifcum 
 initum violaveiint Galli. Det Dv^us, ut omnia in Nomi.iis fui Glo- 
 riam, 6c Evangelij Propagationem cedant. Hsc priufqnam me Wi- 
 gorniam recipiam, quo brevi profcdlurum me fpero, Literis tibi fig- 
 nificanda duxi. Fulius vero icriplilTem, nifi quod fciam Fiatrem no- 
 ftrum Juellum, Epifcopum Sarifburienfem, fepe 6c diligenter de re- 
 bus noftris omnibus te certiorem facturum. Si qua in re tibi grati- 
 ficari queam, crede mihi, mi Honorande Petre, me Temper uteris 
 quoad vixero ; immo etiam port Vitam, fi fieri poteft, pro arbitratu 
 tuo. 
 
 Saluta quasfo plurimum meo nomine, Clariflimum Virum D. Bul- 
 lingerum. Debeo ipfi Literas, inio omnia ipfi debeoj 6c tjntum fol- 
 vam quantum poffim, li quando offerat fefe Occalio. Saluta Uxorem 
 tuam, Julium cum Julia, D. Hermannum, Paulum 6c Marryrillum 
 nieum ; quibus omnibus omnia faelicia precor. Vale, Humanifiime, 
 Doftiffime, ac Colendiffime D. Petre. Londini, feftinanter, Aprilis 
 primo 1560. 
 
 Tuus ex Animo, 
 
 Edwinus Wigornenfis, 
 
 I N S C R I P T I O. 
 
 Clariffimo ac Dodifiimo Viro, 
 D. Dodlore Petro Martyri, 
 Domino fuo plurimum Co- 
 lendo. 
 
 Tiguri. 
 
 Number 62; 
 
 A Letter of Dr. SampfonV to Peter Martyr, fetting forth 
 his Reafons of not Accepting a BifhopricL 
 
 Idem ad Eundem. 
 
 Argent. Dec. 17." 
 
 EGo te per Chriftum rogo, mi Pater optime, ne graveris mihi^;^.,. 
 quam citiflime refpondere ad haec pauca. Quomodo nobis agen-^i?*'' 
 dum fit in Titulo illo, vel concedendo, vel denegando. Supremum 
 Vol. III. 8 A Caput 
 
 MSS.
 
 642 
 
 A CoUe&ion Part III. 
 
 Caput port Chriftum Ecclefiae Anglican^, &;c. Univerfa Scriptura 
 videtur hoc foli Chrifto tribnere, ut Caput ELclefia2 vocetur. Ss- 
 cundo, Si Regina me ad aliquod M mus Ecclefiafticum, dico, ad Ec- 
 clefiam aliquam regendam vocaret; an falva Confcientia recipere_ pof- 
 fum, quuni hasc mihi videantur fufficere excufationis loco, ne in id 
 confentirem. 1, Quod propter Difciplinae Ecclefiafticae defeftum, E- 
 pifcopus, vel Paftor, non poffit fiio fungi Officio. 2. Quod tot fint 
 civilia Gravamina, Epifcopatui, vel Paflori impofita, ut puta, pri- 
 morum (ut dicimus) Frugiim, i. e. Redituum primi Anni, turn De- 
 cimarum, ad hacc in Epifcopatibus tot & tanta, infumenda funt in 
 cquis alendis, in armis, in aulicis, qus Temper prxlto debent effe; 
 & ut tu nofti, ut quam minima pars Epifcopatuum relinquitur, ad ne- 
 ceffaria Epifcopo mania obeunda, nempe ad Dodlos alendos, ad Pau- 
 peres pafcendos, aliaque facienda quae illius iVlinirtcrium reddant gra- 
 tum. -5. Ut hoc ad Epifcopos prascipuc referatur, quod nunc fcribo, 
 tanta eft in eorum eledlione degeneratio a prima inftitutione, neque 
 Cleri enim, neque Populi confenfus habetur, tanta fuperftitiofi orna- 
 tus Epifcopalis vanitas, ne dicam indignitas, quanta vix puto bene 
 ferri poffit, fi modo omnia nobis facienda ad id quod expedit. Quod 
 ad me attinet, non hasc fcribo quafi talia fperarem ; immo Deum pre- 
 cor ex animo, ne unquam talia mihi continpant onera j fed a te fi- 
 diffimo meo Parente confilium peto, quo poffini Inftructior efle, ii ta- 
 lia mihi obtingant. Ego fic refponderem, Me quidem paratum efle 
 in aliquo quocunque velit ilia, infervire Concionandi munere, caste- 
 rum Ecclefiam Regendam me non poflc fufcipere, nifi ipfa prius jufla 
 Reformatione Ecclefiafticorum muneium, fafta, Miniftris Jus con- 
 cedat omnia fecundum Verbum Dei adminiftrandi, & quantum ad 
 Doftrinam, & quantum ad Difciplinam, fic quantum ad bona Eccle- 
 (iaftica. Si autem quae fit ilia Reformatio, quam peto, interrogeturj 
 ex prioribus tribus Articulis, poteris tu conjicere, quas ego pecenda 
 putem. Simpliciter, mi Pater, apud te folum depono Cordis mei fe- 
 creta; teque per Chriftum rogo, ut mea fecreto apud te folum teneas, 
 & mihi quam citiffime refcribas, quid mihi hie faciendum putes : 
 Adde etiam quae addenda putas, ut urgeatur ilia Reformatio, & ali- 
 quid de ipfa Reformatione. Literas tuas ad Hetonum mitte : Ille 
 curabit ad me transferri. Caeterijm, te per Chriftum rogo, ut quan- 
 ta poteris feftinantia fcribas. Ego brevi iturus fum verfus Angliam. 
 Habemus Papiftas, Anabaptiftas, & pluriraos Evangelicos Adveifari- 
 os, & Dodlrina; & piffi Reformationi : Contra hos, ut tueatur, Glo- 
 riamChrifti, promoveatque VexillumChriftij quis idoneus? O jmi 
 Pater, pro me roga Deum incqAanter. 
 
 Tuus totus, 
 
 Th, Sampfbn, 
 
 INSCRIPTIO. 
 
 Clariffimo Viro, D. D. 
 Petro Martyri. 
 
 Tiguri. Num.ber
 
 Book Vf. of Records^ &c. ^ 5^^ 
 
 Number 63. 
 
 A Second Letter of SampfonV, exp7'ejp,ng great Uiieajinefs 
 that Matters were 7iot carried on as he wijjjed. 
 
 Idem ad Eundem. 
 
 QUas fcripfifti Literas quarto Novembris, accepi tertio Januarij.£;r mss. 
 Jam unum Annum egi in Anglia, non ita quietum ; vereor'^'^'"'- 
 autem, ne fequens Annus plus moleftiarum mihi pariat. Non ta- 
 men folus timeo mihi, fed omnes nobis timemus. Nee tamen audeo 
 fcriptis mandare, quas imminere nobis videntur mala. Vos ergo San- 
 dlilTimi Patres, Teque imprimis, D. Petre, Pater & PrEeceptor Cha- 
 riffime, per Jefum Chriftum obteftor, ut ftrenue Deum deprecari ve- 
 litis: Hoc, hoc, inquam, contendite, ne Veritas Evangelij vel ob- 
 fufcetur, vel evertatur apud Anglos. Oratias tibi ago, fuaviffime Pa- 
 ter, quod tamen fis diligens in flribendo. Satisfecifti tu, fatisfecit & 
 D. Bullingerus mihi, in Quajftionibus ; utiifque immortalis Deus no- 
 fter rependat. Confecratio Epifcoporum aliquorum jam habita eft: 
 D, Parkcrus Cantuarienfis, D. Cox Elienfis, D. Grindall Londinen- 
 lis, D. Sands Vigornienfis, notos tibi nomino: Unus alius, Wallus, 
 etiam eft Epifcopus, fed tibi ignotus. Sequentur brevi, D. Pylkyn- 
 tonus Vintonienfis, D. Benthamus Coventienfis, &; tuus Juellus Sa- 
 rifburienfis, brevi, inquam, ut audio, funt ifti confecrandi, (ut no- 
 ftro utar vocabulo.) Ego in limine haereo, neque enim vel egreftlis, 
 vel ingrefTus datur. O quam vellem egredi. Deus ipfe novit, quain 
 hoc aveam. Epifcopi fint alij ; ego vellem aut Concionatoris folius, 
 aut nullius munus fubire: Domini fiat Voluntas. O mi Pater, quid 
 ego fperem, cum exulet ex Aula Verbi Miniflerium; admittatur au- 
 tem Crucifixi Imago, cum accenfis Luminaribus. Altaria -quidem 
 funt diruta, & Imagines per totum Regnum. In fola Aula, Crucifixi 
 Imago cum Candelis retinetur. Et miler Popellus id non folum li- 
 benter audit, fed & fponte imitabitur. Quid ego fperem, ubi tres 
 ex Novitiis noftris Epifcopis, unus veluti facer Minifter, fecundus 
 loco Diaconi, tertias Subdiaconi loco, Menf^ Domini aftabunt, co- 
 ram Imagine Crucifixi, vel certe non procul fito Idolo, cum Cande- 
 lis, ornaii aureis Veftibus Papifticis, licque facram Domini Ca3nam 
 porrigebant, fine ulla Concione? Quae fpes boni, cum a multis iftis 
 Idololatriaj Reliquiis Religionem noftri petere volunt, 5c non a viva 
 Dei Voce fonaate? Quid fperem ego, cum concionaturis injungi 
 debeat, ne Vitia afpere tangantur; cum Concionatores, fi quid di- 
 cant quo difpliccat, non ferendi putantur. Sed quo me capit aftus 
 ifte animi, lilendum eft: Vix capita noftrae imminentis Miferis teti- 
 gi. Deus ajterne, noftri mifere, per Chriftum Deum & Salvatorem 
 noftrum. Unicam banc a vobis Quasftionem proponam folvendam : 
 Mi Pater, te volo uti Mediatore apud D. Bullingerum, & D. Ber- 
 nardinum. Hasc eft: Num Imago Crucifixi, cum accenfis Can- 
 delis, in I\!enfa Domini pofita, num, inqUam, fit inter Adiaphora 
 
 ponen- 
 6
 
 644 
 
 A CoUeBmi Part III- 
 
 ponenda. Si non fit, fed pro re illicita &c ncfaria duccnda, fjm hcc 
 quffiro, fi Princepsita injungat omnibus Epifcopis 5c Pafloribus, ut vcl 
 admittant in fuas Ecclefias imjginem cum cai/delis, vel Mini- 
 llerio Verbi ced.mt, quid hie faciendum fit ? Annon potius deferen- 
 dum Minifteiium Veibi & Sacrementoium fit, quam ut has Reliquias 
 Amor^orum r.dmittantur ? Certe vident nonnuUi ex noftris aliquo mode 
 hue inclinare, ut hsc proAdiaphoris accipi vellent. Ego omnino puto, 
 potius abdicandum Minillerium, fi modo id injungdtur. Jam te rogo, 
 mi Pater, tuas hie partes unica vice age> hoc eft, ut quam diligen- 
 tiflime &; citiflimc me certiorem facias, quid veftra pietas hie cenfet, 
 quseque fit oamium vcftrum fententia tui inquam D. BuUingerim. & 
 D. Bernardin. Hujus Authorita?, ut audio, maxima eft apud Reginam. 
 Quod vellet aliquando fcribere, hortatum illam, ut ftrenue agat in 
 Chrifii negotio: Teftor ex animo, quod eerie fciam (Fidenter dico) 
 quod vere Filia Dei fir. Opus tamen babct ejufmodi Confiliariis qualis 
 ille eft: nam quod Auguftinus Bonificio dixit, id fere in omnibus 
 Prineipibus verum eft ; nempe, quod plures habeant qui Corpori, pau- 
 cos qui Animae confulent. Q^pd autcm ab il!o contendo vellem, & 
 a vobis petere fi auderem. Ego tamen hae in re veftias me fubjicio 
 prudentia;. Callet ut nofti Linguam Italicam, Latine & Grasce etiam 
 bene dodla eft. In his linguis fi aliud fcr.batur a vobis, vel a Domino 
 Bernardino, omnino puto rem gratifTimam vos fadluros Regia^ Majefta- 
 ti, & operam navaturos Ecclefiae Anglicaiice utiliflimam. Deus vos 
 fpiritu fuo ducat in perpctuum. Bene vale ; Et refcribe unica hac 
 vice quam poteris feftinanter. Saluta meo nomine officiofiflime D. 
 Bullingerum, tuamq; uxorem. Saluta Julium. Qupejam feripfi, tan- 
 tum apud D. Bullingerum & D. Bernardinum promas. Nollem enim 
 ego rumores fpargl meo nomine. Imo nee hoc vobis fcriberem, nift 
 fperarem aliquid inde boni eventurum. Forfan vel feribetis (ut dixi) 
 vel faltem bonum mihi dabitis confilium in propofita Quxftione. Agite 
 vos pro veftra pia prudentia. Iterum vale. Raptim. 6. Januar. 
 
 , Tuus ex Animo, 
 
 TIjo, Sampfon, 
 
 SI quid fcrlbatur Regi Majeftati, vel a te vel a Domino Bernardino, 
 vel D. Bullingero, non quafi vos ab alio incitati fueritis fcribendum, 
 ut vos melius noftris, &c. Salutat te ex animo nofter Chamberus. Mea 
 Uxor quartana vexatur. Giana bene valet. Puto etiam Hetonum cufn 
 fua bene valere. Rure ago inter Rufticos, Chriftum pro meo modulo 
 tradans. Tu pro me Deum roga. Literas tuas Sprengiamus, vel Abehis 
 ad me perferri curabit. 
 
 INSCRIPTIO. 
 
 Clariflimo Theologo D. Petro Marty- 
 ri, Sacrarum Literarum Profeflb- 
 ri Fideliffimo. 
 
 Tiguri. Number
 
 " ' ~"" ■ I » M mma ■!■■■■ »..,.>^,_ 
 
 Book VI. of Records J &c. 641 
 
 Number 64. 
 
 j^rchhi/Jjop ParkerV Letter to Secretary Cecil, prejjhio- 
 the jillijtg the Sees of York and Durefme theJt vacant. 
 
 An Orivrinat. 
 
 i> 
 
 A Fter Salutations in Chri-ft to your Honore, This rtiil be inftrint-'^"/'^'"-^/" 
 ly to delire you to make Requefl to the Queen's Majeftie, that 
 fome Bifliops myght be appoynted in the 2V(5r//6: you woid not be- 
 1-eve me to tell howe often it is requyred at dyverfe Men's Hands, 
 an howe the People there is offended that thei be nothing caryd for: 
 AlalTe ther be Peple rude of ther own Nature, and the more .had 
 nede to be lokcd to, for reteyning thofein quyet and cyvilitie, I feare 
 that whatfoever is nowe to hulbondly faved, wil be an occasion of 
 furder Expence in keeping them down, yf (as God forfendy ther 
 {huld be to much IryP^e and Savage. Paradventuie, Terence councell- 
 eth not a myffe, pectmlam in loco negUgare fianmum Interdum lucrum. 
 I know the Qneen's Highnes D.fpolition to be gracioufly bent to 
 hav£ her Peple to know and fear God: why fhuld other hynder her 
 good Zeale for Money fake as yt is moft commonly judged. If fuch 
 as have ben named to York and Durefme, be not acceptable, or of 
 themfclfes not inclyned to be beftowed ther, I wold wifhe that 
 fome fuch as be placed already, wer tranflatei thither. And in myn 
 Opynion, yf you wold have a Lawyer at Torke, the Bifhop of St. 
 David's, Dr. Tonge, is both Wytty, Prudent, and Temperate, and 
 Man like. 
 
 The Bifliop of Rochejier were well beftowed at Duri/hie nye to 
 his own Contrye, wher tho ther ij Bifhopryks might be more eifilv 
 provided for, and lelTe Inconvenience, though they for a Tyme flood 
 voyde: And if to the Deanry oi Durefme, to joyne with him wer 
 Mr. Skynner apoynted, whom I eftcem Learned, Wife, and Expert. 
 I think you cowd not better place them ; nowe yf eyther of them, 
 or any of us all fliall be feared to hurt the State of our Churches, 
 by exercifing any extraordinayre Pnictifing, for Packing and Purcha- 
 fing; this Fcare myght fure be prevented. We have Olde Prelidents 
 in Lawe pradlifeJ in Tymes paft, for fuch Parties fufpe<fted to be 
 bownd at their Entryc to leave ther Churches in no worfe Cafe by 
 tlier defauts then thei fownd them, and thrn what Vv'old you have 
 more of u^ I have a fortyme weryed you in this Sute, and yet I 
 fee thefe llrange Delays determyned. I ihall not ceafe to trouble 
 sou therir, : If ye here me not for Juflyce fike, for the Zeale ye 
 muft bf-are to Chrilles Deare Soulys, Impnriunyte (hall wynne one 
 Day I dout not: For I fee yt harh obtained even a JiidicifHn ini- 
 quis quarto magis a tniferic ordibus : Thus concludinii;, I fliall offer 
 
 Vol. in. 8 A ^ my
 
 ,.A ColkSiton Part III. 
 
 my Prayer to God that ye may fynd Grace in your SoUicitations 
 to the Queen's Majeftie for the Comfort of her Peple, and Difcharge 
 of her ownSoule. At Lambeth this 1 6th of OSiober. 
 
 Your to ?ny uttermoji Power^ 
 
 Matthew Cantuar. 
 
 Number 65. 
 
 A hetter of Bijhop Jeweirj- to Peter Martyr concern- 
 ing the Council of Trent, the Lord DarlyV going 
 to Scotland, ijoith an Accou7it of his Mother^ 
 
 Idem ad Eundem. 
 
 Ex MSS. ^ Alutem plur. in Chriflo. GratilTimas mihi fuerunt Literae tuae, mi 
 %«'■• ^ Pater, non folum quod eflent a te, cujus omnia mihi debent efle, 
 
 ut funt gratiffima, verumetiam quod omnem llatum renafcentis in Gal- 
 lia Religionis luculentifTime defciberent: Qupdq; ego me, cum eas 
 legerem, & te ita prope abefle fcirem, propius etiam aliquanto te au- 
 dire, & propius tecum coUoqui abitraicr. Nam quamvis res Gallicas 
 ad nos rumoribus, ut fit, & nuntiis adfcrebantur, tamen & certioic^j^ 
 & multo etiam jucundiores vife funt, quod a te fcriberentur, ab illo 
 pr^fertim, quem ego fcirem partem illarum fuiffe maximam. Quod 
 fcribis, illos, qui rerum potiuntur, omnio velle Mutationem in Religi- 
 one aliquam fieri, non tarn fludio & amoie pietati?, quam quod Pa- 
 piftarum ineptias videant nimis efle ridicubs, quodq ; non putent po- 
 pulum aliter pofle in oflicio contineri; quicquid e!l, quacunq ; caufa 
 ifta fiant, modo prsedicatur Chriftus, tlrz •arpoif «cr«(, tin uT^iBeta,, y^ Iv 
 tStu Ka/pw, aXKcc. }i, Kapi;£e(!/c!i. Tamen fieri non potefl, qnin difpu- 
 tatio ilia veftra multum & Evangelium promoverit, & adverfarios 
 adflixerit. Qu^od autem fcribis, Interim quodd.im a quibul'dam, & Far- 
 raginem Religionis quaeri, Deus id avertat: Scio omnes in Republ. 
 magnas mutationes od'ofas &: graves efle: Et multa faspe a Principi- 
 bus, tcmporis causa, tollerari. Atq; illud fortafle ab iniiio non fuit in- 
 commodum. Nunc vero, poftquam erupit Lux omnis Evangelii, 
 quantum quidem fieri potefl, vcfl.igia ipfa erroiis una cum ruderibus, 
 utq; aiunt, cum pulvifculo auferenda funt. Quod utinam nos in ifla 
 Xivog-oXi'x, obtinere potuiflTemus: Nam in dogmatis prorfus cmnia ad 
 vivum refecavimu?, & ne unguem quidem latum abiumus a dodrina 
 veflra. Ce ubiquitate enim nihil eft periculi. Ibr tanium audiri ifla 
 polTunt, ubifaxa fapiunt. 
 
 Apud
 
 Book VI. of Records^ &c. 643 
 
 Apudnos, de Religione omnia funt pacata. Epifcopi Mariani fer- 
 vant Turrim, & antiquum obtinent. Quod fi Leges teque nunc vi- 
 gerent, atq; olim, fub Henrico, facile I'uccumberenr. Eft Genus Ho- 
 ininum ccmtumax & indoniitum : Ferro tamen 6c iTieiu vinciair. 
 Edidimus nuper Apologiam de mutata Religione, & Ditcefl'ione ai> 
 Ecclefii Romaiia. Eum ego Librum, etfi dignus non efr qui micta- 
 tur tarn procul, tamen ad te mitro. Eft multis in locis vltioi'us, qmi- 
 lia flint ea fcic omni.i, quse apud nos excuduntur; taiita eft Typo- 
 graphorum noftrorum Negligentia. Regina noftra prorfns decrcvir, 
 nolle mittere ad Confilium: quod, an allum, aut ufpiam fir, nos nr- 
 fcimus, Ccrte fi ufpiam, aut ullum eft, perarcanum, & v^ldeoblcu- 
 rum eft. Nos nunc cogitamus publicare Caufas, qu bus induifli ad 
 Concilium non vcniamiis. Ego qtiidem fie fiauo & fentio, ift ;, 
 Congieffionibus & Colloquii?, nihil polTe proinoveii iioc tempoir, 
 nee Dcum velleuii illis mediis, ad propagandum Evangelium. Regi- 
 na noftra, magno nortro cum dulore, ionupta manet; neq-, adhuc 
 quid velit fciri poteft. Tametfi, quo Sufpiciones r.oflis incliner.t, 
 faris te iamdudum fcire arbitror, Suecus diuturnus prccu?, &c v.iicic 
 ^fliduus, nuper admodum diminias eft. Hie, accepta repulfa, uiiaa- 
 lur, quantum audio, in Scotiam: Ut, cum apud n( s haercre non 
 poffit, faltem poftit in Vicinia. Eft Mulier quEedam Nobilis, Domi- 
 na Margareta, Neptis Heniici Odtavi, Mulier fupra modum infenfa 
 Religioni, fupra etiam Rabiem Marianam. Ad ejus filium, juvenem, 
 plus minus odtodecim annos natum, fumma rerum judicatur fptdtare, 
 fi quid Elifabethae, quod nolimus, qucdque Deus avertat, accidat. 
 Ejus Mulieris Maritus, Leonelius Scoius, proximis iftis diebus con- 
 jedtus eft in Turrim. Filium, aiunt, vel ablegaium tfle a Matre, vel 
 profugifte in Scotiam. De eo, ut folet fieri, Sermo eft muliplex. 
 Regina Scotiac, ut fcis, innupta eft: Poteft inter illos conveniie a!i- 
 quid de Nuptiis, Qmcquid eft, credibile eft, Papiftas aliquid mo- 
 Jiri: Sperant enim adhuc, ncfcio quid, non ninus quam Judiri Mef- 
 fiam fuum. Nuntius Pontificis h.xret adhuc inFlandiia: Nondum 
 enim impctrare poteft fidem puhlicam, ut tuto veniat in Angliam. 
 Epifcopus Aquitanus, Legatus Philippi, aftutus, & calliilus Vetera- 
 tor, 6c fatflus ad Infidias, fatagit quantum poteft, ejus Caufa; faltem, 
 ut audiatur; ne tam procul fruAa venerir. Sperat enim unn Co'.lo- 
 quio aliquid, nefcio quid, pofle fieri. Eft Puella qua:dam Nobilis, 
 Domina Catherina, Ducis Suffolchienfis Filii, ex Sanguine Regie, 
 eoq; nominatim fcripta ab Henrico Odavo in Tellamento, ut fiquid ac- 
 cidifi*et, quarto loco fucccderer. Ex eo. Comes Herfordienfis, Juvc- 
 nis Ducis Somerfetenfis Filiu-, fufcepit Filium, &: multi putant ex 
 Stupro, fed up ipfi dicunt, ex legitimis Nuptiis, Sc enim clam inter ie 
 contraxifl'e, & advocato Sacrihcatore, & paucis quibufdim arbitris, 
 iunxilTe Nuptias. Ea Res turbavit nnimos mult)ium. Nam fi fuiU 
 verae Nuptice, Puer, qui fufceptus eft, alitur ad Spem Rcgr.i. O 
 nos miferos, qui non pofiumus fcire, fub quo Domino vidluri fimui. 
 Deus nobis Elizabethan!, fpero, dii^i vivam & incolumem confervabi*. 
 Id nobis erit fatis. Tu, mi Pater, ora Deum, ut Rempublicam ro 
 ftram, 6c Ecclefiim confervet. Vale, mi Pater^ vale. Vale, dulc; 
 Deuus meum. 
 
 Saluta
 
 644 
 
 A CoUeciion Part III 
 
 Sakua meo Nomine Uxorem tuam, D. Bullingeium, D. Gualteruni, 
 D. LavateiLim, D. Zwinglium, D. Hallenum, D. Wikium, D. Gef- 
 nerum, D. Frifium, D. Wolphium, Julium, Juliani, & Martyril- 
 kim. 
 
 Salifberise, 7. Febr. 1562, 
 
 E Anglia. Tui Nominis Studiofinimus, 
 
 yo, JuelluSy Anglus. 
 INSCRIPTIO. 
 
 Viro longe DoaiiTimo, D. Petro 
 Martyi i, Vermilio, ProfelTori Sa- 
 crs Theologi^ in Schola Tigu- 
 rina, Domino fuo Colendiflimo. 
 
 Tiguri. 
 
 P. S. Regina Elifabetha, omnem noflram Monetam auream, 
 argenteamque ad priftinam Probitatcm reftituit, & puram, 
 putamq; reddidit: Opus plane Regiuni, quodq; tu mireris tarn 
 brevi Tempore potuilTe fieri. 
 
 Number 66. 
 
 Two INSTRUMENTS. 
 
 The Firft is, Tlje Promife under the Great Seal of 
 Francis the Wd. to Maintain the Siiccejfwn to the Crown 
 cf Scotland in the Family of Hamilton, in ca/e ^een 
 yizxy Jbould Die without Children. 
 
 An Original, 
 
 FRancois fils aine du Roy & Dauphin de Viennois, a tous ceux 
 qui ces prefentes Lettrcs verront, Salur. Nous ayant de la Part 
 de notre ires cher 6c ties honnoie Seigneur & Pere le Roy de France, 
 entendu que des !e dixftpteme Jour de Juin, il fit expedier les Let- 
 tres Patentes, a notre trcs cher & tres ame Coufin, Jaques Due de 
 Chateleraut, Com^e de Aran, 5c Seigneur D'ammilton, Chevalier de 
 fon Ordre cy Devant, Gouverneur du Royaume d'EcolTej par les 
 quelle? Letires lui auroir, accorde que en cas que notre tres chei e & 
 tres an.ee Coufine, Marie Reine d'Ecofle, decedat fans hoirs de Ion 
 Corps, que Dieu ne veuille, il fuccede a la Couionne d'Ecoffe. & 
 
 pour
 
 Book VI. of Records^ &c. 645 
 
 pour y parvenir lui aider & fubvenir, delirant nctre dit Sei2,neur & 
 Pere, que nous Vueillons ratifier & approver, ladite promefTe par luy 
 faite a notre Coufin, fcavoir faifons que nous voulans finguliere- 
 ment, entretenir 5c obferver !a Foy & Parole de noftre dit Seigneur 
 & Pere, & lui Obeir en tout ce que lui eft aiFedc & i ecomniande, 
 & auffi pour r amour particuliere, que avons portc & porroiis a 
 icelui notre dit Coufin, & a fa maifon pour 1' Affecftion qnil a tou- 
 iours demontree envers notre dit Seigneur & Pere, & la bien de \\ 
 Couronne de France. Nous a ces Cauies, & autres a ce nous mou- 
 vant, avons entant que befoin feroit tant pour nous, que pour no:> 
 Succefieurs confirme & ratifie, confirmons 6c ratifions par ces Prerm- 
 tes, le contenii es dites Lettres de notre dit Seigneur & Pere, du dix 
 feptieme Join, Mille Cinq cent Qiiarante neuf: Promettant en bonne 
 Foi, avenant que notre dite Confine, la Reine d'EcolTe, decedat fans 
 Hoirs de fons Corps, Ic laiiTer JouYr dudet Royaume, & pour cet ef- 
 fet le fecourir & aider felon le contenu des diics Lettres. En temoia 
 de ce nous avons fignc les Prefentes de notre propre Main, & a Icel- 
 les fait Mettre, 6e appofer notre Seel. Donne a Paris, le dixneu- 
 vieme Jouir d' Avril, I'An de Grace, Mille Cinq cent Cinquantc 
 huil. 
 
 Francois. 
 
 Par Monfeigneur le Dauphin, 
 C I, A u s s E. 
 
 The Second is, 
 
 1*hs Promife made to the fame EffeB, Henry the lid- 
 King^ of France, before ^een Mary was fen t out of 
 Scotland. 
 
 An OrmnaL 
 
 o 
 
 HEnry, par la Grace de Dieu, Roy de France j a tous ceux qui 
 ces prefentes Lettres verront, Salut. Scavoir faifons, que ay- 
 ant egard aux bona, grands, vertueux, agreable, & tres recomman- 
 •dables Services, fait par notre trescher & tres ame Coulin, le Comte 
 de Aran, Chevalier de noflro Ordre, Governeur du Royaume d'E- 
 coffe, a feu notre tres honnore Seigneur &c Pere, que Dieu abfoJve; 
 depuis le trepas du feu Roy d'Ecofle, dernier decede, a nous & a la 
 Vol, in. 8 B Cour&D->
 
 646 J ColleBion Part ilL 
 
 Couronne de France Confecutivement, &: Specialement pour avoir Moy- 
 enne, I'accord du Mariage de nr.i ties chcr & tres amtc Fille & Cou- 
 fine la Heine d'Ecofle, avec notre tres cher & ties ame Fils le Dau- 
 phin de Viennois. Pour de nollre Part donner a Connoitre a Ice- 
 lui notie dit Coufin, I'Aftedion que lui portons, 6c Ic grand dcfir 
 que nous avnns de le fayoriler en toutes raif^nnables Chofes qui le 
 pourront toucher: Lui avons par ces Prellntes en Parole de Rov, 
 promisSc promettons, advenhnt qui'il plus a Dieu appelkr a fa part la 
 dite Reine d'Ecofle, Tans Hoirs Ifl^us de fon Corps, & que par Voye 
 dc fait avenu que fes Ennemis voulufTent entreprendre 1' einpechtr, lui 
 ou les Siens dcfcendans, dc lui par droite Eigne, qu'ils ne vinflent a 
 la paifible Jouifllmce da la Couronne du Roy.iume d'Ecofle; Comme 
 plus proche d'Icelle apres le Trepas de la dite Reine, que nous lui 
 teiidrons la Main a lui, & aux Siens a I'econtre de leurs Ennemis 
 quelcouque; & les aiderons & fuporterons en toutes fortes, felcn que 
 requierent les anciennes Alliances & Confederations, qui ont de tout 
 tems etc & font encore entre nous, notre Royaume & Pais, & Cclui 
 d'Ecofle. Et quand a 1' Article du Traite, que nous avons fait avec- 
 ques le dit Gouverneur, par lequel fommes tenus de le faire, tenir 
 quite & dccharger del' Adminiftration, qu'il a eue 6c aura dudit 
 Royaume durant la Minorite d'Icelle notre dite Fille & Coufine, fans 
 qu'il en foit autrement comptable, 6c du tout lui en faire bailler, 6c 
 delivrer Lettres de decharges de la dite Dame, par le Confentement dc 
 notre dit Fils fon Mary, quand elle fcra d'age. Nous derechef rati- 
 flons 6c approuvons le dit Article par ces Prefentes, 6c nous oblige- 
 ons ainfi le faire enfemble de Ten decharger envers la dite Dame 6c 
 fon futur Mary. En temoin de ce nous avons fegne ces Prefentes, 6c a 
 notre Main, Icelle fait mettre, 6c appofer notre Seel. Donne a 
 Paris, le dixfeptiemc Jour de Juin, 1' An dc Grace, Mille Cinq cent 
 Quarante neuf; 6c de nofl:re Regne le troifieme. 
 
 Henry. 
 
 Par le Roy, 
 
 De IS Aubefpine. 
 
 Numbe
 
 BookV[. of Records^ Sec, 
 
 Number 37. 
 
 J7'!j}ri.-:.8iwns to the ^lueen s Com7?iiJfwjisri irealhig hi 
 
 Scotland. 
 
 An Original. 
 
 AFter onr Right Marty Cornmendailon<;, we have receyved your^ ,,^q^_^ 
 Letters of the nth of this Mounth, and by the fairse do un- 
 derftande at good length your Proceedings with the French Coni- 
 mifliorers hitherto, and in the Ende of the Death of the Dowager cf 
 Scotland: For your Advertifements whereof, we give unto you, on 
 tlie Queen's Majefties Behalf, moft harty Thanks: And like as her 
 Highres doth well allowe your Opinion for the fignifylng unto King 
 Philippcs Ambafladors, that we bs entrcd into Treaty with the 
 French^ and are in very good way towards Accorde, and finde not 
 Things alltogcther fo harde to be b'ought to Comp fition as was (up- 
 pofed; fo hath her Majeftie 'taken Order, that ore fliall be out of 
 Hande fent to declare the fame unto them, with fignification ailfo 
 what her Highnes hath harde cf the Downger's Death. As touching 
 the other Points of your Letter wherein you reqniie Kr Highnes Rc- 
 folution; we have confidered the fame, and uppon Reporte of our 
 Opinions to the Queen's Majeftie, her Highnes hath refolved as fol- 
 loweth ; Fyift, in caife the Froicbe Comiffioncrs uppon the under- 
 flanding of the Dowager's Death, will nedes prefle to return back 
 againe without following their Commifiion; her Highnes in that Cafe 
 ispleafed, that after you ftiall have provoked them by fuch good Mean es 
 as you can beft devife, to contynue; if in the Ende, tliey will nedes 
 breake of, and returne, you fliall agree they may fo do, and there- 
 uppon confiilting with our very good Lorde, the Duke of Norffolke^ 
 and imparting the State of the Cafe unto the Lords of Scotland, to 
 take Order by their good Advice, how the Purpofe intendyd for ex- 
 pelling of the French, and affuting of that Realme, accoding to that 
 hath byn heretofore determined, may beft and moft fpedely be brought 
 to paffe, which in Cafe the French break of from Treatte, her Ma- 
 itftie wolde fholde be gon thorough wiihall without any longer de- 
 Jay, or l(jfsofTime; the rather for that it appeareth by all Adver- 
 tifement?, that the French feeke nothing {0 much as to wyn Tyme, 
 and draw forth Matters in length to lerve theyr Purpofe wyihall; 
 which muft not be endured: And where your defire to know what 
 you fhall doe, if the French Commilfioners that be with you, will 
 require the Prefence of fome of theyr Colleages in th^Town; 1 er 
 Highnes thinketh, as you doe, that the fame is in no wife ti be 
 grauntvd, nor the faid Commiffioners that be in L^th to be fuffercd 
 to iftiie, or treate of this Matter otherwife then is perfaibed by your 
 
 Inftriidtions.
 
 648 
 
 A CoUeBmi Part III. 
 
 Jnftruiftions. As touching the laft Point, where ye defire to know 
 what fliall be done, in cafe the faid French Commiflicners fliail re- 
 quire Afijftance of fuch 5fOi'(v/2'C;w« as were of the F/w/<rZ' Fadion; 
 tier Highnes thinks fyt, yf the fame (hall be demuunded, that the 
 Lords of Scotland h& made privic thereunto; and in cafe they and 
 you fliall not fee fume reafonable caufeof the contrary, her Majeflie 
 thinketh, and fo do we allfo, that it may without Daunger be gran- 
 tyd, wherin neverthelefs you may ufe your good Difcrctions as you 
 fliall fee may befl fland with the Advancement of his Highnes Service. 
 And forafmuche as one Parrys, an IreJheiJien, who hath, (as we think 
 you doe well enough remember) byn a Fugitive out of this Realme 
 nowe a long time together,) is as we underflande come from the 
 French, and hathe now yelded himfelf into the Lorde G/vjyv's Hands: 
 We hartely pray you, in Cafe you may conveniently, to talk with 
 the faid Parrys, and underfiand of him what he can fay touching the 
 Pradifes that hath byn attemptyd in Ireland, or any other Thing 
 concerning the State cf th.e Queen's Majeilie, or her Realme; snd 
 to lett us know what he is able to fay therin, to the Intent if his 
 Meaning and Doing fliall appere unto you to deferve the fame, we 
 may be Siitors unto her Highnes for his Pardonne, and for luche 
 farther Confideracion of hyni, as his Doing ihall deferve. And thus 
 we wifh you mofl hartely well to fare* From Grenewicb the 1 5th 
 oi "June, 1560. 
 
 7our ajjured Loving Friends^ 
 
 Winchefter. W. North, ^c. 
 
 E. Clynton. Willm. Petre Se. 
 Tho. Parrys. 
 
 Number 68. 
 
 The Commiffion of the EJiates to move i^ueen Elizabeth /(T 
 take the Earl of Arran to her Husbaiid, 
 
 Takeji from the Original now at Hamilton. 
 
 TH E Lords of Parliament, and others Under- writ ten, havand 
 Confideration how the Kingdome of England is joynt with 
 this. Be an Dray March, how PuilTent it is; what Incommodity we 
 and our Forefathers iiave feU, be the continual Weirs ktvvixt the Tuo 
 
 Nations;
 
 Book Vi. of Records^ &c. 65 
 
 Nations; and be the contrar, how Profitable; there Amytie may be 
 to us, what Welth and Commodity we may (obtain theithrow ; hes 
 thought good divyfed and ordained, that the O.caiion prefeiuly open- 
 ed up to us Hial be followed, that is, lute made to the Queen of Zi'Tg"- 
 /<37zi in the bell Manner, That it may pleafe j-ier Mjcftv, for Eiti- 
 blidiingGf one perpetual Friendihip, to joine in Marriage with the Earll 
 oi Aran; being of the lawful! Blood of this Realm-, and failzieing 
 ef Suceetfion of the Queen, our Soveiain Lades Body, next h.s Fa- 
 ther, the Dukes Grace of ChajldkiaiiU declared be hOi of Parlia- 
 ment, Second Pcrfon of the Realme, Air Appaiant to the Crown; 
 and for that Purpofe that Honouiable Perfons be fent in Ambaflate, 
 fra them yn Behalf of the Eftates. And to the Effcdl, the Sute may bo 
 made in the mofc Honourable Manner, and to her Majeilys beft Con- 
 tent ition, they have devifed that orcfently in plane Parliament it ilial 
 be devifed, that certain AmbafTadours be fent to her Majefiy, fie the 
 Eflates, to sive her Hienefs Thanks for the guid Wiil ^-\q has cvi.r 
 born to this Realme, fen fhe came to her Crown, and defire flie hes 
 that it may continue an fiee Kingdom in ihantiant Liberty, fuftici- 
 ently of late declared, be her Support liberally granted for the Re- 
 lief thereof; and for the guid Quietnes we prcfi.ntly enj^y, purchafl 
 to us be her Majcftys Means and Labnu's; and they are withail 
 to defire of her Heenefi to give flrait Command menti to her War- 
 dains, and Officers upon the Borders, to continue with ours, for 
 fuppreffing of broken Men, and flanching of Tliift, wi h. fie other 
 Things as are neceflar for the Common Wctl of this Rea'me: And 
 that the States give Power to the Lords of Articles, and otheis Under- 
 written, to devife fic Commilion and Inftrucflions as are neceflar, for 
 that Purpofe, to be fealed, and fubfcribed be Six of the Principals 
 of every Ellate, whilk fill be as fufficient, as giff it were fubfcribed 
 and fealed be the haill Eflates; and therafter the Lords of Articles, 
 and ours under fpecified, to devife the Inftructione and Commiffion 
 touching the Heid of the Marriage. 
 
 Number 6.9. 
 
 ^I'ha ^ueenes Majejlies An/were declared to Her Counfell 
 concernifige the Requejls of the Lords of Scotlande. 
 
 //; Sir W. CecilV Hand, 
 
 H E R Majeflie reduced the x\nfwere into Three Points. 
 
 r. r^r-'^ HE Firft was, That where the Three EHats had fent ;heJl>^M\of 
 
 J[ Lords of 6'(ro//fl;zrf' to prefent their harty Thanks to her Ma-poi"",, '^ ° 
 jeflie for the Benefits receaved this laft Yere by her Majefties Ayde Cai-tgniu B. 
 ^iven to them. Her Majeftie is very glad toperceave her Good Will, '*" 
 Vol IIL 8 D and
 
 ^54 
 
 A ColleB'ton Part III. 
 
 and Chardgs lo well beftowed as to fee the fame thankfullye accepted 
 and acknowledged ; and findeth the fame to have been feafonablie 
 planted that produceth fo plentifull Fiud, wiih the which her Ma- 
 jcRie doeth fo laiisfie herfelf, as if at any Time the like Caufe flipJl 
 happen whcrin her Friendlhip, or Ayde, fliall, or may Profit them 
 for their juft Defence, the f;>me fliall not be wantinge. And although 
 in former Times it appeared that fondry Benefidls bellowed upon di- 
 vers of the Nobilitye here by her Majeftiirs moft noble Father, had 
 not fuch Succes, nor was anfwered with like thankfuUnes: Yet her 
 Majeftye doth nowe evidently fe the Caufe thereof to be for that the 
 Meaneninge of her Father's Benefits were interpreted, and fuppofed 
 to be to the Difcomoditye of the Land, and thefe her Majefties be 
 evidentlye fene to bend direftlye to the Safetye of that Realme. And 
 fo the Diverfitye of the beftowinge hath made the Diverfitye in the 
 Operacion and Acceptation of them. 
 
 2. The Second Poiiit is, where the fame Eftates have by their 
 Parlyament accorded, That fuyte fhould be made for the Mariage 
 with her Majefty of the Earl of y^rraytie; her Majeftye cannot in- 
 terprete that Motion to come but both of a good Meaneinge of the 
 fame Eftaits, pretendinge thereby to knit both theis Kingdomes pre- 
 fently in Amytye, and hereafter to remaine in a perpetuall Amytye ; 
 and of a great Good Will of the fame Ellates towards her M.sjeftye, 
 offeringe to her the beft and choiceft Peifun that they have, and that 
 not without fome Daunger of the Difpleafure of the French Kinge in fo 
 doinge: For anfwere hereunto, her Majefty findeing herfelf not di- 
 fpofed prefently to Marry, (although it miy be that the Neceflitie 
 and Refpedl of her Realme fliall hereto hereafter conllrayne her) 
 wifhed that the Earle of Arrayne fliould not forbeare to accept fuch 
 Mariage as may be made to him for his own Weill and Surety ; and 
 that all other Means be ufed to the Continewance of Amytie firmly 
 betwixt thefe Kingdomes; whereunto her Mjjefty thinketh many 
 good Reafons ought to induce the People of both Realmes, and in a 
 Manner to continewe as good Amytye therby, as by Mariage: For 
 it appeareth, that if every Nobleman of Scotlande will well confider 
 how necefi'arye the Friendiliip of this Realme is to that, for the pre- 
 fervation of their Liberties; they fliall chiefly for Safegard of tliem- 
 felvesjoyne together in Concord with this Rcaleme, and fo every one 
 particularly minding his own Surefye, of Confequence the Love and 
 Amitye (hall be Univerfall; by which Means her Majefty thinketh 
 the Amitye may be well alTured, though no Marriage be obteyned^ 
 And as to the Perfon of the Earle of jirrcyn, her Majefly furely 
 hath heard a verie good Report of him-, and thinketh him to be a 
 Noble Gentleman of great Woordinelle, and fo thinketh furely that 
 he fhall prove hereafter. 
 
 3. Thirdly and Laflly, Her Majeflye thancketh the faid Lords 
 for their Paines and Travell; and although fhe doubteth nether of 
 their Wifdome, nor of the Providence of the Eftates at Home in 
 Scotland, yet for demonflracion of her hearty Good Will, her Ma- 
 jefly cannot forbeare to require them not to forget the Pradiifes that be 
 pail, by fuch as before Tyme fought the Subverfon of them; and 
 nowe much more will doe if, if there maye be left any Entry for 
 
 ^ Corriiptiori,
 
 Book VI. of Records^ dec. 655 
 
 Corruption, be Reward, or other Scope of Pradife. And tl'erefcre 
 her Majefty wiflieth, that they all do perfift, fiift in a good Con- 
 corde, makinge their Caufes come amongft thcmfelves; and not to 
 difiever themlelves in any Fadion?., but to forcfee well Thinges 
 before they chiunce: For that her M;!Jefl;ie thinketh this prove ve- 
 rie true, That Dirts forefeen, hurt verie little, or not at all. And 
 for her Majeftics Part©, there fliall no reafonable Thinge be negled- 
 cd, that may furder this comun Adion of Defence of both tlis; 
 Rcalmes, ag^iiuftany common Enemye^ 
 
 Number 70* 
 
 I 
 ( 
 
 i 
 ^ Letter of the Englifh AfiihaJJadory to ^^ee?i Mary of ^ ' 
 
 Scotland, for her Ratifying the Treaty of Leith. 
 
 PLeafeth it your Majeftie. The fame may remember, that at m)' Paptr-Off.u, \ 
 
 Lcrd of S^<^or/s being in this Court, He and I demanded of ' ■ ■ 
 
 you, on the Behalfc of the Queen's Majeftie, our Miftrefs, your i 
 
 good Sifter and Coufyne, your Ratification of thaccord latelye made I 
 
 at Edinghoroiigh in Scotland. Wberunto you made Anfwer, amonoc I 
 
 other Things, that your Counfcll being not about youe; namely I 
 
 your Uncle, my Lord Cardinall of Lorraine^ by whom you are ad- 
 vifed in your Affaires, and alfo for that your Majeftie had not 
 heard from your Counfell in Scotland, f om whom ycu looked to 
 hear then verie fhortlye; you could make us no dircd Anlwer i 
 
 therin. Put that heering from them, and having confulted with 
 your Counfcll hecre ; you would fatisfie !ier Majeftie in the fame, j 
 
 Sins whiche Tyme, her Majeftie having Knowledge of the comiu"- \ 
 
 to you of the Lord James, your Brother, who palled lately through 
 England hitherwards, by whom (her Majeftie judgeih) )ou wHI ] 
 
 be advifed, bothe in lUfped of h's Ranke and Eft:micion in your 1 
 
 Realme of iV(5/'/rt^/(/, and allio for that he hathe the Honour to be 
 your Miijefties Brother, and of good Credite with you: And no- 
 thing doubting of your Confultation with my fdd Lo'd Girdlnall 
 and others of your Counfell here fins that T\mf; her Majsftiti i 
 
 hathe prefentiie comnianded, and authoriz.d /ne to put yojr A'laje- i 
 
 ftle in Remembrance thtrof ag;inej and to r^new the Deinat^dw of ' 
 
 your Confirmation of the faid late Accord. Therefore I have pre- 
 fently depechid to you this Gentleman, Bearer heerof, her Majefties '■ 
 
 Servant: By whom, I brfeeche yoUj to let me undcrftand v. ur rcio- i 
 
 'lute Anfwer in that behalf. And uppon Knowledge of vour Ple.i- 
 fure, to dclyvcr me the laid Ratification; and of the Tyme and ^ 
 
 Place, I will not faile (God willing) to refort, whi'.her vour Ma- 
 jeflie will appoint me to cojme for that Pourpofe, ' I
 
 656 
 
 A CoUeBion Part HI. 
 
 By demanding of this Ratification, as the Queen's Majeftie, my 
 Miftrefs, your good Sifter, dothe fhew the gtejt Defyre t^he hathc, 
 to lyve from hence forth in all allured good Love, Peas aud Amyt:e 
 with you, and your Realnie ; (o, in her Opynion, there is nothing 
 that can argue your reciproke good Will, to anfwer to the lyke for 
 your Parte agavne, fo much as the Stab'ii&ing the fame by this 
 Knot of Friendfhip which God hath appointed, and hath been Ch:if 
 Worker therin, for both your Quvetneffes and Coinforts; being now 
 the onlie Refuge of you bo.h. And fj I pray Ahiiighty God, long 
 to prefcrve your Majeftie in parfiift Healthe, Honour and Filicitie. 
 Eiom Faris^ the 13 th of Apr ill 1561. 
 
 Number 71. 
 
 ^L^//^r o/" Mary ^^^;^ 0/" Scotland, delaying to Ratify 
 
 the Treaty of Leith. 
 
 An Original, 
 
 Moniieur AmbafTadeur, 
 
 T»pet-Oji<e. T'Ay len la Lettre, que vous maves efcrite par le Gentilhomme pre- 
 J fent Porteur, & pour ce j'etant fur mon Partement de ce Lieu, Je 
 ne puis vous faire reponce pluftat qu a Remis, ou jefpere d'eftre au 
 Sacre de Roy : Je ne feray cette plus long que pour vous dire, quant 
 a Lord James, qui eft devers moy, II y eft venne pour fon devoir, 
 comme devers fa Souveraine Dame, que Je fuis, fans Charge ou Com- 
 miffion, qui concerne autre Chofe que fon fon droit. Je prie Dieu, 
 Monfieur Ambafladeur, vous avoir en fa Garde. Efcrit a Nanci, ce 
 22. d' Avril 1562. 
 
 Voftre bicn bon Amy, 
 
 Marie. 
 
 Kumber
 
 Book VI. of Reco?'ds^ Sic. 6^y 
 
 Number 72. 
 
 A;i Original l^etter of the Amhaffador s to the ^eetiy 
 
 upon that Affair. 
 
 IT maye pleafe your Majeftie to be advertifed, that havewig writ- Pa^n-Ope. 
 ten this other Lettre, and being ready to liave depeched it to 
 your Mijedie; Mr. Somer, your Highnefies Servant, arryved heere 
 from Naiici in Lorrainey from tlie Quecne of Scotland, with x'^.nfwer 
 to my Lettre, which (by your Majefties Commandment) I wrote 
 10 her, ii) fucb Sorte, as I have advertifed by my former, and ther- 
 with fcnt to your Majeftie the Coppies cf my Lettres to the faide 
 ■Queen and Cardinall of Lorraine. Which her Anlwer being by 
 Lettre, (hiavJng aHfo faid as much by Mouth to Mr. Somer) toge- 
 ther with the fa'd Cardinall's Anfwer ; I fend your M ijedie here- 
 with. And though your Majeflies faid Servant ufed the befi; Speech 
 as he coude, to get ioma direct Anfwer of her, accord. nge to her 
 late PromefTes, putting her in Remembrance of her Words to my 
 Lord of Bedford, and to me at Fontainebleaii : Yet other Anfwer 
 nor Diiedlion, then is conteined in her Letter, coude he not gette of 
 her. And feinge She hath defferrid to maice me further Anfwer, till 
 my next Meetinge with her, which She reckenith fhall be at Reims, 
 at the French King's Sacre, as appearith by her faid Lettre j where, 
 She and the Cardinal told Mr. Somer, She myrided to be the Sth of 
 Maye; for that it is faid the Sacre fliall be the 15th; and for that 
 your Majeftie hath commanded me, for fome Refpe<!l?, not to be aS 
 it ; I know )iot when I Ihall have the Opertunitie and Mear.es, to 
 fpeake with the faid Queen for her Anfwer. Therefore ft ing I can- 
 not be at Reims, (as indeede, befydes your Majefties Command- 
 ment, myne Indifpofition of my Bodye will not fuffer me to come 
 there) and allfo for that (as I heere) the faid Queen myndeth not 
 to come into thefe Panes this good while; If it wold pleafe your 
 Majeftie, to fend hither your Lettres of Credit diicfted unto ler, 
 therby to authorize Mr. Somer, your MajeHis faid Servant, to de- 
 inande and receyve her Anfwer thcrjn, in myne Abfencc, by leaibn 
 of my SicknefTe; I take it, your Majeftie fhall the fooncr have her 
 diredl Anfwer. If your Majeftie finde this good, it may pleafe the 
 liime, to fend fuch your Letters hither, with good Speed, that the 
 Anfwer may be had, before She departt agayne from Reims. 
 
 And though I thinke verily, that her Anfwer will be fuch as I 
 have allready advertifed your Majeftie She made to my Lord "James, 
 (which is Means to draw into Tyme flill the greater Length) yet 
 the lame, or anye other, being made to your Majeftie by her felf ; 
 you ftiall the better know, bow to proceede with her in the Matter 
 afterwards. 
 
 Vol, IIL 8 E The
 
 6s 8 
 
 A CollecfiGn Part IJI. 
 
 The faid Queen of Scotland was accompa-gned at Nmw)^ widi the 
 DowAger of Lorrai?ie, (whom they call there Son Altezze) the Duke 
 and Duchefle 'of Lorraine, Ivionfieur de Vaudimoiit, the Cardinalles 
 of Lorraine, and Guyfe, and the Dake d" Aiimatlc. One of the 
 chicfeft: Cawfes of her going thither frcm Joinvillt', (hang i8 Lor- 
 raine Leagues of) as I heere-, was to Chiiftcn Monlieur de Vaud^- 
 tiwnt's yong Sonne, born lately at Mhllegrange, a Quarter of a 
 League from Nancy. 
 
 1 wrote to your Majeftie, by my Letters of the 23 1 of th's Pre- 
 fent, that the Queen of Scotland wold Au.horize my faid Lord 
 yames, (as She had tdd him her felf) to have the Speciall Charge of 
 the Government of the Affaires in Scotland till htr comminge thi- 
 ther ; and would, for that Purpofe, give him Commiffijn under her 
 Scale. For which Comilfion, and other Letters, he left a Gen- 
 tleman of his with the faid Queen, to bring it after him to this 
 Towne. The Gcndeman is retcurred from the Queen, wiih h«r 
 Letters, but hath brought no Commifiion: And I undeillande, that 
 She hath now changed her Mynd in that Point; and will appoint 
 none to have Authorite there, till She come her felf. And as to 
 fuchSutes and Requelle?, as are made to her for Benefices, and fuch 
 other Thinges as are to be beflowed ; She will not difpoli; of any of 
 them, nor make other Anfwer therin, till her comminge thither. 
 Which (it is thought) She dothe, to beftowe the fame upon fomc 
 fuch as She fhall fee worthy of her Favour and Preferrmente, and 
 upon others, to winnc them the fooner to her Devocion. The Spe- 
 ciall Caufe why She hath changed her Opinion of my Lord 'James^ 
 ^^ (as I heere) is; For that She coude by no meanes dif-fwade him 
 
 from his Devocion and good Opinion towards your Majeftie, and 
 the Obfervation of the League between your Mjcftie and the 
 Reaime of Scotland. And allfo for that She, nor the Cardinall of 
 Lorraine, coude not winne nor divert him from his Religion ; wher- 
 in they ufed verie great Meanes, and Perfwafions. For which Re- 
 fpedts, the faid Lord James defervith to be the more ellym-d of your 
 Majeftie. And feeing he hath dealt fo plainely with the Queet his 
 Soveraine, on your Majefties Behalf, and flawed himfelf fo con- 
 ftant in Religion, that neither the Feare of his Soveraine's In- 
 dignacion coude waver him, nor great PromefTes winne him; your 
 Miijedie may (in myne Opinion) make good Accompt of his Con- 
 ftancy towardes you: And fo deferveth to be well enterlayned and 
 made of, bv your Majeftie, as one that may fland yru in no fmall 
 Steade, for the Advancement of your Maiefties Defire. Sins his be- 
 ing heere, he hath dealt fo franckly and liberally wiih me, that I 
 niuft beleeve he will fo contynue af:er his Return home. And in 
 cafe your Majeftie wold now in Tyme, liberally and honorably con- 
 fider him with foroe good Mean?, to make him to be the more be- 
 holding to your Majefiy ; it wold, in my fimple Jiidgmenr, fcrve 
 your Majeftie to great Purpofe. Ke departeth hence homeward 
 about the 4th of Maye by the v/ay of DJepe^ and myndith to Land 
 at Rje: Wlierof I thought good to advertife your Majeftie, that it 
 may pleafie the fnrne to give Order, for him and his Company, to b-; 
 rfcceyved and accomuicdated, as apertenith-: Which -will be well be- 
 
 _.ftowed 
 
 A.
 
 Book VI. of Records y Sec. 659 
 
 flowed upon him, for the good Reporte he m.ide of his late Reception 
 there, aiui of the great Favour your Majeflie fliewed him at his 
 coming hitherwards. 
 
 I underftand that the Queen of Scotland maketh accompt to fynd 
 a good Partie in her Reaime, of fuch as are of her Religion. And 
 amongs oriier, the Earle o( Huntley hath promyfed, thu having the 
 Duke on his fide, he, with fuch other as he holdeth afTured, will be 
 able enough to make Head to the contrary Parte. And fo hath he 
 promifed to bring greate Things to pafle there, for the Q^ieen's Pur- 
 pofe and Affediijn. 
 
 I underrtand, (and fo gather partly by my faid Lord James own 
 Words) thu fcons after his Retourne Home in Scotland, he fhail 
 Marye the Earle Marfhali's D.;Ughter. 
 
 As I hflVe written heertofoie to your Majeflie, that this Realm was 
 in danger of great Unquietnes amonge themfelves for Religion; fo 
 the 28th of April, the fame beganne to appeare in this Tovvne. Cer- 
 tain Genth men, and others, about a Hundred afftmbkd together in 
 a Private Houfc in the Suburbes, where they had a Sermon, and 
 Pf limes finging, as is ufed in all Affemblies. Wiierewith the People 
 offended, affembled to great Numbers, forced the Walks of a Garden 
 joining to the Houfe ; made a great Breach with fuch Toolcs as thejr 
 coude gett, and woujd have entred with Violence to have wrought 
 their Cruaulty uppon the Gentlemen. The other feeing none other 
 Remedye, their Perfwafions ferving to litle effect with fuch an unruly 
 Sorte : Defended themfelves with fuch Weapons and Harguebouzes 
 as they had provided againfl: all Events ; and lb flew 7 or 8 of the - 
 
 AfTaillianis, and defended the Huufe till the Jultice, and Court of 
 Pailiament of this Town appeafed and retyred the People. And the 
 Night fallowing, the Dcf^lndants fliifted themfelfes away thence, 
 without further Harme ; hitherto nothing elles is done heerupon. 
 What will^nfue, it is to be feared. In the mean Time, the People 
 murmure greatly at the Slaughter. And the other Paite are not a 
 little moved generally, to be fo alTaulted and molefted, contrary to 
 the King's Edids, which permitte all Men to live according to their 
 Confciences, fo they give none occafion of Slander, or Offence to the 
 People, or Pub'ique Pi^eaching, and that to command all Men not to 
 Reproach or Injury the one, the other, for their Living in that forte. 
 Between thefe Two Pa tye;, the Jullice is fo little feared, and PoUy- 
 cy liath now fo little Place, thot gi eater Things are to be feared, un- 
 leffe better and Ipeedyer Order be provided to appeafe ali, then I can 
 fee towards. 
 
 I underfland that the Queen of Scotland had hitherto no great 
 Devotion xo Ledington, Grange, and Bahiavcs, whercf I am nothing 
 fory. Bat ilie mindeth to uii: all the beft Meanes flie can to wynnc 
 them to her, which (he trufted well tocompafle. 
 
 And wheras I have advertifed your Majeflie that the Baron de la 
 Garde iTjulde cary this Kiug's Order to the King of Sivcdeu: I under- 
 ftand now, thai it is to the King of Dcnmarkc, and not to the 
 Gthir. 
 
 Having written thus fane, I underhand, that V)heras it was de- 
 
 tarmined
 
 66 o A ColleBion Part III. 
 
 termined that the King flmld have depirted the 28th of Aprill from 
 Fontainbleau towards Rtiim to his Sucre : The lame is retarded, by 
 reafon that the Queen Mother is fallen Sicke of a Catarre. . So t'.at 
 both his Departure from thence, and the Tims of Ih> Siacre is now 
 uncertain, and dependiih wholely upon the faid Queen Mother's 
 Recovery, 
 
 Though I take in that your Majeftie hath received from your Mi- 
 nifters in Germany the Pope's Demand of the Princes Pro'.elbnt,^ of 
 Germany, and their Anfwer therunto ; yet having leiouvered tlis 
 fame here, I thought in my Duety to fend it to your Majeft e as I do 
 heerewith. And thus I pray God long to prelerve your Majeftle in 
 Health, Honnour and all Felicitie. From Varh the Firfl: of May.^ 
 1561. 
 
 Your Majejlfes Humble, 
 
 And mojl Obedient, 
 Subje5i and Servant, 
 
 N» Throkmorton. 
 
 Number 73. 
 
 A Letter of BiJJjop JewelFj to Bullinger, chiefly concern- 
 ing the Affairs of France, and the ^tieen ejf.oujing the 
 Prince of Conde'j Caufe' 
 
 Idem ad Bulllngerum. 
 
 Salutem Plurimam in Chriiflo. 
 
 Ex MSS. T~) Eddita; mihl funt non ita pridem Literce lua?, Scriptje Tiguri ad 
 Ti^ur. _tiL. qtiintum diem Martii: Quas quamvis efi'cnt VTroi^s^^t^oi^oi, 
 
 & queiuls, tamen mihi perjucundae videbantur ; non tantum quod a 
 te effent, cujus omnia fcripta didtaque mihi fcmper vifa funt honorifica, 
 fed etiam quod officium meum ita olxiixe requirerent, & meam in 
 fcribendo negligentiam 6c focordiam excitarent. Ei;o veio, mi Pater, 
 6c Domine Colendiffime, etfi minus fortaffe ad te- faspe fcribo quam 
 velim, tamen quoties occafio aliqua ofiertur, ne. hoc q.iidem officium 
 intermitto. Binas enim dedi niiper ad te Litcras. akeras Fraiycotor- 
 
 •diuiii
 
 Book VI. of Records^ &c. 66 1 ^ 
 
 \ 
 
 ~ — ~ " ■■ • ' ,-. ■■ __ , . . . ^^. ! 
 
 diam ad nundinas Martias, alteras ftatini a Pafchate, Qu^ li adliuc, ,' 
 
 iit fit, fubfiftant forte in itinere, tanien expedient fe aliquando, & \ 
 
 poftremo uti fpero, ad te pervenient. Ego interim de te cogitare, &; i 
 
 honorifice ut debeo, de te loqui nunquam define. De Gallicis rebus i 
 
 ad te fcribere hoc tempore, tffet foitaflc putidum: Omnia tnim ad I 
 
 vos etiam fine ventis & navibus afFcruntur. SanctifTimus nihil relin- 
 quet intentatum. Fledere fi ncqueat fuperos, Acheronta mnv;bit. Vi- 
 det enim jam non agi d^ reduviis, fed de v^ta & fanguiiie, Utinam ne ; 
 
 noftri fele patiantur circumveniri. Dux Guifanus, ut, neicio qua fpe 
 moderand^ Religionis. & recipiendas Confeffionis Auguilinse, moi..- 
 tus eft Principes Germanic, re fe admifcerent huic bello; ira oduu- 
 bus modis perfuadere conalus eft Reginas noftrac, non ag'i nunc in Gal- ; 
 
 Ila negoiium Rehgionis; tife manifeftam conjurationem, caufani die 
 Regis, cui illam, cum Regium locum teneat, non oporteat adverfari. \ 
 
 Interea id egit, ut Neptis fua, Regina Scotias, ambiret gratiam, atque 
 amicitiam Reginae noftrx, & munufcula mitteret, & nefcio quas fi- 
 des daret: Velle fe, hac sftate, honoris caufa venire in A^gliam; & \ 
 aeternum amiciiae Fcedus, quod nunquam poftea convelli poffif, vclle \ 
 fancire, Mifit ea adamantem maximi pretii, gemmam pulcher.i- 1 
 mam, undique veftitam auro, & commendatam pulchro & eleganti ; 
 carmine. C^d quaeris ? Putabant feftivis colloquiis, & venatio- \ 
 nibus, & blanditiis, animos noftros abduci facile poftc a Orepitu bel- '' j 
 lico, & confopiri. Interea, Regina nofti-a, cum fubedorata eflct rem -„. I 
 omnera, & quid ageretur intelligeret ; neque enim id erat adeo diffi- ' ; 
 cile, mutare Confilium de profeftione, a Guifanis paulatim alienar', 
 ;& ad Principem Condenfem non obfcure indinare. Tulit id Gui- \ 
 fanus indigne, Conlilia fua non procedere; accepit contumeliofe Le- i 
 gatum noftrum, propofuit Edida publice, Reginam Angliac infidias 
 facere Regno Galliarum, &folam iftos tumultus concitaiTe. Ifta, Re- I 
 gina noftra patienter ferre non potuit, nee fane dcbuit. Statim aper- • 
 te agere, Legatum, uti audio, revocare, militem fcribere, navibus cm- \ 
 nibus undecunque, atque ubicunque eflent, & fuis & alienis vela tol- | 
 lere, ne quis exire poflet, & quid ageretur nuntiare. O fi ea id «n- ■ 
 tea facere voluiflet, aut fi nunc Principes Germaniaj hoc exemplum 
 fequi vellent. Facilius, & minori jadura, Sanguinis Chriftiani tota i 
 •res poflet tranfigi. Et Regina quidem mifit hoc tempore in Germani- ) 
 am, ad Principesj & nunc in Aula Legatus a Guifano, cum novi?, ut 
 opinor, blanditiis, ut nos moretur & impediat. Sed non ita erit fa- i 
 cile, fpero, imponere videntibus. Res Scotias de Religione fat is funt \ 
 pacatas. Regina fola Miflam fuam retinet invitis omnibus. I(lcred:-^ 
 bilis fuit hoc anno toto, apud nos, coeli atque aeris intemperies. Nee 
 Sol, nee Luna, nee Hyems, nee Vcr, nee ^i^as, nee Autumnus, ' 
 fatisfecit offieium fuum. Ita affatim, & pene fine intermifiione p!u- « 
 it, quafi facere jam aliquid Coelum non queat. Ex hac eontagione na- 
 ta ^nt monftra : infantes foedum in modum deformatis corporibus, 
 alii prorfus fine capitthus, alii capitibus alienis j alii trunei fine bia- ; 
 ehii?, fine tibiis, £ne cruribus ; alii oflibus folis coh^erentes, prorfus ; 
 fine illus carnibus, quales fere imagines mortis pingi lolent. Similia 
 .alia complura nata funt e porcis, & equabus, e vaccis, e gallinis. ; 
 Vol. Hi 8 F Aledis
 
 662 
 
 A ColkBion Part IIF. 
 
 Meffis hoc tempore apud nos Anguftius quidem provenit, iM ta- 
 men ut non pofTimus multum conqueri. Sariflieris 14 Augufti, 
 1562. 
 
 INSCRIPTIO. 
 
 Tuus in Chriflo, 
 
 J. Juellus Anglus, 
 
 OniatifTimo Viro, Domino Henrico 
 
 BuUingerf) fummo Paftori Eccle- 
 
 fise Tigurinae Domino fuo Colen- 
 
 diffimo. 
 
 Tiguri. 
 
 I Number 74. 
 
 An ExtraSl out of the Journal of the Lower-Houfe of 
 
 Convocation. 
 
 ACTA in Inferiori Domo Convocationis, Die Sabba- 
 ti Decimo Tertio Die Februarii, Anno 1562. 
 
 _ I 
 
 £jrMSS. "I^^ICTO Die Sabbati Decimo Tertio Die Februarii, in Inferiori 
 
 ^\!e Inner- '^ \^ Domo Convocationis Clcri Provincisc Cant' p;!t meridiem hora 
 
 Temple. conftituta convenerunt frequentes Dominus Proloquutcr cum caet. 
 
 infra nominatis ubi poft Divini numinus implorationem Legebantur 
 
 quidem Articuli approbandi vel reprobandi a ca:tu quorum Articulo- 
 
 rum tenor talis eft. 
 
 I. 
 
 That all the Sundays of the Year, a)id Principal Feajl of Chrijly 
 be kept Holy Days, and other Holy-Days to he abrogate, 
 
 2. That in all PariJJj Churches, the Mlnifler in Commofi-Prayen^ 
 turn his Face towards the People, and there diflinSily read the Di- 
 vine Service appoifited, ichere all the People ajj'cmbled may hear and 
 be edifeJ. 
 
 3. That in Mi niji ring the Sacrament of Baptifme, the Ceremonie of 
 making of the Crofje in the Child's Forehead^ nuy be omitted^ as ten- 
 
 ■ ditig to Sj'.perfliticn. 
 
 4. That for as much as divers Communicants are not hable to Kneel 
 .■during the Time of the Communion, for Age, Sicknes., and fun dry other 
 dnfirmities; and fome afo Superfiitioufy both Kneel, and Knock, 
 
 thfft
 
 Book VI. of R€£orciSy. cxc. 663 
 
 that the Order of Kneeling may be left to the Diftretion ^ the Ordi- 
 f2an'e, liitbin his yurifd:£liGn. -■,■.'' 
 
 , 5. That it be j'ujjicient for the Minijler, in time of Saying of Di- 
 mne Service, and Minifiring of the Sacraments^ to tfe a Surface : 
 And that no Minifer fay Service, or miidfer the Sacraments, but in a 
 comely Gar?ijent, or Ilnhit. 
 
 6. Tfhat the TJfe of Organs be removed. 
 
 Unde orta fuit fuperioium, proband' vel reproband' Difceptatio, 
 multis affiimantibus eofdem a fe probari, ac multis afiirmantibus iiios 
 a fe non probari j multifque aliis volentibus, ut eorum Probatio, vel 
 Reprbbatio, referatur ad Reverendiirimos Domino?, Archiepifcopum & 
 Prslatos, plurimis item proteftantibus, le nolle uUo modo conientire, 
 ut aliqua contenta in his Articulis approbentur j quatenus ulla ex par- 
 te diffentiant Libro Divini & Communis Servicij, jam Atithoritate 
 Senatusconlulti publice in hoc Regno lufcepto; neque vellc, ut ali- 
 qua Immutatio fiat contra Oidines, RcgulaS, Ritus, ac csteras Difpo- 
 fitiones in eo Libro contentas. 
 
 Tandem incepije fuerunt publicse Difputationes fieri a nonnullis 
 dodis Viris ejufdem Domus, fuper Approbatione, vel Reprobatione di- 
 6li Quarti Articuli: Ac tandem placuit Dii'celTionem, five Divihonem 
 fieri Votorum, five SufFragiorum fingulorum ; qua;mox fijblecu'^a fu- 
 it : Atque numeratis Perfonis pro parte Articulos approbante, fuerunt 
 Perfonas 43 ; pro parte varo illos non approbante, neque aliquam Im- 
 mutationem contra didlum Libium Public! Servicij jam fufcepti, fieri 
 petente fuerunt Perfonas 35. 
 
 Ac deinde, recitatis fingulorum Votis, five SufFraglis, prompta fijnt 
 quemadmodum in fequenti folio liquet & apparet. 
 
 DISPUTATORES. 
 
 Decanus Wygorn' Mr. Liur. Neucll. 
 
 Mr. Byckley. Mr. Talphill. 
 
 Archid' Covent* Mr. Crowley. 
 
 Mr. NebynfoB. Mr. Tremain. 
 
 Mr. Pullen. Mr. Hewet. 
 
 Mr. Cfjtterell. Decanus Eliens' 
 Mr. Joh. Waker. 
 
 Pro parte Articulos prsedliflos approbante, fuerunt om- 
 
 nes fubfcrioti : Viz. 
 
 D. Proloquutor, Decanus S. Decan' Heref, - - - 
 
 Pauli. - - _ - Mr. Soreby - - - - 
 
 Mr. Leaver - z ' ' ^^' Bradbriger - - - 
 
 Mr. Pe- 
 
 4
 
 664 
 
 ^ A ColleSrwn Part III 
 
 Mr. Peder 
 
 - 
 
 Mr. Hyll - 
 
 Mr. Watte 
 
 -3 
 
 Decan' Oxon. 
 
 Decan' Lychcf. 
 
 
 Mr. Savage 
 
 Mr. Spenfer 
 
 - 
 
 Mr. Pullan 
 
 Mr. Bey (ley 
 
 - 
 
 Afr. Wilfon 
 
 Mr. Nebinfon 
 
 - 
 
 Mr. Burton - - - 
 
 Mr, Bowier 
 
 - 
 
 Mr. Heamond - 
 
 Mr. Ebden 
 
 - 
 
 Mr. Weyborn 
 
 Mr. Longlonde - 
 
 - 
 
 Mr. Day 
 
 Mr. Tho. Lancafler 
 
 - 
 
 Mr. Rever 
 
 Mr. Ed. Wefton - 
 
 -2 
 
 Mr. Roberts - - - 
 
 Mr. Wyfdon 
 
 - 
 
 Mr. Calphill - . - 
 
 Mr. Sail 
 
 - 2 
 
 Mr. Godwyn - - - 
 
 Mr. Joh. Walker - 
 
 - 2 
 
 Mr. Pratt 
 
 Mr. Becon 
 
 > 
 
 Mr. Trenun - - - 
 
 Mr. Pro<aor - 
 
 - 2 
 
 Mr. Leaton 
 
 Mr. Cockerell - 
 
 - 
 
 Mr. Kemper 
 
 Mr. Todd, Archid' Bed. 
 
 - 2 
 
 Mr. Ronayer 
 
 Mr. Crouley 
 
 - 
 
 Mr. Abis 
 
 Perfom 43. Voices 58. 
 
 
 - 2 
 
 5 
 
 3 
 2 
 
 - 2 
 
 Pro parte Articulos non approbante , ac proteflante ut 
 fupra, funt fubfcripta; Viz. 
 
 Decan' Weft - 
 
 - 2 
 
 Mr. Chefton 
 
 ^ 
 
 Mr. Cotcrell - 
 
 - 4 
 
 M. Chanddelor 
 
 _ 
 
 Mr. Latymer - 
 
 - 3 
 
 Mr. Bonder 
 
 „ 
 
 Decan' Elien. 
 
 
 Mr. Juft. Lancafler 
 
 _ 
 
 Mr. Heuwettc - 
 
 - - 3 
 
 Mr. Pondde 
 
 « 
 
 Mr. Ric. Walker 
 
 - 2 
 
 Mr. Conftantyne 
 
 . 
 
 Mr. Warner 
 
 - 
 
 Mr. Calberley 
 
 . 
 
 Mr. Tho. Whyte 
 
 . . - 
 
 Mr. Nich. Smith - 
 
 ^ 
 
 Mr, Knouall - 
 
 - 2 
 
 Mr. Watfon 
 
 .. 
 
 Mr. Jo. Prife. 
 
 - — 
 
 Mr. Walter Jones 
 
 " 3 
 
 Mr. BoUe - 
 
 - 2 
 
 Mr. Garth - 
 
 4 
 
 - 3 
 
 Mr. Hughes - 
 
 - 3 
 
 Mr. TurnebuU - 
 
 •7 
 
 Mr. Brigewater 
 
 - 2 
 
 Mr. Robynfon - 
 
 m. 
 
 Mr, Lougher - 
 
 -3 
 
 Mr. Bell - 
 
 » 
 
 Mr. Pierfon 
 
 
 Mr. Ithell - 
 
 _ 
 
 Mr, Merick 
 
 - 
 
 Mr. Byckley - 
 
 ^ 
 
 Mr. Lufon 
 
 - 
 
 Mr, Hugh Morgan - 
 
 - 3 
 
 Mr. Greenfell - 
 
 - - 3 
 
 
 
 Perfom 3 5. 
 
 Voices ^g. 
 
 
 
 ! 
 
 I 
 
 Number
 
 Book VI. of Records^ See, 66c 
 
 Number 75. 
 
 Btpop Horn'j Letter to Gualter, concerning the Contro^ 
 verfy about the Habits of the Clergy. 
 
 Robertus Hornus Gualtero. 
 
 LIteras tuas, mi Gualtere prima^, qiiam amanter & jucunde acce- e;* ■^^•^^- 
 perim, vel hinc exiftimare debes, quod de Tigurins Riepubli ae'"'^ ''" 
 Statu, in cujus Fide ac Libsralitate exul coUocatus f'ueram, turn de 
 tui reliquorumque amiciflimorum, 5c de me optime meritorum vale- 
 tudine cognofcebam. Acccdebat tua in Johannis Evangclium Lucu- 
 bratioj fcribendi, ut tu ais, Occafio, quam ita probo, ut ad veram 
 Scripturarum Scientiam & Pietatem conferre niiiltum judicerh, & non 
 folum a Tyronibus, quibus tu potillimum ftuks, fed ab ipfis Profef- 
 foribus legendam exiftimem. Id Fosdere Ga'lico & Helvetcio, per 
 fpicatiam Tigurinam probo, qua: aftutias Gallicas, Religionis prae- 
 textu adumbratas, olfecit & patefecit. Bernenfcs etiam Vicinos ve- 
 llros fpero, fuafu veftro ab inhoneHo foedere aflenfum coliibituros. 
 De Pefte, quae Regionem Tigurinam invafir, opinionem habeo, quod 
 impiorum caufa etiam ipfi pij affliguntur. Qua perculfus Pater Bul- 
 lingeru?, quod periculum evafit, debemus putare eum qui duriora 
 Tempora fuftulit, felicioribus ^^c a Domino refeivatum. Tuam do- 
 mum a ccntagione tutam, divina; Clement'a: qusc laboiibus tuis volii- 
 jt otium, afcribo. Res noftiae ita fe habenr, quod ut vos vicir.as 
 Gallicas, fic nos inteflinas Papifticas t'memus Infidias, Primates Pa- 
 piltici in publicis cuAodiis, reliqui exilium affcdlantes, fcriptis qui- 
 bufdam in vulgus diflcminatis, fele in gratiam, nos in odium vocant. 
 Anfam minutam ixi\i. 6c ejufmodi nafti. Controverfia nuper de qua- 
 dratis Pileis & Superpelliciis, inter nos orta, exclamariint Papiflse, non 
 efle quam profitemur, unanimem in Religione Fidem ; fed variis nos 
 opinionibus duci, nee in una fententia ftare poffe. Auxit banc Ca- 
 lumniam publicum Senatus noflri Decretum, de profliganda Papifli- 
 ca impietate, ante nollram Reftitutionem fancitum ; quo fublata reli- 
 qua fece, ufus Pileorum quadratorum & Superpelliciorum Miniftris 
 remanebat. Ita tamen ut fuperftitionis opinione careref, quod difer- 
 tis Decreti verb's cavetur, Tolli hoc Decretum non poteft ; nifi omni- 
 um Regiii Ordinum, quorum confpiratione atque confenfu, nobis p?- 
 nes qi^ios lunc non fuit fancicndi vel abrogandi Authoritas, Pileis & 
 Superpelliciis uti, vel aliis locum dare injundum eft. Ufi his fumu"?, 
 ne muncra ChrilV.ana, per nos deferta, cccuparent adverfarij. Sed 
 cum jaJW ha^j Res in magnam Contentionem inter noftros devenerit, 
 nofter G;tx pufiilus etiam in duas abieiit partes; altera, ob illud De- 
 cretum dcfercndum Minifterium, altera non deferendum putet. Pe- 
 to abs te, mi Gualtere, quod de hac Controvejfia, quae nos ura ve- 
 xat, fenfcris nt qu> m primo tempoie fc:ibas. Speramus certe pioxi- 
 VoL. HI. 8 G rxiis
 
 666 A ColleBion Part IIL 
 
 mis comitiis, illam Decreti partem abrogaturos. Sed fi id obtineri 
 non poterit, ' quoniam magna ope clam nituntur Papifts, Minifterio 
 nihilominus divino adhaerendum effe judico; ne deferto eo, ac a no- 
 bis ea conditione repudiato, Mt infinuarent. Qua de re, Sententi- 
 am, mi Giialteie, expedlo tuam; An haec, quae fic facimus, falva 
 Confcientia facere poflimus. De veftra etiam Ecclefia ita fum folli- 
 citus, ut quoniam multos fideles Miniftros ex pefte interiifie fufpicor, 
 per tuas Literas fcire vellem eorum Nomina qui jam fuperfunt. Do- 
 minus Ihefus, magnus Gregis fui Cufto?, Vos, & Univerfam fuam 
 Ecclefiam cuftodiat. In eodem vale. Datum e Fernomiano Caftro, 
 i6 Calendis Augufti 1565. 
 
 Tuus in Chrifto, 
 Rob. Winton. 
 
 INSCRIPTIO. 
 
 Ornatiflimo Theologo, Domino 
 Gualtero, Tigurinae Ecclefiie 
 Miniftro Digniflimo. 
 
 Number 76. 
 
 BuUingerV Letter to Bifloop Home, concerni?2g that 
 
 ^uejlion. 
 
 Bullingerus Horno, de Re Veftiaria, 
 
 (Eadem iterum recurrit, alia Manu.) 
 
 Reverendiffimo Patri in Chrifto, Domino Roberto Horno, Epii- 
 copo Wintonienfi (in Anglia) Vigilantiflimo ; Domjno fuo 
 plurimum Obfervando, Salutem, 
 
 t 
 
 &» MSS. /'^Uae de Controverfia de VeHitu Miniflrorum, inter vos exorta, 
 '^"^ V«^ fcribis, Reverende in Chrifto Pater, prius etiam ex Johannis 
 
 Abeli, communis noftri Amici, Literis intellexeram, quibus nuper 
 refpondi. Doluit mihi vehementer, & adbuc doler, hanc occafionem 
 adverfariis datam effe,. qua inter fe committereiatur, qui apud vos pu- 
 riorem Veritatis Dodlrinam praedicant. De Caufa vero non libenter 
 pronuntio, cum illius Circumftantias omnes fortaflis non norim. Ne 
 I tamen
 
 Book VI. 
 
 of Records^ Sec. 
 
 667 
 
 tamen abs te, & allis amicisrequifitus, officio deeffe videar; hie repe- 
 tere volui, qus nuper in literis ad Abetum datis ccmpiehendi, Probo 
 Zelutn eorum, qui Religionem ab omnibus Ibrdibus Papifticis repur- 
 gatam volant. Scio enim illud Propheise, quo Deus monet, ul fcor- 
 tationes a facie iimul & uberibus removeamus. Interim vcftram qno- 
 que probo Prudenciam, qui, ob veftitum, Ecclefias non putatis defercn- 
 da?. Etenim cijm finis miniflerii fit aedificatio & confcrvatio Ecclcfi^, 
 magna circumfpeiflione nobis opus eft, ne ab hoc declinemus; dum 
 caulam per fe bonam & fandlam defcndimus. Nee niodo videndum 
 eft qualisjam fit Ecclefi^ conditio, quam defcrere ftatuimus, fed qua;, 
 futura fit nobis ab ilia digrefilo. Si meliorem fore certum eft, abire 
 licet. Sin vero deteriorem fore, non aut malis atque infidis operariis 
 locum demus. At quantum ego conjicere pofilim, hoc unum quae- 
 runt adverfarii veftri commune?, ut vobis ejei5tis, ut Paoiftas vel ab 
 his non multum diverfos Lutheranos Do<Sores & antifiites furrogenr. 
 Quod fi fiat, non modo Ecclefiaiiicus ordo omnis tarbibiiur & cre- 
 fcet Caeremoniai um Ineptifiimarum numerus, verum etiam Idola rcdu- 
 centur (quae a Lutheranis defendi fcimus) dfjoXag-fBta. circa Sacram 
 Domini Cccnam inftaurabitur, privata abfolutio & fub hac confeflio 
 auricularis paulatim fubrepet, & infinita alia fient, quae & Publice 
 turbas dabunt, & privatim multos pios in periculum adducent. Nam 
 non dubito vas in veftro minifterio eo ufque profecifiTe ut plurimos 
 habeatis in toto Regno nobiles, cives, agricolas, omnis denique or-' 
 dinis &c loci Homines, qui de Religione optime fentiant, & Dodlrinani 
 omnem abom.inantur, qua3 fuperftitionibus & idololatrice feneftras 
 aperit, & quibus intolerabile erit Tyrannidem in Ecclefia denuo ftabi- 
 liri, quaj Populi infelicis confcientias gravet. Hi certe, fi vos ab Ec- 
 clefis gubsrnaculis difcedatis, adverfariorum libidini fubjicientur, qui 
 cxamina 6c inquifitiones cum publicas turn privatas adveifus eos inlli- 
 tuent, ha^icfeos & feditionis accufabunt, & per hos totam caufam Re- 
 ligionis, Regime Serenifiima;& totius regni proceribus fufpedlam atque 
 invifam reddent. Horum ergo artibus & improbitati prudenter occur- 
 rendum fuerit, ne illis fponte demus, quod jam annis aliquot magno 
 ftudio & labore qua^fiverunt. Quod fi quis me rogar, an ergo eos 
 probem, qui decreia ejufinodi ut piimi fecerunt, vel nunc obfervata 
 volunf, quibus fordes PapiAicas falventur ? Ingenue & libere refpon- 
 deo, illos mihi non placere. Nam aut impiudenter nimis agunt, fi 
 ex noftrorum numero funt : Aut malo dolo Ecclefiarum Libertati 
 infidias ftruunt. Etfi feces iftas tanquam ad Dei cultum 6c confcitn- 
 tiarum animaeque falutem necefiluias vobis obtruerdeiit, quidvis pntius 
 feiendum efl'e ludicarem, quam ut Ecclefias pium Populum ab in- 
 genua fidei profeillone abftrahi per illos pateremini. Sed cum in de- 
 crcto il!o difertis verbis (ut tu fcribis) cauum fit, quadratos pilcoi 
 cum fijpcrpeJiiceis abfque omni fupeiftitionis opinione retineri de- 
 lere, fimul veftris quoqus Confcientiis cautum effe puto. Licebit 
 enim vobis, ni fallor, fadi veftri raiionem reddere, fuperftitionis 
 opinionem ex omnium animis lemovere 6c proteftatione uti, quse 
 fcandalum omne e medio auferat. Interea Serenifiima Regina 6c I!- 
 luftiilTimi Proceres Regni edoceantur, moveantur 6c exi.iteniur, ne 
 Rcformationem tanta cum laude 6c magna cum totius orbis admiiatio- 
 .ie inftitutem, fetibus 6c fordibiis ejufmodi inficiaat atque polluant, 
 
 neve
 
 668 A CoUeEi'ion Part III. 
 
 neve vicinis Ecclefiis Scoticis & Gallicis aliquam pracbeant diflenfio- 
 nis fufpicionem. Scio a quibufdam qusftionts moveri multas de re- 
 gum 6c magiftratus authoritate, an quid hujus ille in Ecclefia flatuere, 
 & an horum decretis miniftri obedire debeant? At ego Difputationes 
 ilias in hac Caufa non ita neceffarias puto, cum (ut modo dixi) fuper- 
 flitionis opinio per ipfius decreti verba exeludatur. Et cavendum eft, 
 ne coram populo de magiftratus authoritate difputando, alicujus tur- 
 ba authores, limus. In comitils vero Regni Publici?, ifta tradlari de- 
 bent ligitime, 6c qui per occafionem privatim Reginam 6: Principes 
 Officii admonere pofTunt, ii fuis partibus minime deefle debent, Hac 
 Reverende in Chrifto pater, habui quai nunc fcriberem, qui.i meani 
 in hac Caufa fententiam audire cupiebas. Nolim ego alicujus Con- 
 fcientiam gravare, fed cavendum puto nedum nobis aut exiflimationi 
 noftiaj privatim confulimus, Ecclefias tofas in gravius aliquod pericu- 
 lum adducamus. Et meam banc fententiam a Pauli mente non dif- 
 fentire puto, qui omnia omnibus fieri foliuis fuit, ut quam plurimos 
 lucrifaceret : Et qui Timotheum circunuiLkre voluit, ne Judasos il- 
 lius loci a Religione Chriftiana alienaret, 6c illius minifterio commo- 
 dius uti pellet : Qui tamen alibi nihil prorfus d..ndum elle puavit lis, 
 qui in circumcifione falutis meritum coUocabant. Sed non errabant 
 in ejufmodi controverfiis, quotquot zedihcationem Ecclefix fuoruni 
 confiliorum atque adionum fcopum atque finem conftituerint. De 
 rebus noftris non eft quod fcrlbam. In anni fuperioris lue ita nobis 
 profpexit Dominus, ut neminem ex miniftrorum numero amiferimus. 
 In agro unus &c alter obiit. Velitatur nunc I't nonnihil peftis in Urbe 
 noftra, fed non fjevitura videtur. Sumu? in manu Domini, ejus vo- 
 luntas fiat. Ad vigefllmum Novembris Eiectorum Principum conven- 
 tus erit Wormatias in quo de pace per Gcrmaniam conftituenda deli- 
 berabitur 6c quaedam de Epifcopis 6c eorum Reformatione trafta- 
 buntur quae maximi momcnti erunt. Deus optimus miximus fuo 
 Spiiitu omnium mentes 6c Confilia regat ad fui nominis gloriam 6c 
 EcclefijB incolumitatem. Uxorem tuam honeftifiimam inatronam, 
 mea plurimum falvere jubet. Vale Pater in Chrifto Reverende. Ti- 
 guri 3 Novembris Anno 1565. 
 
 QjjE Stamphii Manu lioc L(dco 
 Scripta. I\ 135. 
 
 Number
 
 Book VI. of Records^ &c. (d^'^ 
 
 Number 73. 
 
 Bullinger'x Anfwer to Humphreys and Sampfon on the 
 
 Jaine SubjeB. 
 
 Ornatiflimis D. Laurentio Humfredo, & D. Thomas Sampfoni, 
 Anglis, Dominis meis & Fratribus in Chrifto. 
 
 DOminiis Jesus benedicat vobes, Viri Ornatlffimi & Fiatres 
 Chariflimi, ac fervet vos ab omni malo. Accepi literas veftras, 
 tx quibus intellexi te lamentari, conqueri, quod mea rcfponfio data 
 ad tuam quaiftioiiem in via vidttur amifla. Ego veio, mi Frater tunc 
 non vidi,- neque nunc video, quorfum oportuerit copiofiores fcribere 
 LUeras. Tu enim rogabas'tunc duntaxat, qui eflet mea de re vefti- 
 aria, de qua contenditur in Anglia, fenteotia? Ad banc quceftionem 
 brevibus tibi refpondendum putavi, nam brevibus meam Sententiam 
 dicerepotui; dum fcleham beatas memorias D, Pet. Martyrem 6c Oxo- 
 nise & hie eandem quffiftionem traftavilTe fepius & fufius, quibus quod 
 adijcerem non habebam, Memini vero in Literis ad te'Sampfonem 
 Fratrem datis, me<s quidem Sentential fadlam turn quidem fuifTe men- 
 tionem, & ut iterum uno & altero verbo quod fentio dicam: Nun- 
 quam probaverim, fi veflrum jubeamini exequi Minifierium, ad aram 
 Crucifixi imagine oneratam magis quam ornatam, & in vefle Mifla- 
 tica hoc eft in alba & in Copa quas a tergo quoque oftentet Cru- 
 cifixi imaginem. Attamen ex Literis allatis ex Anglia intelligo c nul- 
 la nunc ell de ejufmodi veftitu contentio, fed quasftio eft, an liceat 
 Miniftris Evangclicis portare pileum rotundum vel quadratum & 
 veftcm albam, quam vocant fuper pellicium, qua Miniller ornatns, a 
 vulgo difcerantur? Et an oporteat Minifterium vel ftationem faciam 
 citius relinquere, quam hujufmodi uti veftibus ? Refpondi ad banc 
 quasftionem practeritis nundinis Reverendo Viro D. Rob Horn. V\n- 
 tonienli Epilcopo & quidem brevibus rcpentes verba D. Martyris. 
 Scrip'eiat eidem paulo ante Symmyfta & affinis meus chariflimus 
 D. Rod. Giialtherus. Cujus exemplum hifce inclufum ad vos & ad 
 alios Fratres noftros mitto. Ergo ft nos audire vultis, noftrumque 
 judicium de re vefliaria expetitis, ficut ultimis veftris ad me Literis 
 fignificabati% en babetis in il!a Epiftola mcum judicium. Cui fi ac- 
 quielcere non poteilis, dolemus lane quam vehementijfime, & cum 
 nulfum al'ud ni.bis ampins fupcifit Confilium, Dominum, qui in 
 omnibus Sc fcmper refp cienJus eir, ex animo 6c inccfi^anter oramus, ut 
 ipfe iua gratia atq se poicntia rebus (litcuiret fucconfulat affiiiTlis. 
 
 C^a;ftioncs tu Homan fiime Frater, piopofuifii, plures veio eiuf- 
 dem Argumenti Sampfonus contexuir. Licet veio pro mea fin-iplici 
 ruditate nunquam probaverim vel in tot diftralii qua;ftiones Sz nodis 
 ii jedis in precatiunbu-, qus alioqui limpliciores per fe, brevibus 6c 
 lacis perfpicue cxpiediri potuerant, aliqui.l tamen annotabo ad fineulas 
 
 Vol. IIL 8 H " ut
 
 A CoUeciion Part III. 
 
 ut liac quoque in re vobis Dominis meis obfervandis & Fratribus 
 chanfllmis, quantum p:r meam polTum infantiam atamen rctufam ma-' 
 gis quam acutam, infcrviam. Vos autem oro, ut benigne base a me 
 pro veftro amantiffimo accipiatis & de his animo judicetis 
 
 purgato afFedibui atque tranquillo. A contentionibus abhorreo pror- 
 fus, & nihil magis fupplcx peto a Domino, quam ut ab Ecckfia amo- 
 veat contentiones, qua? ab initio & Temper plurimum nocuere verse 
 Pietati & Ecclcfiam pacatam &, florentem lacerarunt. 
 
 Cum qujcriiur, an debeant Ecclefiallicis leges pricfcribi vefliarias, 
 ut iis diftinguantur a Lnicis? Refpondeo ambiguitatem efle in verbo 
 deberc. Si enim accipiatur pro merito & quod ad falutem pertineat 
 acquirendam, non arbitror hoc vclle vel ipfos Legum Audlores. Si. 
 vero dicatur pofle hoc fieri decori, ornatufque vel dignitatis & orJinis 
 gratia, ut fit fimilis qna^dam obfervantia, aut tale quid intelligatur, 
 quale illud eft, quod Apoftolus vult, Epifcopuin vel Minillrum Ec- 
 clefia' KoiTf/Avo, compoiitum inquam vel ornatum effe, non video, 
 quivl pecce% qui vefte hujufmodi induitur, aut qui hujufniodi vefte 
 uti jubet. 
 
 2. An Ceremoiiialis cultus Levitici Sacerdotii fit revocandus in Ec- 
 clcfiam ? Refpondeo. Si pileus 6c vcftis non indecora Miniftro qui 
 Superftitione caret jubeatur ufurpari a Minidro, nemo fane dixerit 
 vere Judaifmum revocari: Preterea repeto hie, quod ad banc Qnse- 
 ftionem video refpondifiTe D. Martyrem, qni cum oflendiflet Sacramen- 
 ta veteris legis fuifTo abolita qus nenio debeat reducere in Ecclefiam 
 Chrifti, quaj habeat Baptilma 6c coenam Sacram, fubjecit : Fuerunt 
 nihilominus in lege Levitica Adiones aliquot ita comparat®, ut pro- 
 pric Sacramenta dici non pofilnt: Faciebunt noftraj ad decorem & 
 ordinem &; aliquam commoditatem, quae ut lumini nature congrua & 
 ad noftram aliquam utilitatem conducentia ego & revocari, & retineri 
 pofle judico. Quis non videt Apoflolos pro pane & convidu creden- 
 tium faciliori niandafle gentibus, ut a Sanguine & prefocato abftine- 
 rent? Erant hx-c citra controverfiam Legalia & Levitica. Decimas 
 quoque hodie multis in locis Inftitutas efle ad alendos Miniftros, nemo 
 noltrum ignorat. PJalmos 6c Hymnos cani in facris ccetibus manife- 
 flum cli, quod Levitos quoque ufurparunt. Utque hoc non omit- 
 tam. Dies habemus faflos in memoriaxn Domini*. as Rcfurredtionis & 
 alia: An vero ilia omnia eruiit abolenda quia funt vcftigia legis An- 
 tiqnjE? Vides ergo non omnia Levitica fic efl!i antiquata, ut quiedam 
 ex iis ufurpari non poffint: llxc ille. 
 
 3. An vcflitum cum Papiilis communicare liceat? Refp. Nondum 
 conftat Papam difcrimen veftium induxifle in Ecckfiam, imo difcrimen 
 vedium confiat Papa efle longc vetuftius. Ntc video, cur non liceat 
 veflitH [ion fuperfbtiolo fed politiore & compofito, communicare cum 
 Papiftis. Si nulla re cum illis communicare liceret, oporteret & templa 
 omnia defe;ere, nulla accipere flipendia, non uti Baptifmo, non recitarc 
 Symbolum Apoflolorum &Niea£num,ade6q; abjicere orationem Domi- 
 nican!. Neque vos m'Jtuatisab eis ullas ceremonias. Res veftiaria ab ini- 
 tio Reformationis nunqtiam fuit abolita, & retinetur adhuc non lege 
 Papiftica, fed vi cdidi Regi', ut ics media & politica. 
 
 4. Ita
 
 BookV[. of Records^ Sec. 671 
 
 4. Ira fane, fi ut in re cinili iitamini Pileo aut Vefte peculiar!, non 
 hoc redolet Judaifmum, neque Monachifmum; nam hi volunt vidcri 
 a civili vita ffparati, & conitituur.t nieritum in peculiari fua Vefte 
 Sic Euftathiu?, Sebaftis Epifcopus, damnatus eft, non fimpliciter 
 propter peculiarem Ve;lem, fed quod in Vefte Religionem conllitii- 
 eret. Noti funt Gangrenf. Cone. Canoncs, Laodiceni, & VI. Synodi. 
 Qjod fi ex plebe nonnulli funt perfuafi, recolere hoc Papifmum, Ju- 
 daifmum &c Monachifmum, admoneantur, &j rede de tuis inftiuaatur. 
 Quod ii impo.tunis quorundam clamoribus, hac de re ad vulgus pro- 
 fufis, muhi inquieti redduntur, videant qui hoc faciant, ne graviora 
 fibi onera imponant, Regiamque Majeftatem initent, denique multos 
 fideles MiniftiOs in difciimen adducaut, ex quo vix emergeie que- 
 ant. 
 
 5. An qui Libertate fia hac^enus acquieverunt, vi Re^ij Eilifli, 
 hac Servitute, implicare fc & Ecclcfum falva Confcientia poiTint? Re- 
 fpondeo; Cavendum ego cenfco, ne odiofius difputetur clametur & 
 contendatur de re veftiaria, atque iniportunitate hac detur occafio Re- 
 gis JVI.jeftati, ut liberum amplius illis non relinquat, qui libertate 
 hadleiius ufi funt; fed clamoiibus non neceflariis irritata, mandet fu- 
 mere vefles ilia? Ecclefiafticas, vel cedere ftatione fua, Mirum fane 
 mihi videtur (meam fententiam, viri Ornatiflimi, & fraties Chariftimi, 
 dixerim) quod vobis perfuadeatis, falva confcientia vos 6c Ecclefias 
 fervituti veftiarix fubjicere non pofle, & non potius expenditis fi in re po~ 
 litica & indifferena uti nolitis & perpetue contendatis odiofius, c ijuf- 
 modi fervituti & vos & Evangelicos fubjiciatis, qui ftatione veftra ce- 
 dentes, lupis exponitis Ecclefias, aut faltem parum idoneis dodorlbus, 
 qui non squc ac vos ad docendum populum funt inftrudli. An vero 
 Ecclefias in libertatem afferuiftis, quando occafionem datis, Ecclefiam 
 pluribus etiam gravioribus quoque oneribus opprimendi? Num igno- 
 ratis, quod multi quserant, quomodo erga Evangelicam priedicationem 
 fi isafi'e(fli & quales vobis fuccefluri lint, quid de illis fperandum fit? 
 
 6. An Veftitus Clericalis res fit indift'erens? Videtur fane res in- 
 differens, ciim fit civilis; Decoris, Ornatus, Ordinifque habeat ratio- 
 nem, in quo Cultus non confl:ituitur. 
 
 Has •, brevibi>s, ad tuas volui refpondere, Do6lifIime & Diledliffi- 
 ine mi Prater Laurenti. Jam venio etiam ad D. Sampfonis noftri 
 QusftioncSi in quibus exponendis, forte ero brevior. 
 
 I, An VeRitus peculiaris, a Laicis diftinftu*^, Miniftiis EccIefiaE 
 unquam fuerit conftitutus; & an hodie, in Rcformata Ecclefia, de- 
 beac conftitui? Refpondeo: In veteri Ecclefia, fuiffe peculiarem 
 Pre(by:ero um Vcillitum, r.pparet ex Hiftoria Ecclefiaftica Theodore- 
 ti. Lib. II. c. 27. 6c Socratis, Lib. VI. c. 22. Pallio in facris ufos 
 elTc Minidros, nemo ignorat, qui veterum Monumenta obiter in- 
 fpexir. Ideo atitea admonui, diverfitatem Indumentorum non habere 
 fuam orig'nem a Papa. Eufebius rede tefialur, ex vetuftifiimis Scrip- 
 toribus, Johannem Apoftolum Ephefi Pe;a!um, feu Laminam ge- 
 ftaffe Pontificalem in Capite : Et de Cypriano Martyre teftatur Pon- 
 
 * tins
 
 627 ^ Colkciion Part Hi- 
 
 tius Diaconus, quod cnm jugulum carnifici pracbere vellet, ei prius 
 birrum dedifie, Diacono vero dalniaticam, a^que fic ipfum in linc;s 
 fletiffe indutum. Pra^terea, Veflis candida3 MiniPirorum meniiHit 
 Chryfoftomus: Ac certum eft, Chriflianos, cum a GentililhiO ad Ec- 
 clefiam converterentur, pro Toga induifle P.:l!ium. Ob quarn rem, 
 cum ab infidelibus irrlderentur, Tertullianus Librura de Pallio coii- 
 fcripfit eruditiflimum. Alia hujufmodi plura proferre poflem, nifi 
 haec fiifficerent, Mallem quidem nihil inviis injxi Miniltns, & eos 
 ea uti poffe confuetudine qua Apcifloli. Sed cum Regia Mcj' ftas Pi- 
 leum tantummodo & candidam injicit Veftem, in qua Cultum (quod 
 faepe jam repetitum eft) non conftituit; eademque res apud veteres, 
 dum meliores adbuc eflent res Ecclefite, ufurpats fint i.bfqu; fup.rfti- 
 tione & culpa; optarem, bonos Miniftros in Jiis, non ut in pi era & 
 puppi, quemadmodum dicitur, totum conftiiuere Religionis profv.d.um: 
 Sed dare aliquid tempori, & de re indiftlren'ci non odiofiiis aher- 
 cari, fed modefte indicaie, base quidem ferri pcfle, fed piofici- 
 endum cum tempore. Propiores enim efle ApollolicaD fimplicitati, qui 
 difcrimina ilia ignorent, aut non urgeant, interim tamen a Diftiplina 
 in amidu non funt alieni. 
 
 2, 3. An Veftium PnEfcri[)tio conveni.^t cum Chriftiana Liber- 
 tate? Refp. Resindifterentes admiitere aliquam Praefcnptionem, adeo- 
 que Coadtionem, ut fic dicam, quoad ufum & ncn quoad virtutem ; 
 ut aliquid fcilicet, quod natura fit indifterens, ut nimirum Confcien- 
 tiae obtrudalur, & ita animis injiciatur Religio. Tempora certe fic 
 Loca facrorum Coetuum, certe habentur in;er indifRrentia ; & lu: c 
 fi hie nulla fit Pra^fcriptio, quanta oblecro confufio conturbdtioque 
 oriretur? 
 
 4. An ulls Ceremonia; nova?, piccter expreffum pra^fcriptum Ver- 
 bi Dei, cumulari poffint? Refp. Me non probarc, fi novje cumulan- 
 tur CeiemonijE: Sed aliquas infliiui polfe non negaiim, modo in 
 CIS non ftatuatur Dei Cultus, fed inftituantur propter Ordinem & 
 Difciplinam. Chriftus ipfe Encceniorum Ceremoniam, vel Feilum 
 fervavit, ncc tamen lege praceptum legimus hoc Feilum. In fum- 
 ma, Propofitionum, vel Qj^seftionum de res veftiaria, potior pars de 
 eo difputa^ an de Veflibus Leges in Ecclefia condi vel dcbeant, vel pof- 
 fint ? Ac Qua;ftionem revocat ad genu?. Quidiiam, videlicet, de 
 Ceremoniis ftatuere liccat? Ad has Propofiti<;nes paucis refpondco : 
 Me quidem malle niiUas Ceremonias, nifi rariHuTia?, obtrudi Ecclefias: 
 Interim fateor, non p( fie flatim Leges de his, forte non adeo ne- 
 cefl!arias, aliquando etiam inutiles, damnari impietatis tnrbafque & 
 fchifma excitare in Ecclefia, quando (videlicet) fupeiftitione carenr, 
 6c res func fua natura indifFerentes. 
 
 5, 6. An Ritus Judseorum antiquatos revocare, Religioniq; Ido- 
 lolatrarum proprie d'catos, in ufus Reforniatarum Ecclefiarum liceat 
 transferre ? De hac Quseftione antea refpondi, i;bi difierui de Levi- 
 ticis Ritibus. Nolim vero Ritus idololatricos, nom reptirgatos ab Er- 
 roribus, transferri in Ecclefias Reformuta'^. Rurfus vero & ex adverfo 
 
 quasri
 
 Book VI. of Records^ Sec. 6^^ 
 
 qujeri potuerat ; An recepti Ritus, remota Superflitione, propter Dif- 
 ciplinam & Ordenim, retineri fine peccato non pofilnt ? 
 
 7. An Conformatio in Ceremoniis neceflario fit exigenda ? Re- 
 fpondeo, Confoimationem in Ceremoniis, in omnibus Eccleliis forte 
 lion efle necefiariam. Interim, fi praecipiatur res non neceflaria, rur- 
 fus tamen non impia, ob earn Ecclefia non videtur deferenda. Non 
 fuit in Ritibus Conformitas in omnibus, in Ecclcfiis vetufiioribus : 
 Quae tamen confoimibus utebantur Ritibus, eas non vituperabant 
 Conformitate carentes. Facile autem credo, Viros prudentes atqua 
 politico?, Conformationem Rituimi urgere, quod exilliment banc fa- 
 cere ad Concordiim, & quod una fit Ecclsfia totius Anglis; in qua 
 re, fi nihil impij viJeatur, non video, quomodo ejufmodi non malis 
 inflitutis vos hoftilitcr objiciatis? 
 
 8. An Ceremoniae, cum aperto fcandalo conjunfts, retineri pof- 
 fint? Refpondeo, Scandalum vitari oportere. Videndum interim, ne 
 fub fcandalo nortras Affecliones contegamus : Non ignoratis aliud qui- 
 dem datum, aliud vero acceptum, & ultro accerfituni eflc icandalum. 
 Non difputo nunc, An Vos, fine grandi fcandalo d to, deferere pof- 
 fitis Ecclefias, pro quibus Chrillus mortuus eft, propter rem indifte- 
 rentem. 
 
 9. An ulla2 Conflitutione ferendx in Ecclefia, qux natura fua 
 impiae quidem non funt, fed tamen ad jEdificationem nihil faciunt ? 
 Refp. Si Conflitutiones impietate carent, quas vobis impontre vult 
 Regia Majefbas, ferendte funt potius, quam deferenda3 Ecelcfis. Si 
 enim^dificatio Ecclefise hac in re potifiimumeft fpe(ftanda ; deferendo 
 certe Ecclefiam, plus deflruxerimus Ecclefiam, quam Veftesinduendo. 
 Et ubi abeft Impietas, nee laeditur Confcientia, ibi cedendum non 
 eft, licet aliqua imponatur Servitus. Interim vero quaeri rurfus pote- 
 rat, An fub Servitutem jufie referamus rem vefliariam j quatenus fa- 
 cit ad Decorem 6c Ordinem ? 
 
 10. An in Reformatis Ecclefiis a Principe prasfcribendum in Cere- 
 moniis, fine voluntate & libero confenfu Ecclefi ifticorum? Refp, Si 
 Voluntas Ecclefia fticorum femper fit expedanda Prir.cipi, nunquam 
 forte fapientilTimi & piiflimi Reges, Afa, Ezechias, Jolaphat & Jofias, 
 alijque Principes boni, Levitas & Miniftros Ecclefiarum redegifil-nt 
 in ordinem. Quamvis nolim prorfus excludi Epifcopos a Confultati- 
 onibus Ecclefiafticorum. Nolim rurfus earn fibi potentiam vendicare, 
 quam fibi ufurparunt contra Principes & Magiftratus in Papatu. No- 
 lim item tacere Epifcopos, & confentire ad iniqua Principum infli- 
 luta. 
 
 11. 12. Poftremse Quasftiones duae propius ad rem ipfam acce- 
 dunt : An confuhius Ecclefiac fie infervirej an propterea Ecclefiaftico 
 munere rejeci ? Et, an boni Paftores, jure ob hujufmodi, Ceremoni^ 
 as negledlas a Minifterio avocari pofllnt ? Refp. Si in Ritibus nulla 
 eft Superftitio, nulla Impietas, urgentur tamen & imponuntur bonis 
 Paftoribus, qui mallent illos fibi non imponi: Dabo fane, & quidem 
 
 Vol. III. 8 I ex 
 
 o
 
 674 
 
 A CoUeBion Part lil 
 
 ex abundant!, onus 6c fervitutem ipfis imponi; fed non dabo idco 
 jufliffiinis ex caufis, Stationem vel Miniflerium propterea efle defe- 
 rendum, & locum cedendum lupis, ut antea didlum eft, vel ineptio- 
 ribus Miniftris. Prsefei tim, cum maneat libera Prsdicatio, - - - — 
 poffit obtrudere fcrvitus, & multa hujufmodi alia, &c. 
 
 Dixi quJB videbantur mihi dicenda de propofitis Quaeflionibus, non 
 nefcius alios pro fua eruditione, longe elegantius meliufque potuiffc 
 excuflifle ; fee quia ita voluiftis, ut refpondertm, feci quod potui, 
 liberum aliis rdinquens de his & calamum 6c judicium. Qucd iuper- 
 eft, nullius ego his Confcientiam urgere volo, examinanda propono ; 
 moneoque, ne quis in hac Controverfia, ex ^iXovBiyJa., fibi faciat Con- 
 fiientiam. Hortor item vos omnes, per Jcfum Chriftum, Dominum 
 meum, Eccleliae fuse Servatorem, Caput 6c Regem, ut probe quifque 
 apud fe expeiidat: Utra nam re plus aedificiirit Ecdeliam Chrifti, li 
 propter Oidinem 6c Decorem Veflibus utaiur, ut re indifferenti, 6c 
 hadenus ad concordiam utilitatemque Ecclefi.ifticam nonnihil facien- 
 ti ; an- vero propter rem veftiariam dcferere Ecclefiam, cccupandam 
 poftea, fi non a lupis manifelVis, faltem a Miniftris minus idoneis 6c 
 bonis? Domines Jufus det vobis videre, fiipere, 6c fequi quod £;cit 
 ad Glor!am eju?, 6c Ecclefias Pacem 6c Salutem. 
 
 Valete in Domino, una cum omnibus fidelibus M'niftris. Ora- 
 bimus fi.dul6 pro vobis Dominum, ut ea fentiatis &c facialis, qua; 
 fandla funt 6c falutaria. D. Gualtherus amiciffime vos falutat, 6c 
 omnia fslicia Vv'ibis precatur. Faciunt hoc ipfum reliqui etiam Mini- 
 flri. Tiguri, Calendis Mai], Anno Domini M D LXVI. 
 
 Vefter ex animo totiis, 
 Heinfychus Bullingerus, Sen. 
 
 Tigurinac Ecclelias Miniftcr. 
 
 Admonltumte volo, chare mi Sampfon, ne quid D. Bibliandri edas, 
 nam qua3 habetis excerptae funt ab Auditoiibus ejus, 6c non funt fcrip- 
 ta a D. Bibliandro. Habent autem Haeredes ejus Commentaria, ejus 
 manu fcripta in Biblia, vel in vetus Teftamentnm. Indigniffime enim 
 ferunt, fiquid fubejus nomine ederetur, quod ipfus non fcripfiffet. In- 
 terim gratias ago humanitati tua:, quod de his nos fecifti certiores. 
 Et Litera2 tuae i6 Febr. fcriptae, demum mihi traditae funt 26 Aprf- 
 lis. 
 
 Number
 
 Book VI. of Records^ &:c. 675 
 
 Number 78. 
 
 Humphreys anc/ Sampfon'j Letter to Bullinger, infifiinT 
 
 on the ^luejlion. 
 
 Laurentius Hunifredus, & Thomas Sampfon, Bullin- 
 
 gero. 
 
 CU M diligenMa tui clarifTimo Viro, in fciibendo ncbis prubatur : £*■ MSS. 
 Turn vcioex Literis illis quiJem humaniffimis incredibil'Ks tuiis"^''^'"'" 
 erga nos amor & Ecclelias no;l:ia2 fingiilaris cura, & con(.o.dii2 ar- 
 dentiffimum ftudiiiin appaient. QuslLiones aliquot mifimus P. T. 
 in quibus Jus & quafi cardo totius Controverfias ilu efle videbaiur. 
 Quibus eft a P. T. accurate lefponfum, nobis tuirun quod bona cum 
 venia tua dicimus, non eft fatisfadtun plciie. Primo refpondet P. T. 
 Miniftris prasfrribi pofte leges Veil iai las ut iis colore &; forma a 
 Laicis diftinguaiitur : Efte enim civilcm obkrvationem & Ap ft;clum 
 vclle Epifcopum effe yJa-f^iov. Cum ha3C quasftio de Ecclefiafticis Ho- 
 minibus propoli.a fit 6c ad Ecclefi.tfliom politlam fpedct : Qu iTiodo 
 habitus Miniftrorum fingularis & cleiicalis civilem rationeni habere 
 poftit, non videmus, Ut Epifcopum y.o(7;x.iov efle debcre fatemur ; fie 
 adornatum mentis non sd cultum corpo. is cum Ambn^fioreferJmus. Et 
 ut in vcflitu honeftatem dignitatem, giavita:em requirimus : Sic de- 
 corum ab hoftibus Religionis r.oftras p.ti negamus. Secundo lefpon- 
 des Hypothetice, fi pileus & veftis non indecorus Miniftro, & quas 
 fuperftiitione carent, jubeatur ufuipari a Miniftris Judaifmnm piopte- 
 rea non revocari. At qui tfle potefl veftis limplici Minifteiio Chiifti 
 conveniens, quae Theatro & Pompas Sacerdotii Papift;ci ferviebat? 
 Ncque enim (quo noft:ri P. T. perfuadcnt) pileus quadrus 5c veftitus 
 externus folummodo exiguntur fed etiam facras veftes in templo ad- 
 hibentur, fuperpellireum, feu alba chori veftis, & capa revocantur. 
 Qu£e Judaifmi jM,/^ijjt*aTa quaedam efTe 6c fimulacra non modo P.ipiftaj 
 ipfi in fuis Libris clamitant, fed P. T. non femel ex Innocentio docuit. 
 D. Martyris praeceptoris noftri colendiflimi teftimonio libenter fub- 
 fcribimus. Sed qus ille afFert exempla ad decorum 6c crdinem per- 
 tinent, hacc Ecclcliam deformanr, evnx^txv perturbant, condecentiam 
 omnem evertunt : Ilia lumini naturae congruunt ; base prodi2,iora 6c 
 monftrofa funt : Ilia juxta TeituUiani regulam meras neceflltjtes gc 
 utilitates habebant: Ha;c inepta prorfus 6c fupervacanea Sc inutilia 
 funt, nee Edificationi nee ulli bono ufui conducentia fed verius ut ejus 
 Martyris noftrl verbis utamur, cultui, quern hodie quotquot pii funt 
 cxecrantur, fplendideinfervierunt. Veflium Ecelefiafticarum difcrimen 
 hodie receptum Papifticum efi"e invent'jm ipfi Papiftols Glorianfur, 
 Othonis Conft:itutiones loquuntur. Liber Pontificalis oflendit, oculi 
 6c ora omnium comprobant. Ufus Decimarum Stipendii, Baptifmi, 
 Symboli, & ante Papam natum divine inftituto inolcvit. Et cum 
 
 Au2uft:ino
 
 ^^^6 
 
 A ColkSiion Part III. 
 
 Auguftino quicquid in aliqua Haerefi Divinum ac Legitimum reperimus, 
 id & approbamus hz retinemus, non inficiamur. Hoc autem quia erro- 
 ris illius ac diffenfionis proprium eft, veraciter cum eodem arguimus 
 &certamu?. Quod addis, rem veftiaiiam ab initio reformationis ncn 
 fuiffe abolitam, in ea rurfus veftri minime vera retulerunt. Mults 
 enim in locis Sereniffimi Regis Edvardi VI. temporibus abfque fuper- 
 pelliceo caena D. pure celebraba'ur : Et Copa quae turn lege abiogata 
 eft nunc Publicio decretoreftituta eft. Hoc non eft Papifmum extir- 
 pare, fed denuo plantare, non in Pietate proficere fed deficere. Vefti- 
 tum Sacerdotalem civilem effe ais : Monachifmum, Papifmum, Ju- 
 daifmum redolere negas. De fuperpelliceo quid blaterent Papiftas 
 habitus Clericorum apud eos quanti hat, &quo Religioni dic.itus lit 
 Prudentiam tuam ex libris eorum intelligere non dubit;^mu$. Deindc 
 Monachatum ac Papifmum fapit ilia ambitio & PhariGica peculiaris, 
 veditus prasfcriptio ; cui illi hodic non minus quam olim Morachi 
 fuaj cucullaj tribuunt. Neq; vero fimul ac femel irrupit landtitaiis & 
 meriti opinio, fed paulatim & feufim irrepfit. Qiiod ne hie quoque 
 fiat, quod veremur, indciio non ab re cundamur, 6c principiis obft.re 
 conamur. Cum Euftathio non facimus, qui in vefte leligionem collo- 
 cabar, imo hi?, qui fingulaies &; religiofas vtftes ftil Sacerdotii indices 
 fuperftitiofe requirunt adverfamur. Idem etiam de Canone Confilii 
 Gangrenfis & Laodicei & Syncdi VI. dicendum, & libcrtate in qua 
 hadlenus ftetimus, difcederc fervitutis autoramentum quoddam efle 
 iudicamus. Neq; hie nos rimati fumuF, non odiofe contendimus, acer- 
 bas contentiones femper fugimus, arnicas confultationes querimus; 
 lupis non cedimus, fed coadli f; pulfi loco inviti Scgementesdifcedi- 
 mus. Fratres 6c Epifcopos Domino luo ftare ^ cadcre permittimus, 
 eandem erga nos aequitatem at fruftia petimus. In ritibus nihil eft li- 
 berum : nee ad hoc nobis R. M. irritata eft.* Sed aliorum fuafuduila 
 efl: : at nunc demum non quod Ecclefia: expedit. {^d^ quod aliquo mo- 
 do licet, conftituatur: 6c quod omnino impium non eft, id fanum 6c 
 falubre, id facrofandum, id ratum habeatur. Certmonias 6c veftes fa- 
 cerdotum, cum religionis teftes, 6c profeftionis notas funt, non civiles 
 efte : 6c ab hoflibus omnium confenfu mutL.o corrogata;, non decore 
 haberi : 6c Anathemate divino nnta*2 6c piis omnibus invilae 6c malis 
 ac infirmis admirabiles, line quibus nee nos minirtros efle, nee Sacra- 
 menta rite adminiftrdri credunt, in rebus indiffcrentibu^^ numeraii nee 
 poflunt nee debcnt. Habebant Patres antiqui luas veftes, fed nee Epif- 
 coporum omnium propiias, nee a Laicis dirtinctas. Exempla D. Jo- 
 an. 6c Cypr. fingularia funt, Sifmlus hsretlcus erat, nee aut laudatusaut 
 nobis imitandus proponitur. Pallium omnium erat Chriftianorum 
 commune, ut TertuU. in illo libro refert, 6c T. P. alibi notavit. 
 Chryfoftomus candidae veftes meminit, fed obiter: nee commendat fed 
 reprehendit: 6c fuerit ne facerdoium an aliorum Gixcorum linea aut 
 lanea alba an munda nondum conftat, Certe ad populum Antiochenum 
 ab eodem, 6c ab Hieronymo opponitur fordidas 6c apud Biondum de 
 pallio laneo fit mentio. Quare ex ambiguo nihil concludi poteft. Ve- 
 ftium prsfcriptionem non congruere cum Chriftiana libertate Bucerus 
 eft teftis, qui difcrimina veftium propter prasfentem abufum in Eccle- 
 fiis Anglicanis, propter pleniorum declarationem deteftationis An- 
 
 tichrifti.
 
 Book V 1 . of Records^ &c. 677 
 
 tiehrlfti, propter pleniorem profeffionem Lib.rtatis Chriftians, 
 propter tol!endas inter fratres difT.nfiones omnino tuller.da effe cenluit. 
 His enini verbis udis eft in Epiftola ad D. Alafco, qui totus noftcr 
 fu't. Cedendum quidem eft. tempori fed ad tempns: lie ut progredi .- 
 mur fempsT, regrtdiainar nunquam. Abfit ut nos vel Schifmata in 
 Eccloiia akercaudo odiofrjs fcramus vel fi.itribus hoftiliier no:, oppo- 
 nendo Camerinam moveamus : abfit (optime Bull.) urres natura indifFe- 
 rentes impietatis damiiemus: Abfit ut fub fcandalo noftras affeftiones 
 conteg'.mu?, vel tx (piXovaxix confcientiam ficiariiuf. Haec fix & fer- 
 mentum p.tpifticuiii (nobis crede) omnis diireniionis eft feminariuin: 
 lilud tolli & fcmpiterna oblivibne obrui ac fepeliii ciipimus, ne ulla 
 extent Antich.i;lu;ns: fuperftit-ones veft:!gia. In Paj:, t/ primatus & 
 fupercilium femper nobis difplicuerunt : Et tyianius in Ec^icfia Libera 
 plr.cebir? Lib ra Synodus apud Chriftianos contrcverliarum nodos 
 haflcn'.i f:rvit: Cur nunc adunius aut alterius aibitriuni referentur 
 omn'a? Ubi ha^c votcrum & vocam regnat libertas, Ibi valet & vi- 
 get Veritas. Brevlter fie habeto r.iftam, piinium ha:c nobis potiffiniuin 
 fidem facere, Authoritatem Scripiurarum, fimplicitatem minifterij Chii- 
 fti, puiitatem ccclefiarum primarum &-optimarnm quir brevitatis Au- 
 dio commcmorure fuperfedemus. Ex altera v.ro parte legem nullim, 
 imlhim decretumgcneiale, vel Dei optimi maximi, vcl repurgata; alicujus 
 ccclei;®, vel univerLlis cunlilii (qua? Auguft. regula eft) legere nobis 
 hadtenus contigit vel audlre. Pia3;erea illud comperimus, hjec quze 
 addijifta funt h^tftcnus, exi.mpla purticuhiriA tfle, & univerfaie non 
 confirniare. Ad hso ftatuim.is, non quicquid eft licitum uUo modo, 
 obtrudendum, fed quod Eeclefiam jedificat omni mo^lo, efle in- 
 troduccnduni; nee quod alicui licet, id ftatim licere omnibus. Do- 
 (Srinaai caftam & inccrruptam (Deo fit laus) habemus: i,i cuku, re- 
 ligionis parte non infiaia cur claudicabimus ? cur inaneum Chrift'mi 
 potius, qnam totum, q lam purum ac perfedlum recipiniiis? Cur a Papi- 
 ftis hoUibus, & no;i a vobis fratiibus reformationis exempla peti- 
 mus? Eadem eft noftrarurn ecclefiarum conFellio: eadem doftrin® 
 & fidei ratio: cur in ritibus & ceremoniis tanta difiitniliiudo ? 
 t>inta ,divcrfitas ? Signatum idem : cur fi^na adeo variant ur difii- 
 milia veftris, fimi'ia papificis exilt,int? Idem dux 6c Imperator 
 Chriftus : cur in Ecclefiis noftris vexilla hofti'.ia ergunturr qurg 
 fi homines Dei Ci ullo zclo p ajditi elLmus, jamdudum deteitatt 
 & denioiiti fuiftlmus. Ncs de Epifc-pos femper oj^cirae fenfin:;us: 
 jllorum faftum ca:idide intcrpr.et^fi fumu?: cum nos o'im crucem cum 
 ipfi:; ex ofculantes & nunc eundem Chriftum |;r£>d ic.uT.es, iiem j. gum 
 fuaviffmni.Ti una ferentts fcrre non pofiunt? Cur in carcere.^ conjiciuni ? 
 cur propter veftem perfequuntur? Cur viiHii ac liomS fpolianc? Cur 
 librih publico traducant? Cur cai'.lajn malam pofteritati, ed to fcripto 
 ccmrnendant? Vcrterunt ctiam in idioma ncftrum Sciiedulas aliouot 
 D. Buceri, P. Martyri, &; nunc tuas- privatas ad nos Litcras nobis 
 invitis 8c infciis in Publicum emiferunt.' "Unde dum fuain- caulam 
 agunt, funm honorcm vendicant, nee Ecclefs noftra?, nee Fratribuij 
 fuip, nee dignitiiti lua;, ncc feculo alteri confulunt. Qjjo suttm P. T. 
 intelligat, non Icvem aut ludicram, kd. msgni ponderis efle contro- 
 verfiam, Nee de pileo folum, aut fuperpelliceo certari, fed de re 
 Vol. III. S K gravif-
 
 6yS A Colkciion Part III. 
 
 graviflima nos conqueri, Stipulas aliquot, & quifquilias Papifticas Re- 
 ligionis mittimus, ex quibus facile, quce eft tiia prudentia, reliqua 
 conjicia-:: Et remedium aliquod, quae eft tiia Pietas, primo quoque 
 tempore ex'cogi'jes. Orsmn's autem, D. noftnim Jeium ChiiAum, ut 
 hos tumultus'&; luibus confopiat, gloriam fuam alTerat, operarios in 
 vineain extrudat. quo MelUs la;ta & uberrima proveniar, Teque 
 oramu?, ut Conlilio Paterno, Scripto Publico, Litcris Privatis Agas, 
 Satagas, facias, efficia?, ut vel hiEC mala lollantur, velboni Viri non- 
 dum perlliali tolerentur, ne quos Dodlrince firmiflimum Vinculum co- 
 pulavit, Ceremonia Romana ciisjungat. Salutem dicas Gualtero, Sym- 
 Jero, Lavatero, Wolphio Dominis colendis, quibufcum fi contuleri?, 
 & nobis & EccleficE univerfae gratifiimum feceris. D. Jefus fuo Tu- 
 gurio, veftro Tyguro benedicat. Julij Anno J 566. Hajc paucis & 
 raptim, & non tarn refpondendi, quam admonendi Caufa, quje in banc 
 Sententiam dici poflent infinita funt. Tu nunc non quid fiat, aut 
 fieri poflit, fed quid fieri debeat pronuncia. 
 
 TusG Paternitatls Studiofiflimus, 
 
 Laurcntius Humfredus. 
 Tho. Samfon. 
 
 INSCRIPTIO. 
 
 Domi'^ o Henrico Bullingero, Ec- 
 clefije Tigurinas Miniftro Fide- 
 liffimo, & DodlilTimo Domino 
 in Chrifto nobis Colendo. 
 
 Number 79. 
 
 A Paper of other things complained of hefdes the 
 
 Heads, 
 
 figur. I. A Liquot Macuias qua^in Ecclefia Anglicana adhuc ha^rent. In 
 
 ^2f~\_ Prscibus publicis & fi nihil impurum, eft tamen Species ali- 
 qua Superllitionis Papiftica:. Quod non modo in matutinis &; vefper- 
 tinis, fed in facra etiam Csna videre eft. 
 
 2. Pros-
 
 Book V'L of Records^ &c. 679 
 
 2. Prater Muficae fonos fradlo^ & exquifitiirimos, Organorum ufus 
 in Templis invalefcit. 
 
 3. In Adminiftratione Baptifmi, Minifler infuntem a'loquitur, 
 ejus nomine fponibres, p.;rente abfente, de Fid-, de Munc^o, 
 Carne, D abolo rieferenclo refpondcnt, Baptizat;;s cruce fi;'- 
 natur. 
 
 4. Mu iercu'is etiam domi baptizandi poteflas fadla-efl. 
 
 5. In Ccena Dominica facrgi vcfte', nenipe Capa & Superpelliceurn 
 adhib.nturj commanicantibus Gcnuflexio injungitur; pro pai.e 
 communi, placentula /\z;ma fubftituitur. 
 
 6. Ex-ra Tcmplum, & Miniftris in univetfum . fi galis, veftes Pa- 
 pillicae pKEf-ribjDiur; & Lpifcori iiium lineum, locheum v,)- 
 cant, giltant & ntiqiie piieiis quadros, liripippia, togas long is 
 a Pdpi.iis mu uo fumptas circumfeiunt. 
 
 7. De I ervo ;rutcm Religioni?, DKciplin^, q.iid di:emus? Nulla 
 e.}, nee h bet Tarn virgam Ecclefia nolira: Nuila Cenfura ex- 
 ercetur. 
 
 8. Conjagium Miuilris Ecclefias, publicis Regni Legibus, conccf- 
 fum & lanci turn non eft ; fed eorum Liberi, a nonnuUis, pro 
 fpuriis hcibeii.ur. 
 
 9. Solennis D.ip'J!-/?J:io fit, more rituqae Papiilico, per Annu- 
 lum. 
 
 . 10. Mulierc^ adhuc cum velo purificantur, 
 
 11. In regimine E- ckfiaftico, mu tj Antichriftianse Ecclefiae vefti- 
 gia fervan:ur. Ut enim o:im Romje, in foro PapjE, omnia fue- 
 runt venalia ; fie in Mctropoliani Curia, eadem fe;e omnia pro- 
 llant: Piualitates Sacerdotiorum, Licentia pro ncn refidendo, 
 pro non ihitiando Sacris, pro efu carnium diebus interdidis, &; 
 in quadragelima, quo etiam tempore, nili dilpenfetur & nume- 
 r'etur, nuptias celebrare piaculum eft, 
 
 12. Miniftris Chrifii libera p'aedicandi poteftas adcmpta efl : Q^ii 
 jam concionari nolunt, hi rituum iiinovaiionem fijadere non de- 
 bent, led manus fiibfciiptione Ceremonias omnes- approbare co- 
 gantur. 
 
 13. Poftremo, Articulus de fpirituali manducat'one, qui difertis 
 verb's oppugnabat, & tollebat realem Pisefertiam in Euchariftia, 
 6c n->anifeftil,rimam continebat vcritatis explanationem, Edva;- 
 di VI. ttmporibus excufus, nunc apud vos evulgniur mutilatus 
 6c triinca;us. 
 
 Laur. Humfredus. 
 
 Number
 
 68o 
 
 A Colhaion Part 111. 
 
 Number 80. 
 
 Bullinger'j A^ifwer to their Letter^ declining to enter 
 further i7ito the Difpute. 
 
 Prseftantiflimis Viris, D. Laureniio Hum*^redo, & D. Thoma; 
 Sampfoni, Anglis, Dominis meis Colendif, & Fiatiibus Cha- 
 riffimif. 
 
 £* MSS. XT* Piftolam illam veftram, Domini co'endi & Fraties charifliml, 
 I'l"'- \^ J quit meaj refpondeiis de re veftiaria fcriptae, accepimus & legi- 
 
 mus. Cujus quidem hsec fumma eft, vohis per noftram nondum efie 
 Jatisfadum. Pracvidimus hoc futurum, Fratres : lo'eoq; mox ab ini- 
 tio, fi bene mcminillis, in Epiftola mea ha?c prJEmifiinus verba. Er- 
 go, fi nos aiidire vultis, noftrumque Judicium de re vediaria expen- 
 ditis, ficut ultimis ad me Literis veftris fignificabatis, en habetis in 
 ilia (Gualtheri) Epiftola menm judicinm. Cui li acquiefcere nou 
 poteftis, dolemus fane quam vcliemcntilTimc, & cum nullum aliiid no- 
 bis fuperfit conlilium, Dominum, qui in tmnibus 5c fcmper refpici- 
 endus eft, ex animo & inceflanter oramus ut ipfe fua gratia atque 
 potentia, rebus graviter affliflis, &c. His jam nihil ampliiis addere 
 nee poffumus, nee volumus. Refpondere quidem ad veftra objedta 
 poflennis, fed nolumus uUam novis &: nunquam terminandis Dif- 
 putationibu% fcriptis vel rixis dare occafionem. Toties fcripfit 
 Martvr bcata; Memoriae, cum adhuc viveret in Anglia, fed fub- 
 inde alire atque alia; fuggerebantur, repetebanturque Qua:ftiones, 
 ut vldeam regie ullis verbis Scriptifve fttisfieri poiTe. Rogati a vobis 
 fniterno amcre fuafinuis, quod nobis coram Domino videbatur ecckfix 
 fore fii ftuolum. Diximu.s nobis qu'dem videri utilus ad tempus uti 
 iitis veftibiis & cum ovi.ulis crediiis manere, quam rejcdlis iliis pari- 
 ler &; ecclefi.:s deferere. Ulterius progrefli nc.n fumus, neque ullas 
 papifticas fcrdes ac ftipeiftitiones probavimu- : de quibus in lUis dif- 
 putU'onfm ne fufcepimus quidem, quippe ignari, qua^ inter vos con- 
 troveiteren ur, & d; quibu;] nunc quoque Icribitis, De re magni pon- 
 deris effe ;ipud vos ccntroveifiam, r.ec dc pileo fo'um aut i-uperpelli- 
 ceo ccrtari, fed de re gravi!hma vos C'-ncjUvrJ. Lictt quitiem epiflo- 
 la ilia iicftra rd vos p:ivatirn de re vciHaria conlcripta,, jnfciis nobis 
 a quibufdam fit edita, fperamus tanVen pios 5c prudentcs viros, nt ftia^ 
 neai:e in con.itl's neque extra comi;i;i eo detoifuro?^ quafi videamur 
 ea nunc apprcbare & leftituere vclle, quae pij omnes libris noftrls 
 edodli, dudum nos reprobarc no:unt. Snafimus vobi--, fKUt. 5c ante 
 DCS 6c una nobifcum D. iMartyr, qund nobis quidem videbatur, pro 
 hoc tempore Argumento vtl re, rc-cipiendam vi bi?, caw honcftum 6c 
 u'ile. Koc quia haftenus placere non potuir, committimus nos tortim 
 Deo Negoti'jm, petimufq; ut nobis non fitis ingrati, fed nihilominus 
 air.ici, pergentes amare noF, veftri amantes in Domino, quem ex Ai.imo 
 oramus ut ipfe, qui Fidelis eft Cuftos Ecclelice fuec, DifTidium hoc in- 
 felix, iiUcr vcs txcrt ;m, ccmponat 5c E(.clefia; fuas TranquiUitatcm 
 
 -i-.d-
 
 Book VI. of Records y &c. 68 1 
 
 reddat. MemineritisFratres, obfc^cramus, per Dominum Jefum, a Mi- 
 iiiftris Eccleiianim non tantum rtquiri, ur fint fidelis Sermonis lena- 
 ces, fed iit fimul lint prudentcS domiis Dei dilpenfatores rationem ha- 
 bentes fimiliae, temporunique ; & ut patientcr, per Charitatem, 
 plurima fuftiiieant, concordiam veram in Domino foveant, deiiiq; per 
 omnia Ecclcfi.im in pace coniervenr, nimiaq; ^^x vehementia, morofi- 
 tate aut importunitaie , bonum quidem fed non prudenter vo- 
 lendo, non incommodent piis & pietati. Doiriinus Jefus conce-- 
 dat vobis Spiritum fuuin fandum, 6c dirigat vo>^' in viis fuit^. Va- 
 leie Fratres. 
 
 Datum Tiguri, lo Septembr. 
 hwnQ Doin. 1556^ 
 
 Hciiiryclius Bullingcrus, 
 
 SUO & fui GUALTHERI Nomlfic, 
 
 Number 8r. 
 
 BuUiiiger and Gualter'j Letter to the Earl of Bedford, 
 prejffing him to find a Temper in that Matter. 
 
 lUuftriffimo Piincipi, Domino Francifco Ruflello, Comiti Bed- 
 
 fordienfi, &:c. 
 
 CUM anno fuperiori intellexifTemus npud vcs, Illuftriffime Prin- £;v MSS. 
 ceps, cnntentionem aliquam de H.ibitii Miniflrorom exortam'^''^'"' 
 eiTe, vthcmentiir timebamus, ne ea ulterius progreffa, aliquid majoris 
 mall daiet Eccleiis: Et ideo a viris piis & cordatis requifiti, conlili- 
 um dedimus, quod tunc nobis tutuni & pium videb.itur, Monui- 
 mus enim Ecckiiarum Minidros, ne ob rem non adeg magni mo- 
 menti ab Ecclefiis difcederenr, & eas liipis & Jliperflitiofis feduiloribus 
 vexandas relinquerent. At non fefellit nos gravioris periculi metus, 
 quern nos tunc concepifTe diximus. Audimus enim, jam non de fo-. 
 lo veftitu apud vos contend!, fed infuper multa alia obtendi piis Mi- 
 niftris ; quaj mcrum Papatum redolent, imo in Antichrifti Schola 
 primum fabricata funt, & proinde fdva pietate recipi aut diflimulari 
 Hon poflunt. Dolorem autcm nobis non levem parit, quod Epifto- 
 1am qiiam privatim ad amicos pauculos caMp, re dedimus, typis excu- 
 fam elie feitur, & quod multi noftrum de fe ilia vefliaria judicium ad 
 alia ufque extcndunt^ qn?e Controveifa ciic tunc nefciebamus, & quae 
 Vol. III. 8L a nobis
 
 582 -^ CoUeBkn Part III. 
 
 a nobis nunquam probari potuerunt. Et fane juQiffimi doloris cau- 
 fa eft, noftri nominis authoritate pios Fratres gravari, quibus ccnfi- 
 lium & confolationem afterre, potius quam moleftiam exhibere ftu- 
 duimus. Magis tamen utimur fcandali confidera('one, quod inde ex- 
 oitum efie non dubitamus. Auget prseterea iriftitiam noftram infae- 
 lix EcckfiCE AnglicancE conditio; qu.un cum ftrmper amaverimii?, 
 non poffumus non fanguinariis Fidei purioris hoftibus tons ani- 
 mis comnioveii , quod quas vixdum liberata nonnil florere cae- 
 perar, nunc inteftinis diffidiis labefadatur. Et quia de tua virtute, 
 llluftriflime Princcps, nobis latis conftat, & non pauca extant tiise Pi- 
 etatis an'umenta, ad tuam Excellentiam Literas dandas effe putavimus, 
 ds qua pij quam plurimi fpem non mediocrep.-s conceperunt. Roga- 
 mus autem ut apud SeienifTimam Reginam, & in Comitiis (quae 
 brevi futiira auVin-iiis) apud regni pre ceres, CiWifam Ecclefix pro more 
 tueri pergat, neque Ilium patrocinium p.is Fratribus neget ; qui etfi 
 aliqua inre peccarunt, vcniam tamen merentur, quando illos ferventi 
 pietatis zelo commotos fuiffe; conilat & hoc unum qua?rere ut, Ec- 
 clefiani ab omnibus Papillicis lordlbus repu-gatam habeant. Neq; illi 
 modo nobis digni videntur, quos p j Principes propugnent ; fed tota 
 hsc caufa ejufnn di tft, ut qui in ilia agenda ftudium & indullriam 
 lldhibent, eo flido dcmum teftentur, fe Principum nomine digniffimos 
 t^^. Dignatus e(l illullres viros eo honoie Dominus, ut Ecclefiae 
 ejus nutriti) dic.mtur, quae fane laus omnem hujus mundi gloriam aiq; 
 dignitatem lofige fuperat. Erunt autem fideles nutritij, fi Ecclefiam 
 non modo ex hoftium manibus eripiant, veibi Praedicationem inftau- 
 rent, & Sacramentorum ufum legitimum leftiiuant ; verum & cave- 
 ant, ne qoa:; Chrifto adduci debet Sponfa incontaminata, ullo fuperlli- 
 tionum fuco defoedeiur, aut uilis Riiibus a fuTipl.citate Chriftiana, 
 alienis a fide fua fufpedtam reddat. Et notum eft illud Hoftae, qui 
 Ecclefiam Ifraeliticam moncbat, ut fcortationes non ab uberibus modo, 
 verum & a facie removeret. Quaie et'am atq; etiam Excellentiam tu- 
 am rogamus, ut quod hadtenus fecit, nunc imprimis facere pergat, & 
 fua Authoritate apud SereniiTimam Reginam & Regni Proceres efficere 
 ftudeat, ne cum magna totius orbis admiiatione inftituta Ecclefiae An- 
 glicansB Reformatio, novis fordibus & pofiliminio redudis infeli is Pa- 
 pa'.us reliquiis, deformetu-. Nam fi id fiat, non modo incoiiftant'ae 
 nota multis in Regno vtflro florentiffimo inurelur, verijir,eti,m in- 
 iirmi offcndentur, 6c vicinis Scotije, Galliae & Flaniiriaj Eccltfi- 
 is, fcandalum pra;bebitur fub cruce adiuic laborantibus, cujus pcenas 
 in authores ejus proculdubio redunviabunt. Imo ex vob.s exemplum 
 fument vicini veritatis Evangelicae hoftes; ut ipii quoq; in fuis locis, 
 liberiorem verbi Dei cultum novis tyrannicas fuperftitionis legibus cir- 
 cumfcribant. Liberies haec dicimui^, Llullriflime Princeps, non quod 
 de tua pietate quicqu.m dubitemus, ftd id partim tua humanitate in- 
 credibili fieti faciamus, putim rei neccfHate addui^H tua; ExcelientifE, 
 & multis aliis de hac caufi ccgitandi materiam &; occafionem amplio* 
 rem p a;bere cupimus. Precamur autem Dcum optimum maximum, 
 ut Ecclellac fu;r miferatus, pacem illi refti'.uar, & T. E. tuiq; fimiles 
 Princ'ues fuo SpiriiG regat, fuo favore profegatj^.tJc poteatijb;-jicla:p ier-
 
 Book VI. of Records^ &c. 08 3 
 
 ver, ad fui Nominis Gloriam, & Eccltfite fuse Confcrvationem. Ti- 
 guri, II Sept. Anno 1566. 
 
 Tuas ExcellentiaeDeditiffimi. 
 
 Henricus Bullingerus, Sen. & 
 Rod. Guakherus. 
 
 Number 82. 
 
 Bullinger and Gualter'j Letter ts Bifiop Grindal a77d 
 BiJJjop Horn, for quieting the Dijpute, 
 
 Reverendis in Chrifto Patribus, D. Edmuada Gryn- 
 dallo Londonienfi, & de Roberto Horno Winto- 
 nienfi, in Anglia Fpifcopis, Dominis noflris Co- 
 lendiflimis 8c Fratribus Chariflimis. 
 
 Reverend! in Chrifto Patres, Domini Honorandi, & Fratres 
 Chariinmi. 
 
 RUmore perlatum eft ad nos, confirmato eodem nonnullorum Li-^^ j^gg 
 tcris Fratium aliunde ad nos allati'^', Epiftolam illam meam, Tigur. 
 quam Menfe Maio, privatim Scripfimus ad Honorandos Fratres noftros 
 D. Humrredum, & Sampfnnem, vobifque Dominis noftris & Fratribus 
 Charillliiiis, ce to Coniilio expofico a nobis in Epiftola ad vos duta 
 coinmunif.avimus, Typis excufam atque publicatam efle, eaqiie ipfa il- 
 los confiimari, qui jnm multus Ecclefiaruni Miniftros pios & dod;os 
 exauthorarunt, non qu-deni ob rem veftiaiiam, dc: qua ilLi noflra 
 bcripra eft Epiilola, fed alios complures ob artk:ulo?, apud vos con- 
 troverfos. De quibus in Epiftola ilia noftia nuUam inftituimus Dif- 
 putationem, quos tamen omne^ dicimur contra exauthoratos defcndere 
 a'que approbare. Nos qniijem incendium inter vos exortu-m non 
 p.iigeie, fed extinguere iludio veftri Sandlo fumus conati, & non pro- 
 ba'e vel improbnre articidos de quibus nihil nobis conftabat. Pro- 
 inde luculenta nobis ficret injuria, li noflra Epiftola raperetur eo quali 
 eos etiam arcitu'oF, quos tunc ignoravimus, cum de re vcftiaria fcri- 
 beremu-, approbare videremcr. Summi Icntentia; noftrs erat, Eccle- 
 fi.is Chrilli Sanguine redtinptaF, minime efle dcfctensl^is propter pir
 
 684 
 
 A Colleciion Part III. 
 
 lens Sc velles, res indifFdientes, cum non propter cultum ulLjm, led 
 propter omatum poliiice ufurpari jubeantur. Nunc vero audimus 
 (utinam rumore falfo) requiri aMiniftiis novis quihu:dam fubf-ribant 
 articulis aut flatione fua cedant. Articulos vero efle hujulmcdi, can- 
 turn in'templis hgur,atuin, 6c peiegrina lingua, una cum iirepiuorga- 
 norum efle retinendum, Mulieres in cafu ntceffitatis privatim pofie ; 6g 
 debere b.ipt zare infantulns Magiftrum quoqj iniiintem oblatum ba- 
 pufmo rogare debere qua^ftiones, dim caiechumenis propofitas. Ba- 
 ptizantts item Miniftros ufurpare^ exufflationes, excrcirmos, crucis 
 charadercm, oleum, fputum, lutum, accenfos capites & hujus gene- 
 ris ali-i : Doccndum efle Miniftris in perceptione Ccena; Domini, opus 
 effe genuflexione (quae fpeciem habet rdorationi?) nee panem frangcn- 
 dum elTe communiter, fed cuilibet communicaturo crullulam ori ejus 
 efle inferendam a Miniflro. Ncq; vero mcdvim Spirituals manduca- 
 tionis, & piaeientii" Corpoiis Chrirti in Sac a Cceja e.xplicandum, fed 
 relinquendum in medio. Praeterea dicitur, ut quondam Romse cm- 
 nia fuerint venalia, ita nunc in Metiopolirani Curia, prollare cadem, 
 pluralitates videlicet Sacerdotiorum, licentiam pro non refidendo, 
 pro efu carnium diebus interdictis, & in quadrageffima, & rebus fnnili- 
 libus pro quibus nili quis numeret, nihil impetret. Uxores item 
 Miniftrorum longe arceii a fuis maritis, quafi impura fit conjiigatis co- 
 habitatio, perinde ut quondam faiftitatum eft apud Antichrifti Sacer- 
 dotcs ; aiunt autem illis omnibus non liceie vel privatim vel publice 
 contradicere, qninimo adigi Minilhos, ne banc camarinam fiquidem 
 Miniftrare Ecclefiis velint, commovejnt. Addq; omnem poteflatem 
 gubernationis, vel poteftatis Ecclefiiflicffi penes Iblos effe Epifcopos, 
 neq; ulli Paftorum permitti, in rebus hujuhnodi Eccleflifticis, fuam 
 dicere fententiam. Quae fi vera fuiu, plurimum fane non nobis tan- 
 tum, fed Piis omnibus dolenr. Oraniufq; Dominum, ut haec ex 
 Sandla Chrifti Ecclefia quae in Anglia eft duat, prohbeatq; ne quif- 
 quam Epifcoporum, ftatione fua, dejiciat Paftorem ullum hujufmodi 
 articulos recipere, aut approbare refpueiitcm, Et quanquam dc veftra 
 Pietate Sinceritateque hoc nobis perfuafiirimum habeamus, vos fi quid 
 hujus (tarn crafla enim extarc apud vosvixdum credimus,) in ufu apud 
 vos eft, ferre & diffimulare ea ad comitia ufq; regni opportuna, qui- 
 bus de fuperflitione abolenda commode & p;udenter agatur : Et (i 
 qui fint, qui noftra il'a Ep.ftola abutautur ad quoflibet abufus confir- 
 mando«, vei tatnen non eflL' de eo;um numero, nihilominus hoitamur 
 veftram Pictatem per Dominum Jcftim, ut ferio de emendandis expur- 
 gandifq-, iftis fimilibufq; fuperfti:ionibus, fi ita res babet, ut dicitur, 
 cum vefiris Coepifcopis, & aliis Viris fanftis prudcntibufqj conful- 
 tetis, nofq; ab injuria ilia nobis ab- aliis irrogata, fideliter vindice.is. 
 Non enim iflos articulos, uti perlati funt ad no?, unquam probavfmus. 
 Rogamus infuper Humanitatem veftram, ut base a nobis benigno ani- 
 ir.o accipiatis, qui veftras cnncordia2 item finceritatifq; in Religione 
 Regni Ai glici fi;mus ftudiofifi!imi, & vobis in Chrilio addidlilfimi, 
 Dominus Jtfus btnedicat vob s, & fervet ab omni malo. Salutate ob- 
 lecran-ius noftro nomine, reliquos Reverendifiimos Patres in Chiifto, 
 D(;minos meos Honcrendos & Fratres CharifTimos Anglias Epifcopos. 
 Rcgiise quoq ; Ser«.niflima2 femper nos commendute. Cui optamus 
 
 vitam 

 
 Book VI. of Records^ Sec. 68 5 
 
 vitam longaevam, & gubernandi felicitatem, firmum tranquillumq} & 
 tutuni Regnuin, & omnia quje pii exoptarc poflunt. 
 
 Datas Tiguri, Septemb. 6. 
 Anno 1556. 
 
 Veftrae Pietatis Humanitatlfquc 
 Deditiflimi, 
 
 Heinrychus BuUingerus, & 
 
 Rod. Gualtherus, Tigurinas 
 Ecclefiag Paftores & Mi- 
 niftri. 
 
 Number 8 2. * 
 
 ^ Letter of Bifiop Grindal, and Bifeop Horn, giving a 
 full Account of their Senfe of all the Matters complained 
 of in the Church of England. 
 
 N. B. Ex PrJBcipuis. 
 
 Edmondus Londinenfis, & Robertus Wintonienfis, Bul- 
 lingero Heinricho^ & Rodolpho Gualtero. 
 
 FRuditas veftras LIteras ad Humfredum, & Sampfonem, commo-£j, j^n^ 
 diflimas, cum ad noflrasde veftibus animorum diflenfioncs, turn T/f»r. 
 verborum altercationes atq; pugnas fedandas, quam libentiffime acce- 
 pimus: Acceptas non fine certo Confilio, parcentes tamen Fratrum 
 nominibus, Typis excudi atq; publicari curavimus, indcqj frudlum 
 ampliffimum quidem, quemadmodum fperabamus, percepimus. Nam 
 fanis quidem viris, univerfum Evangeliorum inftituium & iinem 
 fpedantibus, multum profuere : Miniftros certe nonnullos qui de de- 
 ferendo Minifterio propter rem veftiariam, quae jam fola controverfa 
 ac caufa contentionis apud nos fuerat, cogitarunt, perfuafos ne Eccle- 
 fias fraudari fua opera iinerent propter tantillum, confirmatofqj red- 
 didere, & in veftram fententiam retraxere: Plebem autem quje per 
 importunos quorundam clamores concitata in varias partes diftraheba- 
 tur, piofq; Miniftros contumelia afficiebat, quafi concordia quadam 
 illis placavere ac leniere temperantia: Morofis vero & nihil preter- 
 Vot, III. 8 M quam
 
 ^6 
 
 J CollcBm-^'" Part III. 
 
 .\v: 
 
 £uam quod Ipfi' ftatuerant preferre valentibus, etfi non futisfecere, eo 
 tam£n eis profuere, ut pios cmivitiis fninus prolcindere, pacenq; Ec- 
 clefice falutaremferrnoni'bus fuis'moroiogis "non adeo audadter faedare, 
 velint aut pofTint. Ex hiis quofdam effe exauthoratos, etfi fua ipfo- 
 rum culpa, ut giavlus in illos nos dicamus, fatemur & dolemus. Ve- 
 rum i!lud squiori anitno fcrenduni putamus, quod non fiiit muUi^ ftd 
 pauci, & ut pij, certe non adeo dodi. Nam folus Sampfonus inter 
 COS qui exauthorati funt, c& pius pariter ac Dodlus ell habendu?. 
 Humfredus vero ac Dodiores omnes in fua haclenus ftatione manent. 
 Quod fi vcdra EplftoJa~ Typ^s excufa ac publicata fuiflct, ut qui ex- 
 authorarunt, confirmareatur:' Si qui exauthorati funt, propter alios 
 articulos apud nos coiitroverfos 6c non ob rem folam velbriariam de 
 gradu fuififent dejcdi fuo : Si deniq; ilia Epiftola qujE verbis adio ex- 
 qvLfitis ac perfpicu is folam cpntrovcrfiam vefliariam pertradat, ut alio 
 transferi non pofi't' ad approbandos articulos vobis ignoios, nec'dum 
 apud nos Dei gaatia controverfos (nam nulli nobis cum Fratribus aitl- 
 culi in contentionem badcnus venerunt nifi hie folus veftiarius) repe- 
 retur : Luculcnta piofedo vobif, quos amamu?, col'mus, & in Do- 
 mrno Honorarnus, fuiflet injuria : Sicut nobis manifefla adhibita eft 
 calumnia ab hiis qui Authorcs fiierunt vaniffuni rimiori'^, quo ad vos 
 perlatum fuit, a Miniftris Ecclefiaj jequiri novis quibufdam fubfcri- 
 bant aitic'ulis, aut ftatione foa cedant/- Summa co.itrovcrfije noftias 
 haeceft: Nos tenemus Miniftros Ecclefiae Anglicanas fine impietate 
 Tjti pcfle veftium dilcriminc publica authoritate jam praafcripto, turn 
 in Adminiflratione Sacra, turn in ufu externo, pijefertim cum ut res 
 ■^ndifierentprptoponantur, -tantum propter ordinem ac debitam legibus 
 Obedienfiam ufurpari jubeantur.t, Et omnis Superftitionis Cultus ac 
 Neceflitatis quod ad Coiifcientias attinet, opinio, legum ipfarum 
 pisfcripto 5c finccrioris Dcdiinae Pjaadicatione afTidua quantum fieri 
 poteft amoveatur, rejiciatur^ ac omnino condcmnetur. Illi contra 
 clamitant vefleshasin numerum tuv <x^ici(pcpu:y, jam baud quaquam efle 
 afcribendas, impias efi*e, Papifticas ac Idolatricas: Et prcpterta, omni-!- 
 bos piis iino confenfu Minifterio cedendum potius, quam cum iflis 
 Panniculariis Papifticis, fie emm loquuntur, Ecclefix infervlfe: Licet 
 Dqdrinam finceriHimam praadicandi nee non omnimodcs Errores feu 
 abufus five in Ritibus, five in Dodrina, five in Sacramentis, five in 
 Monbus, per fanam Dodrinam fubaccufandi, exagitandi, condemnan« 
 di, fummarn habeamus Libertatcm. Iftud iftorum immaturum Con- 
 filium acciperenon pofi'umus: quomodo nee impetuofas eoium Adhor- 
 tationes, quibus Paccm Ecclefiae indefinenter pro fuggeftu dillurbant, 
 Religionemqj nofiram univerfam in Periculum trahunr, fcrie debemus. 
 Nam ifiiufmodi fuis celeufmatibus, ftrenif Regina; i\nimum alioqui ad 
 optime merendum de Religione propGnfum, irritari, prohi dolor, ni- 
 mium experti fumus; Prciccrum quorundam Aoimo?, ut de aliis tace- 
 amvif,^ sgios, imbecilles, vacillantes, hiis vulnerari, debilitari, abali- 
 enari, cerio certius fcimus. Ecquis dubitare pofljr, quln Papiftas hu- 
 jufmodi Occafione nadi virus fuum pefi:ilentiffimum erudabunt, evo- 
 rnent in Evangelium Jefu Chrifii, ejufq; Profefii)res omnes, in fpem 
 eredi, jam Oportunitatem fe habere fuam fibi ercptam Helenam recu- 
 perandi. Qapdfi. inconfulto noftro Confilio acquiefceremus, ut om- 
 ^eSj^cjJndis viribus impetum in vefies Legibus Conftabilita?, contra 
 
 Legem
 
 "Book VT. of Records^ Sec. 6^j 
 
 Legem faciamus, perimamu^, ac deleamus omnino, aut firnul om- 
 nes Munia exuamus. Papifticum profeclo, vel faltem Lutherano- 
 papiiticum huberemus Minifterium, aut omnino nullum. Illud 
 amem Deum Optimum Maximum teilamur, Fratres in Chri- 
 ■flo honorandi; neque culpa evenifle diffidium hoc noflra, nee 
 p.r nos flare quo minus ifliufmodi vefle e medio tollerentur : Imo 
 iandiffime, l:cet, juremus, laborafle nos hadenus quanto potuimus 
 ftudio, fide, diligentia, ut id effedum daremus, quod fratres poftu- 
 lant, & nos optamus. Veriam in tantas addudi angufiias, quid fa- 
 xiendum ? (multa vobis, qui prudentes be ad pericula Ecclefiis im- 
 •pendentia perfpicienda cftis fagaces, conjicienda relinquimu ) nifi uc 
 xijin non poflumus quod velimus, vclimus in Dom-ino quod pofTu- 
 mu?. Hidenus rem controveriam & plenain difTcnfio.-iis inter nos, 
 ut fe habet, expofulmu-. Nunc vero quod reliquum ed:, accipite : 
 FaififTimus oirnino eft ille rumor, fi tamen rumor dicendus fit (novi- 
 mu; enim prudentiam veftram, ac modeftiam, & laudamus) de re:eptio- 
 ne, fubfcripticnc, & approbatione novorum iftorum Articuloium 
 quos recenretis. Nee magis funt veraces, qui five fcriptis fuis Epifto- 
 lis, five verbis coram, hoc prsetextu vobis fucum facere, nobis autem 
 calumniam inurere funt conati. Pleriqj enim omnes ifti Articuli fal- 
 ib nobis obj'ciuntur; perpAuci rectpiuntur : Horum omnino nuUi, 
 Fratribus fua fabfcriptione approbandi obtruduntur. Cantum in tem- 
 plis figuratum- una cum ftrepitu organorum, retinendum non affirma- 
 mus imo prout decet, infedamur. Peregrinam linguam, exufflado- 
 nes, exorcifmos, oltum, fputum, lutum, accenfos cereos, ba ejus ge- 
 jieris alia, ex Legum praefcripto nunquam revocanda, penitus amific 
 Ecc'efia Anglicana. Mulieres pofi"e aut debere baptizare infantulos, 
 nulio modo prorfus afl^ntimur. In Coenas Dominican perceptione, pa- 
 nem communiter frangere, cuilibet communicaturo non ori inferere, 
 fed in manus tradere : Modum fpiritualis manducationis, 6c prefentise 
 •Corporis Chrifti in facra Ccena, explicari Leges jubent. Urns confir- 
 mar, Oblatratores nofiri Anglo-Lovanienfes nefariis fuis fcriptis te- 
 ftantcr. Uxores iVlinift:rorum non arcentur a fuis Mari.is j cohabi- 
 tant, & eorum Conjugium apud omnes (femper Papillas excipimus) 
 habetur honorabile. Denique non minus falfum eft quod obla- 
 trant, penes folos Epifcopos omnem efiie Ecclefiaftica3 gubernationis 
 potefta.em, etfi primas illis dari non negamu<^. Nam in rebus hujuf- 
 modi Ecclcliafticis in Synodo deliberari folet. Synodos autem indi- 
 citur, Edido Regio, eo tempore quo habetur totius Regni Parliamen- 
 tum, ut vocant. Adfunt Epifcopi, adfunt etiam totius Provincia3 Pa ^ 
 ftorum dodiores quique, qui triplo plures funt quam Epifcopi. HrJ 
 feorfiim ab Ep'f-opis de rebus Ecclefiafticis deliberant, & nihil in Sy- 
 nodo ftatuitur, aut definiiur, fine communi eoruni ac Epifcoporum, 
 aut majoris faltem illorum partis, confenfu & approbatione : tantiim 
 abeft ut Paftoribiis non permittatur in hujufmodi rebus Ecclefiafticis 
 fiiam dicere fententiam. Recipimus quidem, feu potius toleranter fe- 
 rimus, .donee meliora Dominus dederit, interrogationes infantiam, & 
 crucis charaderem in Baptifmo, in Ccens perceptione genuflexionem; 
 & Regiam Facultatum Curiam, quam Metropolitani vocant. Quas- 
 ftiones iftiufmodi non adeo accommode inflmtibus proponi, etG ex 
 
 3 Augu-
 
 688 A ColleBion Part 111- 
 
 Auguftino videantur emendicatas, publice prolitemur, ac feJulo dcce- 
 mus, Crucis Charaflere frontem jam baptizati infantis notarej etli 
 Minifler pa'am conceptis verbis, profiteatur (ignatum efle Ciuce in- 
 flmtulum, folummodo in fignum quod in pofterum ilium non pudtbit 
 fidei Chrifti crucifixi, idque ex vetuflioii Kcclefia videatur tranfump- 
 tum tamen non defendimus. GenuHexionem in facra,^ ccei.se percep- 
 tine, quoniam ita Lege conflitutum eft, permitiimus: Ea tamen ex- 
 pofitione, feu potius cautione, quam ipfi genuflexionis authcres, viri 
 landtiflimi ac Martyres Jefu Chrifti conftantifiimi, adhibuenint, dili- 
 gemiflime populo declaiat.3, promulgata, inculcata. Quai fic ad ver- 
 bum habet: Etfi in Libro l^crcum fiatutum lit, lit communicantes ge- 
 nufledendo facram accipitunt communioncm, id tamen eo trahi non 
 debere declaramus quali ulla adoratio fiat aiit fieri deheat, five Siicra- 
 mentali pani ac vino, five ulli reali & cflentiali piasfcntias ibi exiften- 
 ti, naturalis carnis & fanguinis Chiifti. Nam Sacraniental's panis & 
 vinum permanent in ipfis fills naturalibiis fiibfiat tiis, & propterea non 
 funt adoranda: Id enim Idololatria horrenda efiet, omnibus Chriftianis 
 deteftanda. Et quantum ?.d corpus naturale ac fanguinem falvatoris 
 noftri Chrifti attinet, in Coelo fiint fic non fiint hie. Quandcquidem 
 contra veritatem veri naturalis corporis Chrifti eft, pluribus quam udo 
 ineffe locis, uno afque eodem tempore. Facultatum Curia, undecun- 
 que eft allata, Regia eft, non Metropolitan!. Is enim prudens Pater, 
 dodlus 6c ad fynceriirmam Religionem propagandam opume afFedtus, 
 omnimodas Romanas faeces prorfus elueie pcroptat, conatur, fatagit. Et 
 licet omnes hujus Fifcalis Curia?, ficut eiiam alios nonnullos abufus, 
 e medio tollere non poflumus, eos tamen carpere, contumeliis infequ-, 
 ad tartara ufque, unde prorepferunt, detrudere ron defiftlmus. No- 
 bis credite, fratres venerandi : Unicuique licet Mlniftro omnibus 
 iftiufmodi articulis, cum modeftia & fobrietate contradicere. Pafto- 
 res vero articulos iftos nobis falfo impofitos, recipere aut approbare 
 nolentes, ftatione fua haudquaquam dejicimus. Pergite ergo nos ama- 
 re admonere, juvare, ut incendium inter eos exortum, folummodo 
 pro re veftiaria, extinguatur. Nofque operam dabimus, quantum fie- 
 ri pofiit, quemadmodum in proximis Comitiis fecimus, 6c fi nihil ob- 
 linere potuimus ; ut omnes errores 6c abufus ad amuflim verbi Dei 
 corrigantur, emendentur, expurgentur. Commendamus vos Fratres 
 Gratise Domini noftri Jefu Chrifti, quem oramus ut vos incolumes, 
 vefirafque Ecclefias in pace quam diutiffime confeivet. Salutate no- 
 ftro nomine Fratres ac Symniftas Tigurinos omnes. 
 
 Londini, 6 Februarij, 
 
 Anno Dom. 1567. Veftrum omnium 
 
 Amantiffimus, 
 
 Edm. London. 
 
 Robertus Winton. 
 
 Addita
 
 Book VI. 
 
 of Records^ Sec. 
 
 689 
 
 Addita Manu Winton' fequentia. 
 
 Obftcro & ego vos, Fratres mihi plurimum obfervandi, (ignofca- 
 tls mihi) quod Literis veftris ad me privatim fcriptis, hadenus non 
 refponderim; nee pro dofti(Timis veftris Commentariis ad me tranf- 
 miffis, ullas hadtenus gratias retulerim. Neque illud ipfum mibi 
 vitio vertant Wolvius & Lavaterus; quos quasfo, meo nomine, pluri- 
 mum falutate, 6c me apud illos excul'ate. Scio enim Officij mei ra- 
 tionem hoc ipfum effljgitaffe; & vos, illofque, meas Literas defide- 
 rafle, non dubito. Efficiam pofthac, fcribendo vos onines expleam, 
 & Officio noB defim meo. Salutem etiam a me dicite, oro, D. Sim- 
 lero, Zuinglio, Halero. Vivite omnes, ac valete in Chrifto. 
 
 Totus Vefter, 
 
 Robertus Winton. 
 
 INSCRIPTIO. 
 
 Ornatiffimis Virls, D. Henricho 
 BuUingero, & D. Radulpho 
 Gualtero, TigurinjE Ecclefias 
 Paftoribus fideliffimis. 
 
 Number 84. 
 
 ^ Letter of Jewell'j to BuUinger, concerning the D.hatei 
 in Parliameut relating to the Succe£ion, and the Heats 
 in the Difputes vhout the Vejiments. 
 
 Johannes Juellus Henricho iBullingero. 
 S. P. in Chrifto. 
 
 PRoxImffi Literas meae, Ornatiffime Vir, cum Londinum tardiuf- F.'( MSS, 
 cule veniflent, & Francofordiam ad Nundinas prcfifcifci non '^"''' 
 pofTent, re infedla, domum ad me reverfac funt. Quod nonnihi! ve- 
 reor, ne nunc quoque in iftas accidat. De prolixis & pereruditis ii- 
 lis tuis ad me Literis proximis, prolixe tibi ago gratias. Nunc mihi 
 de Synodo ilia Francofordienfi, ut de re obfcura, & controverla, 
 
 8 N egre-
 
 690 
 
 AColleEiion Part lil. 
 
 egregle fatisfadlum c^^y & fateor & gaudeo. Res noftrae Ecclefiafti- 
 CJB, publicze privateque, eo loco nunc funt, quo fuerunt. Lovani- 
 enfes noftri clamant, & turbant, quantum pofllint : Et habent fau- 
 tores, etfi non ita multos, plures tamen multo quam velim. Et quam- 
 vii complures fint, & in univerfum in omnes fcribant, tamen nefcio, 
 quo meo fato, omnes in me feruntur unum. Itaq; dum illis refpon- 
 dco, ne me effe otiofum putes. Habuimus, proximis iflis Menfibus, 
 Comitia totius Regni : Illis ego, propter Valetudinem, interefle non 
 potui. Scriptac funt Leges de Religione, quibus Papiftarum obllina- 
 ta malitia, atq; infolentia in officio continentur. Adium eiiam eft de 
 Succeflionc; hoc eft, cili Familiae Jus Regni debeatur, fi quid Eliza- 
 bethce Reginae humanitus accidtrir, quod nolimus. Ea Contentio 
 menfem unum, atque alterum omnium animos occupavit; com Regi- 
 na ea de re agi nollet : Reliqui omnes vchementer cuperent, & utrin- 
 que magnis viribus, & ftudiis pugnaretur. Quid qi!a3ris ? Effici po- 
 ftremo nihil potuit : Rcgina enim, ut eft foemina imprimis prudens 6c 
 provida, Has ede femel defignato, fufpicatu--, aliquiJ fibi crcari pofie 
 periculi. Nofti enim illud, plures Oiientem Solem adorant, quam 
 Occidentem. De Religione, Caufa ilia vtfti.iria magnos hoc tfmpoie 
 motus concitavit. Regins cenum eft, nolle flcdi : Fratres au;em 
 quidam noftri ita ea de re pugnant, ac fi in ea una omnis noftra Reli- 
 gio verfaretur. Itaq; Fundliones abjicere, 6c Eccleftas inanes relin- 
 quere malunt, quam tantillum de fententia decedere. Neqj aut tuis 
 aut D. Gualthcri dodifllmis fcriptis, aut aliorum piorum Vi^-oruni 
 monitis moveri volunt. Agimus tamen Deo gtatias, qui non patitur 
 nos inter nos, hoc tempore, gravioiibus Quasftionibus exerceri. Li- 
 nus tantum quifpiam e noftro numero, Epifcopus Gloceflrenfi?, in 
 Comitiis aperte, 6c fidenter dixit, probari libi Lutheri fententiam de 
 Euchariftia5 fed ea feges non erit, fpero, diuiurna. In Hibernia, 
 nonnihil hoc tempore tumultuatur. Infula ea, uti fcis, paret noftris 
 Regibus. Johannes quidam Onclus, fpuriu-^, confcripfit nuper mili- 
 tem, 6c noftros infolenter provocavit. Sed plus in ea re morae eft, 
 quam periculi. Is enim longe abdit fefe in paludes, 6c fjlitudines % 
 quo nofter miles confequi facile non poflit. E Scotia vero, (quid 
 ego dicam ? aut tu, quid credas?) honenda atq; atrocia nuntiantar. 
 Ea quamvis ejufmodi fint, ut credo, vix poflint, tamen ex Aula ufq; 
 ad me fcribuntur, £c paffim ja(n:antur, 6c creduntur ab omnibus. 
 Regem juvenem, a'unt, proximis hifce admodum diebus, una cum 
 uno famulo, quern habuit a cubiculis, inteifedlum t^t di mi fua;, 6c 
 exportatum foras, 6c relidum fub die. Crede mihi, horret animus 
 ifta commemorare. Si ifta vera fint, ne fint; tumen fi fint, quid 
 caufas fuerit, aut quibus ille infidiis petitus fit, faciani te poHhac, 
 ubi omnia refcivero, de rtbus omnibus ceniorem. In Prae'entia, 
 nee ea, quas iia conftanter jadlarentur, reticere potui, nee ea quae 
 comperta non haberem, nimiuni fidenter" affirmare. Juliiim nollrum, 
 audio, Tiguri efle mortuum: Mitto tamen ad ilium vigin.i Corona-* 
 tos Galileos, fi vivit, ut illi cedant: fin autem, quod nolim, eft 
 mortuus, ut in Epulum Scholaflicum infumantur. Si effct oiium. 
 fcribercm ad D. Lavateium, ad D. Simleriim, ad D. Wo!phium, ad 
 D. Hallerum, 6c alios: Imprimis vero ad D. Gualterum; ad quern, 
 haiSenus homo ingratus, nunquam fcripfi. Quaefo, ut hofce omncfj 
 
 atque
 
 Book VI. of Records^ Sec. (5gj 
 
 atque etiam in primis D. Rodolphum, & D. Henricum tuos, meo no- 
 mine plurimum valere jubeas. Vale, mi Pater, & Domine'in Chrifto 
 Colendiffime. 
 
 Sarifberias in Anglia. 
 
 Feb. 24, 1567. Tuus in Chrifto, 
 
 Jo. Juellus, Anglus. 
 
 INSCRIPTIO. 
 
 D, Henricho Bullingero Miniftro Eccle- 
 fix Tigurinae Fideliffimo, Viro longe 
 Doftiflimo, 6c Domino fuo Colen- 
 diiBmo. 
 
 Tiguri, 
 
 Number. 85, 
 
 ^ Letter <?/ JewelV to BuUinger, of the State Affairs 
 were in^ both in England, Ireland, Scotland, an^ the 
 Netherlands. 
 
 Salutem Plurimam in Chrifto Jefu. 
 
 UIDegodicam, Dofftlflime Vir & Clariflime Pater? Et pudet^^^i^^^ 
 ^ 6c dolet, pudet primum, non fcripfifle fepius, deinde dolet,T/Var. 
 cas ipfas quas fcripfi, non potuifle ad vos pervenire, obfccro tarnen te, 
 ne putes mihi aut Scholam Tigurinam, aut Rempublicam, aut illam 
 veftam Humanitatem tantam tarn cito ex Animo elabi potuifle. Equi- 
 dem vos omnes in oculis, & in finu gero, & te imprimis. Mi Pater, 
 lumen jam unicum aetatis noflras. Quod autem ad Literas attinet, 
 equidem, preterqiiam anno illo fuperiore cum pcfte, & lue omnia 
 ubique claufa effcnt, cseteroquis nunquam intermifi fcritere, ad te, 
 ad Lavaterum ad Simleiiim, & ad Julium. Quod nifi facerem, vi- 
 deri, vix pofTem, non dico officii, fed ne Humanitatis quidem latio- 
 nem ullam rttintre. Et de aliis qiiidem meis Litcris fuperioribus, quid 
 facluny fit, nefcio. Proximus aurem audio in navall conflidu exceptas 
 ifuifle a Galli?, atque ablatas Caletum, Sed Milla ifta facio. Nunc 
 accipito de rebus noftii?, quos tibi, pro tua pietate, magis cordi effe, 
 f<jt fcio. Frimnm de Religione omnia domi Dei Op:imi Maximi Bene- 
 ficio pacata funt. Papillse exules turbant, & impediunt quantum 
 poffunt & evulgatis libris, nefcio, quo meo, fatoiie, dicam, au me- 
 
 rito.
 
 692 
 
 A CoUeclion Part 111. 
 
 rito, me pctunt unum, idque teimi max'.niis clamoribus uno tempore. 
 Illis omnibus dum unus refpondeo, tu me ne putes efie otiofum. 
 bffertiir mihi inter alia, caula ilia Ubiquitaria, quam ego in fenis il- 
 lius noflri Tubingenfis gratiam, ut potui, utque res tulit, de induftria 
 ornavi pliiribus: Sed noflra lingua, utpote noflris Hominibus. Si 
 quidem otium erit, partem aliquam transfcram, & ad vos mittam. De 
 illo autem fene, equidem non video quid debeam ftatuere. Ita mihi 
 videtur, magis magifque in fingiilos dies delirare. Legi enim novum 
 Menandri phafma, quod nunc nuper dedit: Et tibi, & de illo Libro, 
 & de omnibus Literis tuis, 6c de omni tua Humanitate, ago gratias. 
 Relpublica domi, forifque, terra marique tranquilla eft. Pacem ha- 
 bemus cum Gallis conflitutam. Flandrica etiam ilia turba jam tandem 
 confiluit. Mercatores utrinque crmmeant, Flandri ad no?, & noftri 
 vicifTim ad illos. Granvelanus, cujus unius nequitia hxc omnia caepta 
 funt, id egit, ut, tuibatis, atque impeditis emporiis, cum neque in- 
 vehi quicquam, neque exportaii poflet, attonitis mercatoi ibus, & 
 oppidano vulgo, quod vere e lanihcio vidlum qu2;rit, ad otium, at- 
 que inopiam redadlo, popularis aliquis motuf, & feditio domeflica fe- 
 queretur. Jta enim fperabat Religionem una pofle concuti. Sed Deus 
 ifta con/ilia convertit potius in authorem. Noftri enim in officio, uti 
 par erat, remanferant, Flandricum autem valgus, digreftis noftris 
 Mercatoi ibus, 6c Emporio Embd^e conftituto, eam rem indigne ferre, 
 atque etiam tantum non tumultuari. Hiberni, utite audifle Icio, nobis 
 parent, 6c noftris utuntur legibus. In illam infulam. Papa ante ali- 
 quot admodum dies immifit Hominem fceleralum, 6c callidum, cum 
 iriandalis, qui hue illuc concurfaret. Erat enim Hibernus, qui gen- 
 lem feram & filveftrem contra nos Religionis caufa commoveret. Quid 
 quaeris ? Nebulo ftatim primo appulfu comprehenditur, & excuflus, 
 & vindus ad nos mittitur. Ita facerrimus Pater prorfus decrevit, cum 
 fledlere non poffit fuperos, Acheronta movere, In Scotia 
 ita ut volumus. Regina fola Miflam illam fuam retinet. invitis omnibus. 
 Parkhurftus, Hoperus, Sampfon, Sandus, Leverus, Chamberus valent, 
 6c officium faciunt. Bienniumjam eft:, quod ego illorum quenquam 
 viderim. Vale, mi Pater. Dominus Jefus te qudm diutiftime fervet 
 fuperftitem, 6c incolumem. Saluta D. Oualterum, D. Lavaterum, 
 D. Simlerum, D. Lupum, D. Hallerum, D. Gefnerum, D. Frifium, 
 D. Zuinglium, D. Wikium ; ad quos fingulos darem Literas fi 
 efTet otium, vel potius nifi prorfus obruerer Negotiis. 
 
 Sarifberiae, in Anglia, Ca- 
 lend. Martiis, 1565. 
 
 Tui Nominis Studiofiflimus, 
 Tibique Deditiflimus, 
 
 Jo. Juellus, Anglus. 
 
 Number
 
 Bcolc VI. of Records^ &c. 693 
 
 Number 86. 
 
 Ihe End of a Letter written to Zurich, fettiiig forth the 
 lemper offofneBiJhops in thefe Matters. 
 
 UNC Patres illud petimus, & in Chriila contendimus Er MSS. 
 eliam atq; etiam, (quod vos ulrro benignillime polUiciti'^'^'"'* 
 eftis) ut Londinenfis, Wintonienfis ac Cantuarienfis Epifcopoium ani- 
 mos exacerbates moUiatis, 5c fi non amplius aliquid poteftis, lldtem 
 hoc tantum exoretis : Uc & in Fratres noftros in Anglia remanentes miti- 
 ores efTe velinr, & faeces ex fuis Ecclefiis removentes, ii non adjuvaie, at 
 f litem toleraie, 6c ipforum fadiis connivere velinr. Atq; vos Reveren- 
 dis Nordovicenli, Wigornienfi, & Dunelmenfi Epifcopis, in veftris 
 Epiftoli?, poUicitis juftas funs pietatis laudes perfolvatis : Atque illis, 
 fimul & Fratribus Miniflris Itudenabus repurgationi Eccleliaium, ani- 
 mos pergendi in propofito addatis. Ha;c, fi pro veflra fumma Digni- 
 tate (ut confidimus) impetraverimus, non modo non fatigabimus alias 
 Ecclefias novis precibus, fed &; nos, omnsfq; vere pii, omnia vobis ob 
 pacem & concordi;im, veflra opera, Ecclefiaj partam debebimus ; & 
 Deus optimus maximus vobis, per Dominum noflrum Jefum Chriflum, 
 jEternam Coronem tribuet. Amen. 
 
 Veftrae Dignitatis Studioii/rimi, 
 
 Georglus Witherus, 
 
 Angli, 
 Johan. Bartholottus, " 
 
 Vol. III. 8 O Number
 
 A ColkBion Part III. 
 
 Ex MSS. 
 
 Number 87. 
 
 Bullinger and Gu alter' j Letter to the BifJjops of London, 
 Winchefter, and Norwich, i?iterceeding for Favour to 
 thofe whofe Scruples were not fatisfied in thofe Matters. 
 
 Interceffionales pro Tolerantia. 
 
 Londinenfi, Wintonienfi, & Norvicenfi, Eplfcopis in 
 
 Anglia. 
 
 Reverend! Viri Domini ColenLliflimi, & Fratres in Domino Cha- 
 riffimi. Dominus Jefus benedicat vobis & fviivet vos ab om- 
 ni malo. 
 
 QU O vehementius favemus vob's Reverend! Domini & Fratres 
 CharifTimi, eo dolemos gravius diflidere vos a Fatribus ali- 
 quot, Viris Dodlis, in Anglia gradu fuo dejedis. Atque ideo diledli- 
 oni noftra^ dabitis, qaod freqnentius cndsm de re aures vellras ob- 
 tundimus. Vidimus & accepimos veftiam in banc caufam excufati- 
 onem : Interim Angli exules ad ncsveniunt, qui affirmant Londinen- 
 fis Ecclefia: Deplores, nee non aliarum in Anglia Ecclcfi.irum, in 
 Mariana perfccutione probatos Homines, quorum fide diligentia Ec- 
 clefia; Anglicanae in fasvilTimiis iftis tempeflatibus confcrvata; fint, nunc 
 pelli, nee pelli tantum, fed gravi etiam perfccutione premi, adeoque & 
 in tetras retrudi carceres. Addunt plurcs ede in Hibernia Ecclefiarum 
 Miniftros, qui non aliter feniiant aut faciant, quam illi ipfi qui in 
 Anglia fiiftinent perfecutionem. Illos autem Epifcopi fui Beneficio, 
 & apud Regiam M. interventu agere in fiimma tranquillitate. Unde 
 ifti colligunt, fi Epifcopi qui in Anglia funt apud R. Majeftatem in- 
 tcrcederent, fore ut & ipfi tranquille fibi commiflas poffit retinere & 
 gubernare Ecclefias. Et quod hac in caufa priecipuum eft, Epifcopos' 
 non diffiteri meliorem habere caufam afflidtos & dejedos. Nam ag- 
 nofcere eos Ecclefiam redlius conftitui & conftitutam gubernari fine 
 illis cseremoniis ritubufve 6c inftitiitis, quam cum illi?, adco ut ip- 
 fifmet afteratur optio, malint ipfi fibi Ecclefiam deligere fine illi?, quam 
 illis oneratam fibi dari. Id quod inde quoque colliquefcat manifellif- 
 fime, quod in Regni Comitiis, non femcl Epifcopi petierinr, a R, M. 
 ut tollantur ilia & purgatior ornatiorque aut minus faltem onerata fiat 
 Ecclefia. Qus cum ita fint reverendi Domini 6c Fratres Chirifilmi, 
 incitablt vos ipfos baud dubie veftra pietas ad confultandum, qconio- 
 do fieri pofiit commode & mature, ut Fratribus iftiis affl:<5lis confuli- 
 tur, & ne ita gravi perfccutione premantnr, quin potius R. Maj. de- 
 mentia tolerentur, donaque in ipfis utilia Ecclefiie, per abdicaticnem 
 non extinguantur. Non eft autem qiK.d multis rationibus aut exem- 
 pli s
 
 Book VI. of Records y Sec, 695 
 
 plis, vos alioqui peritifllmos omnis pietatis & a^quitatis, urgeamus ; 
 tantum hoc oramus per Dominum, ut fi apud R. M. afflidis afflidli- 
 onem vel imminuere, vel pioifus adimere poteftis, pro Chriftiana 
 Charitate, illis omnem veftram fidelem impendatis operam ; &c no- 
 ftram banc fraternam admonitionem boni confulatis, folitoque amo- 
 re no3 vedri amantiffimos profcqui pergatis. Valete, Honorandi Do- 
 mini, 
 
 Tigurj, 26 Augufti 
 
 Bullingerus, 6c Gualterus. 
 
 Number 88. 
 
 yi Pari of a Letter <?/" JewellV to BulUnger, of the Stat& 
 Affairs both in England and Scotland. 
 
 ^^"^Ontentio ilia de Ecclefiaftica Vefle linea, de qua vos vel ^^ j^^ss' 
 ab Abtle noftro, vel a D. Parkhurflo audifTe non dubi- ligur. 
 
 to, nondum etinm conquievit, Ea res nonnihil commovet infirmos 
 animos : Atque iitinam omnia etiam tenuiffima veftigia Papatup, & e 
 templis, & multo maxime ex animis omnium auferri pcllenr. Sed 
 Regina ferrc mutationeni in Religionc, hoc tempore, nullam poteft. 
 Res Scotia2 nondum etiam fatis pacats funt : Nobiles aliquot primi 
 rominis apud nos qxulant. Alij domi remanferunt, & iti^^ fi vis fi- 
 at, ad refiftendum parant, & ex arcibus fuis excurfiones interdum fa-, 
 ciunt, & ex Papiftarum agris agunt, feruntque quantum poffunt. 
 Regina ipfa, etfi animo fit ad Papifmum obfirmato, tamen vix fatis 
 exploratum habet, quo fe vertat : Nam de Religione adverfaiiam ha- 
 bet magnam partem, & Nobllitatis, & Populi : Et, quandum quidem 
 nos poffamus intelligere, numerus indies crefcit. Submiferat proxi- 
 mis iftis menfibus Philippus Rex, Abbatem quendam Italum cum au- 
 ro HiTpanico, hominem vafrum, he fa<5tum atque inflrudum ad fraudes, 
 qui & Regem Reginamq; juvaret veteratorio Confilio, & impleret 
 omn-a tumultibus. Rex novu?, qui femper haiftenus abflinuiflet a. 
 Mifiis, & ultro acccfTifTet ad Concione?, ut fe Populo daret, cum au- 
 diret navem illam appulfuram poflridie, facftus repente confidentior, 
 fumptis animis, noluit longius difTimularc. Accedit ad Templuni ; 
 jubet fibi de more dici Miffam. Eodem ipfo tempore, D. Knoxus, 
 ConcioHctor in codcm oppido, & in proximo templo, magna frc- 
 quentia clamare in Idolomanias, & in univerfum Rcgnum Pontifici- 
 um, nunquam fortius. Interea, navis ilia Philippica jadlata tcmpcda- 
 tihu5, & ventibus flucfbibufq; Concuda, & fracftii, convulfo malo, rup- 
 tis la;cribus, amiflis gubernatoribus, veftoribu^ & rebus omnibus 
 
 inanis.
 
 696 
 
 yl CoUeciion Part III. 
 
 inanis, & lacera, & aqucc plena, refeitur in Angliam. Haec ego di- 
 vinitus non dubito contigifle, ut Rex fatuus intelligat, quam fit aa- 
 fpicatum audire Miflis. E Galliis multa turbulenta nunciantiir. Dj- 
 inus ilia Guifana non poteft acquiefcere fine aliquo magno malo: Ve- 
 rum ifla vobis multo piopiora funt, qucim nos. Danus, & Siiecus, 
 cruentiffime inter fe conflix'erunt, & adhuc dicuntur efle in Aimis: 
 Urerq; afrtdus ex maximis incommodis ; nee adhuc uter fit luperi- 
 or, dici poteft. Libri veftri (tuus, Reverende Fater, in Daniclem, 
 & tuus, Do(5ti(T:me Ludovice, in Jofuam) inc^^lumes ad me delati 
 iunt : Ego 6c Deo optin:io Maxiuio de vobis, & vobis de iftis la- 
 boribiis & ftudiis, deq; omni veflra humanitate, ago gratias. 
 
 iMifi in hoc tempore ad Julium noftrum, in aniuuim Stiperdiam, 
 iginti Coronatos ; & altcras totidem ad vos duos, ut eos vcl in coe- 
 nam puhlicam pro more veftro, vel in quemvis alium ufum pro vtftro 
 arbitro conlumati?. 
 
 Deus vos, Ecclcfiarp, Reir.publicam, Scholamq; veftram confeivet 
 incolumes. Salut:ite D. Cuakcrum, D. Simlerum, D. Zuinglium, 
 D. Ghefr.erum, D. Wikium, D. Hallcrum, D. D. Hen.& Rod. Bullin- 
 gerum meo nomine. Sarifb^rice, 8 Februar. 1566. 
 
 Veftri Amans, & 
 Studiofus in Dv;o, 
 
 Jo. Juellus. 
 
 Number 89. 
 
 "The Nohilitk^ Ge?itilbnene^ Barons^ with Super'm- 
 tenda7itSt Mt7njiers and others^ profejfiiige the E- 
 vaiigell of Jefus Chrift, 'within this Realm: To 
 the Ki?igs and Queens Maje/iiey and the Chrijiian 
 EJiat of yis Realme prefentlie met into Parliame7tt, 
 ijoifljeth the Feare of God^ with the Spirit of rigb- 
 tttous yiidgmejit. 
 
 Colt. Lib,-. "FT^Orafmuckill as in the Convention of the Kirke, halden at Eden- 
 _|^ ^ar^/'t? the 25th Day of j^'f/wf left paft, certayn Gentelnien then 
 were direded to the Queens Majeftie, with certaine Articles concern- 
 ing the Religion, defiring her Majefties Anfwer therupon : To the 
 ^vhilks howbeit her Majeftie then gave fum particular Anfwer, 
 nocht the lefs her Majeftie remitted the ferder Anfwer to this pre- 
 fent Parliament. And therfore wee, of our Dewty, can doe noe 
 6 leflb
 
 Book VJ. of Records^ Sic. 6i^y 
 
 lefle nor crave the full Anfwer of the faid Articles in this prefent 
 Parliament, confoime to the Queens Grace own Appointment. And 
 alfua in refpeft that the Pjrlianien% halden at Edinbin-glie the icth of 
 July i56oyea'S, it was determind and conchidid, the MafTts, Pa- 
 piftrie, and Papis JurifiiiTrion, to be fimply abolylhit and put away 
 out of this Realrr.e, and Chiifts Religion to be rcteined univerfally 
 and approvit. And in like manor, in refpeft that the Queens 
 Majtrtie, bv many, divers and fundi y Proclamations, hes ratefyt and 
 approvyt Chrifts Religion; quh'.lk She fand publckly refaved in 
 this Realme at her Arrivall, and fpeilally upon the fiftene Daye of 
 September bft at Dunde: The Kinge and Queens Maj ftie, with the 
 Advyfe of thair Secreat Counfaill, promifet as well be the Ad: of 
 Sacreat Counfaile, as by divers and fundry Prochmialions mad ther- 
 upon, publickly in the principall Burghis of this Realme, to eftablifli 
 in this prefent Parliament the Relig'on of Chrifl, quhilke thei fand 
 publicklie ai,d uiiiverfally ftrnding at the Arivall in Scotland; and 
 all Adls, Lawes and Conftitutions, Comon, Civill, or Municipiall, 
 prejudiciall to the fame, to be abolifiied and put away, as the faid 
 A6ls and Protlamatioiis mair fuUelye proports. Defiringe thairfore 
 the Prem ff;s to be confideied, together with the faid Article^, and 
 the Queens Majeftics Anfwers to the fame, with the Kirks Replie 
 thareupon as followis. 
 
 r/je ARriC LES. 
 
 Theis are the Articles, which the NobiHtie, Barons, 
 Gentlemen, Burgeofis, and other ProfefTors of 
 Chrifts Evangell, crave with all Humilitie at the 
 Queens Majeftie and her Honorable Confaile, 
 within this Realme of Scotlande. 
 
 Imprimis^ That the Papiftical and ELifphemos Mafs, with all Pa- 
 piftree, Idolatry, and Pope's Jurifdidlion, be univerfallie fupprtffed 
 aud aboliflied thorowgout this whole Realme, not only in tlie Sub- 
 jcds, but alfo in the Qu^eenes Majeftie owne Perfon, with Punifli- 
 ment againft all Perfons, that fliall be deprehendet to tranfgrefle and 
 offend in the fame : And that the fincere Word off God, and Chrifts 
 true Religion, nowe prefently received, might be eftabliftied, appro- 
 ved, and ratified througheout thole Realme, afwel in the Qjeenes 
 Majeftie owne Perfon, as in the Subjeds, without any Impedyment : 
 And that the People be aftrifted to refort, upon the Sondaies at leaft, 
 to the Praiers and Preaching of Godes Worde, like as they were 
 aftridled before to refort to the Idolaters Maffe : And theis Heads to 
 be provided by Act off Parliament, with the Confent of the Eftate*, 
 and Ratifycacion of the Queenes Majeftie. 
 
 Vol. III. 8 P Secondlie,
 
 698 
 
 A ColkSiton Part III; 
 
 Secondlie, That feur Provifion be appoindted for Suftentation of 
 the Myniflrye, afwel for the Tyme prefent, as for the Tyme to come ; 
 and that fuche Perfons as are publickelie admytted in the Myniftrye, 
 may have there Livings afligned unto them, in the Tovvnes where 
 they travel!, or at the leaft: next adjacent thereto : And that they 
 have not occafion to crave the fame at the Hands of any others. And 
 that the Benficyes nowe vacant, or that have vaked fithence the 
 Monethe of Marche, Anno 155S. or that hereafter fliali happen to 
 vake, be difponed to qualified and learned Perfons, able to preche 
 Goddes Worde, and to difcharge the Vocation concernynge the My- 
 nyflerye, by Tryall, and Admiffion of the Superintendents : And 
 that no Bifhopricke, Abbaty, Priorye, Deaconiye, Provortrye, or 
 enye other Benyfyce having many Churches annexed thereto, be dif- 
 poned altogether at eny time to come, to eny one Man : But at the 
 leaft, the Churches thereof be feverallye difponed, and to feveral Per- 
 fons, fothat every Man having Charge may ferve at his owne Church, 
 according to his Vocation. And to tliis Effect, that the Glebbis and 
 Manfcs be given to the Myniftrye, that they may make Refidence at 
 there Churches, wherethrough they m.iy difcharge there Confcyences, 
 conform to there Vocation, and alfo th.u the Churches mny be repair- 
 ed accordinglie ; and that a Lawe be made and ellablilhcd heieupoa 
 by Ac5t of Parliament, as faid is. 
 
 Thirdlie, That none be pcrmytted to have Charge of Scoules, Col- 
 ledges, or Univerfities, or yet privatly or piiblickly inftruct the Youth, 
 but fuch as fhall be tryed by the Superiniendents, or the Vifitors of 
 the Churche, found found and able in Dodrine, and admitted by 
 them to there Charges. 
 
 ■FourthUe, For Sunentacion of the Poore, that all Lands founded 
 to Hofpitalitie of Old, be reftored again to the fame Ufe: And that 
 all Lands, Anuell Rents, or any other Emoluments psrtayninge any 
 wayes fomtyme to the Friers of whatfoever Ordre they had been of, 
 or Anuall Rents, Altarage, Obits perteoninge to the Priefts, be ap- 
 plyit to the Suftentacion of the Poor, and Uphold of Scoles in the 
 Townes, and other Places whear thaye lie. 
 
 Fifthlie, That all fic horrible Crymes, as now abounds in this 
 Realme, without any Corredion, to the great Contempt of God and 
 his Holye Worde, fic as Ydolatry, Blafphemy of GodesName, mani- 
 feft brekinge of the Sabath Day, with Wichcraft, Sorcery and In- 
 chantment. Adultery, Inceft, manifeft Whordome, Mentenence of 
 Bordells, Murther, Slaughter, Reyfe and Spulze, with many other 
 deteftable Crymes, may be feverely punifhed j and Judges appointed 
 in every Province or Dicce'^, for Eexcution thereof, with Power to 
 doe the fame, and that by Adl of Parliament. 
 
 Lajl^ That fom Order be devyfit and eftablifiilt, for the Eafe of 
 the poore Laborers of the Ground, concerninge the reafonable Pay- 
 ment of thair Teynds, and fettinge of thair Teyndis to an over yair 
 Heads, without yaire owne Advyfe and Confent. 
 
 The
 
 Book VI. of Records^ Sec. 699 
 
 The ^ee?is Majejlks Aiifwer to the Ar ticks y prefentit 
 to her Highnes by certai?ie Ge?itlemeny in the Name 
 of the hall lajl Ajjemblie of the Kirke, 
 
 /~|~*0 the Firft, Defiiinge the Mafs to be fuppreffed and abolyfcht, 
 J as well in the Head as Member?, with Punyflmient a- 
 gainfl: the Contr;;doenars ; as alfo that Peligion now proftlTed to be 
 eftabliiht be Ade of Parliament. It is Anlwerit, Firfl, for the Part 
 of her Majeftie felfe, that hir H'ghiies is yt na wyfe perfwadit 
 in the faid Religion, nor yttt that any Impyetie is in the MafTe ; 
 and thereft re bcleves that her Lovinge Subjcds will noe wayes prefTe 
 her to receive Eny Religion ngaynft her Confcience: Quilke fuld be 
 to her contitiual! Treble, be remorfe of Confcience, and ther though 
 an parpetuall Inquietnes. And to deal plainly with her Subjedls, 
 her Majeftie neathcr will, nur may leave the Religion, qucharin flie 
 hes hen noryfcht, and upbrough*-, and believes the Gme to be well 
 grounded; knowinge befides the Giudge of Confcience, gyf flie fhold 
 receve any change in her owne Religion, that flic fliold leave the 
 Friendfliip of the King of France, the Auncient Allia of yis Realme, 
 and of other great Princes hir Frinds and Confederals : Qulia wold 
 take the fame in Evil Part. And of quhom fhe may luke for thare 
 great Support in bar Neceflities and have fand no other Confederation 
 that may contraven the fame. She will be loth to put in hafard the 
 loffe of all her Fiiids in an inftant ; prayinge all her lovynge Sub- 
 jedls, feing they had Experience of hir Goodnes, that flie has neither 
 in Tymes by pa!l, nor \'et nicans liearafter to preafe the Confcience 
 of any Man, but th-,t they may Worfliippe God in lick fort as they 
 ar perfwadit to be the bed, thut they will allwayes notht preffc hir 
 K.fFend hir awne Confcience. As to the Eftablilhment in the Body 
 of the Realme ; thefe your felfis knawis as appears well by your Ar- 
 ticles, that the fani can nocht be done, be thonly Confentof hir Ma- 
 jeftie, but requires neceflarily the Confent of the Thre Eflates in 
 Parliament. And therefore foe fone as the Parliament balds, that 
 Thing quhilke the Thre Eflates agree upon amangft your felfes, hir 
 Majeftie (hall grant the fame unto you. And alwais fall make you 
 fuer yat na Man fliall be troblit for ufing your felves in Religion ac~ 
 cordinge to your Confciences: So that no Man fhall have Caufe to 
 doubt that for Religious Caufes Mens Lyves, or Heritags, fhall be in 
 haferid. 
 
 To the Second Article, That her Majeftie thinks it no wayes re- 
 fonable that fhe fhuld defraud her felfe of fa greate a Parte of the Pa- 
 trimony of the Crowne, as to put the Patronages of the Benifices, 
 funh of her owne Hands. For her own Neceflity, in beringe of her, 
 and Comon Charges, will requyre the Retention of ane Guide Part 
 in her owne Hands; Nochtyelles her Majeftie is well pleafitthat Con- 
 fideracion being had of hir owne Neceffity, and quhat may be fuf- 
 ficienr, for the refonable Suftentation of the Minifters, and fpeciall 
 
 AiiJgnation
 
 yoo ^ ColleBion Part III. 
 
 Affignation be made to you, in Places maift comodius and 
 
 with the quhilk her Majeftie fhall not intromitt, but foffer the fame 
 
 to run to tham. 
 
 The Anfwer of the reft of the Articles is refered to the 
 Parliament. 
 
 The Kirk'j Reply to the ^eens Majejiies Anfwen 
 
 aforefayd. 
 
 Flrfl-, what her Majeflie Anfwers that fhe is not perfuadit in the 
 Religion J neather that {he underftands any Impietie in the Made, 
 hot that the fame is well grounded, &c. This is no fmale greafe to 
 the Chriftian Harts of her Godlie Subjedsj confideringe that the 
 Trompet of Chrift's Evangell hes ben fa lange blawin in this Countrie; 
 and his Mercy fo plainly ofFerit in the fame : That her Majeftie yec 
 remaynes unperfwadit of the Trewth of this our Rel'gion; for our 
 Religion is not ells, but the fame Religion quhilke Chrift in the laft 
 Days revelit, fra the BofTome of his Father : Quharof he mad his 
 Apoftells Meffenger?, and quhilke they prcachit and eftablyfliit a- 
 moungfl his Faithfull to continu till gaine coming of (he Lord Jefus : 
 Quhilk differs from the Impietie of the Turks, the Blnfphemy of 
 the Jewes, and Vaine Superftitlon of the Papifts. In this that onlie 
 our Religion hes God the Father, his only Sonne our Lord Jefus, 
 his Holy Spirit fpeakinge in his Prophets and Apoflles, for Au-hors 
 therof : And the Dodrine and Pradtice for Ground of the fame. The 
 quhilk Aflurance no o'her Religion upon the Face of the Yearth can 
 juftly alleage, or plainly prove; yea, quatfoever Aflurance the Pa- 
 piftshes for their Religion, the fame hes the Turks for mayntenance of 
 the Alcarone; and the Jeiays far greter for the Defence of their Ce- 
 rimonies; quihidder it be Antiquity of Tyme, Confent of People. 
 Authority of Princes, great number or muUitud confentinge together, 
 or any other like like Cloks, that they can pretent. And therefore 
 as we are dolorous that her Majeftie in this our Religion is not perfwa- 
 dit, fo maift reverently wee require in the Name of the Eternal God, 
 that her Highnes wald embrace the Meanes quharby flie may beper- 
 fwadit in the Trewth. Quhilke prefently we offer unto her Grace, 
 afwellby Preachinge of his Worde, quhilk is the chiefe Means appoint- 
 ed be God to perfwade all the Chofen Children of his infailable Ve- 
 ritie. As be publick Difputacon againft the Adverfarics of this our 
 Religion defcivers of her Majeftie whcnfoever .it fhall be thought ex- 
 pedient to hir Grace. And as to the Impietie of the Mafle, we dare 
 be bauld to afHrme, that in that IdoU thare is great Impietie, ye it is 
 na thinge ells but a Meflie of Impietie, fra the Beginninge to the End- 
 inge. The Author, or Sayer, the Adion it felfe, the Opinion ther- 
 of conteanit, the Hearers of it, Gafars upon it, avoure it pronouncis 
 
 Blafphemy,
 
 Book V'l. of Records^ &c. 70 1 
 
 Blafphemy, and cox-nytts maift abhomynable Ydolatry, as we have 
 ever ofFerit, and yet offer our felves maift manifcftly to prove. And 
 quhar hir Majeftie eftemes that the Change of hir Religion fhould 
 diffolve the Confederacy and Allyance, that flie hes with the Kinge 
 of France, and other Princes, &c. 
 
 Affiredly Chrift's true Religion is the undowtid Means to knit up 
 furly perfedl Confederacy and Friendfliip, with him that is King of 
 all Kings; and quha hes the Harts of all Princes in his Hands. 
 Quhilk aucht to be more precious unto her Majeftie, nor the Confe- 
 deracy of all the Princes of the Yearthj and without the quhilke, 
 neather Confederacy, Love, or Kindnefs, can long endure. 
 
 Concerning her Majefties Anfwer to the Second Article, quhar as 
 flie thinks yt no ways refonable to defraud hir felfe of hir Patronage 
 of the Benefices, quhilk her Majeftie eftemes to be a Portion of hir 
 Patrimony. And that hir Majefty is mindit to retaine an gud Part of 
 the Benifices in her own Hands to fupport her Comon Charges: As 
 to the Firfl Point, our Mind is not that hir Majeflie, or any other 
 Patrone of this Realme, fhuld be defraudlt of their juft Patronages, 
 but we mean that quhen foever hir Majeflie, or any other Patrone 
 dois prefent any Perfonage to any Benefice, that the Parfon prefently 
 fhuld be tryed and examined by the Learned Men of the Kirke, Sic 
 appertaineth, at the Superintendaunts appointit there to. And as the 
 Prefentacion of the Benefices appertayne to the Patrons, fo ought the 
 Collation therof by Lawe and Reafon appertayne to the Church} of 
 the quhilke Collation, the Kirk fliuld liot be defrauded, maire nore 
 the Patrons of their Prefentation ; for otherwife, if it fliall be Law- 
 full to the Patrons abfolutely to prefent, quhom thai pleafe, with- 
 out Triall or Examination, quhat than can abyde in the Kirke 
 of God, but mere ignorance without all Ordre. As to the 
 Second Parte concerninge the Retention of a gude Parte of the 
 Benefices in her Majefiies ov/ne Hands, this Point abhorris fa fir fra 
 gud Confcience, as well of God's Law, as fra the Public Ordre of 
 all Comon Laws ; That we ar loth to open up the Ground of the 
 Matter, be any long Circumftances. And therefore maift reverently 
 we widi that hir Majefiie wold confider the Matter with her felfe, 
 and with her Wife Councell, that howfoever the Patronages of the 
 Benefice may appertayne to her felfe, yet the Retention thereof in hir 
 own Hands undifponing them to qualyfyt Perfones, is both Ungod- 
 ly, and alfo contrary to all Polyticke Order, and Finall Confufion 
 to the Pure Saules of the Common People: Quha be this Means fliuld 
 be ir<ftrudlit of their Salvation. And quhar hir Majeftie concludis in 
 her Second Anfwer, that fhe is content that an fufiicient & reafonable 
 Suftentacion of the Miniflers be provydat to tham, by alTignation in 
 Placis moft cornmodious and eafieft to tham ; confideracion beinge had 
 of hir owne Neceffitie. As we are altogether defirous that hir Gracis 
 NecefTiiie be relevit, fo our Duty craves that we fliould notefie to your 
 Grace, the true Order that fhuld be obferved in this Behalf, quhilk 
 h this. The Teynds are properly to be reputed to be the Patrimony 
 of the Kirke, upon the quhilks befor all Things they that travells in 
 the Miniftery thairof, and the pore indigent Members of Chrift Bo- 
 dy are to be fuftenit. The Kirks alfo repaired, and the Youthead 
 brought up in gud Letters: Quhilks Things be and done, than other 
 
 Vol. in. 8 Q_ Neceffitie
 
 702 
 
 AColkcrion Part III, 
 
 NeceiTitie refonable might be fupportede accordinge as her Majeftie, 
 and hir Godlie Counfaile could think expedient. Allways we cannot 
 but thank her Majeftie moft reverently, of her liberall Offer, of Af. 
 lignations to be made to the Minifters for their Siidentation. Quhilk 
 not the leffe is fo generally conceived that without mare fpeciall con- 
 difcendinge upon the particularity therof, no Expedtacion is able to 
 follow the: upon. And fo to conclud with her Majeftie at this Par- 
 liament, we d^^fire moft earneftly the Performance of the faid Articles, 
 befechins; God that as they are Refonable and Godly in thamfelvis: 
 fo your M.jefties Hart, and the Eftates jointly convenir, may be in- 
 clynit and perfwadit to the Performance thereof. 
 
 Number 90. 
 
 The Supplication to the Queen's Majeftie of 
 
 Scotla?ic/e, 
 
 To the ^eens mojl Excellent Majeflyy her Grace s 
 Humble SubjeSls^ p^^f^Jf^^Z ^^^ Evangell of Chrijld 
 Jefus withift this Realme, wi/Jjeth longe Profperittey 
 with the Spirit of Righteous Judgment, 
 
 Cotton Libr. T T is Hot uuknown unto your Majeftie, that within this Realme the 
 CJig.B. 10.^ Evangell of Jefus Chrift was lately fo planted, the Trewe Reli- 
 gion fo eltabliftiedj Idolatry, to wit, the Maftes, and all that therto 
 appertenyth, together with the Ufurped and Tyrannicall Power of 
 that Romaine Ante-Chrift, called the Pope, fo fupprefled, afwel by 
 the Mighty Power and Hand of God, as by juft Lawes and Decres 
 of Parliament, that none within this Realme durft in Publick have 
 gainfaid the one, nor mayntenet the other. It is further known, 
 that fuch as in whofe Elands, God of his Mercye had profpered the 
 Begynninge of this his Worke, were going forwarde to an exaft and 
 parfe<5l Reformation, concerninge the Policy of the Churche, accord- 
 inge to the Word of God, and Suftentation of them that Travell in 
 the fame. But theis nowe cur moft Juft and Godlie Begynnings have 
 nowe bene ftaied and trebled nere the Space of Yeres, to the great 
 Grief of all Godiie Hartes within this Realme. Shortlie after your 
 Grace's Arrival, was that Idol the Mafte erredled up againe: And there 
 after were wi.ked Men Eiiemyes to Chrift Jefus, and his Holy Evan- 
 gell repofed in the Places wich they never poflefted, and were 
 admitted to receive the Fruts, that by no juft Lavve can apperteane to 
 them : And that under color they fliold pay ther Thirds to your 
 
 Majeflies
 
 Book VI. of Records^ Sec. '^03 
 
 Majefties Comptroller, and lliche a? he Pno'd depute for the leceiviiig 
 of the fame; to thend as we uiiderRond, that our Mynyftcrs and 
 Myniflerye might have bene planted and fuftanid accordiiv^ to Godi 
 Comaundement. And albeyt we were pl.iinly forwarncJ, th.at fuche 
 Begynnynge wold not have eny happy Ende ; yet the Love that we 
 bare to the Tranquyllitie of your Realme^ and Efperance and Hope 
 that we had, that God of his Mercye v/old molyfye your High- 
 ncfs Hart, to heare his BlelTed Evangell publickly prechcd, we quyct'y 
 part over many Things that were in our H.irts, as alfo many 
 tymes by our Supplicacions unto your Mujcftie, we defieied to have 
 bene red re fled : But howe litle we have profFyted to tins Dale, bothe 
 great ;ind fmall amongeft us begynne now to cor.fider. For Laws v/e 
 fee violated, LJolatrye encreafcd, your Highnes owne Gates (againft 
 Proclamations) made patent to the foolifhe People, to commytt Ido- 
 la.rye: The I'atrymony of the Churche we fee beftowed upon Per- 
 fons mofl: unwoithie, and to other Ufes then was at firft intended: 
 And thereby. The Tyrannye of that Romaine Antichrift to be intru- 
 ded upon us againe; our Myniflers brought to extreme Povertiej 
 fome of them trobled in her Funftion, fome Prechers hurt, and no 
 Redreflc maide. Fornication, Adulterye, Inceft, Murther, Sorcerers, 
 Bewytchers, and al Impietie, fo to abounde univerfallie within this 
 your Highnes Realme, that God cannot lange fpaire to ftricke the 
 Heade and the Members, onlefs fpeedye Repentance folio we. We 
 therfore, nowe contynuinge in our former humble Sewte, mofl: hum- 
 bly requere of your Majeftie a fpeadye Reformation of the Innormy- 
 ties aforefaid, and a favorable Anfwere of our juft Petycions; as 
 more fullye your Majeftie pleafe receive in Articles; mofl; humbley 
 befeaching your Highnes to have this Opynon of us, that as to this 
 dale your Grace have founde nothinge in us, but dewe Obedyence 
 to your Majefties Lawes and Au(5loritie, which we have given, be- 
 caufe we are thonly Part of your People that treuly fear God, fo to 
 eflieameofus, that God, his Chrifl: Jefus, and his trewe Religion 
 which we profefle, (and by his Grace flial be) to us more dear then 
 Lives, PoflTeffions, or refpecft of Profperitie. And therefore yet againe 
 we the hole Bodye, profefling Chriil; Jefus within this Realme, hum- 
 bly crave of your Majeftie, that ye give us not occafion to thinkc, 
 that ye entende nothinge but the Subverfion of Chrift Jefus his true 
 Reliu-ion, and in the Overthrowe of it, the Diflruction of us the beft 
 part of the Subje(fts of this your Graces Realme: For this before the 
 World we plainly profefle, that to that Romaine Antichrifl; we will 
 never be fubyedt, nor yet fuffer (fo far as our Power may fupprefle 
 it) any of his ufurped Au(floritie to have Place within this Realme. 
 And thus with all humble and dewtifull Obbedyence, we humbly 
 crave your Graces favorable Anfwer, with thefe our appointed Com^ 
 miflioners. 
 
 Numhei
 
 ^04 ^ CoUeBion Part I If, 
 
 Number 91. 
 
 A Letter of Parkhurft Bijhop of Norwich to BulHnger, 
 corner ?2ing the State of Affairs in Scotland, and the Kil- 
 li7tg of Signior David. 
 
 tx MSS. 
 
 Tigui: 
 
 SAlvus fis in Chiifto, optime Bullingere, Secundo Februarij fci ipd 
 ad te, tc una cum Literls mill viginti Coronatos, vel decem Co- 
 ronates &; Pannum pro toga: Nam hoc Abeli arbitrio permifi. Tu- 
 as accepi 23 Maij. Paulo poft Londinenfis Epifcopus, exemplar Re- 
 fponfionis tuas ad Literas Laurentij Humphrcdi, & Thamx Samp- 
 fonis, ad me mifit. Qu32 fcripfifti, typis apud nos excuduntur, & 
 Latine, & Anglice. Accepi practerea, 12 Julij, Confefllonem Fidei 
 orthodoxa;, c. pulcherrimum libellum. Menfe Martio, Italus quidam, 
 vocatus Senior David, NecoromanticjE artis peritus, in magnam grati- 
 am apud Reginam Scotia?, e Regina^ cubiculo (ilia praefente) vi ex- 
 tradlus, & aliquot pugionibus confoflus, mifere periit. Abbas quidam 
 ibidem vulneratus, cvafit aegre, fed paulo poft ex vulnere eft mor- 
 tuus. Fraterculus quidam, nomine Black, (niger VifulariusJ Papi- 
 ftarum antefignanus, eodem tempore in Aula occiditur: Sic niger 
 hie Nebulo, nigra quoq; morte peremptus, invitias nigrum fubito de- 
 cenditin orcum. Confiliarij, qui tum fimulin unum cubiculum erant 
 congregati, ut de rebus quibufdam arduis confultarent, audientes has 
 csdes, (nam prius nihil tale funt fufpicati) allij hac, alij iliac, alij e 
 feneftris fefe proturbantes certatim aufugerunt, atque ita cum vitas pe- 
 riculo, vitae confulebant fuas. Regina Scotiae Principem peperit: Et 
 cum antea Maritum (nefcio quas ob caufas) non tanti faceret, jam 
 plurimi facit. D. Jacobum, fuum ex parte fratrem, quem antea exo- 
 fum habuit, nunc in gratiam recepit, nee folum ilium, fed omnes 
 (utinam verum effet) proceres evangelicos, ut audio. Evangelium 
 quod ad tempus fopiebatur, denuo caput exerit. Ciam h^ec fcribe- 
 rem, ecce Scotus quidam e Patria profugiens, Vir bonus & do- 
 <n:us, narravit mihi, Reginam ante deeem hebdomadas Puerum pepc- 
 lifte; nee dum effe baptizatum. Rogo caufam. Refpondet, ■ Regi- 
 nam velle Filium in fummo Templo, cum multarum Miflarum Cele- 
 bratione tingi. At Edinburgenfes id omnino non permittunt : Nam 
 inori potus malunt, quam paii, ut abominands Miflas in fuas Eccle- 
 lias iterum iirepant. Metuunt Edinburgenfes, ne ilia e Gallia auxi- 
 liares vocet Copias, ut facilius Evangelicos opprimat, Oremus Dominum 
 pro piis Fratribus, Mandatis dedit cuidam pio Comiti, ut Knoxum 
 apud fe manentem, ex asdlbus ejiciat. Dominus illam convertat, vel 
 confundat. Plura fcribere non poffum ; diu legrotavi, nee dum pic- 
 ne convalui. Eft haec fcribendo debilitata manus. 
 
 Vale
 
 Book VI. of Records y &c. 705 
 
 Vale, Chariffime mi BuUingere. Salutem (juaefo adfcribas omni- 
 bus, atque adeo omnibus Piis, meo nomine. Dominus fua dextra 
 protegat Ditionem Tigurinorum. Raptim Ludhamise, 21 Augufti 
 J566. 
 
 INSCRIPTION 
 
 D. Hsnricho Bullingero, 
 
 TUU3, 
 
 Joh. Parkhurftus, Ns 
 
 Number 92; 
 
 A Letter of GrlndallV to Bullinger, giving an Account of 
 the State of Affairs both in England a7id Scotland ; and 
 of the Killing of Signior David. 
 
 I 
 Salutem in Chrifto. 
 
 Clariflime D. BuUingere, ac Frater in Chrifto Chariflime, 
 
 Johannes Abelus tradidit mihi Literas tuas D. Wintonienfi, ^^ ^^^^ 
 '• Norvicenfi, 6c mihi communiter infcriptas, una cum fcriptoT;^«r. 
 veftro de re vefliaria : Qnorum ego exemplaria ad D. Wintonienfem 
 & Norviccnfcm ftatim tranfmifi. Quod ad me attinet, ago tibi ma- 
 ximas gratias, tum qiiOd noflrarum Ecclefiarum tantam curam geris, 
 turn quod me, hominem tibi ignotum, participem facis eorum, quaj 
 ad noftros de rebus controverfis I'cribuntur. Vix credibile eft, quan- 
 tum iiasc Controverfia, de rebus nihili, Ecclelias noftris perturbarit, 
 & adhuc aliqua ex parte perturbat. Multi ex Miniftris doftioribus, 
 videbantur Miniflerium deferturi. Multi etiam ex Plebe, contulerunt 
 Confilia de Seceflione ^ nobis facienda, 6c occultis ccetibus cogendisj 
 fed tamen, Domini benignitate, maxima pars ad faniorem mentem re- 
 diit. Ad earn rem Literas veftrse, plense Pietatis ac Prudentise, plu- 
 rimum momenti attulerunt: Nam eas latine, atque anglice, Typis 
 tvulgandas curavi. Nonnulli ex Miniftris, veflro judicio atque au- 
 thoritate permoti, abjecerunt priora Coniilia de deferendo Minifte- 
 rio. Sed 6c ex Plebe quampluiimi miiius fentire caeperunt, poftquam 
 inttllexerunt noftros Ritus, a vobis (qui iifdem non utimini) ne- 
 quaquam damnari Impietatis, quod ante publicatas veftras Literas, 
 nemo illis perluafiffet. Sunt ttmen, qui adhuc manent in piiore 
 Sententia; & in his, D. Humfredus 6c Sampfonus: Nihil vero eflci: 
 Vol. III. 8 R fad-
 
 7o< 
 
 ACoUeBion Part ilL 
 
 facilius, quam Regise Majeftati eos reconciliare, fi ipfi ab infliiuto 
 difcedere vellent. Sed q'uum hoc non faciunt nos apud Sereniffi- 
 mam Reginam ifta contentione irritatam, nihil poffumus. No?, qui 
 nunc Epifcopi fumus, in primo noflro lediiu, priulquam ad Miaifle- 
 riuin acceffinuis, diu multumque contendebamus,^ ut ifta de quibus 
 nunc controvertitur, prorlus amoverentur. Sed cum ilia dc Regina 
 & Statibus in Comitiis Regni impetrare non potuimus, communica- 
 tis Confiliis, optimum judicavimus, non deferere Ecclefias propter Ri- 
 tus non adeo multos, eoique per fe non impios; pra^fertim qiium 
 pura Evangelij Dodrina nobis interga ac hbera maneret, in qua ad 
 hunc ufque diem, (utcunque multi multa in contrarla moliti funt) 
 cum veftris Ecclefii?, veftraque Confeffione nuper dcd'ta, pleniffime 
 confentimus. Sed neque adhac pcenitet nos noftri Confilij : Nam 
 interea. Domino dante incrementum, audse & confirmatae lunt Ec- 
 clefije, quod alioqui Ecebolii?, Lutheranis, & Semi-papiftis, prasdas 
 fuifTent expofitns. Iflns vero iftorum intempeftiva; Contentioncs dc 
 Adiaphori?, (ft quid ego judicare poffum) non a^dificant, fed fcin- 
 dunt Eccleftas, & difcordias feminnnt inter Fratres. Sed de noflris 
 Rebus haclenus. In Scotia non fjnt res tamen bene conftituta;, quatn 
 eftet optandum. Retinent quidem Ecclefice adhuc puram Evangelij 
 Confeflionemj fed tamen videtur Scotias Regina omnibus modis labo- 
 rare, ut earn tandem extirpet, Nuper enim cftecit, ut fex aut feptem 
 MifTiE Papifticjc, ftngulis diebus in Aula ftia publice fierent, omnibus 
 qui accedere volunt admiflis, quum antea unica, eaque privatim ha- 
 bita, nullo Scoto ad cam admiflb, eftet contenta, Prceterea, quum 
 primum inita eftet Reformatio, cautum fuit, ut ex bonis Mon3.fteric- 
 rum, qua: fifco adjudicata funt, ftipendia Evangelij Miniftris perfol- 
 vcrentur: At ipfa jam integro iriennio nihil folvit. Joannem Kno- 
 xum, rcgia urbe Edinburgo, ubi hadenus primarius fuit Miniiler, 
 non ita pridem ejecerit, neque exorari poteft ut redeundi facultatcrri 
 concedat. Publice tamen, extra Aulam, nihil hadlenus ef): innova- 
 tum ; & Proceres Regni, Nobiles item, ac Gives, multo maxima 
 ex parte Evangelio nomen dederunt, multa, magnaque Confiantias 
 indicia oftendunt. In his, prscipuns unus eft, D. Jacobus Stuaidus, 
 Murraciaj Comes, ReginjE Prater, Nothus, Vir pius, ac magna: apud 
 fuos Authoritatis. Perfcribitur ad me ex Scotia, Reginas cum Rege 
 peffime convenire. Caufa hasc eft : Fuit Italus quidam, nomine Da- 
 vid, a Cardinale Lotharingo Reginse Scotis commcndatus. Is quum 
 Reginae a fecretis atque intimis effet Confiliis, fere folus omnia admi- 
 niftrabat, non confulto Rege, qui admodum juvenis & levis eft. 
 Hoc male habebat Regem. Itaque fada Confpiratione cum Nobili- 
 bus quibufdam, 6c Aulicis fuis, Italum ilium Reginse opem fruftra 
 implorantem ex ipfius confp;du anipi, & ftatim indida caufa multis 
 pugionibus perfodi, atque interfici curavit. Hujus fadi immanis me- 
 moriam Regina, tametfi nuper Filium Regi peperit, ex animo de- 
 ponere non poteft, Ha;c pau'io verboftus de Scotia, ex qua fonafils raio 
 ad vos fcribitur. 
 
 Oro!
 
 Book VI. of Records, Sec, 707 
 
 Oro ut D. Gualterum, ac reliquos Collegas tuos, meo nomine fa- 
 lutes. Dominus te, nobis 6c Ecclefire fax, quam diutiffime confer- 
 vet. 
 
 Londini 27 Aug. 1566. 
 
 Dedltifllmus tibi in Domino,' 
 
 \,dm. Grindallus 
 
 Epifcopus LondinenfiSj 
 
 INSCRIPTIO. 
 
 Reverendo in Chrifto, D. Henricho Bul- 
 lingero, Tigurinai Ecclefia; Miniftro 
 Fideliffimo, ac Fratri in Domino Cha- 
 rifiimo. 
 
 iSFumber 93^ 1 
 
 A Part of GrindalV Letter to Bullinger, of tlje Affairs \ 
 
 o/" Scotland. \ 
 
 S 
 
 Cot'a jam in novos motus incidit, Henricus nuper Scotias Ex MS5: 
 _ Rex (uti te audiviffe exiftlmo) Decimo Februarii elapfi, in'^'^"''- 
 liorto quodam, hofpitio fuo adjacente, inventus eft mortuus: De genera 
 mortis nondum convenit apud omnes. Alii dicunt incenfis vafis ali- 
 quot pulveris tormentarii, quae fub cubiculo in quo dormiebat ex in- 
 duOria repofita fuerant, aedcs everfas atq; ipfum in hortum proximum 
 projedlum fuiffe. Alii vero intempefta nofte vi extraflum e cubicuTo, 
 & potefta flrangulatum, ac turn demum incenfo pulvere aedes disjedas 
 fuille affirmant. Hujus csedis apud omnes fufpedus erat Comes qui- 
 dam nomine Bothwellius. Huic Comiti, poftquam Uxorem Legi. 
 timam interveniente authoritate Archiepifcopi S. Andreas repudiaflet : 
 Dec'mo Qainto Maii nupfit Scotiae Regina, atq; eandem ex Comite, 
 Orchadum Ducem creavit. Paulo ante hoc Matrimonium omnes fere 
 Regni proceres, quum nuUam in casdem Regis inquifitionem inftitui 
 viderer.t, difceflerunt ex Aula, & feorfum apud S:erlynum oppidum con- 
 ventum habuerunt. In hoc conventu, certis inditiis nefandam banc 
 csedem a Bothwellio perpetiatam fuiffe, compertum eft. Iiaq; co!- 
 lefto exercitu iplum comprehendere fatnguiit, Bothwellius vtro dat 

 
 7o8 
 
 A Collet ion 
 
 Part 111. 
 
 le in fugam : Sed qu ) profugerit, adhuc nefcitar. Reginam alii alunt 
 oblideri in Arce quadam, aiii vcio in Arce Edlnburgenli, tanquam ne- 
 CIS mariti confciam, capiivam detineri allerunt. Qucmcdccunqus 
 fit, infames iilae Nuptias, ron pcffunt, non in aliquam diram Traga^- 
 diam definere, Sed de his omnibus exfecHramus indies certiora, de 
 quibus, efficiam brevi ut cognofcas. De perfequutionibus, Flandr'ce 
 nihil fcribo, quod cas vos ncn latere exiflimcm : Multa apud m s 
 jadtata funt de obfeffx Geneva, fed fpero vr.na cfie. Dominus Jefus 
 pietatem luam, nobis ^Fjrckfia incolumen conll:rvet. 
 
 Londini, 21 Junii, 
 
 Deditinimo tibi in Domino 
 Edmundus Grindallus 
 
 Epifcopus Londinienfis, 
 
 INSCRIPTIO. 
 
 Reverendo in Chrifto, D. Henricho 
 *■ Bullingero, Tigurinas Ecclefias 
 Minilho Fideliflimo & Fratri 
 in Chrifto Chariflimo. 
 
 Tiguri. I 
 
 This being the hjl cf the Letters fent me from Zurich, ivhich 
 
 I have put in this ColleSfioti; I add to it the Attejlation 
 
 fent me from thence^ that the Copies 'were Faithfully taken 
 
 from the Originals, and that they uere carefully Collated nvith 
 
 them. 
 
 The
 
 Book VI. of Records^ &c. 709 
 
 T^^ Atteftation of th^ En rgGtrMJlcr and Council of 
 Zurich, of the Faithfuluefs of the Copies of 
 the Letters fent me from the MSS. that lie 
 there, 
 
 COnful & Senatus Civitatis Thuricenfis Helvetlorum vulgo Zurich 
 did:^, pra;fentibus hifce confitemur ac notum facimus. Apogra- 
 pha ilia ex Originalibas in Archivis Civitatis noftiaj affervitis Literis, 
 quse tempore Reformationis ab Ecclefia Anglicana ad noftrs Fcc'efias 
 tunc temporis Miniflros &; vice verfa emanavere, duda & tranfumpta, 
 omni diligentia & iidelitate d e fcript a efTe, ut facSta in Cancellaria noflra 
 accurata coUatione, Copias Originalibas de Verbo ad Verbum ubiq; 
 concordare repertuin fuerit, quibus Apographis pioinde plenaria fides 
 luto adhiberi poffir. In cujus rei Teftimoniuiii praefentes hafce exhi- 
 beri, Civitatis noftrse Sigillo muniri, & a Jurato Secretaria noftro fub- 
 fcribimandavimus, Die Decimo Julii, Anno a Nata Salute Millelimor 
 5eptingentefimo, Decimo Teitio. 
 
 Locus ( I Sigilli. 
 
 
 Beatus Hovrhalbius, 
 
 Reipubllcce Thuricenfis, 
 Archigrammaticus. 
 
 Manu propria fubfcripfi. 
 
 Vol; IIL 8 S Number
 
 71 
 
 o 
 
 A CoUcBion Part HI. 
 
 Number 94. 
 
 A Relation of Mary ^een of Scotland^ MisforHineSy 
 a7id of her lafi JVilly m the Life of Cardi7tal Laurea, 
 nvj'itten hy the Abbot of Pignerol his Secretary. Print- 
 ed at Bologna, An^io 1599. 
 
 ATqui tunc in Scotia tarn fceleftum, tamquc nefarium faciuus: 
 commifium eft, ut illud reniinifci, nedum enarrare animus quo-, 
 dammodo exhorreat. Rex, variolarum (ut vulgo aiunt) roorbo cor-. 
 reptus, ne fortaffis Uxprem contagions contaminaret, fe in sdjes a 
 regiis a;dibiis Edinburgi fejun<5tas receperat-, ubi, fimul ac conva- 
 lelcere cspit, ab Uxore Ikpius inviljtur, quodam autem die cum fimul 
 tcenaflent, atq; in multarn nodtcm fcrnioncni, lufumo; protraxiflcnt 
 quo minus itidem firoul cubarent, e^•cufaUQnem affeit Regina, quod 
 {ponlam quandam e nobilibus fuis mulitribus ea primam nuptiarum, 
 nodte ufque ad cubile honoris gratia efllt comifatuiM: Quern morem, 
 fupeiiores Reginas obfervare femper confucverant. V;x Regina dii'cef^ 
 ferat, cum ecce pulvis tormentarius, per cuniculos fubter lund^men- 
 tum domus conjedtus, totum edificium continuo dejicit, ijfumque 
 Regcm opprimit : Quamvis nonnulli non ruina intciemptum, fed, 
 dum per pofticum primo circa aedes auditoarmorum ftrtpitu in hortuni 
 proxiirium conf'ugeier,. una cuhi fiimiliari quodam ftrangulatum, mox- 
 que asdes tormsntario pulvere dejetHi.is fuifTe malin'-. Plane conftat, 
 exangue Regis C'.rpus in horto repcrfum nullo aftldlum vulnere, ni- 
 gram tantum modo circa collum macul^m habuifle. Ind gniflima hac 
 Regis divulgata ca^de, ingens omnes horror corripuit ; quidem iniquos 
 in Reginam fcrmones jaccrc : ali) per injuriam libellos edeie : Non- 
 nulli Comitem Boduellium, quern cn^dis nefariae autftorem fuifTe con- 
 pererant, non ficarium., fed crudelilTimum carnificem accufare, adeo 
 interdum vulgiis rcutilTTme fndagare, atque odorari omnia folet. 
 BoJcellius, licet Ilae elicu?, Reginnc tamen ftudiofiffimus, fidelifli- 
 mufquc kmper cxtittiat : Niiper earn gravin'mo illo feditionis peiicu- 
 io fortiter libei',ivefat, ab ipfi deniqj perdite amabatur. Quiimobrem 
 in fpem adductus fore, ut R.cg:nam ipfam in Matrimonio habcret, 
 primo Uxoii propria; (quafi propter adulterium fieri divortium^ aliam- 
 ^Lic ducere liccret) rspudium mifit, dciiide Rcgi necem crudeliter 
 machinatus eft. Regina poft, improbiffimos de ea, Boduellioque 
 lumorcs diffiputos, verita ne quis populi motus in eorum perni- 
 cieni fi.eret, Edinburgo ftamit recedep.dum, ac fe una cum p.irvu- 
 )o fil'io ad munitam Sti-ivelini arcem recepit ; ftatuto prius (ut fimi- 
 le vevo videtur) quid inter ipfam, & Boc'uellium fcret poftea 
 Tranhgerdum. Nam paucis inde diebus egrefla Regina, vena- 
 tum prodire fimulat ; tum Eodvelliu?, veluti ex infidiis, ducentis 
 ftipatus equitibus, illam circumvenire, vimque ei inl;endere vifus 
 eft. Ergo Regina, una cum Bodvellio in arcem regrcfla, con- 
 
 feftim
 
 Book VI. of Re cords y Sac. 71 1 
 
 feRim eimi Orcadum Ducem, moxque Mantum limai tiXc d^clarat, 
 verum Nuptiae illas neutiquam fliuftae, ac riiuturna^ iuerunt : Qu'ppe 
 quE non Matrimonij dignitate, led indigni facinoiis fociet.ite cou- 
 jundlpc viderentur. Eo tempore, Moravienlis e Scotia aberaf, pr.v 
 coGteris tanien relidlo Lediagtoijo, qui novas, ui occafio daretur, 
 turbas novaiq; rlxas faceret. Hulc quatn facillim.im !uit fponts om- 
 rium in Reginam Bodvelliumque ira, accenfos animos acrius in-- 
 fl^mmare. ■ Raptim igitiar, turbulenteque, Exercitii Edinbur^i comj^i- 
 rato, fubito Striveiinam veiius Cdllra luoveuiur. Id ubi Rcgina in- 
 tellexit, fecum MuHeres taiitum, paucofqf'aulrcos Hoinines, add.icens 
 obviam prodeundurii duxit, venicnti debiti cum reverenti i affurre- 
 xerunt. Interrogati, quanam de cauLi armati ilkic acctfiiircnr, non 
 alia refpondiffe ieruntur, nili ut atrocepi injuriam a Bodveilio tadam, 
 £ic crudelem, & indignam Regis necem, vimq; iplimet Reginii^ illutam 
 vendicarent. At Regina noxam Bodvcllij purgare ; nihil non ipdi 
 affentien^e comm'ffum. Quo fern>one adco lunt commnti, & vxa.'-k^ 
 runt, ut omnes illico uno ore acclamaverint. Et tu ig^itur, Domin<i, 
 apud nos Captiva eiis. Nee mora, ad Arcem iufulis intra Lacum Lc- 
 vinum in cuflodiam mittunt ; uno ei tantiuu Lixa, duabafqj innn;* 
 cpnditipnis Mulieixulis, ad ei ininifirandum conceilis. 
 
 Toivardi the, End of the Book comes ivhit follows. 
 
 Unum, hoc loco, non vldetur filentio pr^etereundum: Qiioi 
 
 cum Sixti Pontificisjullu,, Regni ScoiiaB, atque in pritnis Regiias Ma- 
 rias Re:;, in Urbe protegtndi munus furtepiilct, acLidit, ut infelix Re- 
 gina pridic, qi am lecuri in Anglia fi.rirq,ur, fupremas tabulas Gallica 
 Lingua, Manuque propria conficeiet. Quibus prm^^, fe Rcligionis 
 Catholica; fcadiofiffimain fcniper fuiflo prof.ff^eft} dcinde cavit, ne 
 ad Filium Piincipi?m, li fallain Ha'refi-^, quam aninio iinbibcrat, pcr- 
 lualionem non exuiiict,. Anglici Rcgni Ha-ieditas ullo unquam lem? 
 pore perveniret ; kd \ocp fui ad Pbilippum, Hifpaniarum Regein Ca-« 
 tholicum pertineret. Halce Tabulas, cum Vincentius Cardinal's acte- 
 pillet, mira diligentia recognofcendas curavit, ut ad Regins ul;imam 
 Vgluntatem aperiesjdani., Fidcrnqj (acierdam lufficerent. Nam & cum 
 Litjeijis, ab eadem Regina priu? atceptis ccjitulit, & non a fe Iblum, 
 verumetiani a Ludovico Audoeno, Anglo,. Epiicopo CalTancnil, pio 
 ,& intiegerrinio Homine, voluit rubfign;(ri : Sigq; firmaCas, ac tanqu.im 
 pnbljca Authoritateroboratas, Comiti Olivario, Hiipaniarum Regis O- 
 ratori,. ^d ipiumei; Regem fidelitcr tranlinittendasdedit. 
 
 Number
 
 712 A Collection Part III. 
 
 Numba- 95. 
 
 A Bo7id of /^^ocmtion^ tipofi Mary ^ee7i vf Scotland^ 
 Rejignwg the Croison in Favour of her Son. 
 
 An Original in the Library of Glafgow. 
 
 WE quhilks has fubfcrivit the underwritten Bond, underfland- 
 ing that the Queenis Majefly willing nathing mair earneft- 
 lie, nor that in her Lifetime her MuJLft'es Dear Son, our Native 
 Prince, be placit and inaugurat in the Kingdom of this his Native 
 Cuntre and Realm, and be obeyit as King be us, and uthers his Sub-^ 
 jecls : And being wearit of the great Pains and Travels taken be her 
 in her Government thereof, hes by her Letters demittit and renderit, 
 and given Power thairby to demit and r^nunce the faid Government 
 of this Reahn, Liegis and Subjedlis thalrof, in Favours of her faid 
 Son, our Native Prince : To the effed: he may be inaugurat thairin, 
 the Crown Royal put upon his Head, and be obeyit in all Things 
 as King and Native Prince thairof, as her Hienefs Letters part thair- 
 iipon bears. Thairfore, and becaufe it is ane of the maifl happy 
 'rJ)ings that can come to any Pepill or Cuntre, to be governit and 
 rulit by their awn Native King ; We, and ilk ane of us, quhilk hes 
 fubfcrivit thir Prefents, be the Tenor heirof, promitties, binds, and 
 oblilils us, faithfully to convene and afiembil our felfs at the Burgli 
 of St-erJi?ig, or any other Place to be appointit, to the Effedl fore- 
 faid; and thair concur, alTift and fortify cur faid Native King and 
 Prince, and to the Eftablilhing, Planting and Placing of him in his 
 Kingdom, and Putting of the Crown Royal thairof upon his Head, 
 and in the Fear of our God being inflru6tit and tcichit be his and 
 all other Laws, faU gift" our Aith of Fidelity and Homage, and law- 
 full and dutiful Obedience, to be made by us to him during his 
 Oraces Lifetime, as it becomes faithfull, Chriflian, and true Sub- 
 ieds, to do to thair Native King and Prince. And farther, that 
 v/e fall with all our Strength and Forcis promote, concurre, forti- 
 tie and aflill, to the Promoteing and E(tablifhing of him in his King- 
 dom and Government, as becumis faithfull and true Subjeds to do 
 to thair Prince, and to refift all fick as wald oppon them thairto, or 
 make any Trouble or Impediment to him thairin, and fall do all 
 uther Things, that bccomis faithfull and Chriflian Subjedfs to do to 
 thair Native King and Prince. In Witnefs of the quhilk Thing, we 
 
 half
 
 Book VJ. of Records^ Sec, 713 
 
 hiif lubfciivit thit' Prefents with our Handis, at Edinburgh, the Day 
 of — — , the Year of God 1567 Years. 
 
 James Regent. Huntley. Archibald Argyle. Athol. 
 Mortoiin. Mar. Glencairn. Errol. Buchan. Gra- 
 ham. Alexander Lord Home. William Lord Ruth- 
 ven. Lord Sanquhar. Ihon Lord Glamis. Patrick 
 Lord Lindfey. Michael Lord Carlijle : With my 
 Mand at the Pen, Alexander Hay, Notaru-^. Willi- 
 am Lord Borthwick. Lord Innermaith. Ucheltrie. 
 ■ Sempill. Henry Lord Methven. Allan Lord Cnth- * 
 cart. Patrick ho^d Gray. Robert Com. oi Dumfer- 
 liiig. James Stuart. Alexander Com. of Culrofs. 
 Adam Com. of Cambujkenneth. Dryburgh. MaAer 
 of Montrofe. Alexander Bilhop of Galoway. Ca- 
 -prington. Blairquhan. TulLbarden, Comptroller j 
 with Eighteen more. 
 
 Number 96. 
 
 Bond to the King, and to the Earl of Murray, as Re- 
 gent during his Infancy : Regifred in the Council-Booh 
 on the ^th <?/" April 1569. 
 
 US, and every ane of us underfciiv, and fall in all time earn- 
 ing, likeaswe doe prefbntlie, reverence, acknowlege and re- 
 cognofce tlx maift Fxcelknt and Mighty Prince James the Sixt, 
 by the Giace of God King of the Scottis, our only Soveraine Lord, 
 ?.nd his dcarefl: Uncle, James Eail of Murray, Lord Ahcrncthie, 
 Regent to his Hiencf^, his Realme, and Leidges thfreof, during his 
 Majefties Minority. His Hienefs his faid Regent, and his Maje- 
 flies Authority, we fall obferve and obey, as been mis dutiful! Sub- 
 jsdis, our Landis and Livis in the Defence and Advancement thair- 
 of, we fall beflow, and wair. The Skaith, Harm, or Subverfion 
 of the fanien, we fall never knaw, nor procure by any meanis, di- 
 redl nor indirect. All former Bandi?, for Obedience of any other 
 Authority, fubfcrivit or made by us in any tymes, by-gaine, con- 
 trarious or prejudicial to his Hienefs, his faid Regent and Autho- 
 rity, we renuiice and difcharge for evir : Affirming and fvvearing 
 folempnitiic, upon our Faiths and Honouris, to obferve and keep 
 this our Declaration and plane Profefilon, everie Poynt thairof, be 
 God himfcllf, and as we will anfwer at his General Judgement : 
 Whairin gif we failzie, we are content to be comptit Faithlefs, Falfe, 
 Perjurit and Defamit for ever ; befyde the ordinar Pain of the Lawis 
 Vol. m. 8 T to
 
 714 
 
 A ColleBion Part III. 
 
 to be execute upon us, without Favour, as a perpetual Memory of 
 our unnaturall Defection, and inexcufable- Untruth. In Witnes 
 whairof, we have fubfcrivit tbir Prefents with our Handis as follows, 
 at the Dayes and Tymes particularly under fpecified. 
 
 Huntley. Crafurd. Caffilis. Sanqular. Saltcun. 
 James Lord Ogihie. Laurntice Lord Oliphant. 
 John Mr. Forbei. With Thirty Six more. 
 
 Number 97. 
 
 A Declaration of the Caufes moving the ^eene of Fng- 
 landj to give Aide to the Defence of the People affli&ed 
 a?2ci opprejfed in the Lowe-Countries. 
 
 Kings and A Lthough Kinges and Princes, Soveraigne?, owing their Homage 
 Princes, Sove- ^^^-^ and Service only unto the Almightie God, the King of all 
 ykfd Account J^'ng^j ^re in that refpedl not bounde to yeeld Account, or render 
 of their Aai- the Reafons of their Aftions to any others, but to God their onely 
 rgh"y^Go^d'; Soveraigne Lord: Yet (though amongfl the moil Ancient and 
 the King of Chriftian Monarchies, the fame Lorde Gcd having committed to 
 ^'"SS' us the Soveraignete of this Realme of Englmide, and other our Do- 
 
 minions, which wee holde immediately of the fame Almightie Lorde, 
 and fo thereby accountable only to his Divine Majefiie) wee are, 
 notwithflanding this our Prerogative at this time, fpecially moved 
 (for divers Reafons hereafter briefly remembred) to publifli, not on- 
 ly to our owne Naturall Loving Subjeds, but alfo to all others our 
 Neighbours, fpecially to fuch Princes and States as are our Confede- 
 rates, or have for their Subjeds Caufe of Commerce with our Confede- 
 treis and People, what our Intention is at this time, and upon what 
 juft and reafonable Grounds, we are moved to give Aid to our next 
 Neighbours, fpecially to fuch People of the Low-Countries, being by 
 longWarres, and Perfecutions of Strange Nations there, lamentablie 
 afflided, and in prefent danger to be brought into a perpetual Servi-r 
 lude. 
 
 Natural Cau- Firft, It is to be underftoode, (which percafe is not pcrfedlly 
 fesofthe An-knowen to a great Number of Perfons) that there hath been, Time 
 a^T?afflc'bel °"t ^^ Minde, even by the Naturall Situation of thofe Lona-Coun- 
 twixtthePeo-/rm, and our Rcalmc of England, one directly oppofite to the other j 
 pie of£»^W and by Reafon of the ready CrofTing of the SeaSj and Multiude of 
 the iowCsa/r- large and commodious Havens refpedively on both Sides, a continu- 
 tries. all Traffique and Commerce betwixt the People of England, and the 
 
 Naturall People of the Lowe-Countries j and fo continued in all 
 
 Anci-
 
 Confederati- 
 ons both be- 
 
 Book V"i. of Records^ &c. 71^5 
 
 Ancient Times when the fevcrall Provinces therof, as Flanders, Up- 
 land, and Zdand^ and other Countries to them adjoining, were ruled 
 and poffeiTed by feverall Lordes, and not united together, as of late 
 Yeeres they have been by Entermarriages ; and at length by Concur- 
 rences of manv and fundrie Tides have alfo been reduced to be under iwixt the 
 the Government of their Lordes that fucceeded to the Dukedome of^^"'5«'°f 
 Bu'gundie, whereby there hath been in former Ages many^ fpeciall the Lordes cf 
 Aiiianccs and Confederations, not only betwixt the Kinges ci Eng-^^^°^<''^" 
 land :.ur Progenitours, and the Lordes of the faid Countries of ■?%'?'- aii"o"thc"su\" 
 ders, Hol'and, Zela.-id, and their Adherents; but alfo bttwixt thejefts of both 
 very Na^urall Suhjedles of both Countries, as the Prelates, Noble- ^°''"^'''^•■ 
 men, Citizens, BurgefTes, and other Comminalties of the great Cities 
 and Port Townes of cither Countrie recinroquelie by fpcciall Obliga- 
 tions an 1 Stipulations under their Scales interchangeablie, for Main- The People 
 tenance both of Commerce and Entercourfe of Merchantes j and alfo of i^^th the 
 of fpeciall mitu.ill Amitie to be obferved betwixt the People and In-[,°""j'|^"^ 
 habitants of both Parties, as v/ell Ecclefiafticall, as Secular : And very cial Obligati- 
 exprefle Piovifion in fuch Treaties conteined for mu uall Favours, °""^"''^!'';. 
 Aftedlions, and all other Friendly Offices to he ufed and profecuted for mutual 
 by the People of the one Nation towards the other. By which mu-^^.^°'^."' ^°^ 
 tu.il Bondes, there ^hath continued perpetuall Unions of the Peoples o'ffic"es. 
 Hearts together, and fo by way of continuall Entercourfe?, from Age 
 to Age the fame mutuall Love hath bene inviolablie kept and exer- 
 cifed, as it had been by the Worke of Nature, and never utterly dif- 
 folved ; nor yet for any long Time difcontinucd, howfoever the 
 Kinges, and the Lordes of the Countries fometimes (though very rare- 
 ly) have beene at difference by ilnifler Meanes of feme other Princes 
 their Neighbours, envying the Felicitle of thefe Two Countries. 
 
 And for Maintenance and Teltimonie of thefe natural Unions of 
 the Peoples of thefe Kingdoms and Countries in perpetuall Amitie, treaties ex- 
 there are extent fundrie Autentique Treaties and Tra^ifadlions fortantofAn- 
 mutual Commerce, Entercourfe and flraight Amitie of Ancient Times : ^et'^i^'lhe' 
 As for Example, fome very folcmnely accorded ii) the Times of KingKmgcsof 
 Hi'nrte the Vlth our Progenitour, and Philip the lid, Duke of Bur-^"S''''"^' ^''^^ 
 gundie, and Jnheritour to the Countie of Flmiders by the 'L-Aio. Mar- Bu,gundie,ioc 
 garet his Grandmother, which was above One Hundred and Forty 'he Com - 
 Years paft ; and the fame alfo renewed by the Noble Duke C6(?r/i?5™"",ljgij 
 his Sonne, Father to the King of Spayne's Grandmother, and Hufband Counuie*. 
 to the Ladie Margaret, Sifter to our Great Grandfather King Edward 
 the IVth : And after that, of newe oftentimes renewed by our mofl 
 Noble and Sage Grandfather King Henrie the Vllth, and the Arch- 
 duke Philips Grandfather to the King of Spayne now being : And in 
 later Times, often renewed betwixt our Father of Noble Memoirc 
 King Henrie the VJIIth, and Charles the Vth Emperour o{ Almaigney 
 Father alfo to the prefent King o{ Spaine. 
 
 In al which Treaties, Tranfaftions, and Confedarations of Amitie Conventions 
 and mutuall Commerce, it was alfo at all Times fpeciallyand princi-fof '^eSub- 
 pally contained in exprefTe Words, by Conventions, Concordes, andjfj/ "to ftewe 
 Conclufions, that the Naturall People and Subjecfts of either fide, mutual Fa- 
 fliould fhewe mutuall Favours and Dueties one to the other; ^nd ^^°^''^^°"^ " 
 Hwuld fafely, freely, and fecurely Commerce together in everie their 
 
 CounUie<^,
 
 7i6 ^ ColkSiton Part III. 
 
 Countries, and fo huih the fame mutuall and naturall Concouife and 
 Commerce bene without interruption contynued in many Ages, farre 
 above the like Example of any other Countries In Chriflendome, to 
 the Honour and Strength of the Piinces, and in the fingular great 
 Benefite and enriching of their People, uniill of late Yeeres that the 
 King of Spay?:e departing out of his Loii:c Countries into Spayne, hath 
 S;flH/W« and j^gj^g ^^g -g jQ |^„ thought) councelled by his Counfelours of Spayne^ 
 ly'appointed to appoint S^aiiiafdes, Foreners, and Strangers of flrange Blood, 
 Governours jyf^j^ more cxercifed in Warres, than in Peaceable Government; and 
 CoH«m>°rto fome of them notably delighted in BlooJ, as hath appeared by their 
 the Violation Adllons to be the chiefell Governours of all his fiid Low Count ries^ 
 °/^'^^^ ji^'g*^"^' contrary to the Ancient Lawes and Cuflomes thereof, having great 
 Country. plentle of Noble, Valiant, and Faithful Perfons naturally Borne, and 
 fuch as the Empcrour Charles, and the King himfelfe had to their 
 great Honours ufed in their Service, able to have bene empl iycd in 
 the Rule of thofe Countrie?. But thefe Spaniards being n:eeie S ran- 
 gers, havinge no natural! RegarJe in their Government to the Main- 
 tenance of thofe Countries and People in their Aneient an 1 Naturall 
 Maner of peaceable Liviiig, as the moft Noble and Wife Emperour 
 Charles; yea, and as his Sonne King Philip himfelf had, wnileft he 
 remained in thefe Countries, and ufed the Counfels of the States, 
 and Natural of the Countries, not violating the Ancient Liberties of 
 the Countries : But, contrarywife, thefe Spaniardes being exalted 
 to Abfolute Govenmient by Ambition, and for private Lucre have 
 violently broken the Aneient Lawes and Liberties of all the Coun- 
 tries ; and in a Tyrannous Scrt have baniflied, killed, and dcflroyed 
 TheDeftruai-without Order of Lavve, within the Space of a few Monthes, ma- 
 onotiiie No-ny of the moft Ancient and Principal Perfons of the natural Nc.biiitie 
 p]"'^g^o"f the^that were more Wortliy of Government. And howfoever in the 
 Countries by Beginning of thefe Cruel Perecutions, the Pretence thereof was for 
 Spamjh Go- M^iiitenance of the RofniJJo Religion, yet they fpared not to deprive 
 verie many Catholiques, and Ecdefiaftical Perfons of their Franchifes 
 and Privileges: And of the Chicfefl that were executed of the No- 
 bilitie, none Wc^s in the Whole Countrie more afFeded to that ReHgion, 
 The kmen- then vvas the Noble and Valiant Count of Egmondy the very Giory 
 D^!ah of'the °^ ^^^^ Countrie, who neither for his fingular Vidories in the Ser- 
 Count of vice of the King of Spayne can be forgotten in the true Hiilorie?, nor 
 fiCTc^rf, the ypf for the Cruelties ufed for his Deftrudlion, to bee but for ever 
 Cou'iftr°ies. lamented in the Heartes of the natural People of tb.at Countrie. And 
 futhermore, to bring thefe whole Countries in Servitude to Spayne ; 
 thefe Foreine Governours have by long intcftine Warre, with multi- 
 tude of Spaniards, and with fome fewe Italians and Jihnains, made 
 the greater Part oi the fa'd Countries, (which with their Riches, by 
 common Eftimaiion, anfwered the Emperour Charles equally to his 
 T'^w^^and •^'''^'^•^) ''"' a manner Dt folate j and have alfo lamentably dellroyed by 
 Strengthes Sword, Famine, and other Cruel Maners of Death, a great Part of 
 w'^i'h^t, ^^ natural People, and now the rii.h Townes and ftrong Places \it,~ 
 ofpoffefledTying Dcfolate of their natural Inhabitant?, are held and kept chiefly 
 theS'/««,v?r;cw.with Force by the Spaniardes. 
 
 All
 
 Book VI. of Records^ &c. 717 
 
 All which pitiful Mifcries and horrible Calamities of thefe moft 
 Rich Countries and People, are of all their Neighbours at this Day, 
 even of fuch as in Ancient Time have bene at frequent Difcord wth 
 them, thorowe natural Companion veriegreatlie pitied, which appear- 
 ed fpecially this prefent Yere, when the Frcncbe Kinge pretended to 
 have received them to his Protedlion, had not (as the States of the 
 Countrey and their Deputies were anfwered) that certaine untimely 
 and unlooked for Complottes of the Houfe of Guife, ftirred and main- 
 tained by Money out of Spayne, diflurbed the Good and General 
 Peace of Fraiince, and thereby urged the King to forbeare from the 
 Refolution he had made, not only to aide the opprefled People of the 
 Lowe Countries againft the Spaniardes, but alfo to have accepted 
 them as his owne Subjeelis. But in verie truth, howfoever they 
 were pitied, and in a for-t for a Time comforted and kept in Hope in 
 Fraunce by the Frencbe King, who alfo hath oftentimes earneftly fol- 
 licited us as Queen of EnglaiiJ, both by Meffage and Writingc to T^^ .^''^"^■^ 
 bee careful of their Defence : Yet in refpedl that they were other- to'have aided 
 wife more ftra'ghtly knitte in Auncient Friendfhip to this Realme^"'* received 
 then to any otlier Countrie, we are fure that they could bee 'c? '^'l,,^"^-'^' 
 
 i/ri* • • /-I ction the op- 
 
 pitaed of none fr this long Time with more Caufe and Grief gf nerally prefTed 
 then of our Subjeft^ of this our Realme of England, being their molt'^^^f'^i''^ '^* 
 AiKicnt Allien, and Familiar Neighbours, and that in fuch Ma; ;er, ,/.■,. 
 as this our Realme of Enghmd, and thofe Countries have been by 
 common Language of long Time refembled, and termed as Man and 
 Wife. And for thefe urgent Caufes and many others, we have by 
 many Friendly Meflages and Ambaflador>, by many Letters and ^j^^^^^^" °^ 
 Writings to the faid King of Spayne our Brother and Allie, declared continual 
 our Compaflion of this fo Evil and Cruel Ufape of his Natural and ^^."^"'^'y ,-^'^- 
 
 . . • vjccs to the 
 
 Loyal People, by fundrie his Martial Governoures, and other his xing of 
 Men of Warre, all Strangers to thefe his Countries. And furthermore, ■^/'"'"f ^^^ f^- 
 as a good Loving Sifler to him, and a natural good Neighbour to his the^Tyaannie 
 iLcwr Cw/;2/rzV^ and People, we have often, and often againe moft of his Go- 
 Friendly warned him, that if he did not otherwife by his Wifdome ^""°""' 
 and Princely Clemencie reflraine the Tyranny of his Governours, 
 and Crueltieof his Men of Warre, we feared that the People of his 
 Countries fhould be forced for Safetie of their Lives, and for Con- 
 tinuance of their Native Countrey in their former State of their Li- 
 berties, to feek the Protedlion of feme other Foreyne Lordej or ra- 
 ther to yeeld themfelves wholy to the Soveraigntie of feme Mighty 
 Prince, as by the Ancient Lawes of their Countries, and by fpeciall 
 Priviletlges graunted by fome of the Lordes and Dukes of the Coun- 
 tries to the People, they do pretende and affirm that in fuch Cafes 
 of General Injuflice, and upon fuch Violent Breaking of their Privi- 
 leges, they are free from their former Homages, and at Libertie to 
 make Choice of any other Prince to bee their Prince and Head. The 
 Proof whereof, by Examples pafl is to be feene and read in the An- 
 cient Kiflories of divers Alterations, of the Lordes and Ladies of the 
 Countries of Brabant, Flandc7-s, Holland, and Zeland, and other 
 Countries to them united by the States and People of the Countries ; 
 and that by fome fuch Alterations as the Stories do teflifie, Pbilip 
 the Duke of Bur^imdy came to his Tytle, from which the King of 
 Vol. in, " 8 U Spayne\
 
 7i8 
 
 4 OAleBion Part III. 
 
 5'-rt,vrtd''s InterefHs deived: Buc the further Difcuffion hereof, we 
 TheQaeene j^^^^ to the Viewe of the Monuments and Recordes of the Countries 
 Mean'iTfed And now for the Purpofes to ftay th.^m from yielding thcmfelves in 
 to ftaie the anv like Sort to the Soveraigotie of any Other (trange Prince, certaine 
 tr/cll'l' Yceres part, upf)n the ea-rePc R^q'ieft of fundrie of the greatcft Per- 
 trUiUom fons of Degree in thofe Countries and m ft Obedient Subjc<£ls to the 
 yeelding their p,j fu.h as wcrc the Du'<e of ^/^^^ and thc Marques of Haven 
 any other yet Living, and of fiich Others as had Principal Omces in thole Coun- 
 Forreine trics in the Time of the Emp. TOUT Charles, we yielded at their im- 
 portunate Rcquefts, to giaunt them prefls of Money, onlv to continue 
 them as his Subjed?, and to maintaine themfelves in their jiift De- 
 fence asiainfl the Violence and Cruelties of the Spaniardes their Op- 
 preflbnrs, thereby ftaying them, from yielding their Subjeclion (o any 
 other Prince from the f.iid King of Spdyjie : And during the Time of 
 that our Aide given to them, and their fl:iy in their Obedience to 
 the Kino' oi Spayiie, we did freely acquainte the lame Kinge with our 
 Adions, and did ftill continue our Friendly Advices to h'm, to move 
 him to commaund his Govern ours and Men of Wane, not to ufe 
 fuch Infolcnt Cruelties againft: his People, as might make them to de- 
 fpayre of his Favours, and feek fome other Lorde. 
 
 And in thefc kind of Perfw&fions and Adions wee continued many 
 Yeeres, not onely for Compafllon of the miferable flate of thc Coun- 
 tries, but of a natural difpofition to have the ancient Conditions of 
 ftraight Amiiie and Commerce for our Kingdomes and People to con- 
 tinue with the States and the People of the fdd Dukedome of Bur- 
 guiidie and the Appendant?, and namely with our next Neighbours 
 the Countries of Flanders, "Holland and Zeland. For wee did mani- 
 feftly fee, if the Nation of Spayne fliould make a conquefl: of thofe 
 Countries, as was and yet is apparantly intended, and plant themfelves 
 there as they have done in Naples and other Countries, adding there- 
 to the late Examples of the violent hoftile Enterprife of a power of 
 Spajjyardes, being fent within thefe fewe Yeeres by the King of Spaine 
 The Enter- and the Pope into our Realme of Ireland, with an intent manifeflly 
 prifeofthe confelTed by the Captaine?, that thofe Nombers were fent aforehand 
 in /r/wfent to feafc upou fome flrength there, to the intent with other greater 
 bytheKingof Forces to purfue a Conqueft thereof: wee did we fay againe, mani- 
 jhfpo^e"'^ feftly fee in what danger our felfe, our Countries and People might 
 fhortly bee, if in convenient time wee did not fpeedily otherwife 
 regard to prevent or ftay the fame. And yet notwithftanding our 
 faide often Requefts and Advifes given to the King of Spayne, mani- 
 feftly for his own Weale and Honour, wee found him by his Coun- 
 fell of Spayne fo unwilling in any fort to encline to our friendly Coun- 
 fell, that his Governours and Chiefetains in his lowe Countries in- 
 creafed their Cruelties towards his own afflided People, and his 
 The Refufai^ Officers in Spayne offered dayly greater Injuries to ours, reforting thi- 
 Mefltngirr ^ ther for Trafique : yea, they of his Counfell in Spayne, would not 
 and her Let- permit our exprefs Meffenger with our Letters to come to the King 
 Kin 'of*"^ ^^^''' Maffer's Prefence : A Matter very ftrange, and againft the Law 
 
 Ipayne. ofNatioUS. 
 
 And
 
 Book VI. of Records^ &c. 719 
 
 And the CHiifc of this our vvriing and fending to the King, pro- ThcjudCau- 
 C-e.'ed of M-^ttcr thu was worthy to be knowen to the King, and Tes of Difmif- 
 n.t unm-te nowe alfj ro be declared to the World, to fhewc both our rwo^aout 
 good Dilpoiition towardes the King in imparting to him our Grieves, oi England, 
 atid to lee it appear howe evill we have heene ufed by his Minifl:ers, 
 as in feme pait may appear by this that followeth. Aitliough we 
 coulde not hive thcfe many Yeres paft any of our Servaunts, whome 
 we fcnt at fundi ie times as our Ambafladours to the King oUr good 
 Biotiir, as was mete, fuftered to continue there without many Inju- 
 ries and Ir.digmtie-; offered to their F.im'lies, and divers times to their 
 ow.ie Perf;ns, bv the greatefl: of his Counfellours, fo as they were 
 condraineJ to leave their Places, and fome expelled, and in a fort 
 baniflied tlie Countrey, without Caufe given by them, or notified to 
 us: Yet we, minding to continue very good Friendship with the 
 King, as h'.s good Sifter, did of long Time, and many Yeres give fa- 
 vourable Allowance to all tliat came as his Ambaffadours to usj fa- 
 ving oneiy upon manifeft daungcrous Pradices, attempted by Two 
 cf them to trouble our Eftate, whereof the one was Girald Defpes^ 
 a very turbulent-fpirited Perfon, and altogether unOiilfull and unapt 
 to de.:Ie in Princes Affaires being in Amitie : as at his Retourn in- 
 to Spiiine, hi was fo there alfo reputed: The other, and laft was, 
 Beruard'.n de Mendaza ; one whom we did accept, and ufe with great 
 Favour a lonz t.me, as was manifeftly (te.n in our Court, and wc 
 thinke cannut be denied by himfelf: But yet of late Yeeres, (we 
 know not by what Dire6tion) we found him to be a fecret great Fa- 
 vourer to fundrie our evill-difpofed and feditious Subjetfles, not one- 
 ly to fuch as lurked in our Realme, but alfo to fuch as fled the 
 fame, being notorioufly condemned as open Rebelles and Tray- 
 . tours ; with whoine by his Letters, Meffages, and fecret Counfels, 
 he did in the ende devife, how with a Power of Men, parte* 
 ly to come out of Spayne, partely out of the Loioe Coun- 
 tries, whereof hee gave them great Comforte in the Kinges 
 Name, an Invafion might be made into our Realme ; fetting downe 
 in Writing the manner howe the fame fliould be done, with what 
 Numbers of Men and Shippes, and upon what Coartes, Portes and 
 Places of our Realme, by fpecial Name: And who the Perfons 
 lliould be in our Realme of no fmall Account, that fhould favour 
 this Invafion, and take part with the Invadour^j with many other 
 Circumflancc?, declaring his full fet Purpofe and Labours taken, to 
 trouble, us aiid our Realme very dangerouflyj as hath beene mofle 
 clearly proved and confeffed, by fuch as were in that Confederacy 
 with him : v.'hereof fome are fled, and now do frequent his Gompa- 
 nie in France -, and fome were taken, who confeffed at great length 
 by writ ng, the whole Courfe herein helde by the faide Ambaffador, 
 as was manifeftly of late time publifhed to the Worlde uppon Frafi- 
 cis Thrognm-ion'fy a principall Traitour's Examination. And when 
 we found manifelUy this Ambaffadour fo dangerous an Inftrument, 
 or rather a Head to a Rebellion and Invafion : And that for a 
 Yeere or more together, he never brought to us any Letter from the 
 Kinge his Mafter, notvvithlianding our often Requefle made to him, 
 that he woulde by feme Letter from the Kinge to us, let it appear© 
 
 that
 
 y2o A ColleBion Part ill. 
 
 that it was the Kings Will, that he fhould deale with us in his IVIa- 
 fters Name, in fundrie Thinges that he propounded to us as his Am- 
 bafladour ; which we did judge to be contrary to the Kinge his Ma- 
 fters Will. We did finally caufe him to be charged with thefe dan- 
 gerous Pradlices; and made it patent to him, how, and by whom, 
 (with many other Circumftances) we knew it; and therefore caufed 
 him, in very gentle fort, to be content (within fome rcafonable 
 time) to departe out of our Realme, the rather for his own Safety, 
 as one in very deed morially hated of our People, For the which 
 we graunted him favourable Condu(5l both to the Sea, and over the 
 Sea. And thereupon we did fpeedily fend a Servant of ours into 
 Spame^ with our Letters to the King, only to certify him of this Ac- 
 cident, and to make the whole Matter apparent unto him. And this 
 was the Meflenger afore-mentioned, that might not be fufFred to de- 
 liver our Meflage, or our Letters, to the King. 
 
 And befide thefe Indignities it is mofl manifeft, how his Miniflers 
 alfo have both heretofore many time?, and now lately pradlifed here 
 in Efigland, by meanes of ceriaine Rebelles, to have procured fun- 
 dry Invafions of our Realme, by their Forces out of Spaine and the 
 Loive Cciintries : Very hard Rccompences (we may fay) for fo ma- 
 ny our good Offices. Hereupon we hope, no reafonable Perfon can 
 blame us, if we have difpofed our felves to change this our former 
 Courfe, and more carefully to look to the Safety of our Selfe, and 
 our People. And finding our owne Dangers in deed very great 
 and imminent, we have bene the more urgently provoktd to at- 
 tempt and accelerate fome good Remedy : For that, bt-fides many 
 other Advices, given us both at Homi and from Abrode, in due 
 Time to withftand thefe Dangers; we have found the general Dij?- 
 pofition of all our own fiiithfuU People, very ready in this Cafe, and 
 earneft, in ofFring to us both in Parliaments and otherwife, their Ser- 
 vices with their Bodies and Blood, and their Aides with their Lands 
 and Goods, to withftand and prevent this prefent common Danger to 
 our Realme and themfelves, evidently feene and feared, by the fub- 
 verting and rooting up of the Ancient Nation of thefe Lowe Coun- 
 tries, and by Planting the Spanijh Nation and Men of Warre, Ene- 
 TheQiieenofn^iies to our Countries, there fo nere unto us. And befides thefe Oc- 
 Engiand's cafions sud Confideration?, we did alfo call to our Remembrance our 
 r°*^r'^Dc^' f°^"^^'' fortunate Proceeding, by God's fpeciall Favour, in the Begin- 
 liverieof uing of our Rcigue, in remedying of alike Mikhief that was in- 
 Scotiand (rom tended againfl us in Scotland by certaine frenchmen, who then were 
 wherdn the direflcd onely by the Houfe of Guife, by Colour of the Marriage of 
 Houfeof their Neece, the Queene of Scots, with the Dolphin of France: In 
 to'have^^"' like manner, as the Offsprings of the faide Houfe have even now late- 
 brought it. ly fought to attaine to the like unordinate Power in France: A Mat- 
 ter of fome Confeqaence for our felves to conlider; although we 
 hope, the King (our good Brother) profefling fincere Friendship to- 
 wards us, as we profefs the like to him, will moderate this afpiring 
 Greatnes of that Houfe, that neither himfelf, nor the Princes of his 
 Bloud be overruled, nor we (minding to continue perftd: Frend- 
 fliip with the King, and his Blond) be by the faid Houfe of Giiifi^ 
 and their Fadion, difquieted or diflurbed in our Countries. But 
 2 now
 
 Book VI. of Records^ &c. ^21 
 
 now to return to this like Example of Scotlande aforefaid, when the 
 French had in like manner (as the Spanyardes have nowe of long 
 time attempted in the Lowe Countries) fought by Force to have 
 fubdued the People there, and brought them into a Servitude to the 
 Crowne of France; and alfo by the Ambitious Defires of the faide 
 HoLife of Giiife, to have proceeded to a Warre by way of Scotland, 
 for the Conqucft of our Crowne f)r tlieir Neece the Queene of 
 Scoties (a Matter moft manifell to tlie common Knowledge of the 
 Worlde) : It pleafed Almightie God, as it remaineth in good memo- 
 rie to our Honour and Comfort, to further our Intention, and Ho- 
 nourable and Juft Adions, at that time, in fuch fort, as by our Aid- 
 ing then of the Nation of Scotland^ (being fore opprefled with the 
 French, and univerHdly requiring our Aide) we procured to that 
 Rcalmc (though to our great Coft^ a full Deliverance of the Force 
 of Strangers, and Danger of Servitude, and reftored Peace to tlic 
 whole Countrie ; which hath continued there ever fince of many Yeresj 
 faving that at fome Time of Parcialities of certaine of the Noble- 
 men, (as hath beene ufuill in thit Countrie, in the Mynoritie of 
 the yong King) there hath rifen feme inward Troubles, which (for 
 the moft part) we have, in Favour of the King and his Governours, 
 ufed Meanes to pacific: So as at tins Day, fuch is the Quietnes in Tne Realm of 
 Scotlande, as the King our Dear Brother and Coufin, by ^^m^s^^iland \ti\o- 
 James the Vlth, a Prince of great Hope for many goode Pi'ince- ^^^''^|°p'^^p^j^" 
 ly Refpedes, raigneth there in Honour and Love of his People, and mdfo poUef-' 
 in very good and perfed Amitie with us and our Country. And fo*.°'^'^y''^^^P[^' 
 our Adions, at that time, came to fo good Saccefle, by the Good- the xieans on- 
 nes of God, at bothe our own Realme, and that of Scotland, hath'y of t^i^Q^^^ 
 ever fince remained in better Amitie and Peace, then can be remem- "^ "" ' 
 bred thefe manie Hundred Yeeres before : And yet nothing heereby 
 done by u?,v nor any Caufc juftly given, but that alfo the Frenche 
 Kinges that have fince fucceeded, (which have been Three in Num- 
 ber, ar.d all Brethren) have made and concluded divers Treaties for 
 good Peace with us ; which prefentlie continue in Force on both 
 Parlies, notwithftanding our forefaide Adions, attempted for Rf mo- 
 ving out of Scot land of the faide French Forces, fo tranfported by 
 theonely Diredion of the Houfe of Gityp. 
 
 And therefore, to conclude for the Declaration of our prefent In- The Corclufi- 
 tention at this time, we hope it (hall of all Ferfons abroade be wcll'?^°'^'l'*^^^^' 
 interpreted, as wee knowe it will be of fuch as are not ledde by Par-Jf ceit^.in "^ 
 cialliiie, that upon the often and coiitinuall lamentable Rec|ueftes^o"'F''^'=s^ °f 
 made to us by the Univeiiall States of the Countries of //jj/Z^;;^, Zc~ ^"^ ^i^heDc'. 
 land, Guelder s, and other Provinces with them united, (beeing de-fcr.ceof the 
 fperate of the K-ng of Spaims Favours) for our Succours to bepfl^"^'^^.^! , 
 yeelded to them, onely for thtir Defence againll: the Spaniards, and/,„,„^cv;<x/»r';, 
 other Strangers; and therewith finding nianifcftly, by our ofen and '"'' .^^ *^"''" 
 
 . . f' ntJ the At- 
 
 importuniie Requeftes and Advices given to the King qf Spaiiie, lo.^^^^ptsag^inft 
 Hope of Reliefe of the fc- their Miftries, but raiher an Increafe ther-^lli^ Realm, 
 o', by d:iy!y Conqucfts of (heir Townes, and Slaughter of their 
 People; (iho' in very Tiueth, we cannot impute the Increafe of any 
 late Cruelties, to the Ferfon of biai'tliat now h.th the Title of Ge~ 
 nerall Governor, fliewing his Natorall Difpofiujn more inclvnable to 
 Vol. III. 8X ' Me.cic
 
 722 A Collection Part III. 
 
 Mercie and Clemencie, then it feemeth he can diied the Heart s ot 
 the S^aniardei under him, that have been lb long trayned in Shed- 
 ding of Blood, under the former 5/'r7«//6 Governours:) And joyn- 
 ing therunto our owne Danger at Hand, by the Overthrow and De- 
 flrudion of our Neighbours, and AccefTc and Planting of the great 
 Forces of the Spaniardes fo nere to our Countrie?, with precedent Ar- 
 guments of many troublefome Attemptes againft our Realme : We 
 did therefore, by good Advice, and afier long Deliberation, deter- 
 mine, to fende certaine Companies of Souldieres, to ayde che Natu- 
 rall People of thofe Countries ; onely to defende them and their 
 Townes, from Sacking and Difolation, and thereby to procure them 
 Safetie, to the Honour of God ; whome they defire to lerve iincer- 
 ly, as Chriftian People, according to his Holie Word, and to enjoye 
 their Ancient Liberties for them and their Pofteritie, and fo confe- 
 quently, to preferve and contynue the Lawful and Ancient Com- 
 merce betw ixt our People, and thofe Countries and ours. 
 Three fpcclal And fo, we hope, our Intention herein, and our fubfcquent A<fti- 
 Thingsrea- ons will be, by God's Favour, both honourably and charitably in- 
 .'edV^theVj. terpreted of all Perf^ns, (faving of the Oppreflbrs themfelves, and 
 of E>!g/,wJ. "their Partizans) in that we meane not heereby, cither for Ambition 
 Wa^-'^^with°^°'" ^^''cc, (the Two Rootes of all Jnjuftice) to make any particu- 
 Rertit'ution of lar Profit hereof, to our Selfe, or to our People : Onely deliringe at 
 iheZ,mCw«. (j^ig tjj^e to obtaine (by God's Favour) for the Countries, a Dclive- 
 Ancient Li- tance of them from Warre, by the Spaniards and Forrainers ; a Ke- 
 bertief. ilitution ( f their Ancient Liberties and Government, by fome Chri-. 
 
 j^^ggQ^jjf""' flian Peace; and thereby, aSuretie for our felves and our Realme, 
 her own to be free from invading Neighbours j and our People to enjoy in 
 ^"'^_ thofe Countries, their lawfuU Commerce, and Entercourfe of Frend- 
 iiigthe mu- fhip and Marchandife, according to the ancient Ufage and Treaties of 
 tualTraffick Eutercourfe, made betwixt our Progenitors and the Lordes and Earles 
 Couimies. ^ "^ thofe Countries, and betwixt our People and the People of thofe 
 
 Countries. 
 TheCaiifesof And though our further Intention alfo is, or may be, to take into 
 taking fome our Garde f me fewe Townes upon the Sea-fide next oppofite to our 
 heTMajetties Rcaln^^, which othcrwife might be in Danger to be taken by the 
 Cuiiody. Strangers, Enemies of the Country : Yet therein confidering we have 
 no Meaning at this Tyme, to take and ie?aine the fame to our owne 
 proper Ufe; v.'e hope, that all Perfons will think it agreeable with 
 good Reafon and Princely Policie, that we fhouldhave the Gard and 
 Ufe of fome fbch Places, for fure Accefle and Reccfle of our People 
 and Soldiers in Safety, and for Furniture of them with Viduals, 
 and other Things rtquifite and neceffarie, whilefl it fliall be need- 
 ful for them to continue in thofe Countries, for the Aiding therof 
 in thefe their great Calamities, Miferies, and imminent Daunger, and 
 until! the Countries may he delivered of futh ftrange Forces as do 
 now opprefic them, and recover their Ancient Lawful! Liberties and 
 Maner of Gouvernmcnt, to live in Peace as they have heeretofore 
 done, and doe nowe moll: earneftly in lamentable manner defire to 
 doe ; which are the very onely true Endes of all our Anions 
 nowe intended, hovvfoever malicious Tongues may utter their 
 
 cankred
 
 Book VI. of Records^ &c. 723 
 
 cankred Conceits to the contrary, as at this Day the Worlde abound- 
 ed with luch Blafphemous Reportes in Writings and Infamous Li- 
 bels, as in no Age the Devil hath more abounded with notable Spi- 
 rits repleniflied with all Wickednefle, to utter his Rage againfl: Pro- 
 fedours of Chriftian Religion. But thereof we leave the Revenge to 
 God, the Searcher of Hearts, hoping that he beholding the Sinceri- 
 tie of our Heart, will graunte good Succeffe to our Intentions, where- 
 by a Chriftian Peace may enfue to his Divine Honour, and Comfort 
 to al them that Love Peace truely, and wil feeke it fincerely. 
 
 An Additmi to the Declaratio?}., touching the Slaunders 
 publiJJjed of her Majejlie. 
 
 AFter we had finidicd our Declaration, there came to our Hands 
 a Pamphlet written in Italian, printed at Milan, Entituled Nuo- 
 uo advijo, direded to the Archbifhop of Milan, conteyning a Report 
 of the Expugnation of Antwerpe by the Prince of Parma : By the 
 which we found our felf mofl malicioufly charged with two notable 
 Crimes, no lefle hateful to the World, then moft repugnant and con- 
 trary to our own Natural Inclination. The one, with Ingratitude 
 towards the King of Spciine, (who as the Author faith) faved our 
 Life being juftly by Sentence adjudged to Death in our Sifter's Time : 
 The other, that there was fome Perfons procured to be corrupted 
 with great Promifes, and that with our Intelligence as the Reporter 
 addeth in a Parenthefis in thofe Words [as it was /aid,) that the Life 
 of the Prince of Parma fliould be taken away: And for the better 
 proving and countenancing of this horrible Lye, it is further added 
 in the faid Pamphlet, that it pleafed the Lord God to difcover this, 
 and bring Two of the wicked Perfons to Juftice. Now knowing how 
 Men are malicioufly bent in this declining Age of the World, both 
 to judge, fpeak, and write malicioufly, falfely and unreverently 
 of Princes: And holding nothing io Deaf unto us, on the Conferva- 
 tion of our Reputation and Honour to be blnmelefle : We found it 
 very expedient, not to fuffer Two fuch horrible Imputations to pafs 
 under filence, leaft for lacke of Anfwere, it may argue a kind of 
 Guihines, and did therefore think, that what might be alledged by 
 us for our Juftific.ition in that Behalfe, might be moft aptly joined 
 unto tliis former Declaration now to be publifhed, to lay open before 
 the World the Maner and Ground of our Proceeding in the Caufes of 
 the Lowe Countries. 
 
 And for Anfwere of the Firft Point wherewith we are char- 
 ged, touching our Ingratitude towards the King of Spaine, as 
 we do mod: willingly acknowledge that we were beholding un- 
 to him in the Time of our late Sifter, which we then did acknowledge 
 very thinkfuUy, and have fought many Ways, fince in like Sort 
 to require, as in our former Declaration by our Adtions may 
 appeare : So do we utterly denie as a moft manifeft Untruth, that 
 ever he was the Caufe of the faving of our Life, as a Perfon by a 
 Courfe of Juftice fentenced unto Death, who ever carried our 
 
 felf
 
 ^24 ^ CoUeBion Part Hi. 
 
 felf towards our faid Siller in Dutiful Sort, zs ourLoyal'ie wab never 
 called in Quertion, much lefle any Sentence of Dea'h pronounced 
 againft us: A Matter fuch, as in Refped: of the ordiiiaiic Courfc of 
 Proceeding, as by Procefll; in La we, by Place of Tryal, by the Judge 
 that fliould Pronounce iuch Sentence, and other ncceffary Ciicum- 
 ftances in like Cafes ufual, efpecially againft one of our Quaiitie, as it 
 could not but have bene publiqielie known, if any fuch Thing had 
 bene put in Execution. This then being true, we kave to the V/oildc 
 to judge how malicioufly and injurio'jfly the Author of the faid Pam- 
 phlet dealeth with us, in charging us by fo notable an Untruth with 
 a Vice that of all others we do moft Hate and Abhorre. Ai.d there- 
 fore by the manifeft Untruth of this Imputation, Men not iranfpoit- 
 ed with Paffion may eafily difcerne what Untruth is conteined in the 
 Second, by the which we are charged to have bene acquainted with 
 an intended Attempt againft the Life of the faid Prince : A Matter, 
 if any fuch Thing fliould have been by us intended, muft have pro- 
 ceeded, either of a miflyking we had of his Perfon, or that the Pro- 
 fecution of the Warres in the L^jxcr Ccumries was fo committed unto 
 him, as no other might profeciitc the fame but he. 
 
 And Firft for his Perfon, we could never learne that he hath at 
 any Time, by Ade, or Speach, done any Thing that might jnftly 
 brcede a Miflike in us towards him, much UiTe a Hatred ag.iinft his 
 Perfon in fo high a Degree, as to be either Privie, or Aflentinii, to the 
 taking away of his Life : Befides, he is one of whom we have ever 
 had an Honourable Conceite, in refpeft of thofe fmgular rare Partes 
 wealwaies have noted in him, which hath won unto him as great Re- 
 putation, as any Man this Day Living carrieth of his Degree and 
 Quaiitie : And fo have we always delivered out by Speeche unto the 
 "World, when any Occafion hath bene offered to make mention of 
 him. Nowe, touching the Profecution committed unto him of the 
 Warres in the Lo-k<c Countries, as all Men of Judgement know that 
 the taking away of his Life carrieth no likelihood that the fame fliall 
 worke any Ende of the faid Proftcution : So is it manifeftly knowen, 
 that no Man hath dealt more"' Honourablie then the faide Prince, ei- 
 ther in duely ohferving of his Promile, or extending Grace and Mer- 
 cie, where Merite and Deferte hath craved the fame : And therefore 
 no greater Lnpietie by any coulde bee wrought, nor nothing more 
 Pre'iudicial to our lelfe, (fo long as the King ihall continue the Pro- 
 fecution of the Caufe in that forcible Sort he now doeth) then to be 
 an Inftrument to take him away from thence by fus h violent Means, 
 that hath dealt in a more Honourable and Gri.cioos Sort in the Charge 
 committed unto him, then any ot'.icr that hath ever gone before him, 
 or is likely to fucceede after him. 
 
 ■ Now therefore how unlikely it is, that we having neither Canfe 
 to miflike of his Perfon, nor that the Profecution of the Warres 
 fhoulde ceafe by loffe of him, fliould be eidier Auihour, or any way 
 aflenting to fo horrible a Fadl, we referre to the Judgment of fuch 
 as looke into Caufe^, not with the Eyes ol their Affcdion, but do 
 meafure and weigh Things according to Honour and Reafon. Befides, 
 it is hkely if it had bene true that we had bene any way Chargeable, 
 I (as
 
 BookVI. of Records^ Sec. 7^5 
 
 (as ihe Author reporteth) the Confeffions of the Parties executed, 
 (importing fuch Matter, as by him is alled2;ed) would have been both 
 produced and pubhflied ; for MaHce leaveth nothing unfearched, 
 that may nourifh the Venime of that Humour. 
 
 The beft Courfe therefore that both we and all other Princes can 
 holde in this Unfortunate Age, that overfloweth with Nombera of 
 malignant Sruiits, is through the Grace and Goodnefle of Almighty 
 Gcd to diri.dl our Courfe in fuch fort, as they may rather fhewe 
 their Willes through Malice, than with juft Caufe with Defert, to 
 fay ill, or deface Princes, either by Spcach or Writing: Affuring 
 our felves, that befides the Punifhment ihat fuch Wicked and Infa- 
 mous Libellours fhall receive at the Handes of the Almightie for de- 
 praving of Pi inces and LawfuU Magiflrates, who are God's Minifrers, 
 they both are, and alvvayes ll:iall be thought by all good Men, Un- 
 worthie to live upon the Face of the Earth. 
 
 Given at Richmount the Firji of Odober, 1585 ; and the 
 zjth Teere of the Reig?2e of our Soveraigne Lady the 
 ^teene -, to be publijl:>ed, > 
 
 Imprinted at Londo7t by Cbrijiopher Barker^ Printer to 
 the Queene of England^ Her moft Excellent Ma- 
 jeftie. 1585. 
 
 Vol. III. 8 Y An
 
 A N 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 CONTAINING 
 
 SOME PAPERS 
 
 Relating to the 
 
 Two Volumes 
 
 O F T H E 
 
 Hi STORY of the Reformation of the 
 Church of England.
 
 1. Corre<^lons of fome Miftakes in the Tico Fitjl Volumes-, fent 
 to me by Mr. Granger ^ in Devonjlnre. 
 
 2. A Letter written to me by Anthony Wood^ in Juftification of 
 his Hiftory of the Univerfity of Oxford : With Reflections 
 upon it, referr'd to Alphabetically. 
 
 3. A Letter to Mr Aufonty which was tranflated Into French, 
 upon his Procuring for me a Cenfure in Writing, made in Pa- 
 ris, upon the Firji Volume of my Hiftory of the Reformation. 
 
 4; Cprredionsof the lino Volumes of the Hijlory of the Reformation. 
 
 '5. Some Remarks^ fent me b/ another Hand. 
 
 6. Obfervatlons and Correaions of the Two Voluma of that 
 Hifiory^ by Mr. Strype,
 
 72.9 
 
 A N 
 
 A P P E N D I X, <^c 
 
 Number I. 
 
 Corrections of the Firft Volume of the Hiflory 
 of the Reformation ; fent me by Mr, Gran- 
 ger, in Devonfhire. 
 
 P 
 
 Ag. 25. Lin. 27. John Braybook, BiJJxp of London,] For 
 Robert. 
 
 P. 53. 1. 48. 1 cannot imagine what moved the Lord Herbert, 
 li'ho faw ihefe Letters, to think that the Cardinal did not really in- 
 tend the Divorce] Poffibly, befide the Paper of Inftrudlions here 
 mentioned, the Teftimony of King Henry, p. 73. that the Cardinal 
 had always oppofed it; and the Information given the King, p. jB. 
 of his having juggled in this Bufinefs. 
 
 P. 86. 1. 33. So ivas alfo Boner, {'u.^bom they call Dr. Ed- 
 monds,] Boner was not of Cambridge^ but of Brcad-Gate-HM in 
 Oxford: And tho' called Dr. Edmunds (from his Font-Name) in 
 the Life of Wolfey, by Cavendijh; and perhaps vulgarly, as Stephen- 
 Gardiner was Mr. Stevyns, in Wolfey'?, Letter : Yet it feems unlikely, 
 that he alone in the Grace fliould be written by his Font-Name, 
 when all the others were by their Sir-Name. And therefore we 
 have Reafon to think, that this Dr. Edmunds, was John Edmunds, 
 at that time Matter of Peter-Houfe, and of great Note in the Uni- 
 verfity ; as we may guefs, from the Frequency of his being Vice- 
 chancellor, viz. in the Years 1521, 1526, 1527, and 1540, 
 
 P. 261. I. ^o. 5/// /« England // went otherwife ; nud when the 
 Order of the Knights-Templars was dilp)lved, it was then judged 
 in Favour of the Lord, by Efcheat.] ^are. Becaufe by the Sta- 
 tute de Terris Teniplariorimi, neither the King, nor the Lord?, were 
 to have by Efcheat the Lands that were the Templars ; but thofe 
 Lands were to remain to the Prior, and Brethren, of the Order of 
 the Hofpital of St. John of Jerufalem. 
 
 Vol. IIL 8 Z P. 312.
 
 730 An AP F E N Dl X to 
 
 p. 312. 1. 38. Ihe Lord Cromwell alfo bad his Hi it, tho' I 
 do not find by any Record, that he was rejlored in Blood.] lie had 
 his Writ, not by Virtue of any Reftoration in Blood, but of his 
 Creation by Patent : Neither, the Day his Fa.her was created Earl ; 
 as Mr. FuhianhiXh. it, following Dr. Fuller; but Five Months after 
 his Father's Death, viz. the 18th of December, in tlie 3 2d of Hen- 
 ry VIII. when he was created Baron of this Realm, by the Title on- 
 ly of Lord Cromioell, but not diftinguifli'd by any Place. Vide Sir 
 W. Dugdale'i HiJI. of the Baronage. 
 
 P. 328. 1. 37. Dr. Lee, Dean of York.] ^(vre, if not for 
 Dr. Leighton. 
 
 P. 341. 1. 9. Then to be BiJI.op Suffragan oj Ely.] For Suf- 
 fragan to the Bifliop of Ely. 
 
 P. 366. 1. 12. I'hey (viz. the Schoolmen and Camnijls) fludied 
 to make Bi/kops and Priejls feem very near one another, fo that the 
 Difference was but fmall.] Tho' mod of the Schooltnen aflerted 
 Bifhops and Priefts to be of the fame Order, for the Reafon here 
 fpecified, their being equally appointed to the Confeciation of the 
 Eucharijl, which they thought to be the Highefl, and mofl Perfe£l 
 Fundion ; yet they allowed the Bifloops a Superiority of Jurifdi(!;\i- 
 on, which fome of them were content to call a Superior Order; iS 
 the Canonifts did alfo generally, notwithftanding their Endeavours 
 to deprefs the Epifcopal Authority, far the Advancement of the 
 Papal. 
 
 CorreBions of the Second Volume. 
 
 PAg. 1. Lin. 10. Lojl his Mother the Day after be was born.] 
 Your Self fay Two Days, in the Ajpendix of Tom. i. 
 p. 295. His Journal fays, a few Days after. 
 
 P. I. in the Margin; On the ijth, if the Letter of the Thypciam 
 he true in Fuller'i Church-Hijlory.] It was Copied from its Oiigi- 
 nal in the Cotton Library ; and your felf give Credit to them, in 
 the forecited Place of your Appendix. 
 
 P. 3. 1. ult. Lord St. John, Great Majler.] Supply, of the 
 Houfl-iold. 
 
 P. 25. 1. 28. Ridley is faid to be Ele6l of Rochefter, and de- 
 igned for that See by A7«^ Henry.] ^(sr. How? When in the 
 Commiffion granted for the Examination, whether the Marquefs of 
 Northampton could lawfully Marry, after the Divorcement of his 
 Wife Anne for Adultery P bearing Date Three Months afer the 
 Death of King Henry, even May the 7th, 1' Edu^ard VJ, Holbeck 
 was Bifhop of Rochefler, and not at that Time tranflate.i to Lin- 
 coln, 
 
 6 P. 43.
 
 the Firfi and Second Volumes. 731 
 
 P, 43. 1.28. Excepting only the Archbijhop of C^^niexhwry' s Courts.l 
 The Archbifliop might only ufe his owne Name, and Seal for Fa- 
 culty?, and Dilpenfations; being in all other Cafes as much reftrain'd 
 as other Bifliops. 
 
 P. <;4. 1. 45. Nor is it reafonahle to if?iagtne, that the Dtitchejs of 
 Somerfct fouhi he fo Joolijh, as to think f:e ought to have the Prt^ce- 
 dence of the S>uetn Dowager."] She is acknowledged to have been an 
 Infolent Woman, p. 194. and to have had a great Power over her 
 Hufband, where it is aflign'd as the Chief Caufe of procuring an Ad: 
 of Parliament for the Difinheriting, and Excluding from his Honours, 
 his Children by h's former Wife. 
 
 P. 90. 1. 12. The Council of TxwWo in the ^th yige."] In the latter 
 End of the 7th, or rather in the Beginning of the 8 th. 
 
 P. 94. 1. 43. A General Rule ivas layd downe, that every Comttion 
 Fejiival JJxuld be preceded by a Faji.] The Feftivals between Eajier^ 
 and the Afcenjion-D-iy, were not fo, on the pretended Reafon that the 
 Bridegroom v/as with them; as alfo Michaelmas. 
 
 P. 164. 1. I 8. About which, one Carr writ a Copious and Pafionate 
 Letter to Sir ]ohn Check.] Nicholas Carr, Regius-Frofeffor of the 
 Greek Tongue in Cambridge, and a great Reftorer of Learning in that 
 Univerfity, 
 
 P. 165, 1. 2. a fine. Dr, Story was jiiade BiJJ.op of Rochefler.]. 
 For Dr. Scory. 
 
 P. 171. 1. 34. Harle.] For Harley, afterward Bifhop of 7/^- 
 reford. 
 
 P. J 76. 1. 3. 'Though Ihave feenit often fayd in many Letters and 
 Writings of this Time, that al that Iffue by Charles Brandon was IIH' 
 gitimated, fine he was certainly married to one Mortimer, before he 
 married the ^leen of Franc: Which Mortimer lived long after his 
 Mariage to that ^een ; fo that al her Children were Bajlards. Some 
 fay he was divorced from his Marryage to Mortimer, but this is not 
 clear to me.] Charles Brandon FirPt mirried Margaret, one of the; 
 Daughters of fohn Nevil, Marquefs Mountague, Widow of Sir fohn 
 Mortimer. Secondly, Anjie, Daughter of Sir Anthony Browne, by 
 whom he had IfTue, after Marriage, Mary, wedded to Thomas Stafi- 
 ley. Lord Mont-Eogle. Thirdly, Mary, Queen of France, as Sir 
 William Dugdale hath it in the Text ; though in the Scheme ad- 
 joyn'd by him, the Order is inverted, ifl ^wz^, 2d Margaret, but 
 repudiata, 3d Mary. 
 
 P. J 9 5. 1. 37. One Traheron.] Bartholomew Traheron, after- 
 ward made Lcfturer of Divinity at Frankford, on the new molding 
 of the Congregation there, in Queen Marf% Days; and Dean of 
 Cbichejler in Qiieen Elizabctlfs. 
 
 P. 251. 1. 40. Ratcliff, Earl of Suffex, was licenced under the 
 Great Seal, to cover his Head in the ^een's PreftTice, the only Peer on 
 whom thii Honour was ever conferred, as far as I know.] Dr. Fuller 
 aflures us in his Church Hidory, Book 9. p, 167. that he had feen a 
 Charter granted by King Henry the Vlllth, the 16th of July, in the 
 18th of his Reign, and confirmed by Ad of Parliament, to Francis 
 Brown (a Commoner) ; giving him leave to put on his Cap in the 
 
 Prefence
 
 73 
 
 Ati A P P E N D I X to 
 
 Prefence of the King, and his Heirs j and not to put it off, but for 
 his own Eafe and Pleafure. 
 
 P. 272. 1. 16. ihercwai o«^ Harding, that bad been her Father s 
 Chaplain.] Thomas Harding, afterward Anta;j,Oiii{l to Bifhop 
 yeivel. 
 
 P. 276. 1. 16. Barlow had never married.] Q^ Whether he were 
 not at that Time married ? Sir John Barring in his Continuation of 
 Bifhop Godwin, and who by his being of uomerfrtjhire, was the bet- 
 ter capacitated to know, fays that he had fome Sons ; One whereof 
 in his Time, was a Worthy Member of the Church of Wells, and 
 Five Daughters. 
 
 Ibid. 1. 2 1 . Chichefter, a much meaner Bifioprick. ] Wells had 
 lately been much impoverished by the AHenations in Barlow's Time j 
 the Regret whereof, might probably make him lefs defirous of re- 
 turning to it. Afterward its Profits were raiied by the Lead Mines, 
 about Bifhop Stillingjket's Time : However, 'tis vaUud in the King's 
 Books but 535 /. wheTeasChicheJler is 677 /. 
 
 Ibid. Biftiop Harley is faid to have been deprived, becaufe mar- 
 ried, by Fox and Godwin, though no notice be taken of it in the 
 Order. 
 
 P. 305. 1. 31. Alphonfus, a Francifcan Fryar, his Confejour.]- 
 Alphonfus a Cajlro, Famous for his Treaiife de Harefibics. 
 
 P. 313. I. 43. Neer Three Tear es.] Neer Two Yeares. 
 
 P. 318. 1. I. Shaxton, Bijl.'op Suffragan o/~ Ely.] Again for 
 Suffragan to the Bifliop of Ely. 
 
 P. 402. 1. 36. ulccording to a Method often tifed in their EleSlions.'] 
 There had been but One Election fince the Prior and Monks were. 
 chang'd into a Dean and Prebendaries. 
 
 P. 403. 1. 23. Par, Bi/loop of Peterborough.] For Scambler. 
 
 Thomas Davies of St. Afaph, and Richard Cheiny of Gloiicejier, 
 being fome of the Firfl Set of Bifhops, fhould have been remembred, 
 though Confecrated a while after. 
 
 Number
 
 tht Fir ft and Second F'oiumes, 
 
 733 
 
 Number. II. 
 
 in 
 
 A Letter written to me by Anthony Wood, 
 yuftification of his Hiftory of the Univerftty 
 of Oxford, with Reflections on it-^ referred 
 to Alphabetically. 
 
 S I R, 
 
 YOUR Book of 'the Refon7iatio?i of the Church of England, I 
 have latelie perufed, and finding my felf mentioned ther'in, 
 not without feme Difcredit, I thought fit to Vindicate my felf fo far 
 in thefe Animadverfions following, that you may fee your Miftakes, 
 and accordingly reitifie them, (if you think fit) in the next Part that 
 is yet to publi(h. 
 
 P. 86. But after he hath fet doivne the Injl rumen f, he gives fame 
 ReafonSy &c. 
 
 The Two Firfl: Reafons, (if they may be fo called) (") were put in 
 by another Hand; and the other were taken from thefe Three Books 
 following, ('') viz. From Dr. Nicholas Harpesfeild's Treatife concern- 
 ing Marriage, &c. which is a fair Manufcript in Folio ; written ei- 
 ther in the Time of Queen Marie, or in the Beginning of Queen 
 Elizabeth, and 'tis by me quoted in my Book, in the Place excepted 
 againfl. From IP ill. Foreji'i, Lfe of ^een Catherine, written in the 
 Raigne of Queen Marie, and dedicated to her. 'Tis a Manufcript 
 aUb, and written verie fairlie in Parchment. (') From an /Ipologie for 
 the Government of the Univeifilie againfl King Henry the Vlllth. 
 Written by a Mafter of Arts Septimo Elizo.bethce. 'Tis a Manufcript 
 alfo, and hath all the King's Letters thcrin, written to the Univer- 
 fitie about the Queflion of Marriage and Divorce, with feveral Paf- 
 fages relating to Convocations concerning the fiid Queflions, 
 
 So that by this you fee I do not fraine thofe Reafons out of mine 
 owne Head (as partial! Men might) but what other Authours dictate 
 to me. 
 
 Ibid. \\Jpon what Defigne 1 cannot eafih imagine. '\ 
 
 No Defigne at all God-wot, but mecrlic for Truth's fake, which 
 verie few in thefe Dayes will deliver. 
 
 if) I could not know this : He puUiflie? them, and is juflly to be charged wiih 
 theni. 
 
 \^] From fuch Authorities what elfe was to be expected f 
 
 {'-) This, ai Dr. Z,/(!j'</ informs me, is Parfoui Bo,)k, an Author of no better Credit than 
 the former; for he was a Mailer sf Arts Ml 5<3//a/ College, in Qjeen ElixaUtb'i Tjme. See 
 i'l'ood in Bal. Col. 
 
 Vol. Iir. 
 
 9 A 
 
 Ibid.
 
 734 -'f^ APPENDIX to 
 
 Ibid. [And aiifit bad been cai ill Things betakes Paines to purge 
 the TJiiherfitiesrf it^ &c.] 
 
 It was an ill Thing I think, (I am fure it was taken fo to be) for 
 a Prince by his Letters to frighten ('*) People out of their Confcicnce, 
 and by Menaces force them to fay what miift pleafe him. But feeing 
 the Maftcrs would not be frightned, and therefore they were laid 
 afide, (the Matter being difcufled by a few old tin.erous Doftors and 
 Batchellors of Divinity, who would fay any Thing to pleafe the 
 King, leall Danger fl^iould follow) they ought to be commended, or 
 atleafijuftified for keeping their Confciences fafe. 
 
 Ibid. [And ivithont any Fro'jf give Credit to a Lying Story fet 
 doiofie by Sands, cfan Aljemblie called by Nigbt.] 
 
 Sands is not my Authour, for he fays no fuch Thing in his Book 
 de ScbiJ'mate, of an Affembly (') called by Night; my Author for this 
 is the Apologie before mentioned, which adds, that when a Rigent 
 of Bdliol College, {whom tbey called King HenryJ beard that the 
 Commijjarte, and his Company, 'were going to dijpatch this Night 
 Work\ denied tbe Stale with bis Breeches about bis Shoulders, for 
 want of a Hood. See in Uijl. & Antiq. Oxon. Lib. i. p. 256. A. (') 
 The Truth is, the Meeting was unfeafonable, and their Adions 
 clancular; as being protefled againfl by, and done without the 
 Confent of the Regents, And as for Sands, though I cannot well 
 defend him, yet many Things in his Book de Scbifmate, efpecially thofe 
 relating to the Univerfuie of Oxford, I find from other Places to be 
 true. («) 
 
 Ibid, [But it appears that he bad never feen, or confidered the 
 other Injlnment, to which the Univerfitie fet their Scale.'] 
 
 The grand CoUedion, or Farrago, which Mr, Thomas Majlers 
 made (by the Lord Herbert's Appointment) in] order to the Writing 
 of King Henry the Vlllth's Life, I have feen and perfued, but could 
 not with all my Diligence find that Inftrument (as you call it, yet 
 we, an Ad, or Decree) of Convocation; neither in the Three Great 
 Folio'f, wricten by another Hand, containing Materials at large for 
 the faid Life; neither in any of the Regillers, Records, or Papers, 
 belonging to the Univerfitic. So that for thefe Reafons, and that 
 becaufe the Lord Herbert fays, // was blurred, and fiot intended for 
 the King ; and alfo not under Seal, (you fay 'twas) neither paffed 
 
 C) I do not find there was any frightning Threatnings; none appear in the King's Letters. 
 If he had this from any good Authors, he had done well to have quo ed them. It is not 
 Honourable for the Univerfity, as it is not probable, to reprefcnt all the Doiflors and Batche- 
 lours of Divinity, as Men apt to be frightned out of their Confciences; and that only the 
 Mailers of Arts were impregnable. It is rather to be fuppofed that the one Sort were car- 
 ried away by Faftion ; and that the others were guided by Learning and Con- 
 fcicnce. 
 
 (<:) He fiys it was called CLim ; that could hardly be, but in the Night : So this is no 
 material Difference. In the reil you agree with 6'a«aV/j. 
 
 ('") I fee no Reafon for this. The Inllrument fet forth by the Lord Herbert fliews, that 
 the Pcrfons deputed had good Authority to fet the Univerfity Seal to their Determination : 
 And they were not tied to Forms, but might have done it at any Time. 
 
 (s) Yes, fuch Authors as you quote : You fay you cannot well defend Sanden. It feems 
 you would if you could, 'i'hc'e are loft Word: concerning that Scandalous Writer, 
 
 in
 
 toe Fir ft. auii Second. Volumes. 73 S 
 
 -in the Horrfirby 'ftie1VIajnnFy~of Votes.; tRerefpre did I, omit it, as npt 
 Authentick. ■('')Itruly believe, or at leaf! 'have 'good (grounds to 
 think, that it was only drawn up, and not propofed ; f*or if it had, 
 r: v.'culd have been regiftred: There being nothing propofed, ei- 
 tlur in Convocation or Congregation, bat is regillred, whether deai- 
 td, cr not. And the Regifter of that Time is moft exadly kept j 
 and nothing thence, as I can perceive, is torn out. 
 
 Ibid. \^Jhercfcems to he aljb another Mijlake, in the Relation he 
 givis: For he Jays, thofe of Paris had determined in this Mat- 
 ter. ] 
 
 I fay {'. fo from Warham, archbifhop of Canterbury, then Ciian- 
 celior of the Univerfity : Who in his Letters thereunto, defires the 
 Meriibers, to make ichat E>:pedition they could, to give in their An- 
 l^xer to the King's ^leftion ; Jorajmuch as Paris and Cambridge had 
 done it alreads. For this I quote the Book of Epijlles, in At- 
 
 'cbiv.Lib. Bod. MS. Epift. 197. Yet, I believe, the Archbifhop 
 faid this, to hafien the Univerfity of Oxon the more ; tho' probably 
 it was not (o. However, I am not to take notice of that, but to 
 follow Record as I find it. And that I do follow Record throughout 
 all my Book, there is not one (I prefume) of the Senate of Anti- 
 quaries can deny it: And therefore, how there can be many Things 
 in my Book, (of my framing) that are Enemies to the Reformation 
 of the Church of England, as was fuggefled by you to Sir Harbot- 
 tle Grimjlon, (who thereupon made a Complaint in open Parliament, 
 lafl April, againft the faid Book) I cannot fee Q). Truth ought to 
 take place ; and mufl not be concealed, efpecially when 'tis at a 
 Diftance. And if our Religion (') hath had its Original, or Bafe, 
 on LufV, Blood, Ruin and Defolation, (as all Religions, or Alterati- 
 ons in Governments, have had from one or more of them) why 
 
 (i") All that you fay here, is only Negative Authority; but fince the Lord Herbert fays 
 he faw the Original, though it is not in any of thefe Colleftion':, you miift either believe it. 
 or make him a Liar : And if it was an Original, it muft either have been fubfcribed by the 
 Hands of the Pcrfons deputed ; or muft have had the Seal put to it. The Beginnir" of h 
 ftiews it was not fubfcribed ; for it is in the Name of John Calti.'fard, their Commiffary : So it 
 muft have been eitlier in the Form of a Notary-s Inftrument, or muft have had the Seal put 
 to it, for he ca'Is it an Original. Perhaps tlie Blurring of it might either be cafual, or when 
 it was brought to Court, the King might have made iouie Alterations in it, that it might be 
 renewed accoiding to thefe CorredVions. * // might be Cafual; Lord Herbet fays not that it *Thefe 
 nsjai rafcdout, &c. Words in 
 
 Italic a, are in 
 
 (') In this you had a Warrant for what yea wrote, bur I had a better to correct it by. '''^ Bifliop of 
 
 ' ' n'orceftef% 
 
 (•■) I do profefs I do not remember that I ever luentioned your Book to him : And °' 
 
 Sir Uarbotlle hiuifelf, when I afked him the QueftioDj faid, he never heard me fpeak of 
 it. 
 
 (') This is writ very iudecemly : N«iiher like a Divine, nor a Chriftlan. 
 
 fhould
 
 736 
 
 An APPENDIX to 
 
 fliould it be hidden, feeing it is fo obvious to all Curious Searchers 
 into Record. 
 
 This is all from him 
 thatjludies Truth^ 
 
 Anthony a Wood. 
 
 July the 5 th 
 1679. 
 
 Number III. 
 
 A Letter to Mr, Aufont, which was tranjlated 
 into French, upon his Procuring for me a Cen- 
 fure in Writings made in Paris upon the Firft 
 Yohxm^ of my Hiflory of the Reformation. 
 
 S7i2, Taris^ the lothof^a- 
 
 gujl, 1685. 
 
 WH E N I came laft to 'Paris, I was told there was a Cenfure 
 of the Firft Volume of my Hiftory of the Reformation, go- 
 ing about in Writing. I was glad to hear of this, when I was up- 
 on the Place, ready either to juftify my felf, or to acknowledge fuch 
 Miftakes as fliould be offered to me; For I am ready, upon Con- 
 vidtion, to retrad any Thing that may have fallen from my Fen 
 as foon as I fee Caufe for it, with all the Freedom and Candor p f- 
 fible. I fliould be much more out of Countenance, to perfifi: in an 
 Error, when I am convinced of it, than to acknowledge, that in 
 fuch a Multitude of Matters of Fadt, of which my Hiflory makes 
 mention, I might have been mifinformed in fome Particulars, and 
 have miflaken others; which I was refolved to redtify, when difco- 
 ver'd, in another Edition. This made me very defirous to fee, what 
 it was that had been objeded to me : And I am much obliged to 
 you for procuring me a Sight of it; for which I return you my 
 moft humble Thanks. 
 
 When I had read it over, and over again, I confef;, I was amazed 
 to find, that he who cenfured me fo feverely, had read my Book {o 
 flightly; and yet gives way to his PafTions, with io little Judg- 
 ment, and with lefs Sincerity, that among all the Things that he 
 charges me with, there fliould not be- One tingle Particular, that 
 
 miph-C
 
 the Firft and Second F^olumes, 737 
 
 might give me occafion to fhew my Readinefs to retradt what I had 
 written. 
 
 What can be expeded from a Writer, who, after the Lift I had 
 given, of the many grofs Errors of which Safiders's Hiftory was 
 made up, fays, That I have proved, that he has failed in fame Cir- 
 cumjiances, that may feem to aggravate the Matter more or kfs? If 
 any Man will be at the Pains to read what I have proved, of the 
 FalHioods in that Author, and compare it with the mild Cenfure here 
 given; he will fee Caufe to be afliamed of it, and will look f r lit- 
 tle Sincerity, after fo falfe a Step rAade in the Beginning. Froin this, 
 he goes on to his Main Delign ; and runs out into an Invedlive 
 againft K. Henry the Vlllth, for his Incontinenci-s, and other Vio- 
 lences. 
 
 If I had undertaken to write a Pajiegyrick, or to make a Saint of 
 King Henry, he might have triumphed over me as much as he plea- 
 fed. But I, who have neither concealed, nor excufed any of his 
 Faults, am no way concerned in all this. 
 
 There arc only Tv/o Things that I advance, with Relation to that 
 Piince. 
 
 The Firft is, That whatfoever his Secret Motives might have 
 been, in the Suit of the Divorce; He had the conftant Tradition of 
 the Church on his Side, and that in all the Ages and Parts of it; 
 which was carefully fearched into, and fully proved : So that no 
 Author, elder than Cardinal Cajetan, could be found, to be fet 
 againft fuch a Current of Tradition. And in the Difputes of that 
 Age, with thofe they called Hereticks, all that wrote of tlie Popith 
 S;de, made their Appeal always to Tradition, as the only Infallible 
 Expounder of Scripture : And it was looked on as the Character of 
 an Pleretick, to expound the Scrip'.ure by any other Key, or Me- 
 thod. So that K. Henry had this clearly with him. 
 
 The other Particular that I make Remarks on, is, that the Re- 
 formation is not at all to be Charged with P^ing Henry s Faults : 
 For, that unfteady Favour and Piotediion, winch they fome- 
 times found from him, can fignify no more to blemilh them, than 
 the Vices of thofe Princes that were the great Promoters of Chrifti- 
 anity, fignify to caft a Blemifli on the Chriftian Religion. Let the 
 Crimes of King Clovis, as they are related by Gregory of 'Tours, 
 be compared with the worft Things that -can be faid of King Hen- 
 ry ; and then let any Man fee, if he finds fo much Falihood, mixed 
 with fo much Cruelty, in fo many repeated Ads, and in fuch a 
 Number of Years, in King Henry the Vlllth, r.s he will find in King 
 Clovis. Nor do we fee any Hints of Cloviis R. psntance, or of any 
 Reftitution made by him, of thofe Dominions that he had feized on 
 in fo Ciiminal a manner, to the Right Heirs; without which, ac- 
 cording to our Maxims, his Repentance cculd not be accepted of 
 -God. And this was the Firft Chrillian King of the Franks. 
 
 I do not comprehend what his Dcfign could be, in Juftifying 
 Pope Gregory the VMth's Proceedings, againft the Emperor, Henry 
 the iVth, with fo much Heat. One that reads what he writes on 
 this Subject, can hardly keep himfelf from thinking, that he had 
 fomeihing in his Eve, that he durft not fpeak out more plainly: 
 Vol. III. ' 9 B But
 
 738 An AP P E N D I X to 
 
 But that he would not be forry, if Innocent the Xlth fliould treat 
 the Great Monaj'ch, as Gregory the Vllth did the Emperor, and as 
 P^/// the Hid did King H^;;rv the VlUth. But whatfoever his own 
 Thoughts may be, I defire he would not be fo familiar with my 
 Thoughts, as to infer this from any ConcefTion of mine : For I allow 
 no Authority to the Bifl:iops of Rome out of their own Diocefe. 
 The Additional Dignity that they came to have, flowed from the 
 , - Conftitution of the Roman Empire: And fmce Rome is no more 
 the Seat of Empire, it has loll all that Primacy, which was yield- 
 ed to it merely by Reafon of the Dignity of the City. So that as 
 Byzance, from being a fmall Biflioprick, became a Patriarchal Seat, 
 upon the Exaltation of that City ; by the fame Rule, upon the De- 
 prefiion oi Rome, the Bifhops ofthut See ought to have loft all that 
 Dignity, that was merely accidental. But fuppofe I fliould yield, 
 according to the Notion commonly received in the Gallican Church, 
 that the Pope is the Confervator of the Canons ; that will fignify no- 
 thing, to juftify their Depofing of Princes; except he can fliew 
 what thofe Canons were, upon the Violation of which. Princes may 
 be depofcd. If he flies to the Canons of the Fourth Council in the 
 Lateran, thofe being made about 1 50 Years after P. Gregory's Proceed- 
 ings againft the Emperor, will not juftify what was done fo long 
 before thcfe were made. When he thinks fit to fpeak out more 
 plainly upon this Head, it will be more eafy to anfwer him. 
 
 As tor the Supremacy that King Henry the Vlllth alTumed in Ec- 
 clefiaftical Matters, he fhould not have condemned that fo rafhly as 
 he does, as a Novelty, till he had firft examined the Reafons upon 
 which it was founded; not only thofe drawn from the Scriptures, 
 but thofe that were brought from the Laws and Pradlices, both of 
 tlie Roman Emperors, and of the Kings of England. His Thoughts 
 or his Pen run too quick, when he condemned the following thofe 
 Precedents, as a Novelty, without giving himfelf the Trouble of 
 enquiring into the Pradicesof former Ages. 
 
 He charges me with flying to the Rafure of the Regifters in Queen 
 Mary's Time, and to the Burning of others in the Fire of London, 
 for proving feveral Things, for which I could bring no better Vou- 
 chers; and for Relying lo often on a Paffionate Writer. I fuppofe. 
 Fox is the Ptrfon hereby pointed at. 
 
 When he applies the General Cenfure to any Particular in my 
 Work, I will then fliew that it amounts to nothing. I often 
 ftop, and ftiew that I can go no further, for want of Proof: And 
 when I give Prefump'ions from other Grounds, to fhew what was 
 done, I may well appeal to the Rafure, or Lofs of Records, for the 
 want of further Proof. But this I never do upon Cunjedures, or 
 flight Grounds. And as for Fox, I make a great Different e between 
 Relying upon what he writes barely upon Report, (which I never 
 do) and Relying upon fome Regifters, of which he made Ab- 
 •ilradls. For having obferved an exaft Fidelity, in all that he took 
 out of fuch Regifters as do yet remain; I have Reafon to depend on 
 fuch Abftradls as he gives of Regifters that are now deftroyed. He 
 might be too Credulous, in writing fuch Things as were brought 
 ihim by Report; and in thefe I do not depend on him: But lie was 
 
 known
 
 the Fir ft and Second Volumes, 739 
 
 known to be a Man of Probity, fo I may well believe what he de- 
 livers from a Record, though that happens now to be loft. 
 
 TJ:ie Cenfure is next applied to Cra?wier's Charafter. He obferves 
 great Defeils in my Sincerity, and (to let me fee how civilly he in- 
 tends to life me, he fays he will not add) my want of Judgment. 
 I am lure he has fliewed a very ill Judgment in charging me fo fevere- 
 ly in fo tender a Point as Sincerity: and ufmg a Referve in another 
 Point, that dees not touch me fo much. I am accountable both to 
 God and Man fov my Sincerity: But I am bound to have no more 
 Judgment than God has given me ; and fo long as I maintain my Sincerity 
 entire, I have littU to Anfwer for, though 1 may be defeftive in the 
 other: But I leave it to you to judge whether the Defedl was in his 
 Sincerity, or his "Judgment, when he does not bring any one Particu- 
 lar againfl Cranmer, but what he takes from me. So if I have con- 
 fcffed all his Faults, and yet give a Charafter of him that is Incon- 
 fiftent with thefe, I may be juftly charged for want of Judgment^ 
 but my Sincerity is ftill untainted. When he reckons up his Charges 
 againft Craraner, he begins with this, that he was put out of his Col- 
 lege for his Incontinence. He was then a Layman, under no Vows, 
 only he h.ld a Place, of which he was incapable after he was mar- 
 ried; now what Sort of Crime can he reckon this Marriage, I leave 
 it to himfelf to make it out. His next Charge is, that though I fay 
 he was a Lutheran, yet he figned the Six Articles, which he fays, 
 proves that he valued his Benefice more than his Confcience. 
 
 He wrote this with too much Precipitation, otherwife he would 
 have {^zn that Cranmer never figned thofc Article?. He difputed 
 much againft them before they palled into a Law : Nor could he be 
 prevailed on, though the King preffed him to it, to abflain from 
 coming to the Parliament while that Aft j^afled. He came and op- 
 poled it to the laft; and even after the Law was made, he wrote a 
 Book for the King's Ufe againll thefe Articles. There was no Claufe 
 in the A(ft that required that they fhould be figned. Men were only 
 bound to Silence and Submidion. If he wjs at all Faulty, with re- 
 lation to that Aft, it was only in this, that he did not think himfelf 
 bound to declare openly agaiaft it when it was publiHied. From this, 
 he goes next to charge him for confenting to the Dilfolution of King 
 Hemy'i'M.zxx'ngii Wwh. Anne oi Cle%'e, upon Grounds plainly contra- 
 ry to thofe upon which his Firil Marriage with Catherine of Spain^ 
 was diffolved. Since one Pretence in the Divorce of Anne of Cleve 
 was, that it was not Confummated, though in the other it was de- 
 clared that a Marriage was compleat, though not Confummated. 
 Whatever is to be faid of this Matter, the Whole Convocation was 
 engaged in it. Gardi?jer promoted it the moft of any. So the Biihops, 
 who were fo Zealous for Popery i[i Queen Mary'i, Time, were as 
 guilty as Cranmer. I do not deny that he Ihewed too much Weak- 
 ncfs in this Compliance. He had not Courage enough to fwim 
 againft the Stream: And he might think that the Djllolving a Mar- 
 ri,)ge, the Parties being contented, was not to be much withftood. 
 But my Cenfurer is afraid to touch on the Chief Ground on which 
 that Marriage was diflblvcd; which was, that the King gave not a 
 pure inward Confent to it, for this touches a tender Point of the In- 
 tention
 
 740 An APPENDIX to 
 
 tention of the Minifter in the Sacrament ; on which I did not Rertedl 
 when I wrote my Hiftory. By the Dodtiineof the Church of Rome, 
 the Parties are the Minifters; fo if the Intention was wanting, there 
 was no Sacrament in this Marriage : This having been the Common 
 Dodrine of the Church of Rome, fome Remnant of that might have 
 too great an Effedt on Cranmer. But if the confenting to an unjull 
 Sentence, in a Time of much Heat, and of a General Confternation, 
 is fo Criminal a Thing, what will he make of Liberius, Filix, Oj/ius^ 
 and many more, whofe Names are in the Roman Calendar. The 
 carrying this too far, will go a great way to the juftifying the Luci- 
 ferians. Whatever may be in thi?, I had opened the Matter of 
 Anne of Qeve fo impartially, that I deferve no Cfnfure on that 
 Account. 
 
 After he had attacked the Matter of my Hiftory In thefe Partkii- 
 lais, he falls next upon my way of Writing. In this, I confef:, I 
 am not fo much concerned, for if the Things are truly related by me, 
 I can very eafily bear all the Reflexions that he can lay on my way 
 of Writing, But that he may Cenfure me with a better Grace, he 
 beftows fome good Words on me. " He is not dilpleafed with my 
 " Preface, and the Beginning of my Work : But all thefe Hopes 
 " were foon blafted, I fall into a detail of little Stories, with which 
 " he was quite difgufted." Yet if he had confidercd this better, he 
 would have been milder in his Cenfure. My Defign was to fiiew 
 what Seeds and Difpofitions were flill in the Minds of many in this 
 Nation, that prepared them for a Reformation, in the Beginning of 
 King Henry % Reign, before ever Luther had preached in Ger- 
 many, and feveral Years before that King's Divorce came to be treated 
 of in England. I therefore judged it was neceflary for me to let the 
 Reader know what I found in our Regifters of thofe Matters: How 
 that many were tried, and fome condemned upon thofe Opinions, 
 that were afterwards reckoned among the Chief Grounds of our fepa- 
 rating from the Church of Rome. It feemed a neceflary Introdudlion 
 to my Work, to open this as I found it upon Record. My Cenfurer 
 blames me for not opening more Copioufly what the Opinions of the 
 LoUards and the Wicklififts were: He may fee in thefe Articles that I 
 mention, what the Clergy were then charging them with, and what 
 was confefled by thofe, who were brought into their Courts. 
 I wrote in Etigli/Ji for my own Countrymen. There are many Books 
 that give a very particular Account of JVickliff, and his Followers : 
 This being fo well known, it was not neceflary for me to run this 
 Matter up to its Original; all that was incumbent on me was to 
 ihew the prefent State of that Party and their Opinions, and Suffer- 
 ings in the Beginning of the Reign of King Henry. So that a fair 
 Judge will not think that a few P^ges fpent in opening this, was too 
 great an Impofition on his Patience : This having fuch a Relation to 
 my main Defign in Writing. It is he, and not I, that has tranfgrefled 
 Po/)'^/«j's Rule : He confiders thefe Particulars as little Stories, with- 
 out obferving the End for which I fet them down : Though I have 
 made that appear fo plainly, that I have more Reafon to complain of 
 his Sincerity, than of his Judgmer^. 
 
 4 His,
 
 the Firjl and Secotid 1/ oinmes yAi 
 
 His next Exception ]<, that 1 give Abrti-..<rts of the Reafons on 
 which the Proceedings in the Reformation were grounded. He thinks 
 tliat in this, I plead r.s an Advocate, and do not write as a Hiftorian. 
 I do believe theie are few Things in my Hifiory with which he is 
 more difpleafed than this. I give no Reafons of my own making, nor 
 do I put Speeches in the Mouths of our Refoimeis, though if I had 
 <lone this, he knows that I could have fa id that 1 followed the Prece- 
 dents fet me by the belt Writers of Hiftory, bo;h among the Greeks 
 and the Romans. But lince I was engaged to wiice of a Reforu:iation 
 of Errors in Doftrine, and of Abufes iu Worlliip and Government, I 
 muft have been very defed;ive, if 1 had not fet out the Reafons upon 
 which thofe of that Time went, as well as I related the Series of 
 what was done by them. Both Father Pmi], and Cardinal Palavicini, 
 in the Hiftories that they wrote of the Council of Trent, have re- 
 lated the Argument?, ufed of all Sides very copioufly. In Political 
 Matters, the chief Ufe and Beauty of Hiftory is, the laying open the 
 fecret Reafons of State, upon which all Parties have proceeded : And 
 -certainly thofe who write concerning Matters of Religion, ought to 
 open all that comes in their way, of the Grounds on which ary 
 Changes were made. 
 
 He thinks all the King's Reafonings for the Divorce were fully 
 anfwered by Queen Catherme's Reafons againll it. But he does not 
 confidcr that he is in a Communion, in which Tradition is fet up, 
 as that which muft decide all Controverfies. King Henry i A guments run 
 all upon Tradition, whereas the Queen pretended to no Tradition, 
 but only brou;2,ht Arguments of another So; t, which was the way of 
 thofe called Hereticks : But in that Matter the King infilled upon 
 Tradition, the great Topick of Papifts. He Ccn lures me for bring- 
 ing a Jew on the Stage, after I had fet out the Opinions of the Uiii- 
 verfities : But it feemed very reafonablc to fliew the Notions that the 
 "Jeiis had of their own Law5. 
 
 He returns again to Reflexions on the Divorce of yfvw of Clcic. 
 It feems he had few Things to refledl on, when in fo fliort a Paper 
 be returns twice to the fune Matter. From lier he palTes to Antie 
 Bullen ; he fancies my Whole Defign in Writing, was to eftabliOi her 
 Delcent ; but that I do not acquit her JVIotlier of the Impi.tarions 
 Sanders had laid on her ; nor her felf of the Amours in the C' urt of 
 France^ and K. J/^^r/s ill Commerce with her. If the Crown of £;/;§/(W 
 had remained in a Line derived from that Queen, it might be fuppoled 
 that f me would have wrote on fuch a Defign : But that not being 
 the Cafe, there is little Reafon to think that any Man would have 
 given himfelf the Trouble, only on Defign to juflify her Title to the 
 Crown. I have made it fully out that a great Part oi Sanders'^ Charge 
 on her, was an ill invented Calumny, to bring her Right to the 
 Crown in Queftion : And by proving fome Part of his Relation to be 
 falfe, I have deflroyed the Credit of the Whole. I cannot be obli- 
 ged to prove the Negative in every Particular, the Proof lies upon 
 the Affirmative, and the Author of a train of Defamation is fuflicient- 
 ly difproved, when it is apparent that fome Parts of his Relation muft 
 certainly be falfe. If any of thefe Slanders had been in any fort be- 
 lieved in that Time, there is no Reafon to think that the Pope, or 
 
 Vol, III. ' 9 C " " the
 
 7 42 Jn'A PPENDl X to ' 
 
 the Emperor v/ould have publiflied them : For ih- CouU of" Rome 
 kept r.one of the Meafures of cam'non D.cency with the K ny. 
 Nor were thefe Things objeded to Anne Btd'.end.c- that h-.r Unhappy 
 Fate j!,ave foine Colour to t-eUeve evry Thii g to iicr Prejudice^ 
 Her Brother and She did both at their Dea h deny all Criminal Com- 
 merce together : Nor was any Thing proved ajainft them, only the 
 Tefhtnop.y of a Dead Woman was idlcdgcd to dellroy them. 
 
 His lad Ci;a^ge relates to hhre and Fijher -, but how this comes to 
 iupport his Ceniure of my Manner of \Ariting is not (o clear. I recin 
 in thefe Matters to write like one that intended to raife their Cha- 
 rader, rather than to deprede it : Nor do I juftify King Henry's Viu- 
 lencies, but fet them out as there is Occalion for it. Mere knew 
 a Law vv,'.s made, requiring the Suljedls to hvear to the King i^a 
 Supreme Head, under the Pain of perpetual Imprifonment ; upon 
 which he ought to have gone out cf England, hnce he ref .Ivcd 
 not to take the Oath. FiJher knew that the Nun of Cmiterbury 
 had in very indecent Words foretold th: King's Death, and had neit 
 revealed it, as he ought to have done. 
 
 He lays my Hillory rtflefts much on the Memory of King Henry. 
 I did not undertake to write a Panegyrick on him. but only to 
 write the Hiflory of that Time : In doing thi?, as I have difcovered 
 the hijuftice of many Scandals that have been caft on him, fu I have 
 rot fpared to lay open many ill Praiftices, when I was obliged to do 
 it, by that impartial Sincerity to which I obliged my felf when I un- 
 dertook that Work : Though he charges me as byafled by Partiality, 
 a Cenfure I deferved not. But I do more eafily fubmit to his Char- 
 ging me wiih my Ignorance of Law, and of Ecclefiaftical Antiquity. 
 Such general Cenfures are little to be regarded : When he is at Lei- 
 fure to reckon up the Particulars in which I have erred, I Hiall be 
 very glad to be inftrudled by him. For though I have looked a little 
 into Law, and Ecclefuiflical Hirtory, yet I value my felf upon no- 
 thing but my Sincerity. It is very eafy to lay a detracting Cha- 
 radler in fome general Words upon any Perfon. The Artifice is lo 
 commonly pra<flifed, that it will not pafs upon any, but thofe, who 
 by fome Prejudices are prepared to take down every Thing that is boldly 
 aiferted. It feems that how great a Mind foever he had to find Fault, 
 he could not find much Matter for his Spleen to work en, when in 
 io fhort a Paper he is forced to return in Three feveral Places to the 
 Article of the Divorce oi Anne of Ckiie : And he fhews fuch an Incli- 
 natioii to Cenfure, that I have no Reafon to think he would have 
 fpared me, ifhe had found greater Matters to have objefted to me. 
 So all he fays that feems lo intimate that, mull pafs for Words of 
 Courfe, which ought to make no Impreffion. 
 
 Number
 
 the Fiffl {^rid Second VoftimcL 
 
 74. 
 
 Number W , 
 
 Correclions of the Tzvo Fohmies of the Hijlorf 
 of the Reformation. ' ^ 
 
 Vol. I. Edit. 2. 
 
 T3 4- '^b'' Emperor broke lis V/ord, the CarSnal dilfemUcd 
 
 \_ • kh Rejentmenls, &c.] I have fcen a Colledion of tiiis C'.r- 
 cinal'i Letters; and amonglt *ein, the £. me Letter (I fuppofe ) that 
 is here quoted : Wh-ereia lie prefres the Emperor's, and ihe King b s 
 Mafter's Intereft, with great Zeal ; and li)llicits the nv^w-tkcflai 
 'Pope, to join with them againftthe F/rwr/j ; and that n fjch a mannrr, 
 us leems to leave no Room for Diflimulation, To the lame Purpofc 
 in the following Letter. ColleSi. MS. p 27, 4^. 
 
 P. 19. 57v Kin^ fent—the Bi(l:op c/"Rccheaer, bcc. to Sit in that 
 Council.] The Bilhop of Rochejlcr, &c. was intended to hi f.nt 
 this Year, and again An. 1513,14 : But his Journey was llopp'd ; as 
 appears both by his own Account of this Ma.ter, and by a AIS. La- 
 tin Life I have of this Bifhop, and otherwife. 
 
 P. 26. W. Smtrc— burnt by Writ de Hasretico comh.-upon what 
 Grctaids of La'W, I cannot tell.] Nor will I pretend to iay. But 
 from Fitzbeibert it feems to appear, that this Writ iffued, before this 
 A&. of Parliament pafs'd ; [ Fox ^hccs Sautres Death, Jtino 1400. 1 
 and that the Cuftom for the Wiit had been fo;mely fo. De Naturd 
 Breviitm, p. 259. 
 
 lb. Relating to the Cujlotm beyond Sea.] From the fame Fitz- 
 herbert, it appears pretty plain, this was the Cuftomary Punifl:imcnt 
 in England: Who quotes Breton, Cap. 17. (Cap. 9. it Ihould be) 
 Hcretikes fert aiixi comburs & arccs, & appiert per ceo Liver, que 
 ceo ejl le Comen Ley. ^od 'vide in Breton, C. ij. Who liv'd' ma- 
 ny Years before. 
 
 The King— writes againjl Luther.] No doubt this Book was 
 wrote by the King, as other Books were under his Name ; that is, 
 by his Bifhops, or other Learned Men. Sir Thomas More (who 
 muft have known the Authors) gives this Account of it, in his 
 MS. Life by Roper : That after it was jinijh'd by his Grace's Ap- 
 pointment^ atid Confent of the Makers of the fame, 1 was only a 
 Sorter out, and Placer of the Principal Matters therein contained. So 
 it feems others were Maker?, and Sir Thomas More only a Sorter. 
 By the Style, it was guefs'd by fome to be wrote by Erafmus ; and* 
 he (in Mirth, I fuppofe) owns, the King mhM h:,ve hit upon his 
 Sr\l\ 'eve-al I rtte-T ' av'n- n ^ 'd h-Mvec;-! -h ;v ^
 
 744 
 
 An APPENDIX to 
 
 P. 22. The Houfes being thus fupprefs d by the Law, — Be^o^ig'd to 
 the King.} This leems not to agree with what is faid P. 261. of this 
 Volume. 
 
 P. 34, 5. The Qneen, under her Pi<5lure, is faid to be, Na- 
 /^ i486.] The Book de Vijibili Ro. Manarchid, an Au then tick Piece, 
 fays thus : Hac decimuvi oSlavim, Hie decimum quin'.um JEtatis An- 
 num, cum ha Nuptice celebrarentur, explcverat. P. 135. Sandford, 
 
 p. 445. 
 
 P. 37. Made Longiand, Bijlop of L.—pcJfefs the Kmgs MirJ 
 in Conjeffion.'] In a MS. Life of Sir Thomas More, wrote not ma- 
 ny Years after Longland's Death, this Account is given. / have 
 heard Dr. Draycot, that icas his [ Longland'j ] Chaplain and Chan- 
 cellor, fay. That he 07jce told the Bifiop, what Rumor ran ; and defi- 
 red to know of him the very Truth. Who anfwer'd. That in very 
 deed, he did not break the Matter after that fort, as is faid; but the 
 King brake the Matter to him firjl -, and never left urging hi?n, until 
 
 he had won him to give his Coifent Of which hii Doings, he 
 
 did fore forethink himfelf and repented afterward^ &c. MS. Co 11 
 Eman, Cant. 
 
 P. 42. There is great Reafon to think, Raftal jjever writ fuch a 
 Book, as the Life of Sir Thomas More. ] I do not think the Book 
 was of great Authority ; but he wrote fuch a Book undoubtedly. 
 I have feen, Certen breef Notes appertaining to Bifiope Fyfliere ; Col- 
 leSled out of Sir Tho. More'i L)fe, written by Mr. Jufice Refiall j 
 which may be produced, wrote near that Time. 
 
 P. 80. Then was his Palace of York-Hcuk- -fcis'd on for he 
 King. Sic. ] The Houfe of his See could not be forfeited, or 
 feiz'd. It was convey'd- over by him to the King ; [ the Convey- 
 ance confirm'd by the Dean and Chapter of 2^or^ ] So his Life by 
 Cavendijh, Ch. 18. and other?. 
 
 P, 81. Lieutenant of the Tower.] Sir JV. Kingfton was Confla- 
 ble of the Tower. So CavendifJ.^ Chap, 20. 
 
 P. 83. Another Bill, which becaufe of its finguhr Nature — and 
 was not printed. ] This Bill was not fi- gular : For A.-j. 35 /?. VIII. 
 there pals'd a Bill of the like, or an Higher Nature, which is print- 
 ed in the Book oi Statutes, An. 1544. being an Act for the Remifli- 
 on of the Loan, An. 35 Hen. VIII. c. 12. 
 
 P. 85, 6. Your Lordfliip is very hard upon tb.e Oxford H\\\ov\- 
 an. He had other Vouchers bcfides Sanders ; one of wiiich I have 
 feen in MS. but do not commend his Prudence, in the Reprefenta:i- 
 cn of that Mitter. 
 
 P. 86. Your Lordfh'p having been very Nice, in placing the De- 
 termination of Oxford before that of the Sorbon ; I prefume, your 
 Lordfhip meant the fame Exacftnefs, in placing Oxford before Cam- 
 bridge : And yet it pafs'd here, before it did at Oxford; ard was de- 
 liver 'd to the King at M^indfor, before Pahn- Sunday, by Dr. Buck- 
 mafler, Vicechancellor, ^c. An. 1529, 30. I have a Letter f cm 
 Dr. Buchnafter, to Dr. Edmonds, Mafter of Peter-Hoife^ ( the fime 
 whom your Lordfhip mlftakes for Ldmund Bofier ) dated from Cam- 
 bridge in Craftino Dominic. Palmariim, after his Return from Wind- 
 for giving fome Account of that Matter, not very much to our Ad- 
 V vantage.
 
 the Fir ft and Second Volumes. 745 
 
 vantage-. Bdt I will nor imita'e the O^v/i/v/ Hillorian : Tho'J m .y 
 do him this Right to fay, That in the Conclufion cf his Letter, 
 fpeakiig of the ProLeaJings at Oxford, (which it i'eems, we e tu- 
 muhuary) he adds, I k'arfay a!fo, that M^. Frovoll (!t feems Fox 
 w^s fent down ih'thcr ti'.cewile) was there in gr.at Ji-opardy. 
 That is the Woid ; which, I fuppofc implie; Danger. 
 
 P. Z-j. Sixteen Batchrllors.] Skip, Hadway^ Deye, Bayne, 6cc. 
 were only Majlcrs of Arts, as appears by the Regifter : So iVuppofe, 
 by Magi/hi in Theohgid, may be meant, Mafters of Arts, that 
 were Divines, as well as Batchelo's. 
 
 P. 89. No Money nor Bribes given for Sub fcriptio7is.'\ The Ad of Par- 
 liament, An, I Mar. Chap, i. charges Corruption with Money---on 
 
 the Foreign Univerfities, and fmiftcr Working, fecret Threat- 
 
 nings, &c. on our own. There are feveral private Authorities to 
 the fame Purpofe; hut I am not concerned to make them good. 
 
 P. 91. Crook died, before he ccu!d receive a Reivard.] Reli- 
 ved many years after, to the Reign of Queen Mary ; and had the 
 Reward due to his Irga'itude to his Patron, who had provided for 
 hii:!. H;." is well known at Cambridge, as well as at Oxjord. 
 
 P. 102. Laurence — excom/nuniciJted King Edbaid ] LaU' 
 
 rence did not excommunicate Edbaid, nor could he ; Edbaid being 
 yet a Heathen -, .ind up-^n his Converfion, he put away his 
 Wife. Bed. Hift. Lib. 2. Cap. 5. 6. Malm. Lib. i. But I fup- 
 po!e, your Lordihip may follow your Authority ; and then all is 
 well. 
 
 P. 103. I crni-d never fee either MS S. or Printed BooJcs,- — except ' 
 CijetanV, crd Vidoria'i. There was a Book prin'ed at Lunen- 
 hwgh, Anno 1532, ded'cated to the Emperor's Ambailador in Eng- ' 
 Itmd, ' Liijlathius Cbapnyfnis, &c. It i^ againft the Divorce; and 
 charges very indired: Pradices on the other Side, by Moneys, and 
 Bribes, &c. Cocbleus ik-: wife wrote againft the Divorce, ad Pall- 
 ium Tertium ; but .whether his Book was printed before the Year 
 1535, I do not know. It was then printed in ^arto. 
 
 P. 104. Married his cum Srf'r, Sec] Not his own Sifler, but 
 his Wife's own Siilfr ; or the Sifter cf one, whom he had carnally 
 known. Antcnin. Flor. Par. 3. Tit. i. Cap. 11. 
 
 P. 106, 129. Enough has been obferv'd upon thefe Two Pages 
 already ; otherwife I have the Proceedings [a Copy] of this Con- 
 vocation, or Synod, An. I5'?3, (which Mr. ^FZ'^/Vo;? feems to place 
 in 1531) from a Publick Inftrument, drawn up and attefted by a 
 Publick Notary: A further Account whereof, your Lordfliip may 
 have, if it be of any life to your Defign. 
 
 P. t2 9. This Proteftation— he repeated, when he took the Oath to 
 the Pope {\ That is publickly, and at his Confecration, I know 
 this has been laid ; tut I wifti it could be prov'd. I have two Let- 
 ters [MSS. Latin] of Cardinal Pole, to Archbifliop Cranmer ; 
 wherein he charges him, with having done it only in a private man- 
 ner, and brands his Proceeding therein with fuch Expreflions, as I 
 am unwilling to tranfcribe. I have likewife feen a Copy of this Pro- 
 teftation, attefted. by publick Notaries ; wherein it is faid to have 
 been made in St. Stephens, Chapel ; but nothing of its being repeat- 
 •VoL. III. 9 D ed
 
 746 An AP F E NDlXto 
 
 ed at his Conkcration. It" your Lord(hip has met with any Thing 
 to deftroy thefe Tcftimonies, I fliall be very glad. 
 
 P. I'jy, Letter — to Kt^mM ifocn after Cardinal) Pole.] He 
 was 'then "cardinal; for they exhort him to return to hi- Duty to 
 the King, and to lurrender up his Red Hat. Letter pnnied turn 
 
 Priv. 
 
 p! 151. A Crime of fo high a Nature, 'wai fo fight >y pafei over. '\ 
 It was not pafHd over: For Stow fays, [P. 561.) thtfc Fryars, and 
 
 ail the reft of that Order, were ftortly after banifli'd ; and that 
 
 after that, none durfl cpcnly oppofe themfelves againft the King's Af- 
 
 fe<flions, 
 
 P. 155. Friorefs and Convent of ^-6,? Domin'can Nuns at Dept- 
 ford, or Bedford.] Jppen. I fuppofe it ihould be the Priorefs and 
 Convent at Dartjo>-d, of the Order of St. Aupn. Lamhard, p. 448. 
 Dtigdale Mon. Vol. 2. p. 357. 
 
 lb. Meeting of the Privy-Council at Lambeth, ^c] Not Privy- 
 Council, (as I fuppofe) : For it is theie faid. He came before the 
 King's CommiiTioncrs. The Abbot of IVeJlminfter, I fuppofe, was 
 noPrivy-Counfcllo.'-; tho' he were a Commiffioner. 
 
 P. 158. John Hilfey not Confecrated Bijhop of Rochtiier before 
 If 07.] I am not fure this has not been taken notice of; but I am 
 very fure, from feveral Authorities, that he was Bifliop An. 1535. 
 
 P. 166. 0«^ William Tracy of WorcefterHiire, — his Will brought 
 to the Bijhop of London'; Court.'] Tracy was of Toddington in Glo- 
 cejlerjhire. If the Regifler fays, it was brought into the Bi/hop of 
 London's Court, there is no contradidling fuch Authority. But Tyn- 
 dall's Expofition of Tracfs, Will, fays it was brought before the 
 Archbifhop: And in Fox [Commentar. Lat. p. 125.] the Archbi- 
 fhop is faid to have committed the Execution of this Bufincfs to Dr. 
 Parker, Chancellor of the Diocefe of Wcrcefter ; in which Diocefe, 
 Glocefterjlnre then was. Nor do I fee, how it could be regularly 
 brought into the Bifhop of London''^ Court. 
 
 P. 187. Edward the Ccnfejfor founded Coventry, &c.] Coventry 
 was not founded by Edward the ConfefTor, but by Count Leofric. 
 Monajl. Vol. i. p. 303. Hiji of Warw. p. 100. 
 
 P. 189. Netherlands, where the greate/l Trade of thefe Parti was 
 driven, &c.] Your Lordfhip has been fince better acquainted with 
 the Trade of the Indies ; which was then (I fuppofe) chiefly divi- 
 ded betwixt the Spaniards and Portugueze, and the Netherlartds had 
 a very fmall Share. Sir W. Temple (P. 75.) gives this Account : 
 Before the Revolt, the SubjeEls of the Low-Countries never al- 
 lowed the Trade of the Indies, but in the Spanifli Fleets, and under 
 Spaniih Covert, &c. 
 
 P. 213. Cromwell, the King's Vicar-General, — was not yet Vice- 
 gerent.] In a Publick Inftrument, in i^j^//i?r's Hiftory of Cambridge, _ 
 p. 109. (which we have upon our Regifters, and otherwife MS.) 
 dated 0£?o3. 22. 1535, Cromwell \s ^y\i:d Vicegerent xhsitYtzr : And, 
 in the Writ of Summons, 1539, {\n F>ugdale) he is ftyled Vicarius 
 Generalis. So that thefe Two Titles feem to have been us'd promif- 
 cuoufly. 
 
 P. 214.
 
 the Fir ft a7jd Second Volumes, 747 
 
 p. 214. AIcx. Alefs, a Scotchn^-in him Cromwell brought 
 
 to the Co/rcocalion, &c.] An Account of this Conference is publifh'd 
 by this Jlex. A'cfs; by him in Latin, tranflated into EngUJI} by 
 'Edm. Allen ; an^i he is ihere fiyled, Alex A'ane, Scot. He was fent 
 
 for in''o EnghrnJ hy the Lord Cromicell, and the Archbifliop 
 
 Sent to Cambridge driven thence withdrew to London, where 
 
 he iludy'd, and piadi^'d Phyfick certain Years— met by chance with 
 
 the Lord CfOWJc^^//--— who took him with him to Wejlmujfter where 
 
 he found ell tiie BiHiops gadiered together unto whom all the Bi- 
 
 fhops and Prelates did rife up and did Obedience as to their Vicar 
 
 General— and he fat him down in the Iligheft Place then follows 
 
 an Account of the Debate, and how the Bilhops were divided— 
 but, I think, he places this Meeting (I have not the Book by me) in 
 the Year 1537. The Bojk is without Date, fo it does not appear 
 when it was printed. 
 
 P. 221. Bo'jk de Vnione Ecclefiajlia.'] The Title i=^, De Um'fate 
 Ecckfiajlicd. I havt^ not fcen the Firft Edition, being very fcarce, and 
 having been kept up in a few Hands ; but it was Re-printed in Germany^ 
 Anno 1555, faid in the Preface to have been printed Fifteen Years be- 
 fore ; that is about the Year 1540: But I think there are fome 
 Things faid in the Body cf the Book, that fuppofe it to be printed 
 fooncr. It was without Date. 
 
 P. 224. Betlefden in Bedford fidie.] It is in Buckinghamjlnre. 
 
 lb. None of our Writers have taken notice of this Dugdale in his 
 
 Monafi. Vol. 3, P. 2 1. has taken notice of two fuch New Foundations, 
 .xiz. B/Jljam'm Berks; and Stixnculd, Line. 
 
 P. 252. Cranmer at that Time of Luther's Opinion^ Cranmer 
 at his Tryal being afked what Doctrine he taught concerning this 
 Sacrament, when he condemned Lambert the Sacramentary, exprefs- 
 ly fiiys, I maintained then (he Papijls Doofritie. Fox Vol. 3. P. 656. 
 Nor could he well otherwife have argiied againft Z-^w^tT/, as he thea 
 did. To name no more Authorities. 
 
 P. 256. All the Pari. Abbots had their Writs.'] According to- 
 Dugdale, the Abbots of St. Edmufidjlmry and TavcflokCy were not 
 fommon'd to this Parliament, Apr. 28, 1539. 
 
 P. 266, 7. The oppofite Party Bonner, Gfr.] This does not- 
 
 feem to agree with what is faid after, p. 299. Hitherto he (Bonner) 
 had a6led another Part—--7iow began to/J:oiv his Nature, &c. 
 
 P. 296. But his Friends complained to the Kmg he being a Privy 
 
 Coiincellor.] Gardiner in his Declaration of fuch true Articles, Sec. 
 Printed An. 1546, 8vo. fays, he complain'd himfelf to the King; 
 and exprefbly fays, ivhen Barnes nvas fe}it to the Tower, / was not of 
 
 the Privy Council He feems not to have been much employ'd at this 
 
 Time, having been left out of the Number of thofe that compiled the 
 King's Book, or not acting. 
 
 P. 303. Cranmer fet out en Order.] -This Order I have feen print- 
 ed 154', amongft Archbilhop Parker's Papers, but it vi'as with the 
 Confent of the other Archbilhop, and moft of the Bifliops. 
 
 P. 347. The Coronation of the Prince of Wales,] I think 
 Creation is the ufual Term at this Solemnity. 
 
 P- 349-
 
 Jn A P P E N D I X to 
 
 p. -JAO. "To aifcoViT Things bit':crto unkncwn.'] This has been 
 
 taken notice of by Lff.ey, a ru ted Author, and your Lordfli'p's 
 Countryman ; r.nd the Tellimonies of my Lord Paget, S'r Ed\cr,rd 
 
 Montague^ and this C/^ri there appealed to after fol ows %^ 
 
 Teftimonia cum jwamcnlo perhibita, pofquam diligcnter & circmnlpcBe 
 perpenfa atq; examinata fuijjcnf, Mat in licgina de Senteniia ConfJia- 
 tiomwi fuorum, ad Honorem Die & Rtgri, cid vcritatis & 'Jvjlitice 
 Patrociniiim, & Legitimes in Regniim SuccrJJiotiis, . ad mult a nefanda 
 mala devitanda, qu(V ilia ccrrvptione ex illo figincnto, confccutura crant, 
 jitjfit exemplar Memiriak fupp^fititii Tcftajnenti, quod cxtabat in Can- 
 cellarid confcindi, expungi, aboleri tanqiiam indigmm quod inter -vera 
 &in corriifta NobiliJJimt Regni exemplaria locum cblineret — 'Jo. Lejl(tus, 
 de titulo ^ jure Seroiijjimi Prineipis Maria Scotia Regina, quo Regni 
 Anglice SucceJjione7n fibi jufte vindicat. Rbcmis 1580, P. 43, 44. I th'nk 
 Jt was publifh'd in EngliJ};) fooner. 
 
 P. 3;6. That FhhcT and be pemied the Bock.] It is true Sir 7i6(J. 
 More was only a Sorter, and Fif.rr cculd he no more than one of the 
 Makers, though fomc have aflert.'d it to be his Work alone. But as 
 to Sir Tho. More's Teftimonv, 1 think it n.ay with much more Rea- 
 fon be taken from Roper his Son-in-Law, who marry'd his beloved 
 Daughter, and knew hs inward Thcughts, than from a Letter to a 
 IVlinifter of State, where loqucndum cu?n Vulgo. Your Lordfliip is a 
 very able Judge of Stile, and of the Elegancy wherewith this Book 
 is wrote: Your Lordfliip has given us a Specimen of the King's Stile, 
 in the Marginal Note? of the laft Page of this Volume, P. 368, I date 
 appeal to your Lordfliip whether you think the Style to be the fame. 
 The laft Words are fo Elegant, that I cannot forbear reciting them. 
 Cum qua nee Pontijex Rcmanus, nee quivis aims Pralatus cut Pon- 
 tifex, habct quicquid agere, picvternuam in fuas Diocejes. 
 
 However, lam very willing the King lliould enjoy the Konour 
 ef his Book, provided 1 am allow'd to enjoy my Opinion. 
 
 Upon this Occafion, I have only to add, that whereas this Life of 
 Sir Tho, More by Rcper is fonicwhere cited, P. 279, as printed, (if 
 I api not miflaken) 1 think I may be pofitive it was never printed. 
 I have in it Manufcript. Sir Tbo. More's Life was twice printed in 
 4to and in 8vo, and by different Hands, but neither of them by 
 Roper, though both of them have borrow'd from him pretty freely. 
 
 P. 362. Gz.xA\mx-'— and Three other Priefis executed,] Gardi- 
 ner wai executed, the other Three were pardon'd, according to an 
 Account I have fetn, MS. Their Names are there faid to be Madcr 
 More, Mafter Heybode, and Mafter Roper. 
 
 ColkBion
 
 the Fi r ft and Second P^ol times. 
 
 749 
 
 Collection of RECORDS. 
 
 P186. Dr. Clyfs.] We had no fuch Doflor at Cambridge : I fup- 
 , pofe it may be a Miftake of the Prefs, for Dr. Cll^ ; of which 
 l>Jame there were Two, and both of them Civilians. 
 
 P. 178. InjunBiotis by Cromwell,] Thefe Injundlions exhibited 
 Anno 1538. were Printed by Barthekt cum Priv. containing fome 
 fmall Variation"^, which might have been noted in the Margin, ( as 
 Ibme other httle things might) tut they are not confiderable. 
 
 P. 201. MSS. Dr. Stillfltet.] I can do your Loidihip that Right 
 to fay, that thefe iMvSS. are Publilhed with Faithfulnefs enough ; on- 
 ly they might have been quoted as my Lord Salisbury's, to whom 
 they belong ; and are probably Two of thefe Six cr Seven Volumes, 
 faid P. 171. of this Volume to have been in the Hands of my Lord 
 Burghley. Theieare Lme few OmirHons, or Verbal Miftake s, which 
 might have been noted in the Margin ; I fliall only mention fome 
 few that alter the Senfe. P. 215. Ju/lijication by the Word, Inftituti- 
 on by the Wcrd, MS. lb. receive them., retain them^ MS. And the 
 fame Page, for ConjtinSlion fliould be read Commixtion. P. 2 1 6. <S;^- 
 nificantia, Sandificantia, MS. P. 223, Apojlclicis. Apoftolis, MS. P. 
 227. Multifque aliis, nuUifque a!iis, MS. P. 229. Prophetaini Pro- 
 phetiam, MS. P. 232. Lacius, Laicus, MS. P. 238. Eleventh, Fif- 
 teenth, MS. P. 24c. nounullis, novellis, MS. And after Sentence^ 
 fhould be read cf Kxcunmnnicaticn. P. 243. Authors, Dodors, MS. 
 Such Miftakcs might eafily happen, either through the Neglcdl of 
 the Tranfcriber, or of the Prcfj. 
 
 I (hall not enter into the Criticifm of T. Cantuarion to Leigthon's 
 Paper. The meaning is more plain in Robertjon'%; for he not having 
 fubfcribed his Name at the end of his Paper, the Arch-bifliop might 
 add his own to atteft it ; and Robcrtfon's Name afterwards appearing 
 at the beginning of his Paper, the Biftiop might dafli his own Name, 
 as it now ftands, if done by the fame Hand. 
 
 P. 257. A ColleSiion of Pajj'ages out of the Canon-Law, &c. J 
 Here your Lorddiip muft have truded an unlkilful Amanuenfis : The 
 Copy isfo full of Miftakes, 1 will note a few. 
 
 P. 257. De fumma excom. De Sententij, MS. Nominat, no- 
 verit, MS. P. 258. A veHa memoria, A reda memoir, MS, Efi- 
 ciund, officium, MS. De Summa, De Sententia, MS, P. 259. Eledi 
 proprietnte, Foteftate, MS. Si modo, Sinodum, MS. Non vos, non 
 nos MS. De pecuuia, De [oenitentia, MS. Proprietate, Poteftate, 
 MS. P. 260. Proprietate [bis] Poteftate, MS. Fcelicum, Foelicis, 
 P. 261. Ex Cleritus, Quod Clericus, MS. Si vero, Quod 
 
 MS. 
 vcro 
 Nom, 
 
 MS. Si qui bus. Si qui« 
 coverit, MS. 
 
 Ms. De Summa, De Sententia, MS. 
 
 De 'pearniis, Poenitentiis, MS. Si., Etfi, MS. 
 
 Ad ufus, Adverfu?, MS, Nur is it rot, nor it is nor, MS. P. 262. 
 
 Et qua Jequitur, qus fequuntur, MS. Si quijquis. Si quifquim, MS. 
 
 ^icunqiJ.e, Qucecunqu?, MS. P. 263. In Clanaitini, Clementini?^ 
 
 Vol. III. 9 E MS.
 
 75° 
 
 Jn A P P E N D I X to 
 
 MS Per excelfa, pre excelfa, MS. De pramii's, De pxnitentiis, 
 Ms". De fumma, De fententia, MS. P. 264. Ut verum, ut jeju- 
 
 ni, MS. 
 
 Hiflory of the Reformation^ Vol. II. Edit. 2. 
 
 PAge I. Lc[l his Mother the Day after he was Born.] The 
 King's Journal, printed by your Lordfhip, fays, 'ivithin few 
 Days after the Birth of her Son, died. Geo, Lilly, who liv'd at the 
 fame Time, and near the Place, fays, Duodecimo pojl die moritur— 
 Chron. And fo the Continuation of E(7<^/fl«, Oclob. 2^. Thefe feem 
 to be the beft Authorities. 
 
 P. 17. 'The next Day the Seal -was put into tie Lord 5/. John's 
 Hajids.'] 29 funii figillum magnum Will Paivlet Militi Dcmitio S. 
 Jo. de Bafng liber atiim fuit. Pat. 1. Edic. 6. P. 4. Dugdal. Orig. 
 
 Jtirid. 
 
 P. 39. The LordVSch made Lord Cha?icellor on the 2/\th cfOc^ob.] 
 Rich. Rich Miles Dominus Rich con ft i tutus Cancellarius Anglia 30. 
 Nov. Pat. I. Edw. 6. P. 3. M. 14. Dugdal ibid. 
 
 P. 58. There is another Paper given in — but moji of the Fathers 
 there cited, are of the later yJges, &c.] The Fathers and Canons 
 cited in that Paper sre, Hermes, Tertullian, Origen, Bafil, Ambrofe^ 
 jferomey Auguftme, Chryfojlome : The Councils of Aries, Elvira^ 
 and Milevi. Jf any modern Authorities are cited, I have not noted 
 them. 
 
 P. 62. The Bipops of London, Worcefter, Chichefter, and He- 
 reford, gave in their Anfiver once in one Paper.] The Bifhops of 
 London, Worcefter, Chichejler, and Hereford'% Anfwers related to 
 anothet fet of Queftions. 
 
 lb. Cranme'r'i Harid is over every one of them.] Cramners Hand 
 is not over Richard Cox, nor W. Menevenf. nor John Taylor's ; who 
 have fubfcribed their own Name?. 
 
 lb. Dr. Cox hath fet his Hand and Seal to his Anfwer.] I can 
 affure your Lordlhip, there is no Myftery in this. Cox had fent in 
 his Paper folded, and doled wiih Wax : The Foldings yet remain, 
 according to which Foldings the Paper had been feal'd, which is 
 now torn, where it had been fealed, and fome of the Paper left up- 
 on the Wax. 
 
 P. 88. Bucer and Fagiiis invited over to England, and fent fo Cam<- 
 bridge, ivhere Fagiiis died foon after.] This your Lordfhip feems to 
 place in the Year 1548 ; whereas they did not le.ive Germa}2y UW A- 
 pril 1 549, and Fagius died in Noxctnber following. I have his Will, 
 proved Jan. 1 2. 1 549. 
 
 P. 92. TLus had this Matter been argued in Booh— written by 
 Parker, & .] Parker'% Book was not wrote till the Reign of Queen 
 Mary, ad lenicndum (mint in ilia Mariana Perfecutione mcerorcm--- 
 as faid in his Life -, nor publlHi'd till the Reign of Q. Elizabeth, and 
 
 could have no Relation to this Reign. 
 
 lb.
 
 the tirfl and Second Voiufnes, 7^1 
 
 p. 100. What bis Behaviour was on the Scaffold, I do not find. ^ 
 There is a pretty Remarkable Account of his Death and Behaviour, 
 in Bifliop Latymer'i Fourth Sermon, Edit. i. p. 56. ( left oat of the 
 following Editions) where, amongft other Things, he fays, He [ the 
 Admiral ] dyed very danger en fly, yrkfomelye, horryhlye. A nd furely 
 fo he did, if the Letters ref<;rr'd to by him on the Scaflfold were genu- 
 ine, which Latymer lays he faw. 
 
 P. 120. "They naere required to procure a Refignation of Jome Col- 
 leges, and to ufiite them nvith others, &c.] There were no other 
 Colleges to be fupprefs'd, b-fides Clare-Hall, in order to found a New 
 College of Civilians, either by Unitins; it to Trinity-Hall, or by 
 Augmenting the Number o( Trinity-Hall to Twenty Fellows ; as ap- 
 pears by King Edward's Statutes, (drawn up before the Vifitors came 
 down) compar'd with his Iniundion<^, ( all upon the Black Book ) 
 drawn up after. 
 
 Indeed Trinity- Tlall w^s to be furrcnder'd, in order to the Union, 
 or New Fc>Ui'.d:itiun ; wherein Gardiner, Bifliop of IFirichcJler, thea 
 Mailer, did good Service : Who refub'd to Surrender ; and that, I 
 fuppofe, partly upon Politick Reafons. For had h. parted with his 
 Old Houfe, he would never Jiave been made Mafter of the New 
 Law- College, tho' he were Doiflcr both of the Canon and Civil 
 Law. 
 
 P. 12 1. ^ir. Cheek — ivas either put from the Chair, or willing- 
 ly left it to avoid the Indignation of fo great a Man— as Gardiner 
 ivas, &c.] Cheek was not put from the Chair ; not did he part 
 with it, till after he was fent for by the King to inftrudl the Prince ; 
 as appears from the Account of the Life of his Succcflbr, Nicholas 
 Carr, p. 59. and otherwife. 
 
 P. 129. The Confufons this 2~ear, occafioiid that Change to be 
 made in the Office of dayly Prayers, ivhere the Anfiaere to the Peti- 
 tion., [ Give Peace in our Time, O Lord ] teas jioio tnade, [ Be- 
 caufe there is none other that fightcth for us, but only thou, O God]. 
 This, my Lord, I do not well underftand : For this Petition and An- 
 fwer fland in th; Fi: ft Liturgy of Edivard the Sixth, Fo!. 4. 
 
 P. 154. The Earl oj Warwick- --oi'nV earnefly in his [Hooper'j] 
 Behaf, to the ArcbbiJl:op, to di/penfe—iDith the Oath of Canonical 
 Obedience at his Confccration, &c. ] The Oath of Canonical Obe- 
 dience, (as printed in the Form of Confecration, A?i. 1549,) is fo 
 unexceptionable, that there fccms to be no Ground for Scruple ; be- 
 ing only a IVotnife of ail due Reverence and Obedience to tlie Arch- 
 bifhop. &c. It feems to have been the Oath of Supremacy, wh'ch 
 at that time contain'd Exprefiions more liable to Exception, being a 
 kind of &c. Oath, requiring Obedience to A6ls and Statutes, fnade 
 or to be made ; and concluding with, So helpe me Gody All 
 Sainoies, &c. 
 
 Fuller, who was once of Opinion, that it was the Oath of Ca- 
 nonical Obedience that Hooper fcrupled, yet alter'd his Opinion 
 [ /Fci/-^/?);Vj 7>z Somerfetdiire, p. 22 ] upon thefe, or fuch like Rea- 
 fons. If Parfons his Authority were of any Weight, he exprefsly 
 fays, it was the O.uh of Supremacy. De tribus Converf. Par. g. 
 Chap. 6. Sefl. 68. 
 
 Ibid.
 
 752 An AP F E N Dl X to 
 
 Ibid. John Alafco, natb a Congregation of Germans, that fed 
 from their Coimtry-tipon the Interim, &c. ] They were moft of 
 them Netherlanders, or French { only a few Germans ) and confe- 
 quently not concern'd with the Interim ; and the Language they of- 
 ficiated in, was the Low- German and French, &c. Utenlov. Narrat. 
 de Lfittit. £f Difipat. Eelgarum, &c. P. 12, 28, &c. Thofe that 
 went off with Alajco, were Lou-Germans, French, Englif:), or Boots. 
 lb. p. 22. This fecms confirm'd, by what is faid P. 250 of this Vo- 
 lume, of their b.ing of the Helvetian Coiiffion, aud of their Recepti- 
 on in Denmark. However, I am not pofnive, furtlier than Utenhovi- 
 us's Account will bear mc out, which I have not by me. 
 
 P. 162. Dr. ^mwh—ivas brought to London, upon Complaints— 
 Cranmer got his Sureties to be difcharged ; upon iihich he writ him a 
 Letter .—Soon after he writ a?J0thcr Letter to Cranmer, &c. ] Thefe 
 Letters I have feen : I can affure your Lo dfhip, they are wrote to 
 Parker, not to Cranmer : And if your Lordfliip has any doubt of it, 
 I can make it very evident. 
 
 P. 163. He (Dr. Smith) had made a Recantation— of feme Opi- 
 nions—but what thefe were— the fournal dotS nit inform us. ] The 
 Particulars were, i. Concerning Submiffion to Governors in Church 
 and State. 2. Concerning Unwritten Traditions. 3. Concerning 
 the Sacrifice cf the Mafs, &c. As may be {c'tw \\\ his Retradtation, 
 printed at London, An. 1547 cum Priv. entituled, AGcdly and Faith- 
 ful RetraSlation, made and publfoed at'?i.\\\s Crofs in L^nJon, An- 
 no 1547, 15 May; by Mafter Richard Smith, D. D. and Reader of 
 the King's Majefies Le^ure in Oxford ; revoking therein certain Er- 
 rors and Faults, by him committed in fome of his Books. It was re- 
 peated at Oxford, July the 24th, the fame Year. 
 
 lb. M. Bucer died— on the zSth of February. ] It is not very- 
 material, whether he died this Day, or the Day after : Bat he died 
 the ift ci March, \i Parker and Haddon's Account may be tajcen, 
 who were prefent, and bore a Part at his Funeral, and were Execu- 
 tors of his Will. 
 
 Nicholas Carr likewife prefent, fay?, Calendis Martiis in his Let- 
 ter to Cheke. Thefe, I fuppofe, are the bert Authorities. 
 
 P. 165. Griffith and Leyfon, fwo Civilians. ] Griffith Leyfon 
 was only one Civilian : The other Civilian was, John Oliver, 
 L. L. D. 
 
 P. 196. — faid in the Preface of the Book, that Cranmer did 
 the whole Work almofi him/elf. ] All that I find in that Preface, if, 
 that thefe Thirty two weie divided into Four Claflfes ; and that what 
 was concluded in one Clafs, was to be communicated to the reft j 
 and that Summce Ncgotii prafuit Tho. Cranmerus, Archief Canf ; as 
 it was fit he fliould prefide. 
 
 lb. Dr. Haddon, that was Unherfty-Orafor at Cambridge. 1 
 Haddon never was Univerfity-Oiator at Cambridge ; as appears from 
 a very Exad: Catalogue upon the Orator's Book, and other- 
 wife. 
 
 P. 204. Wanchop, a Scotchman— wZfo tho' he was blind— ] He 
 was not blind, only fliori-fighted : // quak Huomo di brevifima vi- 
 
 Sla
 
 the Firft and Second Fohimes. 75 
 
 Jla era commendato di que ft a virtu y di correr alia pofia fneglio d' huomo 
 del mondo, Hiih del Cone. Trid. I. 2. p. 144. 
 
 P. 240, The ^een — received them all very favourabh, except . 
 
 Dr. Ridley. She glady laid hold on any Colour., to be more fevere 
 
 to him,'-^for bringing Boner to London again.] There needed no 
 Colours; he had given too juft Offence. In a MS. C.C.C. Mifcel, 
 P. this Account is given. 
 
 Sunday, July 16th, Dr. Ridly BiJJjop of London, preach' d at 
 
 V\\w\i-Crvfi: Where he declared in hii Sermon the Lady Mary and 
 
 Elizabeth to be Illegitimate^ and not lawfully begotten^ &c. accord- 
 
 ing to God's Law; and fo founds both by the Clergy and A5ls 
 
 of Parliament, in Henry the WWth's Time-, which the People mur- 
 mured at. 
 
 _ P. 244. Himfelf [Cranmer] performed all the Offices of the Bu- 
 rial, &c.] It is highly impiobable, that he who was now under 
 Difpleafure, about this Time confin'd to his Houfe, and foon after to 
 the Tower, fhould be allow'd to Perform thefe Offices in fuch man- 
 ner. Godwin [An. 1553.] Annal. (iys, — Concionem habente Daio 
 Cicefler. Epifcopo, qui etiam Jacriim peregit vernacula if its Anglicana, 
 & Eucharijliatn prcefcntibus exhibuit, &c. To the fame Purpofe 
 Holingjhed, Vol. 2. p. 1089. And I never could meet with any good 
 Authority for the contrary, except your Lordship's. 
 
 P. 248. Again/l all that would not change their Religion:] 
 
 Speaking of Judge ifij/d'i. Judge Hales did Change his Religion: So 
 Fox, Vol. 3. p. 997. f^^g^ Hales never fell into that I?2Convenience, 
 before he had confented to Papiftry. This, probably, was one great 
 Occafion of his Melancholy. So Fox, more exprefsly in the Firfl 
 Edition of his Book, p. 1116. He was cajl forthwith into a great 
 
 Repentance of the Deed, and into a Terror of Confcience And 
 
 Bradford [Letters of the Martyrs, p. 384.] propofes him as an Ex- 
 ample, of one that was fearfully left of God to our Admoni- 
 tion. 
 
 P. 251. He [Hon-*] had refufed to accept of his Bip:>oprick ] 
 
 A^ far as I underftand his Meaning, this was meant of the Admini- 
 ftration of Epifcopal Power: For Horn having faid. The Bifhop was 
 
 not afiam'd to lay to my Charge, that I had exercifed his Office 
 
 in his Bijljoprick; anfwers, 1 never meddled with his Office: I was 
 
 in daunger of much difpleafure, — bycaufe 1 wold not take upon me his 
 Ofice, &c. 
 
 P. 252. One Beal, Clerk of the Cowicii] His Name in Fox Is 
 Hales, Vol, 3 . p. 976. 
 
 P. 272. She [the LiLdy Jane] fent her Greek TeBament to her 
 
 Sijler, with a Letter in the fame Language.] The Letter, I fuppofe, 
 mufl have been wrote in Englijh, as it ftands in Fox, Vol. 3; p. 35. 
 and as printed amongft the Letters of the Martyrs, p. 662; 
 
 Ibid, That Lady, under her Pidture, is faid to have been Na- 
 /tfi537.] According to Ajcham, (who may be fuppos'd, to have 
 given in her Age at lowed) She was aged Fifteen, in the Year 1550, 
 when he found her Reading Plato's, Phadon in Greek; which was ve- 
 ry unufual at that Age, but would have been Extraordinary indeed 
 at Thirteen. 
 
 Vol. IIL 9 F P. 275.
 
 754 
 
 Jn APPENDIX to 
 
 e IS 
 
 p 27 c Goodrick, of Ely, died in April this Tear.] Tliei 
 an Inftitution upon his Regifler, by his Authority, May 9th 1554: 
 And in a Catalogue of their Bifhops, upon their Black Book, it is laid, 
 DecimoMaij, Anno Do m. 1554, — mortem ohiit opud Somcrf.am, Sec. 
 This I think, has been taken notice of ; I only mention ir, becaufe 
 it is from unqueftionable Authority. 
 
 P. 277. Dr. MiiTtm—Jiudicd the Laic at Bonrges ; where Fran- 
 cis Baldvin had piMckly 7ioted him for bis Lewdnef, as being not 
 only over-run himfelf -with the French P-x-, — lihich Baldvin certi- 
 fied in a Letter.] This Letter I have now by me, piinted in Bale's 
 Declaration o{ Boner's Articles, Vol. 47, 48. But it was not Martin, 
 buthisHoft, that was over-run with the French P-x: Habitabat in 
 Acad. Bifurigum, apud quendam nomine Boium, Sacrijicnlum turpijji- 
 
 „jn„j^ toto corpore leprojum, & infami mcrbo Gallico infeSIwn: Tho' 
 
 MzrWs Charader there is bad enough. 
 
 P. 279. The Spaniards ^^^v^—Ofc^o?;, by Fiiblijinng Phllip'j Pe- 
 digree, ./row John of Gaunt: This made Gardiner look — to the 
 
 Liberties of the Crown, &c.] If John Bale be good Authority, 
 the EngUp were forward enough, in Setting forth Genealogies from 
 John a Gaunt} Gardiner, White, and Harpsfield inaintaining the 
 
 fame. Ibid. Fol. 9. 
 
 P. 284. The Letters of the Prifoners — gathered— and all printed 
 
 hy Fox, and put into the Library 0/^ Emanuel-Co//t'^f, by Sir Walter 
 
 Mildmay, &c.] Moft of thefe Letters are printed by Fox; but 
 your Lordftiip knows, the Letters of the Martyrs were publifli'd in 
 a diftind Volume, with a Preface by Coverdale, (probably the Pub- 
 liflier) and printed by John Day, An. 1564; which I could have 
 wifti'd had been taken Notice of by your Lordfliip in this 
 
 Place. 
 
 P. 202. I have noted under Cardinal Pole's Pidlure, from Ciaco- 
 nius and Petramellarius, that he was at lafl Cardinal- Prefbyter, 
 (tho' Firft only Deacon) which will hardly confift with what is faid 
 Vol. I. p. 221. that he did not rife above the Degree of a Deacon-, tho", 
 I fuppofe, Cardinals are of equal Dignity. 
 
 P. 302. Here I could have wifli'd, your Lordfliip had taken no- 
 tice of Hooper's Loyalty > which was very fignal, as appears from 
 his Printed Apology. When She was at the worjl, I rode my felf 
 from Place to Place, {as it is well known) to win and /lay the Peo- 
 ple for her Party. And whereas another was proclaimed; I prefer- 
 red Her, notwitlflanding the Proclamations ^/^"^ Horfs out of 
 
 both Shires, (Glocefter and Wovccder) to ferve her in her great Dan- 
 ger; as Sir ]o\in Talbot, Kt. and William Ligon, Efq; can tefli- 
 fy, &c. And more to this Purpofe. 
 
 P. 317. William Wolley burnt at Ely ; where Shaxton 
 
 •now Suffragan of Ely, condemned them.'] Shaxton could not con- 
 demn them, being there only as an Affiftant : They were condemned 
 by John Fuller, L. L. D. Vicarium in Spiritualibus Domivi Thoma 
 
 Epfcopi Elien. G" ejufdem Commiffarium — legitime conflitutum,-—' 
 
 ad negotia infra Scripia expediend. — in Capclla B. Maria" Elien. — - 
 ajjijientibus ei tunc ibid. Rev. in Chrlflo Patre Nicholao—modo S'ffra- 
 
 gano
 
 the Fir ft and Second Volumes. 7 c r 
 
 gam Epifcopo Rob. Steward Decaiio EHeJt. Jo. Chrijlopherfon S.T.B. 
 
 Decano 'Norvic. &c\ Regijir. Jhyrlby, Fol. 81, 82. where the Procefs 
 may be feen. 
 
 P. 320. Gardiner V Figure.] It your LordHiip has feen this 
 Pidlure with the Seals, (^c. it miift be Gardiner's ; though I have 
 feen two Pidlures at Tr/'/i/ty College, and Trinity Hall, faid to be 
 Gardiner 1, very unlike this. I have often fufpeded it to belong to 
 Horn, who was a fevere rough fort of a Man, and gives the Bu^le 
 Horns for his Arms (but without a Chevron); which though they 
 arc faid to belong to the Gardiners, yet Gardiner when he was Chan- 
 cellor of Cambridge, gives different (Paternal) Arms, as may be feen 
 in the Appendix to Archbi(hop Parker's Antiq. Brit. 
 
 Poinet, his Succeffor, defcribes him thus — He had a hanging Look, 
 frowning Brows, Eyes an inch within the Head, a Nofe hooked like a 
 Buflard, wide Nojlrils like a Horfe, — ^ Sparrow Mouthy Sec. And 
 truly by this Defcription, it may be Gardiner's. 
 
 P. 337. John Hallier, a Prieft, was burnt at Canterbury.] John 
 Huilier, a Pried, was burnt at Cambridge, as appears from Thirlbfs 
 Regifter, He is there faid to have been Vicar of Badburham; of 
 which Vicaridge he was firft depriv'd, and afterwards burnt, for 
 maintaining Erroneous and Heretical Opinions. Fox, (P. 6g6j like- 
 wife fiys he was burnt at Cambridge, as alfo the Letters of the Mar- 
 tyrs. P. 517. , , . , 
 
 P; 339. Knox had written indecently of the Emperor, 6cc.] This, 
 my Lord, is rather too foft an Expreffion. A';75x was accus'd of Trea- 
 fon againfl the Emperor, his Son, and the Queen of Ew^A^w^, as may 
 be feen in the Troubles of Frankford, where the Words are reported 
 at large, p. 44. 
 
 P. 340. Brought him, (Pool) under the Sufpicion of having prO" 
 
 cur d his (Cranmer'j) Death. From your Lordlhip's Opinion of the 
 Cardinal's Probity and Vertue, p. 370, I think I can clear him from 
 this Sufpicion from his own Letter, MS. where he thus accofts Cran- 
 mer. Ea eft 77iea falutis tuce cur a acjhidium, iit fi te ab horribili illa^ 
 qua tibi nifi refipifcas, impendet, non folum Corporis, fed Animce etiam 
 mortis Sententid, tdlo modo liber are poJJ'em, id profe£lo omnibus divitiis 
 at que honor ibus, qui cuiquam in hac vita contiyigere pofjint {F)eum 
 teflor) libentiffime anteponerem. MS. p. 54. 
 
 P. 341. 1 have not met loith her Foundation of it (Weftminifter) 
 
 which perhaps was razed The King and Queen's Licence, or 
 
 Patent. Dat. Stpt. 7. An. 3. and 4. P. M. may be met with in Rymer^ 
 (Apojlol. BenediSl. P. 233.) and as there faid, habetur i z. Parte Pa- 
 temum. The reft, I fuppofe, was done by the Pope's Authority. 
 The Cardinal's Licence (towards the Supprefling of the College) may 
 be met with in the Monajlic. Vol. II. p. 847. 
 
 P. 353. Peyto had begun his "Journey into England -~5'/o/>/ his 
 fourney, &c.] From the Anfwer to Engliflj Juftice, (fuppos'd to be 
 wrote by Sir tfill. Cecil, or by his Order) it appears that Peyto was 
 now in England, p. 20, 23, &c. Edit. Eat. p. 48; as likewife from 
 the Anfwer, p. 147, 149. Ciaconius fays the fame Thing An. Dom. 
 1557. and Pallavicini Hift. Cone. Prid. Lib. 14. Cap. 2, 5. (and that 
 he was then an Old Decrepit Man) befides other Authorities that 
 
 might
 
 7r6 An AP P E N D 1 X to 
 
 75 
 
 might be nam'd, if it were material. It was the Bulls that were ftopt 
 at Calice, with the Nuncio, or Bt-aier, which may have occafion'd 
 the Miftake of Godwin, and other?. 
 
 P. 364. He that ivrit the Preface to Bi/Jjop Ridley's Book, Dq 
 Ca;na Djmini, fuppojtd to be [Giindal ] The Author of the Preface 
 to Ridley's Book, was William Wittingbam, according to Bale (p. 684, 
 731.) who ki.ew the Man very well, as well as his Writings. 
 
 P. 360. Rcferving notlivg to himfelf, but Pool'^ Breviary, and 
 Diary.] Ex qttibus Polus Deum precari folilus erat. Brez'iarian vc- 
 catnm & diurnale. Bccatell. p. 80. 
 
 P. 374. On the i()th at Highgate all the Bijhopi met her, &c.] 
 The Queen was at Uatfidd, Nov. 20, and yet there, Nov. 22. as 
 appears from a Regifier, or Council Book, which I have feen. Nov^ 
 24. She was at the Charter-Hou/e, and not fooner, as far as appears 
 from that Book. Nov. 25. She was yet at the Charter-Hciifc; it does 
 not appear from thence that {he was at the Tower 'lill Decenib. i. 
 
 P. 395. The lajl (Covcrdale) being Old, had no mind to return to 
 his BiJJ:oJ>rick.'\ I fuppofc Cover dale might have other Reafons, for 
 in a Book Intitl'd, Fart of a Regijler, I find him rank'd with thofe 
 that then, or foon afer, were ftyled Puritans, p. 12, 23, 25, Gff. 
 and having been of the Englijlo Congregation at Geneva, might pro- 
 bably there receive a Tindlure, that he could not be brought to con- 
 fent to Impofitions. (Troubles of Frankfort, p. 188, 215.) This 
 further appear'd by his Pradlice at Archbifhop Parker's. Confecration, 
 where, %ogd lancd talari utebatur ; and if he would not ufe the Epif- 
 copal Habits on fuch an Occafion, I am fully perfwaded he never 
 would. However, it was very well in your Lordfliip to treat him 
 with Tendernefs, he having been a peaceable good Man, and a very 
 ufeful Inftrument in the Reformation. 
 
 p. 396. Boner ivas fufered it go about in fafely!\ BiOiop An- 
 drews, who gives a very particular Account of the Treatment of the 
 
 feveral Bishops has this Account of Boner Bonerus autem Londi" 
 
 nenfis, qui regnant e Maria cum lenience praefjet^ in odium veneret cm- 
 ni Populo ( ut nee tutum effet ei prodire in publicmn, ne [axis obrue- 
 
 retur) ille quidem in carcere confenuit Tort. Torti, P. 146, 
 
 147. 
 
 P. 396. Watfon, a morofe fullen Man — given to Scholaflical Di- 
 vinity, &c.] Watjon, who was Fellow, and Mafter, of St. jfebn's 
 College, was noted for polite Learning; I fuppofe, it was Dr. John 
 Watfon, that was given to Scholaftlcal Divinity, flyled Scotiji by 
 'Erafmus. 
 
 Coh
 
 the Fir ft and Second Volumes. 757 
 
 Colkaion of RECORDS, 
 
 PAGE 125, Nunib. 20. Simplicitcr & Uxor VIro.] Similitcf 
 & Uxor Viro, MS. Fojjunt aliis mtbcre. Potefl: alii nubere, MS. 
 /Equojwt'juxta — iEquo jure quo ills juxta, &c. iVIS. 
 
 P. 134. The Sacramait of Thanks.'] The S;icrament of the Al- 
 tar, MS. Dr. Tyler— D.Tiy\&v, MS. De Pcpu/o—De Pocuio, MS. 
 P. 137. Sa7. (bis) Chrilli (bis) MS. And betwixt the 3d and 4th 
 Anfwer of the Bifhop of Coventry and Litchfield, MS. has thele 
 Words, The Prayers of the Priefl in the Mafsy having before him the 
 Precious Body and Blood of otir Saviour Chrijl, bv the Tejlimony of 
 St. Auftin, St. Chryfoftorne, and other Antient Fathers, are of great 
 Rfficacy, and much to be efteetned. 
 
 P. 139. Mark 19.] Mark 14, MS. Communicating — Commun- 
 ing, MS. P. 140. Frequent — Fervent, xVIS. P. 141. Caveant — 
 Caveat, MS. lb. Cotne daily — Commune daily, MS. P. 145. 
 Conveniejit. Expedient, MS. P. 147. After Paul Ep. Briftol. Dr. 
 Cox, becaufe all the Benefits of the Mafs do aUb appertain unto the 
 People, it were very convenient to ufe fuch Speech therein, which 
 the People might underftand, MS. lb. Quell. 10. After Lincoln % 
 Anfwer. Dr. Cox, I fuppofe that the Refervation of the Sacrament 
 began about the Time of Ambrofe, ferome, and Auguftine. When it 
 began I cannot tell, and for what Purpofe it iliould hang there I can- 
 not tell, MS. 
 
 P. 148. Some ^j'ftions, &c.] Before the Queftions thus, Lon- 
 don, Worcefter, Chichcfter, Hereford. On the Back of the Paper thus, 
 TVorcefter, Chichefter, and Hereford. Firfl Anlvver, for far and fun- 
 dry. Far afunder, MS. 
 
 P. 157. Numb. 30. Continuing. Conteyning, MS. C. C. C. 
 P. 158. To mar? J a Wife. To marry One Wife, &c. 
 
 P. 249. A Manifflo — by Cranmer, ZSc, This was printed, 
 An. 1554 by Z^'. Po//j;?z/5, under this Title, Reverendifimo in Chrifto 
 Patris ac Domini D. Archiepifcopi Cant. Epiftola Apologetic a ; which 
 feems a more proper ExprelTion for a Subjed". 
 
 P. 386. I do not find one Head of a College — ivas turned out, &c.] 
 Day, Provoft of King's, was not turned out (as has been laid by Mr. 
 Wharton) for he religned, though perhaps not altogether voluntarily, 
 though his Rcfignation is f\id to be voluntary. But Rcivland Sicin- 
 burn, Mafter of Clare-WAX, was certainly turned out by the King's 
 Vilitors, as appears from a Journal of the Vifitafion, MS. C. C. C. 
 a Copy whereof I have, nor can there be any doubt, but Gardiner 
 was turned out at Trinity-YinW, where his Succeilbrs, Haddon and 
 IVIoivfe, are ftyled Mailers de fiSlo. . 
 
 P. 396. Coverdale not married.'] Cover dale was married j he 
 and Maclvibtus married Tvv'o Sifters. Fox, Vol. III. p. 182. Hol- 
 lin'?:fr.ed. Vol. II. p. 1309. {peaks of Cover daleW^'xi^ twice in one 
 
 9 G Page.
 
 An APPENDIX to 
 
 Page. Eight of the Proteftant Birtiops in this Reign were married, 
 Parkhiifjh Epigram Jicv. p. 56, 165, 6. 
 
 Apol.p.24i. In the Introduftion Sir Tho. More is quoted, as calling Convo- 
 
 ziEdit.isii,- cations Confederacies, It is not he that calls them (o, but 
 
 the Perfon whom he anfwers ; for the Word's that go before 
 fliew this very clearly. But, I fnppofe, he calleth thofi Af- 
 Jemblies at the Convocations by the Name of Confederacies. For, 
 but if he do fo. I wot Jiere ichat he meaneth by that Word. 
 And on the t'other fide if he do fo, for ought that Ife, he gi-veth 
 a good T'hijtge, and an Holforiie, an Odyoufe Heigknoufe Name. 
 For if they did afjhnbk after, &c. 
 
 Number V. 
 
 Some Remarks fent me by an unknown 
 
 Perfon. 
 
 KE/Zzew/s Reports were publiflied 1602, hy Jo. Crook, who was 
 afterwards a Judge. He gives a Chaiaiter of Keihjay, as a 
 Lawyer of good Reputation ; and that he was Surveyor of the Courts 
 of Wards in Queen Elizabeth's Reign. It appears that the King's or- 
 dering the Attorney General to confcfs Dr. Horfey's Plea, without 
 bringing the Matter to a Trial, was plainly a Contrivance to pleafe 
 the Clergy, and to ftifie that Matter without bringing it to a Trial, 
 and fo mufl have fatisfied theni better than if he had pardoned him. 
 Liitle Regard is to be given to Ra/Iall, who fliewed his Partiality in 
 Matters in which the Pope'a Authority was concerned ; for in his 
 Edition of the Statutes at Large, he omitted oneA6t of Parliament made 
 in the 2d Year of Richard the Second, Cap. 6. which is thus abridged 
 by Poulton. Urban was duly chofen Pope, and fo ought to be ac- 
 cepted and obeyed : Upon which the Lord Coke in his Infitutes, 
 p. 274. infers, that Antiently A£ls of Parliament were made concern- 
 ing the Higheft Spiritual Matters ; but it feems Rqftall had no mind 
 to let that be known. He was a Judge in Queen Marys Time, but 
 went beyond Sea, and lived in Flanders in Queen Elizabeth's Reign, 
 and there he wrote, and printed his Book of Entries. 
 
 There is a very Angular Inftance in the Year Book, 43 Ed. 3. 33. 6. 
 by which it appears, that the Biiliop of Lifclfeld Wd.s fometimcs called 
 the Eiihop of Chefer ; for a ^are Jmpedit v/as brought by the King 
 
 a2;ainft
 
 'The Firft and Second P^olumes. 7 c; 9 
 
 againft him called Biiliop of Cbeftrr : The Judgment given at the 
 End of it, is, That he fliould go to the Great Devil. This is a fin- 
 gular Inftance of an Extraordinary Judgment 3 there being no Pre- 
 cedent like it in all our Records. 
 
 » 
 
 In Brook's Abridgment, Tit. Praimaiire, Seft. 21. it is faid, That 
 Barlciv had, in the Reign of Edward the Vlth, deprived the Dean 
 of Wells y (which was a Donative) and had thereby incurred a Pn?- 
 miinire ; and that he was forced to ufe Means to obtain his Pardon : 
 So if he had not his BKhopricIc confirmed, by a New Grant oi it, 
 he muft have loft it, in a Judgment againft him in a Prcemimire. 
 And if he wrote any fuch Book, it was in order to the obtaining his 
 Pardon. Brook was Chief Juftice of the Common-Pleas^ in the ift of ■ 
 Queen Ma7-\ : But yet it is no ways probable, yiat Barlow wrote 
 any fuch Book, as is mention'd P. 270. of the fecond Volume of the 
 Hiftory of the Refonnation : For he went out of E//gland, and came 
 back in the ift of Queen Elizal^etb. He alTifted in the Confecration 
 of Archbilhop Pi7r/{'t'r, and was made Bilhop of Cbichejier ; which 
 probably would not have been done, if he had written any fuch 
 Book, unlefs he had made a Publick Recantation of it; which I do 
 not find that he did. So there is Rei\fon to believe, that was a Book 
 put out in his Name by fome Papift, on defign to caft a Reproach on 
 the Keformatio7i. This is further confirmed, by what I have put in 
 the Hiftory : For by a Letter of Sampfons it appears, that Barlow 
 did feebly promife to be reconciled to the Chuch of Rome : But it 
 feems, that was only an Effedf of Weaknefs, fince he quickly got be- 
 yond Sea; into which the Privy-Council made an Enquiry: That Ihews, 
 that he repented of that which was extorted from him. 
 
 * There are in this Paper fome Quotations out of Harmers Spcci- 
 ' inoi, on which General Remarks are made, but Particulars are not 
 * added. The Writer of this has not thought fit to name himfelf 
 ' to me ; fo I can give no other Defcription of him, but that he 
 ' feems to be a Perfon who has ftudied the Law, and perufed our 
 ' Hiftorians carefully.' 
 
 Number VI. 
 
 Obfervations and Corrections of the Two Volumes 
 of the Hiftory of the Reformation, made by 
 Mr. Strype. 
 
 P 
 
 AGE 50. Lin. 20. Stopbileiis w^s a BiHiop ; »S'//;/c//;£'/'(? was Dean 
 of the Rota. 
 
 P- 54.
 
 76( 
 
 An APPENDIX to 
 
 p. 54. 1. 10. S, Greg. CaJJ'all was not then at Rome, but at Or- 
 viet, where the Pope was at that Time. Stophikus was not yet 
 come : And when he came, he did not promote, but hinder'd the 
 King's Bufinefs all he could. See Gardhier's Letters. 
 
 P. cc. 1. 10. This was the Third Commiffion fent from the Pope. 
 I'he Firft was' fent from Rome by Gamhera, and the Second from Or- 
 "oiclo, broucrht over by Fox, but both were difliked ; fo this was now 
 obtained. 
 
 P. 86. 1. 32. Boner was an Oxford Man : But this was Dr. Ed~ 
 7/sonds, Mailer of Petcr-Hciife. 
 
 P. 112. 1. 19. from the Bottom. They cried out. It was only 0«^ .• 
 . ^lidam refpondebat. Jour. Convoc. 
 
 Ibid. 1. 3. from the Bottom. For 52 r. 62, in the Lower-Houfe 
 36 prefent ; Proxies 48 : In all 84. 
 
 P. 126. 1.7. iSfcTO is in the right: For in a Letter of Crrt/7W(fr's 
 to Haivkins, then the King's Ambaflador with the Emperor, dated in 
 ''J line from Croydon, he wrote, ^. Anne loas married much about St. 
 Paul'i Day laft ; as the Condition thereof doth well appear, by reafon 
 She is now fomcwhat big with Child. 
 
 Ibid. 1. 1 1. Cranmer was not prefent at the Marriage : For in the 
 fame Letter he writes, Noiivithfanditig it hath been reported through- 
 out a great Paj-t of the Realm, that I married her ; which was plain- 
 ly falfe : For I my felf kneiv not thereof a Fortnight after it was 
 'done. yl?id many other 'Thi?igs he reported of me, which be tnere Lies 
 and Tales. 
 
 P. 1 28. 1. 7. from the Bottom. For 13, r. 30. 
 
 P. 129. 1. 13. from Bott. The Nfimber of thofe who Voted being 
 ojily 23, muft be underftood only of the Divines : For the Second 
 (^eftion was put only to the Jurifts, who (in thofe Times) ex- 
 ceeded the Divines in Number, and they did all Vote in the Affir- 
 mative : So that the Numbers did far exceed 23. 
 
 P. 131. 1. 2. Cranmer, in a Letter gives this Account of the Fi- 
 va\ Sentence of Divorce, in thefe Words : " As touching the final 
 " Determination and Concluding of the Matter of Divorce, between 
 " my Lady Katherine and the King's Grace : After the Convocation 
 " in that behalf had determined and agreed, according to the for- 
 " mer Sentence of the Univerfities ; it was thought convenient, by 
 " the King and his Learned Council, that I fliould repair to Diin- 
 
 *' ftabh'y and there to call her before me, to hear final Sentence 
 
 " in this f\id Matter. Notwithilanding She v/ould not at all 
 " obey thereunto. On the 8th of May, according to the faid Ap- 
 *' pointment, I came to Dunftable ; my Lord ot Lincoln being afliftant 
 <' to me : And my Lord of JVinchefter, Dr. Bell, Dr. Clay broke, 
 " Dr. Trcgoiincl, Dr. Sterkey, Dr. Olyver, Dr. Britten, Mr. Bedel, 
 " with divers others Learned in the Law, being Counfellors for 
 " the King. And fo there, at our coming, kept a Court, for the 
 " Appearance of the fiid Lady Katherine: Where we examined 
 " certain WitnefTes ; who teftified that She was lawfully cited, — and 
 *' called to appear, as the Procefs of the Law thereunto belongeth : 
 '' Which continued Fifteen Days, after our firft coining thither. 
 *' The Morrow after Afcenfon-Day, I gave Sentence therein ; How 
 
 " that
 
 tfje Fir ft and Second J^olumes. 761 
 
 " that it was indilpenfible for thic Pope, to Licenfe any luch Mar- 
 " riage". All this is taken out of Cranmer\ Letter to Uavo- 
 liins. 
 
 P. 134. 1. 3. (^JLlizabefh was born the 13th or 14th Day of 
 September : For fo Cranmer wrote to Hawkins ; and fays, That he 
 himfelf was Godfather at her Chriftening, and the Old Dutchefs of 
 Norfolk, and the Marchionefs of Dorfet, were Godmothers. 
 
 P. 166. 1. II. Tracy ^ Bufinefs was never in the Bifliop of Lon- 
 don % Court : It was brought into the Convocation, by tlie Prolocu-^ 
 tor, on the 24th of February 1530; and after- 80 Days, the Arch- 
 bifliop gave Sentence againft the Will, and condemned it. In ano- 
 ther Seffion, the Billiop of London read the Sentence in the Archbi- 
 fliop's Name. It was.alfo decreed, that Tracy died a Heretick, and 
 his body v/as ordered to be dug up, and call: a great way from Ec- 
 clefiaftical Sepulture. The Prolocutor had indeed moved, that his 
 Body iliould be burnt ; but the Sentence went hot fo far : Yet the 
 Execution of it being committed to. Parker, Chancellor of Worcefter, 
 he went further than the Sentence warranted him, and burnt the 
 Body. 
 
 P. 192. 1. 20. For Two Hundred Nobles, r. T'wenty Nobles. L. 
 25. for Dear, r. Good.. 
 
 P. 198. 1. 18. Ai\er larif, add, i^j jS/r William Kingfton, fo Se- 
 xretary Cromwell. 
 
 P. 220. 1. 8. After Cott. Lil^r. in the Margin, add Otho C. 10. 
 
 P. 203. 1. 19. For Prhy -Council, r. his Lear7ied Council in the 
 Laiv Spiritual. 
 
 P. 204. 1. 15. and 14. from the Bott. For Cooke ^ v. Loke-, and 
 for JVetfpall, r. TVythfpall. 
 
 Ibid. 1. 13. from Bott. For of thofc, r. hothe ; that is, of other. 
 
 P. 226. 1. 25. The 7th Article is wholly omitted, for Providing 
 a Bible in Latin and Englijl:, and laying it in the Qu^ire. 
 
 P. 245. 1. 5. Not a Convocation, but a CommilTion from the 
 King, to Biihops and other Learned Divines. L. 7. add. Both the 
 Archbilhops, aiid 17 Biihops. 
 
 P. 247. 1. 14. Summer faith, that Becket'i Bones were burnt to 
 Afes. 
 
 P. 327. 1. 18. For Cardine, r. Cawardin. 
 
 Coliecfion of RECORD S. 
 
 PAge 95. 1. 4. It is not Cranmer s own Hand, but writ by ano- 
 ther ; but after every Article, follows the Proof of it. This 
 feems to be Cranmer % Original Book, prefented to the King. 
 P. 127. 1. 4. from the Bottom. For many, r. Men. 
 P. 148. 1. 25. Reonen, perhaps Roanen : King, Abbot of 0/;z^_y, 
 had the Title Epifcopus Roananfs : He was afterwards Bifhop of 
 Oxford. 
 
 9 H P. 162,
 
 762 
 
 An APPENDIX to 
 
 p. 162. Here is a whole Artjcle left out, marked before, now 
 inferted in this Volume. 
 
 P. 163. 1. 13. from the Bottom. This Letter is writ in Morifon'% 
 Hand, who was CromweW^ Secretary. 
 
 P, 180. 1. 6. After and r. ivall. L, 7. Remove the Comma from 
 duly^ and fet it after otberwife. 
 
 P. 183. 1.21. ¥or Mi nij?-)', v. Minijler. L. 2. from the Bottom, 
 after in, r. his. 
 
 P. 184. 1. 2. For 6, r. 7. L, 19. here, r. bear. L. 32. add 
 H. R. 
 
 P. 200. 1. 16. This Letter was drawn by Gardiner : but it is not 
 certain that it was fent. 
 
 P. 203. The Agreement at the End of thefe Queftions is in 
 Cranmer's Hand, Cott. Libr. Cleopatra, E. 5. 
 
 P. 257. 1. 5. There are 26 more Books prohibited at this Time, 
 as appears by a MS. of the Bidiop of Ely's ; which follow : 
 
 1. The A BC againfi the Cler- 
 gy- 
 2 The Book made by Fryar Roys, 
 
 againfi the Seven Sacraments. 
 
 3. The JVicked Manmion. 
 
 4. The Parable of the JVicked 
 Mammon. 
 
 5. The Liberty of a Chrijiian 
 Man. 
 
 6. Ortulus Animse, in Eng- 
 liOi. 
 
 7. The Supper of the Lord ; by 
 G. Joye. 
 
 8. Frith'j- Difptitation agatnjl 
 Purgatory. 
 
 9. TyndalV Anfnver to Sir T. 
 More'^ Defence of Purga- 
 tory. 
 
 10. The Prologue to Genefis, 
 tranflated by Tindal. 
 
 11. 12, 13, 14. The Prologues 
 to the other Four Books oj 
 Mofes. 
 
 15. The Obedience of a Chri- 
 fian Man. 
 
 1 6. The Book made by Sir John 
 Oldcaftle. 
 
 17. The Summ of Scripture. 
 
 18. The Preface before the Pfal- 
 ter, in Englifli. 
 
 19. The Dialogue betiveen the 
 Gentleman and the Plouzh- 
 man. 
 
 20. The Book of ]on^?., in Eng- 
 hfli. 
 
 2 1 . The Dialogue of Goodale. 
 
 22. Defenforium Paris ; cut of 
 Latin into Englifli. 
 
 23. The Suvnn of Chriftia- 
 nit\. 
 
 24. The Mirror cf them that 
 be Sick and in Pain. 
 
 25. Treat ife of the Supper of the 
 Lord; by Calwyn. [I fup- 
 pofe it is Cahin.] 
 
 26. Every one of CalwynV 
 Works. 
 
 P. 257. 1. 12. Add, ivritten by Tyndal, L. 16. for 4^^ r. yth, 
 L. 19. for and r. ad. L. 23. a}id r. ad. 
 
 P. 315. 1. 18. Add de Corariis, an Abbey in Eafi-Smitlfield. 
 L. 25. add, Gf Procurator Cleri Coven. & Litchf L. 26. dele 
 Litchfield. 2 Col. 1. i. r. Prior five. L. 6. r. Buckfefrice. L. 15. 
 add de Helvenham. L. 17. add Brueza. After L. 25. add Nicolas 
 Medcalfe. 
 
 P. 316.
 
 the Fir ft and Second Volumes. y6^ 
 
 p. 316. 1. 6. For Hcv. r. Bar. L. 12. r, ^rcbe. L. 18. For 
 Samil, r. Savik. 
 
 P. 316, and 319. Two Papers fald to htCrnhmer's, but they are 
 not written by him, nor by his Secretary ; So it does not appear that 
 they are his. 
 
 lb. 1. 18. Y or difcrepet, r.difo'edit. 
 
 P. 324. Col. 3. 1. 14. It is not Redman: It is difficult to be read. 
 It feems to be JLdmondes. 
 
 P. 364. 1. 6. For the^ r. our. L. 16. For DireBors probal'le, r. 
 direSl and probable. 
 
 P. 368. 1. 8. Of the Marg. fet Comma's after acceptione, and 
 imitate, and dele Aunexa. 
 
 lb. 1. 20. <S/c tamen iit eorum jiijfio atqiie. L. ulf. for alius, r. 
 aliqins. 
 
 Corrections of the Second Volume. 
 
 PAGE I. I. 10. fr. bott. Queen 'Jatie died the 24th of OBobery 
 in a Journal written by Cecil, that was in 12 Days after King 
 Edtoard'?, Birth : So it is in the Herald's Office. Laft Line, The 
 Duke of Suffolk was Godfather at his Confirmation, not at his Bap- 
 tifm. 
 
 P. 13. 1. II. fr. bott. For Sheen, r. Syon. 
 
 P. i^. 1. 9. fr. bott. For Richard, r. Robert. 
 
 P. 26. 1. 19. This Rule was not obferved ; in fome Circuits there 
 were Four Vifitors ; in others Six ; in fome no Civilians ; in fome 
 Two Divines ; in fome One Gentleman ; and in fome Three. See 
 Cranmer's Mem. p. 146. 
 
 P. 27. 1. 10. Thefe Titles are not as they are in the Original 
 Book : They are only abridged. 
 
 P. 28. 1. I. Many Articles and Injundiions : The InjuncTiions are 
 only abflrailed, not the Articles. 
 
 P. 29. 1. 17. Thefe Articles are not in Bifliop Sparrow's Col- 
 leftion, but were printed Amo 1547. 
 
 P. 39. 1. 6. fr. bott. Cloth of State, not mentioned. 
 
 P. 40. 1. I. The Lord Rich made the Speech mentioned, though 
 not inferted in the Lord's Journal. L. 2. for December, r. November. 
 L. 5. 23, r. 24. 
 
 P. 43. 1. 29. The Archbiffiop of Canterbury might ufe his own 
 Name in all Faculties and Difpenfations. 
 
 P. 50. 1. 10. For Tyler, r. Tayloiir. 
 
 P. 71. 1. I. This Catechifm was firft made In Latin by anotherj 
 but tranflated by Crafitner's Order, and it was revived by him. 
 
 P. 81. 1. 23. This Proclamation was printed by Grafton, among 
 King Edward's Proclamations. 
 
 P. 94. 1. 19. Riiggy Bifliop of Norwich, was not Employed in 
 Compiling the Book, the other Three were. 
 
 P. 97.
 
 An APPENDIX to 
 
 p. 97. 1. ult. For 120C0, r. loooo. 
 
 P. 113. 1. 15. fr. bott. After Articles^ add, before this they drew 
 up their Demands in Seven Articles. 
 
 P. 117. 1. 23. That the Service might be fung, or faid, in the 
 
 Choir. 
 
 P. 120. 1. 12. fr. bott. The Two Colleges of CZrrrf-Hall, and 
 7;77??Vv-Hall, could not be brought to furrender, in order to the 
 Uniting them : Some Vifitors were for doing it by the King's Abfo- 
 lute Power ; to this Ridley would not agree, and for this he was 
 complained of. 
 
 P. 150. 1. 19. fr. bott. The Duke of Somerfct was not then 
 fallen ; it was between his Two Falls : The Proceedings in Council 
 are figned by him. L. 18. Fox fays it. It is fo in King Edivard's 
 Journal. 
 
 P. 154. 1. Peimlt. The Paffport was figned in March 1554, to 
 go with 4 Servants, and 3 Horfes. 
 
 P. 159. 1. 20. For Bcginnijig, fay the 24th. L. 32. Thcfe.Rea- 
 fons were drawn up by Ridley. 
 
 P. 162. 1. 19. fr. bott. This was not before Cranmcr, but long 
 after, before Archbifliop Parker. 
 
 P. 165. 1. 3. Sooti after, r. Sometime before, it was on the 14th 
 of Feb. 
 
 P. 166. 1. 5. The greater Part of the Bifliops were Enemies to 
 the Reformation. 
 
 P. 171. 1. 18. fr. bott. The Name of the Sixth was Knox. 
 P. 176. 1. 4. fr. bott. And both lie buried in the Chancel of 
 Bugden Church, they dying at the Bifliop's Houfe. 
 
 P. 182. 1. 24. fr. bott. He was Sick before; for a Commiflion 
 was granted to fome to do the Bufinefs of the Chancery. 
 
 P. 196. 1. 24. fr. bott. For Firft, r. Elevoith. L. 7. fr. bott. 
 Crajimer's Part is thus expreffed, Sianmce Negotii prcefuit, L. 5. 
 Haddon was the King's ProfefTor of Ci'vil-Laiv, and not the Univer- 
 iity Orator. 
 
 P. 219. 1. 25. Inftead of Pagncl, undoubtedly by Alexander 
 Noivel. L. 7. fr. bott. Join, r. Richard. 
 
 P. 233. 1. 5. fr. bott. Cranmer came at this Time oft to Coun- 
 cil. 
 
 P. 234. 1. 7. On the 8th of July alfo, they fent for the Mayor 
 and certain Aldermen, and told them of the King's Death, and of 
 the Succeffion ; but bade them keep it fecret. L. 18. give Pardon, 
 r. flie wrote, ftie was ready to remit and pardon ^ and that Jhe ecu Id 
 take their Doings in good Part. 
 
 P. 235. 1. 28. For Robert, r. Richard. 
 P. 237. 1. 10. fr. bott. For Suffolk, r. Sufex. 
 P. 243. 1. 3. Yet in the 2d Seflion of this Parliament, a private 
 Aft paffed, to make void the Duke of Norfolk's Attainder. L. 25. 
 for Humphrey, r. Henry. 
 
 P. 246. 1. II. It was not her firfc Proclamation: For on the 
 1 9th of July flie had by a Proclamation taken on her the Imperial 
 Crown of the Realm. 
 
 P. 247. 1. ult. Circuits, r. the garter -Sefioiis. 
 
 P. 248.
 
 the Firft and Second Volumes. 
 
 p. 248. 1. 3. Marpalfea, r. the Kings Bench. L. 5. The Rea- 
 fon of the Wounding himfelf was the Trouble of Mind that he felt 
 for his Compliance, upon Bifhop Dayss Communication with him 
 the Day before. 
 
 P. 251. 1.7. fr. Bott. "Tlje Tenth, x. the Fifth. 
 
 P. 252. 1. I. The Day of her Coronation., r. a Month before, for it 
 was on the ifl: of September. L. 24. the Tenth, r. the Fifth. 
 This Miilake is taken from Fabian and Fox. 
 
 P. 253. 1. I. YetTregonnel, a Prebendary oi Weftminfter, fate in 
 the Houfe in the 2d Seflions of this Parliament. L. 15. After Frifon^ 
 X. for Treafon, Petty-Treafon, or Mifprifion of Treafon : Such were 
 alfo excepted who food attainted^ or imprifoned the laft Day of Sep- 
 tember. 
 
 P. 257. 1. 16. For "ijd of November, r. the Thirteenth. 
 
 P. 259. 1. 13. fr. Bott. Card. Fole was flopped in his Journey by 
 Mendoza, fent Poil to him from the Emperor, defiring him not to 
 proceed in his Journey, upon which he went back to Diling, a Town 
 belonging to the Card, of Aufiourg. 
 
 P. 262. 1. 16. from Bott. After Efther, add Judith, Msxy the 
 Sifter of Martha, atid the Virgin Mary. 
 
 P. 286. falfe printed for 270. L. 2. from Bott. Poinet wrote a 
 Book to juftify refifting the Queen, which I have feen. 
 
 P. 272. 1. 5. from Bott. For 21, r. 23. 
 
 P. 273. 1. 26. Cheek was fent to the Tower with the Duke of 
 Suffolk, and had Licence to travel. L. 30. They did tiot render the?n- 
 fehes, but were feized in their Journey ; bound and thrown into a 
 Cart, and fe?it Prifoners to England. L. 6. from Bott. Seven* 
 Perfons were difcovered to be Complices : The Words fpoken from 
 the Wall were againfl the Queen, the Prince of Spain, the Mafs, 
 and Confeffion. 
 
 P. 276. 1. 16. He was married, and had 7 Sons, and 5 Daugh- 
 ters. L. 23. Harvey, r. Harley. 
 
 P. 279. }. 2. from Bott. The Bill was to avoid, and not to revive 
 the Statute of the Six Articles. 
 
 P. 291. 1. 8. from Bott. Thrice in One Day. It was read twice 
 on the 19th, and the 3d Time on the 20th. 
 
 P. 275. 1. 10. from Bott. Hopton, by the Regift. of Cant, was 
 confecrated the 28 th of OBober ; Anthoiiy Harmar, p. 134. fays it 
 was the 25th of OSlober. 
 
 P. 314. 1. 24. For Leaf, x. Leafe. 
 
 P. 315. 1. 29. 25th of June, X. on the 12th of July. L. 33. 
 Stoning, X. Stening. L. 26. Sheterden. 
 
 P. 317. I. 17. from Bott. For Weybridge, r. Uxbridge. L. 11. 
 from Bott. Wharwood, r. Harwood. L. 10. from Bott. After marked^ 
 X. And in this Month J/' Auguft, Richard Hook fuffered at Chichefter. 
 L. 3. from Bott. For JVolley, r. Wolfey. 
 
 P. 318. 1. 2. Shaxton did not condemn them : Fidler the Bifhop's 
 Chancellor condemned them : Steyward Dean of Ely, and Chrijio- 
 pherfon Dean of Norwich, with others, were in the Commiflion, but 
 the Chancellor was the Chief. 
 
 P. 320. 1. 6. fiom Bott. For Edward the Vlth, r. Edward the IVtb. 
 
 9I P. 321.
 
 An APPENDIX to 
 
 p. 321. 1.8. fr. Bott. J/dYz^i6 was appointed Chancellor on New- 
 Year's-Day. 
 
 P. 323. 1. 15. The 13th of December. The Parliament wasdif- 
 folved on the 9th of December. L. 24 Jujiices of Peace. The 
 Bill was, that no Servants to Gentlemen, and wearing their Cloths, 
 (except the King and Queen's) fliould be Juftices. It was read the 
 2d Time on the 1 2th of November. 
 
 P. 324. 1. 28. After 50000/. and with it to have made a Rebel- 
 lion. L. 29. For Pctham, r. Perkbam. L. 30. White was not exe- 
 cuted, he difcovered the Confpiracy. Ibid. For FeIo?jy, r. High-Trea- 
 Jon, and were executed accordingly ; there were Eight ivho Juffered\ 
 the Three befides thofe named were Roffes, Bedyland, Dethick. 
 
 P. 325. 1. 13. fr. Bott. Cardinal Pole had Two Brothers, j^rthw and 
 Jejrey, both arraigned in the Year 1562, for a Confpiracy againft 
 Queen Elizabeth. David was not his Brother, nor a Baflard, for 
 there is no Bull of Difpenfation in his Favour, among thofe fent over 
 at that Time. 
 
 P. 346. 1. 15. The Reafoii given in the Cardinal's Letter for 
 railing her Body, is, ^oniam juxta Corpus SanSfiJfimce Fridernida 
 jiirabat Corpus Catherines Uxoris P. Martyris. 
 
 P. 353. 1. 12. The Queen and Philip both wrote to the Pope ia 
 Favour of Cardinal Pole; the Letter is dated. May 21. fliewing how 
 ferviceable he had been in reftoring Religion in England. The Par- 
 liament feconded this by another Letter. L. 1 5. Herefy j they 
 were 22 in Number, their Submiffion is in Fox, p. 17, 92. 
 . P. 360. 1. 29. The Complaint was againft all the French DenI-' 
 fons, as well as others, but the Adl was more favourable. L. 4. fr. 
 Bott. and p. 361. 1. 4. Coxhy, r. Copley. 
 
 P. 363. 1. 7. fr. Bott. For the 19th May, r. z6th. L. 6. fr. Botf.' 
 For 3 Men^ r. 2 Men and i IVoman. There were indeed Three Men 
 burnt on the 19th of May at Norwich, not at Colchejler. 
 
 P. 364. 1. 7. Martial Law : The Words of the Proclamation are 
 according to the Order of the Martial Law. L. 1 7. fr. Bott. Lord 
 Burleigh in the Execution cf fujlicc, fays there died by Imprifon- 
 ment, Torments, Famine, and the Fire, near 400 : On this we may 
 depend. 
 
 . P. 370. 1. 20. She underftood, and wrote well, both in Spanijh 
 and French. 
 
 P. 374. 1. 14. Queen Elizabeth ftayed fome Days at Flatfield-y 
 fhe came -to the Chartcr-Houfe, 24. November. On tlie 28th, ftie 
 went to the Tower, and came to Wejlminjler on the 23d of j[)^^ 
 c ember. 
 
 P. 375. 1. 8. fr. Bott. The Earl of Pembroke favoured the Re- 
 formation. 
 
 P. 376. 1. I. For Parr, r. Parry. 
 
 V. 378. 1. ly. fr. Bott. For 5 December, r. 13. L. 1 1. fr. Bott, 
 ym the Parlianmit ; the Council fet him at Liberty on the i gth Jan. 
 and the Parliament met on the 25th. 
 
 P. 387. 1. 7. The Bifl:iop of Durefme came not to the Parliament, 
 for his Prefence was needed in the North, for guarding the Marches 
 againft the Scots, and the French, ready to tnvade England. 
 
 L. 19.
 
 the Fir ft and Second Volumes. 767 
 
 L. 19. The Bifliop oi Ely was abfent, being in an Embafly at C^;/z- 
 bray ; but was come over on the 17th of Aprils and joined with the 
 other Diffenting Bifhops. 
 
 ■ P. 389. 1. 12. Cok\ Speech feems to be a Reply to Horn, and fo 
 fliould be fet after it. 
 
 P. 393. 1. 4. Abbot Feckenham made that Speech, and not 
 Hethe. 
 
 P. 396. 1. 7. The Oath was tender'd to them in July. L. 1 1. Ch'i- 
 ftophajon died before the Parliament met. 
 
 P. 397. 1. 9. For TImiias, r. Richard. L. 22. This Matter be- 
 longs to the Year 1560, or 156 1. 
 
 P. 400. 1. 1 o. from the Bottom. This was not a High Commif- 
 fion, warranted by A&i of Parliament ; but a Commiffion for a Royal 
 Vifitation, by Virtue of the Queen's Supremacy. 
 
 ■ P. 4oi. 1. 19, from the Bottom. The ^ih. o£ July : Mafon has 
 it the I 8th of July. 
 
 " P. 403. 1. 23. For Par. r. Scambler. L. 28. May Dean of St. 
 Paul's, was Eledled Archbifliop ; but died before he was Confe- 
 crated. 
 
 P. 406. 1. 21. from the Bott. A, P. C. flands for Andrew Pier- 
 fon Cantuar. L. 18. from Bott, A. P. E. ftands for Andreia Pern 
 Elienjis. L. 12. from Bott. C. G. ftands for Chriftvpher Goodnian. 
 
 P. 407. 1. 9. The New Tranflation of the Bible was not printed 
 "before the Year 1572. 
 
 CoIIeBion of RECORDS. 
 
 PAge 6. 1. 17. For 'Thomas, r. William. 
 P. II. 1. 19. For Char. r. Chartres. 
 ' P. 16; 1. 4. from the Bottom. For Tafes, r. Gales. 
 
 P. 21. 1.7. For 1200000, r. 120000. L. 24. for Richiimhery 
 r. Ricebanki 
 
 P. -23. 1, 18. from Bott. Archer, r. Aucher. 
 
 P. 24.' 1.25. Crajled, r. Croftis. L. 11. from the Bottom, Tales 
 r. Gates. 
 
 P. 25. 1. tdt. Dr. John Olyver was the othdr Lawyer. 
 
 P. 37. 1. 27. For Sediticujly, r. Seditions; and for attagned, r. 
 attached. L. 28, for Jarnes, r. Thotnas. L. 29. attagned, attach- 
 ed. L. 16. from the Bottom, for R. r. Rabble. 
 
 P. 42. 1. 24. from Bott. on, Co?ifeJ[ed, r. on Confcjfion. L. 4. from 
 Bott. The Name was Kjiox. 
 
 P. 45. 1. 18. Roberts, r. Robert. 
 
 P. 51, 1. ult. For Lecijler, r. Lifter. 
 
 V. 52. 1. 1 5. "The Pirry, the Mintmafter ; r. that Pirry the Mint- 
 
 mafter. L. 16. for Brabanion, r. Brabazon. L. 10. from Bottom, 
 
 Auguft Pyfo, r. Augujt Py, fo. 
 
 P. 61. 1. 16. Archer t x. Aucher. 
 
 P. 63.
 
 y68 An APPENDIX to 
 
 p. 63. 1. 27. Shirley, r. Strelly. 
 
 P. 103. l.petmk. For Barker, r. Baker e. 
 
 P. 105. 1. 8. For Water-cloth, r. Auter-cloth. L. 24. for good^ 
 X. God. h. T^y. a quo San£ta, r. qui San5forum. L. 8. from the Bot- 
 tom, before Realme, r. Noble. 
 
 P. 115. 1. 3. from Bott. For Jane, r Jenf. 
 
 P. 117. 1. 24. For Soveraigne, r, Confcieiice. 
 
 P. 148. 1. I. Thefe Queries were put by Crayimer to thofe BI- 
 fliops ; but this Paper is all in Boner'i Hand, with whom thefe Three 
 Bifhops agreed. L. 11. iov fimdry, v. a/under. In the Margin, fet 
 London firft. 
 
 P. 149, 1. zdt. After thefe Anfwers, follows a Reply by Cranmer, 
 in other Queries ; as, " If you cannot tell what and where the Adls 
 " of John can profit Thotnas, being fo far diftant from him, that he 
 " can never hear of him ; Why do you then affirm that to be true, 
 *' which you cannot tell how, nor wherein it can be true ? 
 
 " Whether our Praiers for al the Souls departed, do profit the A- 
 " poftles. Prophets and Martyrs ? 
 
 " Whether they know all the Adlions of every Man here in Earth ? 
 *' And if not ; how do they rqoice of thofe good Adlions, which 
 y they know not ? 
 
 " Whether our Evil Deeds do them hurt, as our Good Deeds 
 f' profit them ? 
 
 *' Whether the Prefentation of the Body and Blood of Chrift, do 
 " ftand in all the Words and Adions that the Priefl ufeth in the 
 " Mafs, which now we do ufe ? 
 
 *' Whereby is it known, that in the Primitive Church were Priefls, 
 " that preached not ? 
 
 " Why may not we as well alter the Mafs into the Ejiglifi Tongue, 
 " or alter the Ceremonies of the fame, as we alter the Communion 
 *' to be under both Kynds, that in other Churches is Uniformly 
 *' Miniftred to the People under one Kind ; feeing that the Uni- 
 ** formity of al Churches, requireth no more the Uniformity in onCi 
 *' than in the other ? 
 
 P. 183. 1. 5. from Bott. For Security, r. Surety. 
 
 P. 184. 1. 4. DcXefuch. L. 21. ior daily, r. diligently. 
 
 P. 205. 1. 20. After another^ r. holding up the Forefingers, L. 24. 
 iov faying, v.facring. 
 
 P. 206. at Bottom, follow Proverbs the 5th : The Ear that heark- 
 eneth to the Reformation of Life, fhall dwell among the wife : He that 
 refufeth to be Reformed, defpifeth his own Soul : but he that fubmit- 
 teth himfelf to CorreSlion, is wife. 
 
 3. Reg. 18. Llias, How lo7ig halt ye between two Opinions? If 
 the Lord be God, follow him ; but if Baal be he, go after him. 
 
 P. 208. This Letter was not written to Archbifhop Cranmer, 
 but to Archbifhop Parker. 
 
 P. 232. Set on the Margin here. Ex Chartaphylacro Re~ 
 gio. 
 
 P. 234. 1. 2. from the Bottom. For tnef, r. meant. 
 
 P. 239.
 
 the Fir ft mid Second Volumes, 769 
 
 p. 239. This leems not to be the Proclamation, declaring "Jane 
 Grey to be Queen ; but rather her Letters-Patents, declarative of her 
 Right of Succellion. 
 
 P. 243. in the Margin. For C. 20. r. C 10. The fame Error 
 is in P. 245, and 246. 
 
 P. 252. 1. k//. For Ungodlmefs, r. Ungodly Rate^ 
 
 P. 253. 1. 2. Slander, r. no little Slander L. 11. After IJio- 
 cefe, r. and 'JiirifdiSlions. L. 20. to them., for to thende. L. 30. 
 Hand, r. Signet. L. 5. from the Bottom. After Peijon, r. with 
 other Perfo?is. 
 
 P. 254. 1. 13. from Bott. After Officers, r. as they. 
 
 P. 255. 1. 5. from Bott. For Vnthrifti^iefs, r. Unchrijlinefs, 
 L. 4. from Bott. Dele each. 
 
 P. 269. The 17th Article is in the MS. fcratched out, and 
 croiTed. 
 
 P. 282. I. 8. Add Counfellour. 
 
 P. 283. 1. 6. After Cou/ins, add other. L. 20. For 26, r. 25. 
 L. 12. from the Bottom. For their r. the. L. 9. from the Bott. 
 Eor and r, or* — 
 
 P. 284. 1. 16. Akex amoJig^fl, r. nigh. L. 4. from the Bottom, 
 after SeJJions, r. at the leaji once. 
 
 P. 314. 1. 16. from the Bottom. Put a Com?na between Dudley 
 and AJljton, L. 4. from Bott. Fronouncing^ r. Procurijig. 
 
 P. 315. 1. 14. Perjeverance, r. Prefervation. 
 P. 328. 1. 16. from Bott. For i7cW, x. Head. 
 P. 329. 1. 20. G?;;;^, twice, for can. 
 
 P. 330. 1. 12. For yT^/r, r. too far. L. 14. Oppreffe, r. r^- 
 preffe. 
 
 'P. 331. 1. 4. After »;o/v, r. Chaplains: After Memory, r, 
 yj;/i; After //v, r. feldonier : Dele cr. L. 7. from the Bot- 
 tom, Re?ieiv, V. review : Dele certain. L. 6. from the Bott. IFhen, 
 r. where. 
 
 P. 337. 1. 22. At the End of this Paper, there is added in 
 the MS. Teftimonies confirming it, out of Ambrofe, Jerom, 
 Chryfojiom, Dionyfms, Cyprian and Aiijlin, and the CorijYitiition of 
 yujiinian ; and they are to be feen printed in Fox's firft Edition. 
 The Names at the End are not Subfcriptions : They are added in 
 Parkers Hand ; who forgot to write Sands among them, for he 
 was one of them. 
 
 P. 348. 1. 7. For G, r. E -, for his Name was Edivard. 
 Set in the Margin, to Number 6. Ex. MSS. C. C. C. Mifcel^ 
 lanea B. 
 
 P. 350. 1. II. Set here in the Margin, Paper Office. 
 
 9 K P. 396.
 
 7?o An APPENDIX, &c. 
 
 p. 396, 1. 20. Worchejier, r. Winchefter. Lin. ult. Worcejlcr was 
 not entirely fupprefs'd : For he was entitled Billiop of Worcejler, and 
 enjoyed a great Part of the Revenues of Glocejler and Worcejler^ and 
 kept great Hofpitality with them. 
 
 P. 398. 1. 8. from the Bottom. Queen Mary did fet forth 
 mAuguJliz^iy a Proclamation, /or AJJigning the Value of the 
 Coin, 
 
 A TABLE
 
 T 
 
 O F T il E 
 
 RECORDS and PAPERS 
 
 That are in the 
 
 COLLECT! O 
 
 With which the Places in the Hiftory to which they 
 relate, are marked ; The Firft Number, with the 
 Letter C, is the Page of the Colle8lio7t ; The SeCond^ 
 with the Letter ii/, is the Page of the Hiftory > 
 
 ^M. 
 
 BOOK I, 11, III. 
 
 1. npT/E Bull of Pc/^- Paul thelYth, annnllkg C. H. 
 
 JL M the Alie7iatio7is of Chiirch-Lajids, 347 Introd. 
 
 2. A Letter of ^een Katherine'^ to K. Henry, t{pon 
 
 the T>cfeat of James the lYth, K. of Scotland, 350 17 
 
 3. A Letter of Cadinal'WoUiiys to i^. Henry; with 
 
 a Copy of his Book for the Pope, 351 18 
 
 4 A Letter of Cardinal Wolfey'^ to K. Henry, al>ouf 
 Foreign Neivs ; and concerning LutherV -^///w^r 
 to ihe King's Book, ib. ibid. 
 
 5. A Letter of Cardhtal WoKey's to K. Hcmy, fenf 
 
 with Letters that ttje King was to write to the 
 
 Emperor, 352 ibid. 
 
 6. A Letter of Car distal Wolfey'^ to the King, con- 
 
 cerning the Etnperors Firmnefs to him, 353 ibid. 
 
 : 7. I'he
 
 ij A f A B L E, $k?r. 
 
 354 
 
 19 
 
 35S 
 
 ibid 
 
 356 
 
 20 
 
 357 
 
 29 
 
 358 
 
 34 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 3S 
 
 360 
 
 ibid 
 
 ibid. 
 
 41 
 
 362 
 
 37 
 
 7. T/je F/>7? if/^fT o/' Cardmal Wolfey to K. Henry, C. H. 
 
 about his Ek&ion to the Popedofn, upon Adrian'j 
 Deathy 
 
 8. The Second Letter of Cardinal WoMty to the King, 
 
 about the SucceJJion to the Popedom, 
 
 9. The Third Letter of Cardinal Wolfey ; giving a?t 
 • Account of the EleBion of Cardinal Medici to be 
 
 Pope, 
 
 10. A Remarkable Pa fage in Sir T. More'i Utopia, 
 
 lift out in the latter Editiofis, 
 
 11. A Letter of the Pope's, upon his Captivity, to 
 
 Carditial Wolfey, 
 
 12. A Part of Cardinal Wolfey V Letter to the King, 
 
 concerning his Marriage, 
 
 13. A Letter written by K. Henry the VWlth, to Car- 
 
 di?7alW o\ky, recalling him Home, 
 
 14. ALetterfromKome, ^>' Gardiner, to iv. Henry, 
 
 Jetting forth the Pope's Artifces, 
 
 15. The Popes Promife in the King's Affair, 
 
 16. Some Account of the Proceedings of the JJniverJityy 
 
 in the Cafe of the Divorce, from Dr. Buck- 
 
 mafterV Book, MS. C. C. C. 364 63 
 
 17. Three Letters written by K. Henry to the Univer- 
 
 fity of Oxford, for their Opinion i?i the Caufe 
 of his Marriage, 369 64 
 
 18. Copy of the Ki fig's Letters to the Biff op of 
 
 Rome, 
 j(). A Letter of Gr, Caflali, from Compiegne, 
 
 20. A Reprefcntation jnade by the Convocation to the 
 
 King, before the Submiffon, 
 
 21. A Letter by Magnus to CromweW, concerning the 
 
 Cofivocation at York, 
 
 22. A Proteftation made by Warham, Archbiffop of 
 
 Canterbury, againft all the ABs paffed in the 
 Parliament to the Prejudice of the Church, 
 
 23. A Letter of Boner'j, upon his Reading the King's 
 
 Appeal to the Pope, 
 
 24. Cranmer'j Letter, for an Appeal to be made in his 
 
 Name, 
 
 25. A Minute of a Letter, fcnt by the King to his 
 
 Ajnbaffador at Rome, 
 
 26. The Judgment of the Convocation of the Province 
 
 of York, rejeSling the Pope's Authority, 
 
 27. The Judgment of the U?iiverfty of Oxford, re- 
 
 jeBing the Pope's Authority, 
 2S. The Judgment of the Prior and Chapter of Wor- 
 
 celler, concerning the Pope's Authority, 
 29. An Order for Preaching, and Bidding of the 
 
 Beads, in all Sermons to be made within this 
 
 Realm, 402 94 
 
 372 
 376 
 
 67 
 
 75 
 
 378 
 
 77 
 
 379 
 
 79 
 
 380 
 
 80 
 
 381 
 
 82 
 
 390 
 
 84 
 
 391 
 
 86 
 
 396 
 
 92 
 
 397 
 
 ibid 
 
 399 
 
 93 
 
 30. Inftru-
 
 A TABLE, 
 
 c. 
 
 415 97 
 
 30. InjlriiBiom given by the King's Highnefs, to C. H. 
 
 Williarn Paget, lahom his Higbiefs fendeth at 
 
 this Tyme unto the King of Pole, the Dukes of 
 
 Pomeray, and of Frnce, and the Cities of D^nt- 
 
 like, Stetin, and Connynburgh, ac6 ibid, 
 
 31. Propoftions to the Kings Coimcell ; jnarked in 
 
 fome Places on the Margin in King Henry'i own 
 Hand, 
 
 32. A Letter againft the Pope's Authority, and his 
 
 Follo'docrs, Jetting fotth their T'reafons, 
 
 33. A Proclamation cgainft Seditious Preachers 
 
 34. A Letter of the ArchbiJJ:op of York, fetting forth 
 
 his Zeal in the King's Set vice, and agaifijl the 
 Pope's Authority, 
 
 35. A Letter of Cromwell'j to the King's Ambaffddor 
 
 in France, full of Expoflulations, 
 
 36. The Engagement fe-nt over by the Yr^nch King, to 
 
 King Henry, promifmg that he would adhere to 
 him, in condetnning his Birf, and injujlifying his 
 Second Marriage, 
 "^7. Cranmer'j Letter to Cromwell ; juftifying himfef, 
 upon Jome Complaints made by Gardiner. 
 
 38. A Letter c/" BarlowV to Cromwell, complaining 
 
 of the Bifl.^op and Clergy of St. DavidV, 
 
 39. A Letter of Dr.LQigh's, concerning their Fifita- 
 
 tion at York, 
 
 40. A Letter of TonflallV, upon the King's Ordering 
 
 the Bifliops to fend up their Bulls, 
 
 41. A Letter of the Archbip:op of York' J, concerning 
 
 the Supprejfion of the Monafleries, 
 4?. lnfru6lions for fending Barnes, and others to 
 
 Germany, 
 43. The '$>vc\.2\.cA^\ck League, 
 ti^\. Propofitions made to the King, by the German 
 
 Princes, 447 114 
 
 45. The Anfwer of the King, to the Petitions and Ar- 
 
 ticles lately addrefj'ed to his Highnefs, from 
 John Frederike Duke of Saxe, EleSior, &c. 
 and Philip Lantfgrave Van Heffe, m the Name 
 of them, and all their Confederates, 4 jo ibidi 
 
 46. The Anfwer of the King's Amhajfadors, made to 
 
 the Duke of Saxony, and the Landgrave of 
 
 Hefle, 452 11^ 
 
 47. A Letter writ to the King, by the Princes of the 
 
 Smakaldic Lf^^w^, 454 116 
 
 48. Cranmer'5 Letter to Cromwell, complaining of 
 
 the 111 Treatment of the Ambaffadorsfrom Ger- 
 many, 456 ibid. 
 
 Vol. III. h% 49. The 
 
 JU 
 
 417 
 
 98 
 
 420 
 
 99 
 
 421 
 
 ibid. 
 
 424 
 
 IGI 
 
 428 
 
 ibid. 
 
 431 
 
 105 
 
 434 
 
 106 
 
 436 
 
 ibidi 
 
 437 
 
 ibid. 
 
 439 
 
 108 
 
 441 
 
 110 
 
 443 
 
 "3
 
 IV 
 
 A TABLE, ©^^, 
 
 457 
 
 120 
 
 458 
 
 122 
 
 460 
 464 
 
 125 
 126 
 
 469 
 
 129 
 
 474 
 
 132 
 
 49. Tbe Earl of Northumberland^ Letter to Crom- C. H. 
 
 well, denying any ContraB, or Promife of Mar- 
 riage, between ^ Anne atid himfef 
 
 eo. A Letter, giving Pace an Account of Prcpoftions 
 made to K. Henry, by Charles V, 
 
 51. InJlriidiio?is by Cardinal ^o\t, to one he fejit to King 
 
 Henry, 
 
 52. A Letter to Pole, from theBiJJ:op <?/' Durham, 
 c'i. A Letter of Vo\t' s to Cromwell, ju/iifying hini'- 
 
 54. A Letter of the Abbefs of Godftow, complaining 
 of Dr. London, 
 
 ^^. A Letter to Bullinger, from one of Maid (tone ; 
 giving an Account of an Image, which fons to 
 be the Rood o/'Boxley in Kent, 47J ibid. 
 
 56. A Confolatory Letter ^0 Henry the YlWth, from 
 the Bipcp of Durham, after the Death of ^ 
 Jane, 476 133 
 
 ^y. InjunBiom geven by Edwarde Archbt/fjope of 
 Yorke ; to be obferved withiji the Diocefe of 
 Yorke, by all theClergie of the fame, a?id others 
 whom the fay de InjtmSiions do concerne, 
 
 58. InjunSlions given by the By/Jjope of Coventte and 
 
 Lychefelde, throughe out his Diocefe, 
 
 59. InjiinBions given by the Byfiop of Salyfbury, 
 
 throughout his Dioces, 
 rAnOmifion ill the Injunctions fet forth by Crom- 
 . I well in the Kings Name, in the Ift. Vol. Hift. 
 60 I Reform. Coll. of Rec. p. 160. 
 
 I An Omifjion in Boner 'i hijundlions, Ift. Vol. Hift. 
 I. Ref. Coll. Rec. /. 252. 
 
 61. T^he Petition of Grefham, Lord-Mayor o/' Lon- 
 
 don, to the King, for the City-Hoffitals, 
 
 62. A Part of a Proclamation, chief y co?icerning 
 
 Becket, 
 
 63. An Original Letter of the King's, much to the 
 
 fame Piirpofe, 
 
 64. The Deftgnfor the Endowment of Chrift-Church 
 
 in Canterbury, 
 
 65. A Letter of the Archbif^op (?/"Canterbury to Crom- 
 
 well, upon the New Foundation at Canter- 
 bury, 
 
 66. A Part of a Letter concerning the Debates of the 
 
 Six Articles in the Houfe of Lords, 
 
 67. A Letter of the Vifitors, Jent to Examine the 
 
 Abbot of GlafTenbury, 
 
 68. Cromwell's Letter to the King, when he was com- 
 
 mitted to the Tower, 
 
 69. ^eftions concerning the Sacraments, 
 
 70. An 
 
 479 
 
 134 
 
 484 
 
 ^IS 
 
 487 
 
 ibid' 
 ■J 
 
 491 
 
 1 136 
 
 492 
 
 J 
 
 493 
 
 ibid. 
 
 494 
 
 138 
 
 496 
 
 139 
 
 500 
 
 141 
 
 501 
 
 ibid. 
 
 503 
 
 142 
 
 504 
 
 145 
 
 508 
 
 146 
 »53
 
 A TABLE, &>c. 
 
 yo. An Anpiver to the former ^en'es ; with fome Re- 
 marks on them, in the King's Hand, written on 
 the Margin, 
 
 J I . An fivers to thefe ^eries, 
 
 "Z. The Examination of ^ Katherlne Howard, 
 
 73. A Letter of Sir W. Paget' J, of his Treating with 
 
 the Admiral oj France, 
 
 74. Bifop ThirlbyV Letter, concerning the Duke of 
 
 Norfolk, and his Son, 
 
 75. A Letter of ^ the Duke of Norfolk^, after he had 
 
 been examined in the 'rower, 
 
 V 
 
 c. 
 
 H. 
 
 511 
 513 
 
 ibid, 
 ibid. 
 
 154 
 
 5^7 
 
 '55 
 
 531 
 
 ^67 
 
 533 
 
 ibid. 
 
 Colle^lion of Records, belongino- to 
 BOOK IV, V, VL "" 
 
 1. TlNftr unions given by Luther to Melanchthon, C. H. 
 
 1534 J of which, one Article was errcneoufly 
 piiblijhed by me, in my lid. Vol. and that be- 
 ing complaitied of, the whole is now piib- 
 lijhed 536 175 
 
 2. TheLadyMzxys Letter to the Lord ProtcSlor, and 
 
 to the reft of the King's Majeftys Council, upon 
 their fufpe^ling that fome of her HouJJiold had 
 encouraged the Devonfhire liebellion^ 53 8 1 89 
 
 3. A Letter of Q\vxA.o'^\itx Mount';, concerning the 
 
 Interim, 539 1 99 
 
 4. A Tart of a Letter c/'Hooper'; to Bullinger, giv- 
 
 ing an Account of the Cruelty of the Spa- 
 niards in the Netherlands, 540 200 
 r. The Oath of Supremacy, as it was made when the 
 Biftjops did Homage in K. Henry the YlWth's 
 Time. The lajl Words were jlruck cut by King 
 Edward the With, 542 203 
 
 6. A Letter of Peter Martyr'; to Bullinger, of the 
 
 State of the Vniverfity of Oxford, in the Tear 
 
 1550, 543 206 
 
 7. A Mandate, in K. Edward'; Name, to the Officers 
 
 of the Archbijliop ^Canterbury j requiring them 
 to fee, that the Articles of Religion fJmild be 
 fuhfcribed, 546 2I2 
 
 8. The King's Mandate to the Bifiop of Norwich, 
 
 fent with the Articles to be Jubfcribed by the 
 
 Clergy, 547 213 
 
 9. The Mandate of the Vifitors of the Vniverfity of 
 
 C^mhiKiigQ, to thefamePurpofe^ 549 214. 
 
 10. King
 
 VI 
 
 A TABLE, ^c 
 
 C. H. 
 
 10, King'EAwzxdJs Devife for the Siiccrjp.cn, 550 214 
 
 11. Tke Council's Original Siibfcription, to Edward 
 
 the Ylth's Limitation of the Crown, ^_j i 215 
 
 It. c Articles and InfiniBions, annexed to the Com- 
 mi/Jion, for taking Surrender of the Cathedral 
 0/ Norwich, 552 217 
 
 13. An Original Letter of ^ Mary'i to K. Philip, 
 
 before he wrote to her, ^^/^ 226 
 
 14. ^een Mary'j Letter to the Earl of Suffex, to 
 
 take Care of EleSlions to the Parliametit, ibid. 228 
 
 15. Cardinal Poh' s frjl Letter to ^leen Mary, ^^^ 229 
 
 16. The ^ieen's Anfiver to it, 558 230 
 
 17. Cardinal Pole' J General Powers, for Reconciling 
 
 England to the Church ^Rome, ^59 ibid. 
 
 1 8. A Letter of Cardinal VoXc to the BiJJ:iop of Kxx2.%, 
 
 upon K. Philip'^ Arrival in England, and his 
 
 Marriage to the ^leen, 563 23 1 
 
 19. A Letter from Cardinal Pole to the Cardinal de 
 
 Monte, acknowledging the Pope's Favour, in 
 fe7iding him full Powers, 564 ' ibid, 
 
 20i A Breve, empowering Cardinal Pole to execute 
 his Faculties with Relation to England, while he 
 yet remai7ied beyond Sea, 565 ibid. 
 
 21. A Second Breve, containing more Special Powers 
 
 relating to the Abbey- Lands. j66 232 
 
 22. A Letter to Cardinal Pole, Jrom Cardinal de 
 
 M.ontQ, full of high Civilities, ^68 ibid. 
 
 23. A Letter from Card. Moron e to Card. Pole, telling 
 
 him how uneafy the Pope was, to fee his goijig to 
 
 England yj long delayed; but that the Pope was '.- 
 
 refolved not to Recal hi in, ibid. ibid. 
 
 24. A Letter from Ormanet to Priuli, giving an Ac- 
 
 count of what pafd in an Audience the Bifiop 
 o/" Arras gave him, 
 45. The Letter that the Bifiop of Arras wrote to Car- 
 dinal Pole, upon that Audience, 
 
 26. Cardinal Pole' s Anfver to the Bifop of Arrzs his 
 
 Letter, 
 
 27. Cardinal Pole'i Letter to K. Philip, 
 
 28. A Letter of Card. Pole'j ts the Pope, giving Ac- 
 
 count oj a Conference that he had with Charles 
 the Nth, concerning the Church-Lands, 
 
 29. A Part of ^ Mafon'j Letter to ^ Mary, concern- 
 
 ifig Cardinal Pole, 
 
 30. A Letter of Card. Pole\, to Philip the Ud, com- 
 
 plaining of the Delays that had been made, and 
 defiring a fpecdy Admittance into England, 
 
 31. The Lord Paget' s and the Lord HaftingsV Xf/z'^r 
 
 concerning Cardinal Pole, 
 
 32. An 
 
 57^ 
 
 233 
 
 57^ 
 
 ibid. 
 
 57^ 
 573 
 
 234 
 ibid. 
 
 574 
 
 ^35 
 
 577 
 
 236 
 
 57^ 
 
 ibid. 
 
 581 
 
 237
 
 A TABLE, ^c, vij 
 
 32. yi.'i Origifial Letter of Mafon'j-, (f a Piracher 
 
 that prefjed the Rejtitution of Church-Lands, 
 
 33. Cardinal Pole'^ Comtnijjion to the BiJJ.xps, to Re- 
 
 concUe all in their Diccejcs to the Church of 
 Rome, 
 
 34. Articles f fuch Things as he to le put in Exe- 
 
 cution, 
 
 35. The Prccefs and Condemnation of Bifl.op Hooper, 
 
 and the Order green for his Execution, 
 
 36. Th; ^leens Letter, ordering the Manner of Hoop- 
 
 er's Execution, 
 "ijj. A Letter of BijJ.op Hooper's to BuUinger, 'writ- 
 ten out oj Prifon, 
 
 38. A Letter of MalbnV, concerning a Treaty begun 
 
 ivith France, and of the Affairs of the Empire, 
 
 39. A Tranfation of Charles the YtlSs Letters, Re- 
 
 fgtiing the Croivn of Spain to K. Philip, 
 
 40. A Remembrance of thofe Things, that your High- 
 
 jifs's Pleafure was Ifr.ouldput in Writing : Writ- 
 ten in Cardi/ial Pole's Ha.-.'d, 
 
 41. Sojne DireSfions for the ^.eeti's Council, left by 
 
 K. Philip, 
 
 42. A Letter to the Ambaffiidors, concerning the Re- 
 
 ftitution of Calais, 
 
 43. A Letter of the Ambajfadors, concerning Calais, 
 
 44. A Letter of Jewel'j to P. Martyr, from Straf- 
 
 burgh, of the State of Affairs in England, 
 
 45. A Letter of Gualter'j to Dr. Mafters, advifng a 
 
 Thorough Reformation, 
 
 46. A Letter of the Earl of Bedford's to BuUinger, 
 
 fro7n Venice, 
 
 47. A Letter of Jewel'j to P. Martyr, of the State he 
 
 found Matters in, when he came to England, 
 
 48. A Letter of Jewel'^ to BuUinger, concerning the 
 
 State of Things in the Beginning of this Reign, 
 
 49. A Letter of Jewel'^ to P. Martyr, concernijig the 
 
 Difputation with the Papifts at Weftminfter, 
 
 50. A Letter of Jewel'i to P. Martyr, of the Debates 
 
 in the Ploufe of Lords ; and oj the State of 
 the XJjii-vetfities ; and concerning the Inclinations 
 to the Smalcaldick League, 
 ^1. A Letter of Jewel'j to P. Martyr, of the State of 
 Affairs both in England and Scotland, 
 
 52. A Letter 0/' Jewel'^ to P. Martyr, bifore he went 
 
 his Progrefs into //j^Weftern Parts 0/" England, 
 
 53. ^ Declaration made by the Cojifederate Lords of 
 
 Scotland, to the ^leen of England ; of their 
 taking Arms againfi the ^een Dowager of 
 Scotland, a?2d the Yrcnch, 622 281 
 
 S^. A Difcuffwn of the Matters of Scotland ; in Sir 
 
 W. Cecyl'^ Hand, 627 286 
 
 9 M SS- ^'^^ 
 
 c. 
 
 5«3 
 
 H. 
 
 238 
 
 584 
 
 239 
 
 587 
 
 ibid. 
 
 S90 
 
 240 
 
 592 
 
 241 
 
 593 
 
 ibid. 
 
 595 
 
 251 
 
 597 
 
 252 
 
 599 
 
 254 
 
 600 
 
 ^55 
 
 601 
 
 603 
 
 265 
 266 
 
 607 
 
 272 
 
 608 
 
 273 
 
 610 
 
 ibid. 
 
 611 
 
 274 
 
 613 
 
 ibid. 
 
 614 
 
 275 
 
 617 
 
 ibid. 
 
 619 
 
 276 
 
 620 
 
 ibid.
 
 VllJ 
 
 A TABLE, &c. 
 
 cc. The Bond of J//cdatiofi, with this Title, Ane 
 Contraa of the Lords and Barons, to defend 
 the Liberty of the Evangell of Chrill:, 
 
 56. A Letter of Jewel'i to P. Martyr, fetting fcrth 
 the Progrefs that Super/iition had made in ^wen 
 Mary'i Reign, 
 
 ^j. A Letter of Jewel'^f to P. Martyr, concerning the 
 Earnefinefs of fome about Vejlments and Ri- 
 tuals, 
 
 S'i. A Letter of JewelV to P. Martyr, //// of fad 
 Apprehenfons, 
 
 .59. The i{ueen' s Letter to the Emperor, concerning her 
 Acerfion to Marriage, 
 
 60. A Letter of Bifop Jewel'^ to P. Martyr, concern- 
 
 ing the Crofs in the ^ceen's Chapel, 
 
 61. A Letter cf Bifjop S2Lnds, exprcfing theUneafmefs 
 
 he was in, by reafon of the Crucifix in the ^eetis 
 Chapel, 
 
 62. A Letter of Dr. Sampfon'5 to P. Martyr, ftting 
 
 forth his Reafons of not Accepting a Bi- 
 foprick, 
 
 63. A Second Letter of Sampfon'j, exprefing great 
 
 Vncafimfs that Alatters were 7iot carried 07i as 
 he wifxd, 
 
 64. Archbijtop Parker'^ Letter to Sxretary Cecyl, 
 
 pr effing the Filling the Sees of York and Durefm, 
 then vacaJit, 
 
 65. A Letter of Bipop'^twcVs /^o P. Martyr, cmcern- 
 
 in<^ the Council of Trent, the Lord Darnly'j 
 going to Scotland, with an Account of his 
 Mother, 
 
 Two INSTRUMENTS. 
 The Firft is. The Protnife uiidcr the Great Seal 
 of Francis the Second, to Maintain the Suc- 
 ceficn to the Crown of Scotland in the Family 
 
 66. of Hamilton, in cafe ^uen Mary fmdd die 
 without Children, 
 
 The Second is. The Promife made to the fatne EffeB, 
 by Henry the lid, K. f France, before ^ Mary 
 _ was fent cut cf Scotland, 
 
 67. InfruSlions to the ^een's Commifjloners treating 
 
 in Scotland, 
 
 68. The Commiffwn of the Eftates, to move ^een 
 
 Elizabeth to take the Earl of Arran to her 
 Hujhand, 
 
 69. The ^leens Majeflies Anfwere, declared to Her 
 
 Counfell, concerning the Requefles of the Lords 
 of Scotlande, 
 
 70. A Letter of the Englifh Amhafj'ador, to ^ Mary 
 
 of Scotland, for her Ratifying the Treaty of 
 Leith, 
 
 C. 
 631 
 
 H. 
 
 287 
 
 632 288 
 
 634 
 
 289 
 
 636 
 
 ibid. 
 
 637 
 
 ibid. 
 
 638 
 
 290 
 
 639 
 
 291 
 
 641 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 643 
 
 292 
 
 645 
 
 293 
 
 646 
 
 294 
 
 648 
 694 
 
 651 
 
 652 
 
 653 
 
 (>55 
 
 295 
 
 296 
 ibid. 
 297 
 
 298 
 71. A
 
 A TABLE, ^^c. 
 
 IX 
 
 665 
 
 307 
 
 666 
 
 308 
 
 669 
 
 309 
 
 (>75 
 
 310 
 
 678 
 
 312 
 
 680 
 
 ibid. 
 
 J I. A Lttter of Mary ^ueen of Scotland, delaying C. H. 
 
 to Ratfy the Treaty of Leith, 656 ibid. 
 
 72.. Alt Original Letter of the Ambaff'adors to the 
 
 ^leen, upoii that Affair, 657 299 
 
 73. A Letter of Bijhop Jewel'j to BuUinger, chief y 
 
 concerning the Affairs 0/' France, aiid the ^cccn 
 
 efp'Afing the Frince 0/' Conde'j- Caife, 660 300 
 
 74. An ExtraSi out of the Journal of the Lcwcr- 
 
 Houfe of Coni:ccatio7!^ 662 302 
 
 j^. Bijt.op Horn'^ Letter to Gualter, concerning the 
 Co?Jtroi-erfy about the Habits of the Clergy, 
 
 76. BuUinger'i if/Zcr to Bijlopyioni, concerning that 
 
 ^itfioii, 
 
 77. BuUinger'i Anfiver to Humphreys a?id Sampfon, 
 
 on the fame SuhjeB, 
 
 78. Humphreys and Sampfon'j Letter to BuUinger, 
 
 irffiing on the ^lefion, 
 
 79. A Paper of other Things complained of befdes thefe 
 
 Heads, 
 
 80. BuUinger'^ Anfiaer to their Letter, declining to ot- 
 
 ter further into the Difpute, 
 
 81. BuUinger and Gudhtv s Letter to the Earl of Bed- 
 
 ford, prefing him to fid a Temper in that 
 
 Matter. 681 ibid. 
 
 82. BuUinger and GualterV Letter to Bifop Grindal, 
 
 a7td Bijljop Horn, for quieting the Difpute, 683 313 
 
 83. A Letter of Bijl.op Grindal, and BijLcp Horn, 
 
 givifig a full Account of their Se?tfe of all the 
 Matters complained cf in the Church of Eng- 
 land, 685 ibid. 
 
 84. A Letter of JewelV to BuUinger, concerning the 
 
 Debates in Parliament relating to the Succeffon, 
 and the Heats in the Difputes about the Vcjl- 
 ments, 689 315 
 
 85. A Letter of JewelV to BuUinger, of the State 
 
 Affairs were in, both in England, Ireland, 
 
 Scotland, a7id the Netherlands, 691 ibid. 
 
 86. The End of a Letter written to Zurick, fetting 
 
 forth the Temper offome BiJl:ops in thefe Matters, 693 316 
 
 87. BuUinger aiid Gualter'j Letter to the Bijhops of 
 
 London, Winchefter, and Norwich ; inter- 
 ceding for Favour to thofe, whofe Scruples were 
 not fattsfed in thofe Matters, 694 ibid. 
 
 88. A Part of a Letter of Jewel'i to BuUinger, of the 
 
 State of Affairs both in England atid Scotland, 695 317 
 
 89. A Petition, with fonie Articles, offered by the Re- 
 
 formed in Scotland to their ^een : 
 With the ^een's Anfwer to it. 
 And there Reply up07i it \ 696 319 
 
 90. A Supplication to the ^een of Scotland, 602 322 
 
 ■91. A
 
 X 
 
 A 1^ A B L E, ^f. 
 
 gi. J Letter of B. Parkhurfl: to BuUinger, c^ix.rn^ng C. H. 
 
 the Affairs o/" Scotland, and the Murder of Sig- 
 jiior Davki, 7°4 322 
 
 92. A Letter cf 5. Grindal'^ to B\i\Y\ngtr, giving an 
 
 Account of the State of Affairs both in England 
 and Scotland, and f the Killitig of Signior 
 David, 705 323 
 
 93. A Part cf B. GrindalV Letter to Bullinger, cf 
 
 the Affairs of Scotland, 707 324 
 
 94. A Relation of Mary ^eecn of Scotland'^ Misfor- 
 
 tunes^ and of her laf Will ; in the Life of Car- 
 dinal Laurea, written hy the Allot of Pignerol 
 his Secretary ; printed at 'QoXo'gnd., 1599,' 710 327 
 
 95. A Bcjid cf Affociation, upon Mary ^ cf Scot- 
 
 landV Rcfgning the Croivn, in favour of her Son, 712 328 
 
 96. Bond to the Ki7ig, and to the Earl of Murray, as 
 
 Regent during his Infmcy, 7^3 '\h\d. 
 
 97. A Declaraticn of the Caufes, moving the S>uein 
 
 of England, to give Aid to the Defence of the 
 People affi^ted and oppreffcd in the Low- 
 Countries, 714 330 
 
 An APPENDIX. 
 
 1. f~>Orre£iions of fotne Miftakes in the Tivo Firf Volumes ; fent me 
 V^ ly Mr. Granger, in Devonfhire, Pag. 729 
 
 2. A Letter written to me hy Anthony Wood, in Jufifcation of his 
 
 Hiflory of the Univerfty of Oxford : With Reflections on it ; re- 
 fen-' d to Alphabetically, p. 733 
 
 3. A Letter' from me to Mr. Auzont ; which was tranflated into 
 
 French, upon his Procwingfor me a Cenfure in Writing., made in 
 Paris upon the Firft Volume of my Hijiory of the Reforma- 
 tion, p. 736 
 
 4. CorrcBions of the Two Volumes of the Hiftory of the Reforma- 
 
 tion, p. 743 
 
 /. Some Remarks, fent me by another Hand, p. 758 
 
 6. Obfervations and CorreBions of the Two Volumes of the Hiftory, 
 
 ColleBed by Mr. Strype, p. ^^(^ 
 
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