f LIBRARY "^ UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA , SAN DIEGO I 1 7 HISTOEIOAL ESSAYS HISTORICAL ESSAYS EDWARD A. FREEMAN, M.A., Hon. D.C.L. & LL.D. KEGIUS PKOFESSOK OF MODEKX HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITT OF OXFORD FOURTH SERIES Eontion M A C M I L L A N AND CO. AND NEW YORK 1892 I'l'/ic liiijhl of Traiiskilion and Rcprodncl'wii is Ue.icrvcf].'] O;cfor& HORACE HART, PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY PREFACE The present collection of Essays, though all may, I think, fairly come under the head of ' historical,' is some- what more varied in character than the three volumes which have gone before it. The pieces now reprinted do not illustrate any one great portion of history in the way that each of those volumes did. Some, chiefly those put early in the volume, are essentially of the same class as those essays in the former volumes in which I took some particular place, and tried to point out at once its own local character and its position in the history of the world. But there is one only which is written exactly on the same pattern. The paper headed ' Augustodunum ' belongs to the same group as those in the third volume which dealt with Trier, Kavenna, Spalato, and Palermo. Autun can hardly pretend to an equal interest with those cities ; but the interest which it has is exactly the same in kind. That essay ought to have gone along with its fellows; only it was not written till after the Third Series was collected. And it is likely to be the last, as I am sorry to say that the British Quarterly Review, in which the series appeared, has gone the way of the National and North British Reviews. The other pieces of the same general kind, as those on Orange, Aix, Perigueux and Cahors, and Carthage itself, were written for periodicals where they could not be treated quite on the same scale. They therefore do not represent so much actual research as the series which ends with PBEFACE. Angustodimum ; but I trust that what work there is in them is real work as far as it goes. At an 3^ rate I was amused with a saying of one of those newspaper critics whose odd re- marks often open to us new views of human nature. The paper on Perigueux and Cahors was pronounced to be ' too learned for a holiday article.' I am not sure that I quite grasp the definition of a ' holiday article ' ; but I learned that there are minds which cannot understand that the tracing out of the features and history of a city may be as truly a scientific business to one man as the study of the surrounding y?ora and fauna is to another. To these more or less local pieces the paper on ' English and French Towns ' seemed to make a good introduction. I also grouped with them a few others, as ' Alter Orbis,' and ' Points in the History of Portugal and Brazil.' The latter, as I have explained, was an Oxford lecture, written under somewhat peculiar circumstances. Both were suggested, but only suggested, by passing occasions. Pieces bearing wholly on immediate political questions or other temporary subjects I have carefully shut out. But at the end comes one piece which is political in a more general sense. The essay on the House of Lords was, as I have explained in the note to it, put together with some toil out of several temporary pieces, each of which seemed to contain some permanent matter. I have done the work as well as I could ; but I fear that the result may be some repetition and some inequality of style. A grave article in the Encyclopaedia Britannica and a paper suggested by an immediate political occasion have their necessary differ- ences of treatment. To the ' House of Lords ' the essay on 'Nobility ' was a natural introduction, and the 'Growth of Commonwealths ' did not seem out of place in the same company. But I may add that it is only by accident that, the paper on the ' Constitution of the German Empire ' PREFACE. appears as a separate essay. It was meant to be a mere note to that on the ' Growth of Commonwealths.' Between these two, as I hope, fairly solid masses at each end, I have ventured to throw in a few slighter pieces from the Saturday Review, a few out of many contributed to that paper from its beginning to the year 1878. I put them forth as a kind of experiment, hardly knowing whether they are really worth preserving as separate pieces ; I have used several already as notes to longer essays in other volumes. No one will look for full treatment of any sub- ject on so small a scale ; but it has sometimes struck me that a short paper of that kind now and then brings out a particular thought or point of view more forcibly than a longer one. I have as usual to thank several editors and publishers for leave to reprint the pieces in which they have an interest. And I have further to thank Mr. C. W. C. Oman of All Souls College for valuable help in revising the essays on ' Endish Civil Wars ' and the ' Battle of Wakefield.' 16 Saint Giles, Oxford, January 22, 1892. CONTENTS PAGE 53 69 94 I. Carthage {Contemporary Review, September 1890) 1 II. Fkench and English Towns {Longman' s Magazine, May 1884, and Saturday Review, Nov. 14, 1868) 25 Appendix — Roman Antiquities in Gaul and Britain {Saturday Review, August 1, 1868) 49 III. Aqu.e Sexti.e {Macmillans Magazine, September 1886) IV. Oeange {Macmillan's Magazine, February 1875) V. AuGUSTODUNUM {British Quarterly Review, Jul\ 1881) . VI. Perigueux and Cahok^^ {Contemporary Review, 1886) 131 \n. The Lords of Akdbes {British Quarterly Review, January 1880) 159 VIII. Points in the History of Portugal and Brazil 199 IX. Alter Orbis {CotUemporary Revieu^, June 1882) .219 X. Historical Cycles {Saturday Review, February 20, 1869) 249 XI. Augustan Ages {Saturday Review, October 23. 1869) 258 XII. English Civil Wars {Saturday Rcvieu:, April 13, 1872) '-66 CONTENTS. PAGE XIII. Thk Battlm (U' \Vaki;i'iki,I) {Salnrddi/ Juvieu:, MiVY 4, 1872) 27o XIV. National Pkospekity and tiii; Iikfokmaxion (.S'r?7!?Wa// AV(v>w, Au.oust 115. 18G8) . . 284 XV. Cardinal Polk (Satunlai/ Jievictc, Novciiilfer 20, 1869) 293 XVI. Akchbishup Parklh {iSatiinfaij Review, June .1 uud June 8, 1872) .304 XVII. Decayed EoR()Uc;hs (^Saturdai/ Reviev:, July 22, 1871) 317 XVIII. The Cask of the Deaneky of Exeter {Law Quarterly lleviexv, July 1887) .... 320 XIX. The Growth of Commonwealths {Fortnighthi Revieiv, Octobei' 1873) ..... 353 XX. The Constitution of the German Empire [Saturday Review, July 29, 1871) . . . 389 XXI. Nobility [Encyclopcedia Britumiica) . . . 398 XXII. The House of Lords (^Encyclojxudia Rritannica. art. Peerage ; Fortnightly Review, YtA)\\x\w\ 1883, !N[ay, 1888 ; CoiUemporury Revlevj, Octoljcr 1884 ; Sidijccln of the Dai/, No. 4, I8dl) . .425 INDEX 503 ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS 1). 24 note, for latest mul later. p. 32 line 7 from bottom, /o»- see read say. p. 220 1. 20, M Fiftli read Third. p. 224 I. 1:"), (h'h comma ajtei- enough. p. 234 1. 4 from bottom, for isle read island. p. 253 note 1. 5, far has read had. p. 262 1. 2, after he read means. p. 324 1. 16, put semicolon after Portreeves. p. 347, after 1. 12 read during the vacancy of the archbishopric, and in the next line dele Archbishop. p. 353 note, for horrors read hoj-ror. p. 361 1. 7 from bottom. It may be said that something of this kind was done in the appointment of the decemvirs. But it is hardly safe to speak positively. It seems more likely that the decemvirate was originally only a temporary commission, whose holders contrived to make themselves into something like a Swaarda. p. 416 1. 7 from bottom. While speaking of the creation of nobility from outside in France and elsewiiere, I ought perhaps to have spoken more distinctly of cases in which nobility could be gained by some process other than the direct act of the sovereign. Such was the nobility conferred in France by the possession of certain offices and by the pui-- chase of a ' noble ' estate. But I suppose that a lawyer would say that both of these ways of reaching nobility were grants from the Crown, general instead of particular grants. Nobility by purchase of a ' noble' estate is something like oiu- barony by tenure, of which I speak in the last essay in the volume. p. 444 1. 11, pi(f comma after identity. p. 454 1. 10. dele the year from which so many things parliamentary date. J). 463 1. 12 from bottom, ybr cause, read causes. I. CARTHAGE. There is no spot on which one more keenly feels the mischief that has come of cutting up the study of history into arbitrary fragments than on the site of Carthage. There is no spot which the Unity of History may more rightly claim as one of its choicest possessions. In the history of the neighbouring land of Sicily the main charm lies in the fact that the same tale has to be told twice, that the same struggle has been fought twice. And so it is with the city which so long played a great and fearful part in the affairs of Sicily. Carthage has had a double life, a double history ; and we do not take in what Carthage has really been in the history of the world if we look at one of those lives only. It is pardonable if, standing on the site of Carthage, with the two lives of Carthage in our memory, we go on to dream that a third life may perhaps be still in store for her. It was at least a piece of news which might call up many thoughts when we read the other day that a successor of Cyprian had just dedicated his newly built metropolitan church on the height which is at once the Bozrah of Dido and the hill of Saint Lewis, the spot from which Gaiseric ruled the seas, the spot to which Heraclius dreamed of translating the dominion of the elder and the younger Rome. We fail to take in the greatness of the story of which we stand on the central scene, unless we call up all its associations, and not the earliest group only. Mighty men have trod the soil on J? 2 CARTHAGE. [Essay which we stand, and not in one age only. If Hannibal set forth from the first Carthage to deal his heavy blows on the elder Rome, Belisarius came from the younger Eome to bring; back the second Carthage to her dominion. If the first Carthage bowed to no foe till the elder Scipio had learned the arts of Hannibal, it was from the second Carthage that Heraclius went forth to practise those arts on a third continent. We feel the greatness of the site when we think of Phoenician Carthage ruling in Sardinia and Sicily and carrying her arms to the gates of Rome. But the feeling of its greatness comes home to us with a twofold strength when we think how, as soon as Carthage was again the seat of an independent power, that power at once sprang to a position which well nigh rivalled that which the city had held in its elder days. Teutonic Carthage was but for a moment ; but Teutonic Carthage too ruled in Sicily and Sardinia, and carried her arms not only to the gates of Rome but within her walls. If the bull of Phalaris was carried as plunder to the first Carthage, the candlestick of Solomon was carried as plunder to the second. If one conqueror restored the bull to Agrigcntum, another restored the candlestick to Jerusalem. The tale loses half its grandeur, it loses all its completeness, if we stop at the end of its first chapter. Let it be, no one will deny it, that Phoenician Carthage was greater than Roman Carthage. But that Roman Carthage, once planted on the same site, rose to no small measure of renewed greatness, is surely the best of witnesses to the greatness of Phoenician Carthage and to the wisdom of those who chose the site for its first planting. But, while we must not let the greatness of the first Cartilage blind our eyes to the existence or to the greatness of the second, we must freely allow that the second Carthage is something, not only second in time, but in everything secondary to the first. The cliarm of the second Carthage, of the acts that were done in it or by its masters, comes largely IVoni the fact that the first Carthage and its acts L] THE FIRST AND THE SECOND CARTHAGE. 3 ■svent before them. It is not always so with the second state of a city. Megarian Byzantium has its own place in history ; but its main interest is that it was the forerunner of Constantinople. Within the world of Carthago itself, Phoenician and Eoman Panormos counts for something ; but it counts for little beside the glories of Saracen and Norman Palermo. But the second Carthage lives in a manner by the life of the first. As a power, its greatest, indeed its only, day is its Vandal day. And the most striking thing about the Vandal day of Carthage is that it so wonderfully recalls its Phoenician day. It is the purely Christian associations only that stand on a real level with the associations of the oldest time. Cyprian would be the same if Hamilkar and Hannibal had never trod the ground of the Bozrah before him. Gaiseric hardly would be. The old Phoenician Carthage holds a place in the history of the world which is all her own. Phoenicia stands alone amono; nations, and Carthajje stands alone among Phoenician commonwealths. That last is a word to be noticed. In a glance across the historic nations it strikes us at once that the Phoenicians are the only people beyond the bounds of Europe who rank as the political peers of the European nations. Aristotle, to whom the name of Rome was barely known, whose thoughts had been in no wise drawn to the polity of Rome, thought the constitution of Carthage worthy of careful study, and he gives it the tribute of no small praise. Polybios, with his wider range of vision, makes the constitutions of Sparta, of Rome, and of Carthage the subject of an elaborate comparison. One is tempted to think that the Phoenicians, settled within the Western world, within the bounds of Europe itself or of that Africa which is truly a part of Europe, had drunk in something of the spirit of the West, and had almost parted company with the barbaric kingdoms of Asia. We seem to see the change taking place by degrees. The B 2 CARTHAGE. [Essay Hamilkar and the Hannibal of the fifth century before Christ, the defeated of Himera and the destroyer of Himera, are still essentially barbarians. Their generalship does not go beyond a blind trust, successful or unsuccessful, in the physical force of huge multitudes. Massacre and human sacrifice are as familiar to them as to any Eastern despot. The Hamilkar and the Hannibal of the third century before Christ are essentially Europeans. And they are, we need hardl}' say, Europeans who stand alongside of, or above, the greatest names in Greek and Italian story. It was a mere outward sign that Carthage should adopt the coinage and others of the arts of Greece. The Carthage of the House of Earak had become essentially European in greater points. Its statesmen, its generals, not only the two immeasurably great ones, but a whole generation of them, distinctly sur- pass those of Rome. A few great men doubtless did much to raise the whole people ; but the fact that those great men could arise and could find scope for their energies in the Carthaginian commonwealth shows that the ground was at least ready for them. Doubtless Hannibal soared above Carthage ; doubtless Carthage soared above other Phoenician cities. And these two truths imply as their groundwork that Phoenicia, as a whole, soared above all other barbarian nations. The fact that there was a Carthage, that there was a Gades, a Hippo, an Utiea, and a Panormos, is enough. If Carthage rose to the first place as the ruling city, the cities of the old Phoenicia had already done some- thing greater. They were the first colonizing cities. They gave the Greek the model of an intelligent system of distant settlements, as distinguished from a simple Wandering of the Nations. And they knew, what later nations have been so slow to learn, the way to avoid the need of Wars of Independence, the way to bind colony and metropolis together from the first hour of their common being. Car- thage in her greatness still reverenced Tyre in her fall, because Carthage from the moment of her birth had been the child of Tyre and not her subject. I.] HISTORIC POSITION OF PIICENICTA. 5 In truth, the mere fact that in speaking of the Old Phoenicia we have to speak of cities marks of itself the wide gap between Phcenicia and any other barbarian land. No doubt the westward movement did much to quicken the civic and political life in the Western colonies of Phoenicia. It was in the West, as if by virtue of geo- graphical position, that the orderly constitution of Sho2Jhet- ivi, Senate, and People, grew up, which Aristotle and Polybios honoured with their study, the constitution of which it could be said that its working had never been disturbed by a revolution or a tyranny. The Old Phoenicia undoubtedly had kings, and their authority was sometimes tempered by revolutions. Still the Old Phoenicia was a system of cities, and the king of a city can never be the same uncontrolled despot as the king of a vast realm. Wlien Tyre and Sidon had sunk to vassalage, their kings still held the first place in the councils of Xerxes. It was to them that the Great King turned for ships and seamen to cope with the ships and seamen of Greece. It was among their people alone that he could find men with wit enough to do his works of engineering. Yes, before Carthaofe was, before Gades was. the men of Canaan in their old seats had made the beginnings of history. It is with a strange feelino- that we look back to those first glimpses of the world, when the clouds were just beginning to lift themselves from the eastern shores of the Mediter- ranean, and when these immemorial cities, ancient in the days of our first recorded facts, were already entering on the path of 'ships, colonies, and commerce.' If the full developemeut of the race was to be wrought on the soil of Spain and Sicily and Africa, it was in the old land of the l>alm, on the narrow strip of flat land between Lebanon and the Great Sea, that the race first showed its power. It is an essential part of the history of Carthage that she was, as her name implies, the New City, very far from the oldest, seemingly one of the youngest, of the colonies that Sidon and Tyre and Arvad sent to the West. Gades CARTHAGE. [Essay on the Ocean, furthest of all from the old home, was held to be the oldest of all. Tharshish, the land of gold, was the main object of Phoenician enterprise ; the settlements in Africa and Sicily arose as stages on the road. Specially must it be borne in mind that the Phoenician colonies in Sicily, Solous — Sela — on her rock, Motya in her sheltered harbour, Panormos on her tongue of land between the two branches of her All-haven — all these were no colonies of Carthage, but sister cities, most likely elder cities, which she brought step by step under her dominion. It is thus as the ruling city, the mistress of a vast and scattered dominion alike over her kinsfolk and over strangers, that Cai'thage holds her place in history. It was her calling, a calling which no other city of her own stock undertook before her, which no city of any other stock carried out on the same scale or with the same success. No dominion ever lasted so long on a foundation seemingly so weak. For the founda- tion of the power of a ruling city must ever be weak ; it must be weak in proportion as it most fully carries out the idea of the ruling city. Carthage in the end yielded to Rome. We may say that she yielded to Rome, because Rome, carrying out the idea cf the ruling city less perfectly than Carthage, had sources of strength which Carthage had not. Rome was a ruling city ; but each step by which her rule advanced took away something of her character as a ruling city. For at each step she admitted some new circle of allies or subjects to her franchise. That is, she raised them from the ranks of the ruled to the ranks of the rulers. But each step in the process made the Roman state less of a city and more of a nation. Aristotle, if he had looked at Rome as he did look at Carthage, might have set her down as being, like Babylon, though from quite another reason, e^/'oj ixaXXov 7} 7:o'Ats\ This the posi- tion of Rome, as an inland city, whose territory grew by the addition of adjoining lands, allowed her to do. And therein lay her strength. Rome could fight her wars by the swords of citizens, and of colonists and allies to whom I.] THE RULING CITY. 7 the hope of future citizenship was held out. When Rome and Carthage first met as enemies, the Roman, master of Italy, might walk from one end of his dominion to the other. For a long part of his journey, his walk would lie among men speaking his own language. At no stage of it would it bring him among men of a speech, a culture, a life, wholly alien to his own. Carthage, on the other hand, was the ruling city in a sense the opposite to all this. She was a city which could never grow into a nation, because she was herself from the beginning a settlement of a distant nation on a foreign shore. She was the greatest of many Phoenician cities in Africa ; but she could not stand to them as Rome did to the Latin cities around her. Rome was the head of a con- tinuous Latium ; Carthage could not be the head of a continuous Phoenicia. For Utica and the Hippos were settlements on a foreign shore no less than herself. The Latin was in his own land ; the Phcenician was in the land of the native African. It is the most speaking of all facts that, long after the Carthaginian power had begun, after Carthage had won no small dominion over distant towns and islands, she still paid rent to an African prince for the soil of her own city. The fact has been disputed ; but why ? It rests on as good authority as most other facts in Carthaginian history ; it is in no way contradicted ; it is in no way unlikely. To a city wholly seafaring, which began with trade and from trade went on to dominion, the dominion of the mainland on whose shore she stood was of far less moment than the dominion of such points and islands, far and near, as lay well placed for the pur- poses of her commerce and her ambition. A continuous dominion in Africa was the latest form of Carthaginian power ; and, when it came, it was mere dominion over a subject barbarian land, broken here and there by a Phcenician town that was dependent rather than subject. There was nothing around her that Carthage could take to herself and make part of her own being, as Rome CARTHAGE. [Es could do with the towns of Latium, as Athens in her earliest day could do with the towns of Attica. Eut it is this very isolation, this incapacity for enlarging herself as she enlaro-ed her dominion, which made Carthage the very model of the ruling city. She stood alone. She was lady and mistress over her scattered dominions, com- manding the resources of lands and towns, far and near, in every relation of subjection and dependence; but she stood aloof from all, incorporating none into her own body. She waged her wars by the hands of strangers. She commanded the services of subjects and dependents ; she bought the services of the stoutest barbarians of the Western world. Her own citizens were but the guiding spirits of her armies ; they never formed their substance and kernel. It was only in moments of special danger, on her own soil or on the neighbouring soil of Sicily, that the Sacred Band went forth to jeopard their lives for the Carthaginian state. In a Roman army, an army of citizens and kindred allies, every life was precious. A Carthaginian army might win a crowning victory, it might undergo a crushing defeat, with the loss of no lives but such as the gold of Carthage could soon replace. Here lay her strength and her weakness. A Punic general could risk his soldiers as even a tyrant could not risk Greek citizens ; but the state of Carthage lived ever in fear of her hirelinor swordsmen. The great mutiny of the mercenaries after the first war with Rome was but the most frightful of several. It is a ghastly but characteristic talc that Osteodes, the Isle of Bones, the modern Ustica, took its name from a mutinous detachment of a Punic army who were left there to perish. A Roman army fought for Rome ; a Punic army never fought for Carthage. The Numidian, the Spaniard, the Gaul, the Campanian, fought in his lower mood for the hire of his arm and his sword ; in his highest mood he fourjht, not for Cartham*, but for Hamilkar or for Hannibal. All this at once distincuishes Carthage from those ruling I.] PARALLEL WITH VENICE. 9 cities, Rome the chief of all, which commanded a con- tinuous dominion. That is almost the same thing as saying that her parallels, if she has parallels, must be sought for among seafaring powers only. The life by sea was the very life of Carthago. When the Romans before the last siege made it a condition of peace that Carthage should be forsaken and some point ten miles from the sea occupied instead, every Carthaginian felt it to be a sentence of death. Athens could not be great without her fleet ; but she could live without it. She had for a moment a scattered dominion of somewhat the same kind as the dominion of Carthasfc; but it was only for a moment. No other city of old Greece, no other city of her own Phoenician stock, comes near enough to her to admit even of contrast. The mediaeval world supplies nearer parallels. Among cities of our own race, as we are tempted to call Bern the Teutonic Rome, so are we tempted to call Lubeck the Teutonic Carthage. But neither Liibeck nor an}- of her Hanseatic sisters fully re- produces the old Phoenician model. They are mighty on the sea, mighty for trade, mighty for warfare; but their special character was to be mighty in both ways, to strike terror and to bear rule, without forming anything which could be called territorial dominion. Far nearer to Carthage are the later seafaring cities of her own Mediterranean waters, Genoa in some measure, Venice in a higher. Venice indeed is the nearest reproduction of Carthage that the world has seen. She too united trade and dominion ; she ruled from her islands, as Carthage ruled from her penin- sula, over possessions scattered far and wide, fortresses, cities, islands, kingdoms, over all of which she exercised lordship, but none of whom did she or could she incorporate into her own commonwealth. More perfect in her position than Carthage, she never paid rent for the soil of her Rialto as Carthage did for the soil of her Bozrah. But the two ruling cities agi'ee in this, that dominion on the adjoining or neighbouring mainland was the latest form of dominion for which they sought. 10 CARTHAGE. [Essay One fears to carry on the thought further. But, now that the world has grown, now that great kingdoms and commonwealths have taken the place of single cities, now that the Ocean with its continents has taken the place of the Mediterranean with its islands and peninsulas, it may be that later times supply parallels to the dominion of Carthage on a greater scale than that of Venice. It may be that they supply one special parallel of special interest to ourselves. In every such comparison we shall find the differences which come of altered scale and circumstances ; but in every power which has held a scattered dominion over lands parted by the seas we may see a nearer or more distant parallel to Carthage, as in every power which has slowly and steadily advanced to a continuous dominion by land we may see a nearer or more distant parallel to Rome. The thought of Carthage is called up both by analogy and in ways more direct when, in one of the subject lands of Carthage, we see a power grow up which holds under its dominion a large part of her other subject lands. The thought comes more keenly still when that power is for a while clothed with the majesty of Rome, and in that cha- racter goes forth to wage victorious war in Africa and for a moment to make Carthage itself part of its possessions. When a Spanish King who is also Roman Emperor, who is also King of Sicily and Sardinia, goes forth on the old errand of Agathokles, Scipio, and Belisarius, when he sets forth to war from Caralis and comes back to triumph at Panormos, we seem to see the old forces of Phoenician Cartliaf^e turned against her on her own soil. Charles of Austria, Charles of Burgundy, first Charles of Castile and Aragon, fifth Charles of Germany and Rome, setting up the banners of half Europe upon the walls of conquered Tunis, seems, as it were, to gather up the whole tale of Rome and Carthage in his single person. And when we go on to remember that the Roman Augustus, the Spanish and Sicilian King, was lord, not only of the inner sea, but of the Ocean, that he bore himself as monarch of its continents L] PARALLEL WITH SPAIN. 11 and islands, monarch of the Eastern and the Western Indies, ruler in every quarter of the globe, master of a dominion on which the sun never set, we may think that the con- queror of Tunis had not onl}^ in a figure, subdued Carthage in her older world of the inner sea, but had in truth called up a dominion like her own in the newer and wider world of Ocean.* And his dominion has passed away from the older and narrower as well as from the newer and wider world all but as utterly as the dominion of Carthage her- self. Of an European power that took in Sicily and Fries- land not a shred is left outside the Spanish peninsula and its islands. A few islands east and west stand as survivals of dominion in Asia and America, memorials of the proud style of King of the Indies. A fortress on the coast of Africa, holding one of the pillars of Herakles, is before all things a reminder that the grasp of the pillar which stands un Spanish ground, and with it the keeping of the mouth of the inner sea of Pha3nician and Greek, of Venetian and Genoese, has passed into the hands of an island kingdom in the Ocean. It is in fact in the power which has thus so strangely established itself on Spanish ground that we seem to see the nearest parallel to Carthage in the modern world. England indeed, as well as Spain, has played, and still plays, a direct part within the old dominion of Carthage. Gibraltar, Malta, Minorca so often taken and lost in the last century, Sicily, so remarkable a scene of English in- fluence in the early dajs of the present century, all bring us within the actual range of Carthaginian power. Malta and Gozo indeed, richer than any other spots in Phoenician antiquities, keeping, not indeed the tongue of the Phoeni- cian, but the kindred tongue of the Saracen conquerors of * I remember being much struck with the first page of a book Avhich 1 saw at New York— I saw only the first page undei' a glass case, and I forgot to carry off the name. A Latin panegj^rist of Charles the Fifth magnifies him for having won for himself a new Empire in America equal to his old Empire in Europe. Here is the same general idea carried out in another direction. 12 CARTHAGE. [Essay Sicily, seem to stand as a special memorial of the two ag-es of Semitic dominion in the Mediterranean. Cyprus again brings us, if not within the immediate range of Carthaofo, yet within the general range of Phoenicia ; and the English bombardment of Algiei-s, if less striking in itself, not touching the immediate land of Carthage, was a worthier wcrk in the world's history than the Spanish conquest of Tunis. But, just as in the case of Spain, the more instructive side of the comparison between England and Carthage lies outside the old Carthaginian world. England indeed, with her settlements and possessions, her colonies dependent and independent, scattered over the whole world of Oceau,is truly a living representative on a vaster scale of the Phoenician city with her possessions and settlements scattered over the Western Mediterranean. The Empire of India, held by an European island, calls up the thought of the dominion in Spain once held by an African city. And in some points the dominion of England seems to come nearer to that of Carthage than the dominion of Spain ever did, while in other points the course of English settlement rather carries us back to the older Phoenician days before Carthage was. One point is that the spread of Carthaginian and of English power, as being in each case the advance of a people, have more in common with each other than either has with the advance of Spain under her despotic kings. But the higher side of English colonization has more in common with the earlier days of Phoenician settlement than it has with the Car- thaginian dominion. The old Phoenician settlements grew up in Spain, in Africa, in Sicily, just as English settlements grew up in America, Australia, and New Zealand. In both cases men went forth to find new homes for an old folk, and to make the life of the old folk grow up in the new hoine. But the settlements and conquests of Carthage had all a view to trade or dominion. She conquered, she planted, but with a view only to her own power. It was no part of her policy to encourage the growth of new seats of the common stock, formally or practically independent of the I.] PARALLEL WITH ENGLAND. 13 one great city. It was rather her object to bring the other Phcenician cities, her sisters, some certainly her elder sisters, into as great a measure of subjection or dependence on herself as she could compass. In her struggle with Rome her Pha'nician sisters turned against her. She had done nothing to make herself loved either at distant Gades or at neighbouring Utica. To this last form of dominion or supremacy, the rule of one commonwealth over other equal or older common- wealths of the same stock, the relations of the modern world supply no exact parallel."^ But both England and Spain have at different times dealt, if not with sister states, yet with daughter states, too much after the manner of Carthage. The result all the world knows. One hope at least there is, that this peculiar form of national folly is not likely ever to be repeated. We cannot foretell what is to be. How long a barbaric empire may be kept, to whom it may pass if it fails to be kept, are matters at which it is dangerous even to guess. We have had, like Carthage, our War of the Mercenaries, with the difference that we have not had it at our own gates. As for the nearer question of our own flesh and blood in distant lands, the tie between the mother-land and its still dependent settlements may abide or it may be peacefully snapped. There is at least no fear of a new Bunker Hill, a new Saratoga, or a new Yorktown, between men of English blood and speech. Among all the great powers of the past, Phoenician Car- thage seems to stand alone, in being simply a memory, in having had no direct effect on the later history of the world. * It must be remembered that in saying this we are speaking of a very modern world indeed. The relation of ruling and subject cities and lands was in full force in Switzerland till 1798, and traces of it lasted till 1830. I suppose that the condominium of Hamburg and Liibeck, over the district of Vierlande, has hardly lived through 1866 : but it was in being in 1865. Middlesex perhaps did not know that it was a subject district to London ; but it was till the very last changes. 14 CARTHAGE. [Essay It needs no effort to point out the endless ways in which Eome and Athens have influenced mankind for all time. Their impress is not only undying, but it is visible at the first glance. We see at once that the world that now is could not have been what it is, if Rome or Athens had never been. The law of Rome, the tongue and the thoughts of Greece, are essential parts of the civilization of modern Europe. But to Carthage, as far as we can see, we owe nothing. Directly we certainly owe nothing ; indirectly Carthage has changed the history of the world in whatever proportion the history of Rome must have been other than what it actually was if Carthage had never been. To Carthage as Carthage, to the great seafaring power of the Western Mediterranean, we owe absolutely nothing. Car- thage has had no effect on the speech, the law, the religion, the art, the general culture, of modern Europe. There is no such thing as a Carthaginian book. What would we not give for a record of the campaigns of Hamilkar and Hannibal in their own tongue ? And we feel this the more keenly when we remember that all this, so true of Carthage as Carthage, is eminently untrue of the Semitic folk as a whole, that is only very partially true of the particular Phoenician folk. ' The letters Cadmus gave' were a boon of the kinsfolk of Carthage, though no boon of Carthage herself. And if we have no Carthaginian books, if we can hardly say that we have any Phoenician books, yet in the tongue of Carthage and Phoenicia, in the tongue common to Solomon and Hiram, we have books indeed. It is truly wonderful how, while other Semitic races, the Hebrew and the Arab, have influenced the world on a scale equal to that of Greece and Rome, the Phoenician has given us his one sift and has vanished, and that that form of the Phoenician which played the most brilliant part in the world's history has vanished without giving us any gift at all. The Saracen who swept away the younger Carthage has been our master in some things. The Phoenician wlio founded the elder Carthago has been our master in nothing, save I.] NO DIRECT INFLUENCE ON THE WORLD. 15 in the warnings, many and grave, which the history of his scattered dominion may give to us into whose hands a dominion of the Hke sort has fallen. It is then a disappointment, and yet we feel that there is a certain fitness in tlie disappointment, when we stand on the site of Carthage, and feel how completely even the younger Carthage has become a memory and nothing more. Above all, if we come from any of the great Sicilian sites, from Syracuse or Girgenti or Selinunto, Carthage does indeed seem barren. Cities which alongside of the might of Carthage were but dust in the balance, Segesta and Tyndaris and Taormina, have more to show than the queenly mistress of the western seas. There is, as a matter of fact, a good deal to be seen at Carthage besides the actual site. There is something above the ground ; there is a great deal that has been brought to light below the ground, and more diggings may be expected to reveal endless stores. But almost everything has to be looked for ; there is nothing that at once forces itself on the eye as a living witness of what has been. There is no great building, perfect or in ruins, nothing like the Pillars of the Giants at Selinunto, nothing like the still standing temples of Psestum and Girgenti. There is no long extent of wall to be tracked out, like the primseval walls of Ferentino or of Cefalu,* like the finished walls of Dionysios at Syracuse and at Tyndaris. And there is the further thought that, if there were such things, they could be memorials only of the city which the younger Cnesar set up, not of the city which the j-ounger Scipio overthrew. The Carthage of Hannibal, at all events, can be got at only by digging. The site, we at once feel, is well-suited for a great seafaring city ; we see still better that it is so when we learn the changes which have happened in the rela- tions of land and water. But it is not one of the sites * I should perhaps rather say CepJialcedium, as Norman Cefalu is down below. 16 CARTHAGE. [Essat which at once strike the eye. It is not one of those spots which make us say that, if great things did not happen there, they ought to have happened. Among the Sici- lian sites it, would best go with Himera, Selinous, and Kamarina, towns on hills of moderate height above the sea. Carthage sat on no such proud seat as Girgenti lut it is the first showing of our race in the history of the world. The men against whom he fought, unlike those against whom Stilicho fought, had come too soon. Rome was not ready for them nor they for Rome ; there was no place yet in the world for an Ataulf, a Theodoric, or a Charles ; that they miglit come, the Dictator and Cfiesar Auorustus had to come first. There was therefore no disci- pline for the men who had risen too early in the morning of the history of their race, save to be scourged back again like those who rose in the games before their turn. Their only fate was to be cut off at AqutB Sextise and on the Raudian fields. And truly there came not such a day as the day of Aquae Sextise till a new time had come, when Roman and Teuton had alike grown to their full growth. By that day they had so far forgotten old quarrels that they could march side by side against a foe that threatened both, and threatened all that had meanwhile become com- mon to both. On the day of Aquae Sextiae, Gaius Marius, consul of Rome, saved Rome and the earlier civilization of Europe from Teutonic invaders. On the day of the Catalaunian fields a Roman patrician and a Gothic king had to do their work in partnership. The part of Gaius Marius was divided between Aetius and the first Theodoric. Roman and Teuton, Catholic and Arian, had to fight for their common Europe, their common Christendom, against the Asiatic heathen. Nay the heathen Frank himself, Aryan and European if not Christian, could be welcomed into the great fellowship, to strike at least a blow for Woden and Thunder against the uncouth idols of Attila. But without 56 AQVu^ SEXTIJ^. [Essay striving to set those two great deliverances in rivalry with one another, it is certainly the work of Marius, rather than the work of Aetius, which has the nearest claim to a local habitation. Without presuming to fix the exact place of his victory, we may safely assume that Aix has more right in it than Chalons has in the other. The battle of Marius is called dirt' ctly from the town ; it is therefore not likely to have been fought very far from it ; the battle of Aetius and Theoduric simply bears the name which the tribe has given alike to the city and to the district. It is not the fight of Chalons, but the fight of the Catalaunian fields. One would not be very far wrong if one spoke of the battle of the campi Catalaunici as the battle of all Champagne. We come then with our heads full of the historic name of Aquse Sextise, and we are a little disappointed to find that there is very little of Aquse SexticB there. That so it is doubtless partly comes of the fact that the modern and the ancient town do not occupy exactly the same site. Yet it must not be forgotten that change of site has some- times, as in the case of Vesona and Pdrigueux, an opposite effect. That so much of Vesona — the second Roman Vesona — still abides as Perigueux is largely because Pdrigueux shifted its site from that second V^esona to the Ptiy Saint- Front. Here too the first Roman town grew up at the foot of the elder site of Entremont, on the site, that is, of the Sextian Waters. This town is said to have been destroyed in a Saracen inroad in 738. Then the eldest metropolitan church perished, but the succession of bishops went on, and the town gradually rose again, but with a somewhat shifted site. The elder town, the town of towers (ville des tours), lay to the west side of the present city, in what is now the quarter of the Minims, and it grew to its present extent by gradually annexing several suburbs or rather distinct towns. There was the town of the counts, the v'die comtule, occupying the mid part of the present town, and marked by the palace of justice. And there was the III. LOCAL STORIES. hourg SaintSauveur, so called from a small Christian oratory which in very early times sprang up in the near neighbourhood of a pagan temple outside the walls, a temple which in after days it supplanted. The counts' town, a town with walls of its own, had no church within those walls ; another church, the Madeleine, since removed to another site, stood without them. The three towns together could have occupied no very great space ; they all lay on the north side of the Grand Cours, the wide planted street (for a boulevard in strictness it is not) which is such a striking feature of modern Aix and divides it into two parts. Such is the local story ; of the first metropolitan church of which it speaks it is hard to say anything. Some Roman remains are said to be left on its site, but the site is occu- pied by a convent of devout ladies, into whose precincts no profane Aktaion or Cludius may hope to pry. But we gather that its ancient title was Notre Dame de la Seds. The see is not an uncommon name for the episcopal church both in Southern Gaul and in Spain, It was, we think, at Tarbes that we first heard the name. Having heard it, we added it to a little stock of such names, now that modern fashion, ever bent on getting rid of local colouring, will abide nothing: but the monotonous ' cathedral,' Let the nee of Aix, though it be there no longer, live at least in memory alongside of the still abiding abbey of Durham and minster of Lincoln, Towards the end of the eleventh century, when the fallen city was again looking up a little, the series of events began which led to the translation of the metropolitan throne of Aquse Sextise from Our Lady of the See to the church of Saint Saviour. As yet that church was only the primitive oratory, or whatever later building had arisen on its site. Local faith believed it to be the genuine work of the apostle of Aix, the specially reverenced Saint Maximin, one of the holy company who came to Provence in company with the sisters of Bethany, Modern belief will hardly go so far as this ; but that a very ancient church stood on thi- 58 AQUuE SEXTIJi. [Essay site there is no reason to doubt, and our grandfathers might have been more certain about the matter. The church of Saint Saviour, and the quarter to which it gave its name, the houvg as it was afterwards called, stood on higher uround than any within the present compass of Aix. It stood on ground which, whether within the ancient city or not, is shown by existing remains to have been covered by Roman buildings of no small importance. It is said to have lain outside the walls alike of the ville des tour^ and of the Ville comtale. But it is added that its inhabitants, according to the fashion of the time, had turned the ruins of the temple into something of a fortress for their defence. To this site the primates of Aix in the eleventh century were minded to move their episcopal chair, and between 1060 and 1103 the first step towards the completion of the plan was carried out l)y the building of a new and larger church of Saint Saviour. The work is attributed mainly to the agency of Benedict, the head of the canons of Aix, who, in this Imperial land, bore the title of Provost. And all honour to Provost Benedict, and all shame to the reformers of the nineteenth century. As far as he is concerned, we might have been able to study at Saint Saviour's a piece of Romanesque building more ancient than his own. He so built his church as to keep the ancient oratory as an attached chapel. Will it be believed that this precious relic was pulled down, not by Saracens, not by Huguenots, not by men of the Terror, but by the first archbishop after the concordat, Avhen the church was re- stored to holy uses after its desecration as a Temple of Reason 1 To the new-built church Provost Benedict and the canons now removed ; from this time, we presume, the church of Saint Saviour must be looked on as the metropolitan church of Aix. The houvg grew and became populous, under the temporal lordship of the chapter. But the arch- bishops did not move with their chapter ; for more than two hundred years longer they still kept their old quarters III.] THE METROPOLITAN CHURCH. 59 in the v'dle des tours; it was not till 1331 that the new archiepiscopal palace by Saint Saviour's was finished. Why was this? We may suspect that the rille des tours, like the old cite of Perigueux, was sinking into a faid)ourraesenti8e tute prse ceteris fruitur.' v.] PANEGYRIC OF CONSTANTINE. 97 of the Julii of the elder line. So had Florence by the banks of Arno ; so had Pola in the Istrian peninsula. But the newer city of the iEdui had now a name, less ancient, but, it is implied, more glorious. She was now Flavia, the city of the princes who had called her into a second beinjj.* The discourses of this courtly orator, while supplying some of our materials, such as they are, for the general history of the time, supply our very best materials for the local history of his own city in the days when Augusto- dunum rejoiced to be called Flavia. In his day, in his pages, Autun fully makes good her claim to be counted as one of the same group, though assuredly the least member of the group, with Spalato, Trier, and Ravenna. That group might fairly be looked on as stretching from York to Nikomedeia ; but it is the sisterhood of Trier and Autun which is naturally the theme of the ^Eduan pane- gyrist haranguing in the Treveran palace. The bounty of Constantino had enabled Autun to put on the likeness of Trier. And it certainly is remarkable that, among all the cities of central and northern Gaul, these are the two which to this day stand out most conspicuously for the number and grandeur of their abiding Roman buildings. But the special glory of which Autun was specially to boast itself, the possession of the Flavian name, has utterly passed away; but for the witness of Eumenius itself, the world might have wholly forgotten that Autun had ever * The Gratiarum Actio ends as it begins : ' Omnium sis licet dominus urbium, omnium nationum, nos tamen etiam nomen accepimus tuum, jam non antiquum. Bibracte quidem hue usque dicta est Julia, Pola, Florentia ; sed Flavia est civitas ^Eduorum.' There has been a vast deal of disputing over this passage, which may be seen in the opening chapter of the ' Notice Historique sur Autun,' in the edition of Eumenius at the head of this article. M. Rochet, like others before him, labours hard to prove that Bibracte was called Pola and Florentia. But the plain meaning is ; ' Bibracte may be Julia, like Pola [Pietas Julia], Florence, and many other places.' See also Bouquet, i. 24. H 98 AUGUSTODUNUM. [Essay borne it. Autun has been for ages as little used to the name Flavia as Trier has been used to the name of Augusta. But, while Trier cast aside its Imperial title altogether, Autun threw aside a later Imperial title to fall back on an earlier one, Avhich has lived on, with a mere contraction, to this day. Augusta Treverorum has for ages been simply Treverls or Trier; Augustodunum is to this day Autun. And the difference in the history of the names points to some important differences in the history of the two cities. The iEdui, friends and brothers, as they delighted to be called, of the Roman people, held the highest place among the nations of central Gaul. Their friendship and brother- hood was acknowledged by the Romans themselves. It was a special badge of distinction. Rome had many allies ; the .^dui were her only brothers.* The brothers of Rome were naturally the first among the nations of Gaul to find their way into the Roman Senate. Such a privilege as this is naturally made the most of by the ^duan orator speaking before the throne of Constantine. Rome had had other faithful allies ; but they had become her allies from motives of self-interest. Saguntum had sought the alliance of Rome in hopes of enlarging her own dominion in Spain. Massalia had sought it in hopes of winning Roman protec- tion against barbarian neighbours. The Mamertines in Sicily, boasted children of Mars, the people of Ilios, boasted metropolis of Rome, had striven to assert a kindred with Rome by dint of cunningly devised fables. The ^Edui alone had, neither out of fear nor out of flattery, but of their own free will, become the brethren of Rome on equal terms by willing adoption.f Rome and Autun, in the * Strabo, iv. 3 : ol he Alhovoi Ka\ triiyyefers' 'Pu)fiai(i)v wvojid^ovTo Koi TrpatToi TOiv TavT'i TTpocrijXOov Tvpos Ti]U cjiLXiai' Kill (Tvixjxa)(^iav. Ct. Tacitus, Annals, xl. 25. t Gi-atiarum Actio, 3 : * Fuit olim Saguntus fceclerata, sed cum jam taedio Punici belli novare imperium omnis cuperet Hispania ; fuit amica Massilia ; protegi se majestate Komana gratulabatur ; impu- tavere se originc fiibulosa in Sicilia Maniertini, in Asia llienses ; soli v.] THE jJtWUL 99 ideas of the orator of Autun, were sister cities of equal dignity. We must remember that, now that all subjects of the Empire were alike Romans, the local Rome had lost somewhat of her pre-eminence. It may be that Eumenius himself would have shrunk from uttering such words, had he been speaking in the immediate presence of the Capitoline Jupiter to a prince born and bred among the associations of the Tiber and the Palatine. No such feelings checked the local patriotism of a Gaulish orator speaking on Gaulish soil, returning thanks to an Emperor to whom the Palatine was as yet an unknown hill and the Tiber an unknown stream. He who now held his court by the Mosel had drawn his first breath by the Morava, and had been proclaimed Augustus by the Ouse. The ^Edui. sharing equal love and equal dignity with their Roman brethren, had by that brotherhood drawn on them the envy of other Gaulish nations. They had borne the brunt of German invasion in the cause of their brethren. In their need they had sought for Roman help. An -^duan orator, pleading the brotherly covenant in the Roman Senate, had refused the offered seat in that assemblage of kings, and had chosen rather to make his speech in warrior's guise, leaning on his shield.* It was by -^duan invitation that Ctesar had crossed the Rhone ; it was by ^duan help of every kind that Caesar and Rome had advanced to the dominion of Gaul. It was they who, adding to Rome whatever they won from barbarian neigh- ^dui, non metu territi, non adulatione compulsi, sed ingenua et simplici caritate fratres populi Romani crediti sunt, appellarique meruerunt ; quo nomine, prseter cetera necessitudinum vocabula, et comniunitas anions apparet et dignitatis sequalitas.' [So too the descendants of the mixed multitude which Agathokles planted at his Dikaiopolis soon became true Trojans of Segesta, and as such, claimed and received the favour of their Latin kinsfolk.] * Gratiarum Actio, 3: 'Princeps iEduus in senatuni veait, rem docuit ; cum quidem oblato consessu, minus sibi vindicasset quam dabatur, scuto innixus, peroravit. Impetrata ope, Romanum exer- citum Cajsaremque eis Rhodanum primus induxit.' See Merivale, i. 276. H 2 100 AUGUSTODUNUM. [Essay bours, had brought all the Celtic and Belgian tribes, all the lands between the Rhine, the Ocean, the Alps, and the Pyrenees, within the blessings of the Roman peace.* If we turn to Ca?sar's own Commentaries, we shall find that this is a somewhat rose-coloured picture of the rela- tions between the Roman people and their Gaulish brethren. The general result is perhaps not unfairly stated. The merit or demerit of making Gaul a part of the Roman dominion must certainly be allotted to the iEduan nation. But the undoubting trust on the part of the Roman, the unswerving loyalty on the part of the Gaul, which we might infer from the picture of Eumenius, are hardly to be found in the narrative of Csesar. We shall there see that the brethren were quite capable of playing a double part against each other, and that the ^dui, as well as other people, revolted and had to be subdued before the Roman Peace became an abiding thing. f We see among them the same party struggles as among other nations ; we see the friends of Rome and her enemies, and we see her friends and enemies among those who were brothers in a more literal sense than Romans and .^duans were. There is Dumnorix, the ever-plotting enemy of Rome ; there is the hero of the tale of Eumenius, nameless in the pages of the panegyrist, but who lives in those of C?esar and Cicero by the famous name of Divitiacus. The Druid, skilled in the lore of his own people, who sojourned at Rome, the friend of her greatest orator and her greatest captain, the lover of Roman arts and culture, the steady ally of Rome and of Caesar, the intercessor for the brother who withstood them,J * Gratiarum Actio. 3 : '^'lOdui totum istucl quod Rheno, Oceano, Pyrenaiis montibus, cunctis Alpihus continetur Romano imperio tradi- derunt, hibernis hospitaliter prjebitis, suppeditatis largiter commeati- bus, armis fabricandis, pedestribus equitumque copiis auxiliantibus. Ita in unam pacem societis omnibus Celtarum Belganimque jiopulis, eripuere barbaris quidrjuid junxei'e Romanis.' Compare the more moderate statement of Strabo, iv. 3. + See Cajsar, Bell. Gall. vii. 42. 1 Ibid. i. 20. v.] DUMNORIX AND DIVITIACUS. 101 is, in all things save one, a type of his people. It is strange, as Dr. Merivale notes, that so firm a friend of Rome, a missionary in some sort of Roman culture, had no mastery of the Latin tongue, and had, on solemn occasions at least, to speak to his Roman friends by the mouth of an inter- preter. * But we are well pleased to make the acquaintance of the ^duan people in the form of clearly marked person- alities like those of Divitiacus, Dumnorix, and Liscus. We get too some constitutional details of the ^Eduan common- wealth. Jealous indeed were the ^duan people of the overweening ascendency of any man or any family among them. The chief magistrate, the Vergohret, was chosen for a year, and, however long he survived his year of office, none of his house could be again chosen during his lifetime. But party influence sometimes overcame law among the .^duans, no less than among their Italian brothers. When the .^duan Cotus claimed to fill the highest post in the i^duan state by an irregular succession to his own brother, he might have defended the breach of local law by the example of Gains Marius, who had so often held the Roman consulship in yet more irregular succession to himself, f * Bell. Gall. i. 19 : ' Divitiacum ad se vocari jubet [Caesar], et quoti- dianis interijretibus remotis, per C. Valerium Procillum, principem Gallise jDroviucise, familiarem suum, qui summarn rei'um omnium fidem habebat, cum eo colloquitur.' This plainly shows (see Merivale, i. 276j that Divitiacus could not speak Latin [at least such Latin as would befit the ears of Caesar]. Cicero's witness is given in his De Divina- tione, i. 41 : ' In Gallia Druidse sunt, e quibus ipse Divitiacum J^^duuni hospitem tuum laudatorumque cognovi, qui et naturae rationem quam physiologiam Graeci appellant notam esse sibi profitebatur ; et, partini auguriis, partim conjectura, quae assent futura dicebat.' t Ibid. i. 16 : ' Summus magistratus quem vergobretum appellant .^dui, qui creatur annuus, et vitae necisque in suos habet potestatem." The law against re-election comes out in vii. 32, 33. There were two rival vergobrets, as there have sometimes been rival governors in some American states : ' Summo esse in periculo rem, quod, cum singuU magistratus antiquitus creari atque regiam potestatem annum obtinere consuessent, duo magistratum gerant, et se uterque eorum legibus creatum esse dicat.' Of these Cotus had succeeded his own brother, and had been appointed in an irregular assembly. 102 AUGUSTODUNUM. [Essay The primacy of the j3Eduan state among the nations of central Gaul was not always undisputed.* The -^dui had standing rivals in the Arverni, the people of the volcanic land of Auvergne. In the revolutions which come within Caesar's own narrative, the first place passes to and fro between the -^dui and their neighbours beyond the Arar or Saone, the Sequani, the people of the later Burgundian county. t Like the other leading nations of Gaul, like their Roman brethren themselves, the ^dui were at the head of a following of other tribes, whom Caesar, borrowing a word from the domestic rather than the foreign relations of his own city, speaks of as their clients. J An ^duan political inquirer might have given no higher name to Samnites and Etruscans, as they stood before the arms of Sulla gave either citizenship or destruction to all Italy. iEduan dominion or headship was thus spread over a large extent of central Gaulish territory. The land of the ruling i"ace and of their confederates or subjects occupied a great part of the course of the Saone and the Loire. It is not without a certain fitness that the modern department which contains their capital bears the name of those two rivers. But that modern department, though it marks the later centre of the nearer ^duan power, takes in only a small part of the ^Eduan Caesar therefore, when appealed to, deposed him. ' Quum leges duos ex una familia, vivo utroque, non solum magistratus creari viarent. sed etiam in senatu esse jirohiberent.' His rival Convictolitanes. ' qui per sacerdotes, more civitatis, intermissis magistratibus, esset creatus, potestatem obtinere jussit.' * Pomponius Mela (iii. 2) marks their position very emphatically : 'Aquitanonim clarissimi sunt Ausci, Celtainim ^dui, Belgarum Treveri, urbesque opulentissimse, in Treveris Augusta, in jEduis Augustodunum, in Auscis Climberrum.' See the note in Bouquet, i. 51. We are concerned only with Augusta and Augustodunum. t Bell. Gall. vi. 12. The result of the changes is ' Ut longi principes haberentur ^dui, secundum locum dignitatis Remi obtine- rent.' The Sequani are thus altogether put aside. See Strabo, iv. 3, where he makes an odd confusion as to the rivers Saone and Doubs. X Bell. Gall. vi. 12: 'Summa auctoritas antiquitus erat in iEduis, magna^que eorum erant clientelse.' He goes on using the word as a technical term, as it seems to have become with modern historians. v.] USE OF THE jEDUAN NAME. 103 dominion. In those various degrees of alliance and depen- dence which came under the name of ' clientship,' that dominion stretched over the land from the dwellings of the Turones on the one hand to those of the Ambani on the other. In more familiar geography, it took in Tours at one end, and Bresse and Forez on the other ; it had what was to be Anjou for a neighbour on one side, and what was to be Savoy for a neighbour on the other. Yet, while most of the tribes of noithern and central Gaul still survive on the map in the names of modern cities, the great nation of the iEdui has left no trace in the name of either city or district. As the Treveri survive at Trier, so do the Turones at Tours, the Senones at Sens, the Bituriges alike in Bourges the city and in Beri^ the land. But the ^dui have vanished. Their name is in constant use in mediaeval documents ; but it is easy to see that it is only in artificial use. In the long records of the church of Autun, the name of Autun, in either its earlier or its later shape, is far less commonly used than phrases like '^dua civitas,"ecclesia^duensis.'* But the fact that, contrary to rule, the name of the city, not the name of the tribe, has lived on in modern times shows that formulae like these must always have been in the nature of archaisms. The reason why the city of the ^Edui did not follow the same law of nomenclature as the cities of the Bitu- riges, the Senones, and so many others of their neighbours, is not far to seek, f Avaricum was the city of the Bitu- riges, Agenticum Avas the city of the Senones ; so to be * This will be seen at once by turning over the pages of the cartulary of the church of Autun ; but the opposite result will come in looking through the narratives, historical and legendary, in the second volume of Bouquet. ' Augustodunum ' and 'Augustidunum ' are the usual forms. ' Urbs jEdua,' ' civitas ^Eduoruni,' are found, but seemingly only in the high polite style, as in the second Life of Saint Leodgar (Bouquet, ii. p. G30j. t This, of comse, applies only to the capital of each nation ; smaller posts constantly kept their local names, as in the iEduan land itself ' Autissiodonim ' and ' Nevernum ' remain in the form of Auxerre and Nevers. 104 AUGUSTODUNUM. [Essay was the cause of their being. The tribe name was greater than the city name, and it gradually supplanted it. Augus- todunum, like CtEsarodunum among the Turones, is a name of a different class, a class which bear the direct Roman and Imperial stamp. Such names have often survived, as Aureliani in the form of Orleans, Constantia in the form of Coutances ; though the instance of Csesarodunum itself, more renowned under the illustrious name of Tours, proves that the rule is not invariable. And the name of Augusto- dunum had every chance of living. The city which bore it was the head of the ^dui, but it was something more. So Augusta Treverorum came to be, in quite another way and in a far more emphatic sense, something very much more than the head of the Treveri. Still Trier, dwelling- place of Emperors, was itself the old Gaulish post, which had grown into a Roman and an Imperial city. It began as the city of the Treveri in every sense, and it remained so amidst all its added greatness. But Autun was not in this sense the city of the ^Edui. To Trier Augusta was a mere surname ; Augustodunum was from the beginning the personal name, so to speak, of the city which bore it. That city was not a Gaulish hill-fort, occupied as a military post, and so gradually growing into a Roman town ; it was a new city on a new site, deliberately laid out from the beginning on a great scale, and meant to hold, as a Roman city, a high place among the cities of Gaul. It was the head of the ^dui, but it was not the old head of the yEdui ; it was not the traditional spot to which the tribe name would traditionally cleave. It was ' -^duorum civitas ; ' but it was so only in an official and rhetorical sense, not in the full sense in which, as Augusta was ' Treverorum civitas,' so Agenticum was ' Senonum civitas.' Augusto- dunum, the Roman city, had supplanted the older Gaulish head of the tribe in its rank and honours. In other words, Autun is Augustodunum ; in a sense it is ' vEduorum civitas ; ' but there is another spot whicli was ' /Eduorum civitas ' in a sense in which Aut^ustodunum was not. The v.] POSITION OF AUGUSTODUNUM. 105 Flavia of Eumenius is quite distinct from the Julia of Eumenius ; in other words, Augustodunum is not Bibracte. The name Augustodunum proclaims itself without further question to be later than the days of the Dictator. The towns within the iEduan land which find a place in Caesar's story are Bibracte and Noviodunum. Of the many places bearing this latter name which are to be found in Gaulish geography, the one with which we are now con- cerned is the post on the Loire which afterwards bore the name of Nivernum or Nevers. The eye of Csesar had marked the advantages of the site, where the hill, in after days to be crowned by the church of the bishops and the palace of the dukes of Nevers, rises close above the rushing flood of the greatest of purely Gaulish rivers.* Here he had gathered together all his stores, his horses, hostages, corn, money, and baggage of every kind. But they were gathered together only to become the prey of the revolted iEduans, to be parted out or carried away to Bibracte, the capital of the nation, f Bibracte appears over and over again as the head of the ^Eduan nation ; J it is at one stage the meeting-place of the enemies of Rome, § at another stage the winter quarters of Caesar himself. || When Strabo wrote, it is Cabillo that appears as the city of ^dui, but Bibracte is still deemed worthy of mention * Bell. Gall. vii. 55 : ' Noviodunum erat oppidum Jjlduorum ad rii^as Ligeris opportuno loco positum.' So Dio, xl. 38, where the Greek form is Noouio8oi;j/()j/, a spelling of some little importance in the history of the Latin letter V. This ^duan Noviodunum must be distinguished from other places of the same name in Cajsar's narrative. + Bell. Gall. vii. 55. X Ibid. i. 23 : ' Bibracte, oppidum ^Eduorum longe maximum et copiosissimum.* vii. 55 : ' Bibracte, quod est oppidum apud eos maximae auctoritatis.' § Ibid. vii. 63. II Strabo, iv. 3 : Al8ova>v Wvos, ttoXiv i'xov Ka^vWivov eVl tco Apapi. Koi