f LIBRARY "^
UNIVERSITY OF
CALIFORNIA
, SAN DIEGO I
1
7
HISTOEIOAL ESSAYS
HISTORICAL ESSAYS
EDWARD A. FREEMAN, M.A., Hon. D.C.L. & LL.D.
KEGIUS PKOFESSOK OF MODEKX HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITT OF OXFORD
FOURTH SERIES
Eontion
M A C M I L L A N AND CO.
AND NEW YORK
1892
I'l'/ic liiijhl of Traiiskilion and Rcprodncl'wii is Ue.icrvcf].']
O;cfor&
HORACE HART, PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY
PREFACE
The present collection of Essays, though all may, I
think, fairly come under the head of ' historical,' is some-
what more varied in character than the three volumes
which have gone before it. The pieces now reprinted do
not illustrate any one great portion of history in the way
that each of those volumes did. Some, chiefly those put
early in the volume, are essentially of the same class as
those essays in the former volumes in which I took some
particular place, and tried to point out at once its own
local character and its position in the history of the world.
But there is one only which is written exactly on the same
pattern. The paper headed ' Augustodunum ' belongs to
the same group as those in the third volume which dealt
with Trier, Kavenna, Spalato, and Palermo. Autun can
hardly pretend to an equal interest with those cities ; but
the interest which it has is exactly the same in kind. That
essay ought to have gone along with its fellows; only it was
not written till after the Third Series was collected. And
it is likely to be the last, as I am sorry to say that the
British Quarterly Review, in which the series appeared, has
gone the way of the National and North British Reviews.
The other pieces of the same general kind, as those on
Orange, Aix, Perigueux and Cahors, and Carthage itself,
were written for periodicals where they could not be treated
quite on the same scale. They therefore do not represent
so much actual research as the series which ends with
PBEFACE.
Angustodimum ; but I trust that what work there is in them
is real work as far as it goes. At an 3^ rate I was amused with
a saying of one of those newspaper critics whose odd re-
marks often open to us new views of human nature. The
paper on Perigueux and Cahors was pronounced to be ' too
learned for a holiday article.' I am not sure that I quite
grasp the definition of a ' holiday article ' ; but I learned
that there are minds which cannot understand that the
tracing out of the features and history of a city may be as
truly a scientific business to one man as the study of the
surrounding y?ora and fauna is to another.
To these more or less local pieces the paper on ' English
and French Towns ' seemed to make a good introduction.
I also grouped with them a few others, as ' Alter Orbis,' and
' Points in the History of Portugal and Brazil.' The latter,
as I have explained, was an Oxford lecture, written under
somewhat peculiar circumstances. Both were suggested,
but only suggested, by passing occasions. Pieces bearing
wholly on immediate political questions or other temporary
subjects I have carefully shut out. But at the end comes
one piece which is political in a more general sense. The
essay on the House of Lords was, as I have explained in
the note to it, put together with some toil out of several
temporary pieces, each of which seemed to contain some
permanent matter. I have done the work as well as I
could ; but I fear that the result may be some repetition
and some inequality of style. A grave article in the
Encyclopaedia Britannica and a paper suggested by an
immediate political occasion have their necessary differ-
ences of treatment. To the ' House of Lords ' the essay on
'Nobility ' was a natural introduction, and the 'Growth of
Commonwealths ' did not seem out of place in the same
company. But I may add that it is only by accident that,
the paper on the ' Constitution of the German Empire '
PREFACE.
appears as a separate essay. It was meant to be a mere
note to that on the ' Growth of Commonwealths.'
Between these two, as I hope, fairly solid masses at each
end, I have ventured to throw in a few slighter pieces from
the Saturday Review, a few out of many contributed to that
paper from its beginning to the year 1878. I put them
forth as a kind of experiment, hardly knowing whether
they are really worth preserving as separate pieces ; I have
used several already as notes to longer essays in other
volumes. No one will look for full treatment of any sub-
ject on so small a scale ; but it has sometimes struck me
that a short paper of that kind now and then brings out
a particular thought or point of view more forcibly than a
longer one.
I have as usual to thank several editors and publishers
for leave to reprint the pieces in which they have an
interest. And I have further to thank Mr. C. W. C. Oman
of All Souls College for valuable help in revising the essays
on ' Endish Civil Wars ' and the ' Battle of Wakefield.'
16 Saint Giles, Oxford,
January 22, 1892.
CONTENTS
PAGE
53
69
94
I. Carthage {Contemporary Review, September 1890) 1
II. Fkench and English Towns {Longman' s Magazine,
May 1884, and Saturday Review, Nov. 14, 1868) 25
Appendix — Roman Antiquities in Gaul and
Britain {Saturday Review, August 1, 1868) 49
III. Aqu.e Sexti.e {Macmillans Magazine, September
1886)
IV. Oeange {Macmillan's Magazine, February 1875)
V. AuGUSTODUNUM {British Quarterly Review, Jul\
1881) .
VI. Perigueux and Cahok^^ {Contemporary Review,
1886) 131
\n. The Lords of Akdbes {British Quarterly Review,
January 1880) 159
VIII. Points in the History of Portugal and Brazil 199
IX. Alter Orbis {CotUemporary Revieu^, June 1882) .219
X. Historical Cycles {Saturday Review, February 20,
1869) 249
XI. Augustan Ages {Saturday Review, October 23.
1869) 258
XII. English Civil Wars {Saturday Rcvieu:, April 13,
1872) '-66
CONTENTS.
PAGE
XIII. Thk Battlm (U' \Vaki;i'iki,I) {Salnrddi/ Juvieu:,
MiVY 4, 1872) 27o
XIV. National Pkospekity and tiii; Iikfokmaxion
(.S'r?7!?Wa// AV(v>w, Au.oust 115. 18G8) . . 284
XV. Cardinal Polk (Satunlai/ Jievictc, Novciiilfer 20,
1869) 293
XVI. Akchbishup Parklh {iSatiinfaij Review, June .1
uud June 8, 1872) .304
XVII. Decayed EoR()Uc;hs (^Saturdai/ Reviev:, July 22,
1871) 317
XVIII. The Cask of the Deaneky of Exeter {Law
Quarterly lleviexv, July 1887) .... 320
XIX. The Growth of Commonwealths {Fortnighthi
Revieiv, Octobei' 1873) ..... 353
XX. The Constitution of the German Empire
[Saturday Review, July 29, 1871) . . . 389
XXI. Nobility [Encyclopcedia Britumiica) . . . 398
XXII. The House of Lords (^Encyclojxudia Rritannica.
art. Peerage ; Fortnightly Review, YtA)\\x\w\ 1883,
!N[ay, 1888 ; CoiUemporury Revlevj, Octoljcr 1884 ;
Sidijccln of the Dai/, No. 4, I8dl) . .425
INDEX 503
ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS
1). 24 note, for latest mul later.
p. 32 line 7 from bottom, /o»- see read say.
p. 220 1. 20, M Fiftli read Third.
p. 224 I. 1:"), (h'h comma ajtei- enough.
p. 234 1. 4 from bottom, for isle read island.
p. 253 note 1. 5, far has read had.
p. 262 1. 2, after he read means.
p. 324 1. 16, put semicolon after Portreeves.
p. 347, after 1. 12 read during the vacancy of the archbishopric, and in
the next line dele Archbishop.
p. 353 note, for horrors read hoj-ror.
p. 361 1. 7 from bottom. It may be said that something of this kind
was done in the appointment of the decemvirs. But it is hardly safe
to speak positively. It seems more likely that the decemvirate was
originally only a temporary commission, whose holders contrived to
make themselves into something like a Swaarda.
p. 416 1. 7 from bottom. While speaking of the creation of nobility
from outside in France and elsewiiere, I ought perhaps to have spoken
more distinctly of cases in which nobility could be gained by some
process other than the direct act of the sovereign. Such was the nobility
conferred in France by the possession of certain offices and by the pui--
chase of a ' noble ' estate. But I suppose that a lawyer would say that both
of these ways of reaching nobility were grants from the Crown, general
instead of particular grants. Nobility by purchase of a ' noble' estate is
something like oiu- barony by tenure, of which I speak in the last essay
in the volume.
p. 444 1. 11, pi(f comma after identity.
p. 454 1. 10. dele the year from which so many things parliamentary date.
J). 463 1. 12 from bottom, ybr cause, read causes.
I.
CARTHAGE.
There is no spot on which one more keenly feels the
mischief that has come of cutting up the study of history
into arbitrary fragments than on the site of Carthage.
There is no spot which the Unity of History may more
rightly claim as one of its choicest possessions. In the
history of the neighbouring land of Sicily the main charm
lies in the fact that the same tale has to be told twice, that
the same struggle has been fought twice. And so it is
with the city which so long played a great and fearful
part in the affairs of Sicily. Carthage has had a double
life, a double history ; and we do not take in what Carthage
has really been in the history of the world if we look at one
of those lives only. It is pardonable if, standing on the
site of Carthage, with the two lives of Carthage in our
memory, we go on to dream that a third life may perhaps
be still in store for her. It was at least a piece of news
which might call up many thoughts when we read the
other day that a successor of Cyprian had just dedicated
his newly built metropolitan church on the height which is
at once the Bozrah of Dido and the hill of Saint Lewis,
the spot from which Gaiseric ruled the seas, the spot to
which Heraclius dreamed of translating the dominion of
the elder and the younger Rome. We fail to take in the
greatness of the story of which we stand on the central
scene, unless we call up all its associations, and not the
earliest group only. Mighty men have trod the soil on
J?
2 CARTHAGE. [Essay
which we stand, and not in one age only. If Hannibal set
forth from the first Carthage to deal his heavy blows
on the elder Rome, Belisarius came from the younger
Eome to bring; back the second Carthage to her dominion.
If the first Carthage bowed to no foe till the elder
Scipio had learned the arts of Hannibal, it was from the
second Carthage that Heraclius went forth to practise
those arts on a third continent. We feel the greatness of
the site when we think of Phoenician Carthage ruling
in Sardinia and Sicily and carrying her arms to the gates
of Rome. But the feeling of its greatness comes home to us
with a twofold strength when we think how, as soon as
Carthage was again the seat of an independent power, that
power at once sprang to a position which well nigh rivalled
that which the city had held in its elder days. Teutonic
Carthage was but for a moment ; but Teutonic Carthage
too ruled in Sicily and Sardinia, and carried her arms not
only to the gates of Rome but within her walls. If the bull
of Phalaris was carried as plunder to the first Carthage, the
candlestick of Solomon was carried as plunder to the second.
If one conqueror restored the bull to Agrigcntum, another
restored the candlestick to Jerusalem. The tale loses half
its grandeur, it loses all its completeness, if we stop at the
end of its first chapter. Let it be, no one will deny it, that
Phoenician Carthage was greater than Roman Carthage.
But that Roman Carthage, once planted on the same site,
rose to no small measure of renewed greatness, is surely
the best of witnesses to the greatness of Phoenician Carthage
and to the wisdom of those who chose the site for its first
planting.
But, while we must not let the greatness of the first
Cartilage blind our eyes to the existence or to the greatness
of the second, we must freely allow that the second Carthage
is something, not only second in time, but in everything
secondary to the first. The cliarm of the second Carthage,
of the acts that were done in it or by its masters, comes
largely IVoni the fact that the first Carthage and its acts
L] THE FIRST AND THE SECOND CARTHAGE. 3
■svent before them. It is not always so with the second
state of a city. Megarian Byzantium has its own place in
history ; but its main interest is that it was the forerunner
of Constantinople. Within the world of Carthago itself,
Phoenician and Eoman Panormos counts for something ;
but it counts for little beside the glories of Saracen and
Norman Palermo. But the second Carthage lives in a
manner by the life of the first. As a power, its greatest,
indeed its only, day is its Vandal day. And the most
striking thing about the Vandal day of Carthage is that
it so wonderfully recalls its Phoenician day. It is the
purely Christian associations only that stand on a real
level with the associations of the oldest time. Cyprian
would be the same if Hamilkar and Hannibal had never
trod the ground of the Bozrah before him. Gaiseric
hardly would be.
The old Phoenician Carthage holds a place in the history
of the world which is all her own. Phoenicia stands
alone amono; nations, and Carthajje stands alone among
Phoenician commonwealths. That last is a word to be
noticed. In a glance across the historic nations it strikes
us at once that the Phoenicians are the only people beyond
the bounds of Europe who rank as the political peers of the
European nations. Aristotle, to whom the name of Rome
was barely known, whose thoughts had been in no wise
drawn to the polity of Rome, thought the constitution
of Carthage worthy of careful study, and he gives it the
tribute of no small praise. Polybios, with his wider range
of vision, makes the constitutions of Sparta, of Rome, and
of Carthage the subject of an elaborate comparison. One
is tempted to think that the Phoenicians, settled within the
Western world, within the bounds of Europe itself or of
that Africa which is truly a part of Europe, had drunk
in something of the spirit of the West, and had almost
parted company with the barbaric kingdoms of Asia. We
seem to see the change taking place by degrees. The
B 2
CARTHAGE. [Essay
Hamilkar and the Hannibal of the fifth century before
Christ, the defeated of Himera and the destroyer of Himera,
are still essentially barbarians. Their generalship does
not go beyond a blind trust, successful or unsuccessful, in
the physical force of huge multitudes. Massacre and human
sacrifice are as familiar to them as to any Eastern despot.
The Hamilkar and the Hannibal of the third century before
Christ are essentially Europeans. And they are, we need
hardl}' say, Europeans who stand alongside of, or above, the
greatest names in Greek and Italian story. It was a mere
outward sign that Carthage should adopt the coinage and
others of the arts of Greece. The Carthage of the House of
Earak had become essentially European in greater points.
Its statesmen, its generals, not only the two immeasurably
great ones, but a whole generation of them, distinctly sur-
pass those of Rome. A few great men doubtless did much
to raise the whole people ; but the fact that those great
men could arise and could find scope for their energies
in the Carthaginian commonwealth shows that the ground
was at least ready for them. Doubtless Hannibal soared
above Carthage ; doubtless Carthage soared above other
Phoenician cities. And these two truths imply as their
groundwork that Phoenicia, as a whole, soared above all
other barbarian nations. The fact that there was a Carthage,
that there was a Gades, a Hippo, an Utiea, and a Panormos,
is enough. If Carthage rose to the first place as the ruling
city, the cities of the old Phoenicia had already done some-
thing greater. They were the first colonizing cities. They
gave the Greek the model of an intelligent system of distant
settlements, as distinguished from a simple Wandering of
the Nations. And they knew, what later nations have
been so slow to learn, the way to avoid the need of Wars
of Independence, the way to bind colony and metropolis
together from the first hour of their common being. Car-
thage in her greatness still reverenced Tyre in her fall,
because Carthage from the moment of her birth had been
the child of Tyre and not her subject.
I.] HISTORIC POSITION OF PIICENICTA. 5
In truth, the mere fact that in speaking of the Old
Phoenicia we have to speak of cities marks of itself the
wide gap between Phcenicia and any other barbarian land.
No doubt the westward movement did much to quicken
the civic and political life in the Western colonies of
Phoenicia. It was in the West, as if by virtue of geo-
graphical position, that the orderly constitution of Sho2Jhet-
ivi, Senate, and People, grew up, which Aristotle and
Polybios honoured with their study, the constitution of
which it could be said that its working had never been
disturbed by a revolution or a tyranny. The Old Phoenicia
undoubtedly had kings, and their authority was sometimes
tempered by revolutions. Still the Old Phoenicia was a
system of cities, and the king of a city can never be the
same uncontrolled despot as the king of a vast realm.
Wlien Tyre and Sidon had sunk to vassalage, their kings
still held the first place in the councils of Xerxes. It was
to them that the Great King turned for ships and seamen
to cope with the ships and seamen of Greece. It was
among their people alone that he could find men with
wit enough to do his works of engineering. Yes, before
Carthaofe was, before Gades was. the men of Canaan in
their old seats had made the beginnings of history. It is
with a strange feelino- that we look back to those first
glimpses of the world, when the clouds were just beginning
to lift themselves from the eastern shores of the Mediter-
ranean, and when these immemorial cities, ancient in the
days of our first recorded facts, were already entering on
the path of 'ships, colonies, and commerce.' If the full
developemeut of the race was to be wrought on the soil of
Spain and Sicily and Africa, it was in the old land of the
l>alm, on the narrow strip of flat land between Lebanon
and the Great Sea, that the race first showed its power.
It is an essential part of the history of Carthage that
she was, as her name implies, the New City, very far from
the oldest, seemingly one of the youngest, of the colonies
that Sidon and Tyre and Arvad sent to the West. Gades
CARTHAGE. [Essay
on the Ocean, furthest of all from the old home, was held
to be the oldest of all. Tharshish, the land of gold, was
the main object of Phoenician enterprise ; the settlements
in Africa and Sicily arose as stages on the road. Specially
must it be borne in mind that the Phoenician colonies in
Sicily, Solous — Sela — on her rock, Motya in her sheltered
harbour, Panormos on her tongue of land between the two
branches of her All-haven — all these were no colonies of
Carthage, but sister cities, most likely elder cities, which she
brought step by step under her dominion. It is thus as the
ruling city, the mistress of a vast and scattered dominion
alike over her kinsfolk and over strangers, that Cai'thage
holds her place in history. It was her calling, a calling
which no other city of her own stock undertook before her,
which no city of any other stock carried out on the same
scale or with the same success. No dominion ever lasted so
long on a foundation seemingly so weak. For the founda-
tion of the power of a ruling city must ever be weak ; it
must be weak in proportion as it most fully carries out the
idea of the ruling city. Carthage in the end yielded to
Rome. We may say that she yielded to Rome, because
Rome, carrying out the idea cf the ruling city less perfectly
than Carthage, had sources of strength which Carthage
had not. Rome was a ruling city ; but each step by which
her rule advanced took away something of her character
as a ruling city. For at each step she admitted some new
circle of allies or subjects to her franchise. That is, she
raised them from the ranks of the ruled to the ranks of
the rulers. But each step in the process made the Roman
state less of a city and more of a nation. Aristotle, if he
had looked at Rome as he did look at Carthage, might
have set her down as being, like Babylon, though from
quite another reason, e^/'oj ixaXXov 7} 7:o'Ats\ This the posi-
tion of Rome, as an inland city, whose territory grew by
the addition of adjoining lands, allowed her to do. And
therein lay her strength. Rome could fight her wars by
the swords of citizens, and of colonists and allies to whom
I.] THE RULING CITY. 7
the hope of future citizenship was held out. When Rome
and Carthage first met as enemies, the Roman, master of
Italy, might walk from one end of his dominion to the
other. For a long part of his journey, his walk would lie
among men speaking his own language. At no stage of it
would it bring him among men of a speech, a culture, a life,
wholly alien to his own.
Carthage, on the other hand, was the ruling city in a
sense the opposite to all this. She was a city which could
never grow into a nation, because she was herself from the
beginning a settlement of a distant nation on a foreign
shore. She was the greatest of many Phoenician cities in
Africa ; but she could not stand to them as Rome did to
the Latin cities around her. Rome was the head of a con-
tinuous Latium ; Carthage could not be the head of a
continuous Phoenicia. For Utica and the Hippos were
settlements on a foreign shore no less than herself. The
Latin was in his own land ; the Phcenician was in the land
of the native African. It is the most speaking of all facts
that, long after the Carthaginian power had begun, after
Carthage had won no small dominion over distant towns
and islands, she still paid rent to an African prince for
the soil of her own city. The fact has been disputed ; but
why ? It rests on as good authority as most other facts in
Carthaginian history ; it is in no way contradicted ; it is
in no way unlikely. To a city wholly seafaring, which
began with trade and from trade went on to dominion,
the dominion of the mainland on whose shore she stood
was of far less moment than the dominion of such points
and islands, far and near, as lay well placed for the pur-
poses of her commerce and her ambition. A continuous
dominion in Africa was the latest form of Carthaginian
power ; and, when it came, it was mere dominion over
a subject barbarian land, broken here and there by a
Phcenician town that was dependent rather than subject.
There was nothing around her that Carthage could take
to herself and make part of her own being, as Rome
CARTHAGE. [Es
could do with the towns of Latium, as Athens in her
earliest day could do with the towns of Attica.
Eut it is this very isolation, this incapacity for enlarging
herself as she enlaro-ed her dominion, which made Carthage
the very model of the ruling city. She stood alone. She
was lady and mistress over her scattered dominions, com-
manding the resources of lands and towns, far and near,
in every relation of subjection and dependence; but she
stood aloof from all, incorporating none into her own
body. She waged her wars by the hands of strangers.
She commanded the services of subjects and dependents ;
she bought the services of the stoutest barbarians of the
Western world. Her own citizens were but the guiding
spirits of her armies ; they never formed their substance
and kernel. It was only in moments of special danger,
on her own soil or on the neighbouring soil of Sicily, that
the Sacred Band went forth to jeopard their lives for the
Carthaginian state. In a Roman army, an army of citizens
and kindred allies, every life was precious. A Carthaginian
army might win a crowning victory, it might undergo a
crushing defeat, with the loss of no lives but such as the
gold of Carthage could soon replace. Here lay her strength
and her weakness. A Punic general could risk his soldiers
as even a tyrant could not risk Greek citizens ; but the
state of Carthage lived ever in fear of her hirelinor
swordsmen. The great mutiny of the mercenaries after the
first war with Rome was but the most frightful of several.
It is a ghastly but characteristic talc that Osteodes, the
Isle of Bones, the modern Ustica, took its name from a
mutinous detachment of a Punic army who were left there
to perish. A Roman army fought for Rome ; a Punic
army never fought for Carthage. The Numidian, the
Spaniard, the Gaul, the Campanian, fought in his lower
mood for the hire of his arm and his sword ; in his highest
mood he fourjht, not for Cartham*, but for Hamilkar or for
Hannibal.
All this at once distincuishes Carthage from those ruling
I.] PARALLEL WITH VENICE. 9
cities, Rome the chief of all, which commanded a con-
tinuous dominion. That is almost the same thing as saying
that her parallels, if she has parallels, must be sought
for among seafaring powers only. The life by sea was
the very life of Carthago. When the Romans before the
last siege made it a condition of peace that Carthage should
be forsaken and some point ten miles from the sea occupied
instead, every Carthaginian felt it to be a sentence of death.
Athens could not be great without her fleet ; but she could
live without it. She had for a moment a scattered dominion
of somewhat the same kind as the dominion of Carthasfc;
but it was only for a moment. No other city of old Greece,
no other city of her own Phoenician stock, comes near
enough to her to admit even of contrast. The mediaeval
world supplies nearer parallels. Among cities of our own
race, as we are tempted to call Bern the Teutonic Rome, so
are we tempted to call Lubeck the Teutonic Carthage. But
neither Liibeck nor an}- of her Hanseatic sisters fully re-
produces the old Phoenician model. They are mighty on
the sea, mighty for trade, mighty for warfare; but their
special character was to be mighty in both ways, to strike
terror and to bear rule, without forming anything which
could be called territorial dominion. Far nearer to Carthage
are the later seafaring cities of her own Mediterranean
waters, Genoa in some measure, Venice in a higher. Venice
indeed is the nearest reproduction of Carthage that the
world has seen. She too united trade and dominion ; she
ruled from her islands, as Carthage ruled from her penin-
sula, over possessions scattered far and wide, fortresses,
cities, islands, kingdoms, over all of which she exercised
lordship, but none of whom did she or could she incorporate
into her own commonwealth. More perfect in her position
than Carthage, she never paid rent for the soil of her
Rialto as Carthage did for the soil of her Bozrah. But
the two ruling cities agi'ee in this, that dominion on the
adjoining or neighbouring mainland was the latest form
of dominion for which they sought.
10 CARTHAGE. [Essay
One fears to carry on the thought further. But, now
that the world has grown, now that great kingdoms and
commonwealths have taken the place of single cities, now
that the Ocean with its continents has taken the place of
the Mediterranean with its islands and peninsulas, it may
be that later times supply parallels to the dominion of
Carthage on a greater scale than that of Venice. It may
be that they supply one special parallel of special interest
to ourselves. In every such comparison we shall find the
differences which come of altered scale and circumstances ;
but in every power which has held a scattered dominion
over lands parted by the seas we may see a nearer or more
distant parallel to Carthage, as in every power which has
slowly and steadily advanced to a continuous dominion by
land we may see a nearer or more distant parallel to Rome.
The thought of Carthage is called up both by analogy and
in ways more direct when, in one of the subject lands of
Carthage, we see a power grow up which holds under its
dominion a large part of her other subject lands. The
thought comes more keenly still when that power is for a
while clothed with the majesty of Rome, and in that cha-
racter goes forth to wage victorious war in Africa and for
a moment to make Carthage itself part of its possessions.
When a Spanish King who is also Roman Emperor, who is
also King of Sicily and Sardinia, goes forth on the old
errand of Agathokles, Scipio, and Belisarius, when he sets
forth to war from Caralis and comes back to triumph at
Panormos, we seem to see the old forces of Phoenician
Cartliaf^e turned against her on her own soil. Charles of
Austria, Charles of Burgundy, first Charles of Castile and
Aragon, fifth Charles of Germany and Rome, setting up the
banners of half Europe upon the walls of conquered Tunis,
seems, as it were, to gather up the whole tale of Rome and
Carthage in his single person. And when we go on to
remember that the Roman Augustus, the Spanish and
Sicilian King, was lord, not only of the inner sea, but of the
Ocean, that he bore himself as monarch of its continents
L] PARALLEL WITH SPAIN. 11
and islands, monarch of the Eastern and the Western Indies,
ruler in every quarter of the globe, master of a dominion
on which the sun never set, we may think that the con-
queror of Tunis had not onl}^ in a figure, subdued Carthage
in her older world of the inner sea, but had in truth called
up a dominion like her own in the newer and wider world
of Ocean.* And his dominion has passed away from the
older and narrower as well as from the newer and wider
world all but as utterly as the dominion of Carthage her-
self. Of an European power that took in Sicily and Fries-
land not a shred is left outside the Spanish peninsula and
its islands. A few islands east and west stand as survivals
of dominion in Asia and America, memorials of the proud
style of King of the Indies. A fortress on the coast of
Africa, holding one of the pillars of Herakles, is before all
things a reminder that the grasp of the pillar which stands
un Spanish ground, and with it the keeping of the mouth
of the inner sea of Pha3nician and Greek, of Venetian and
Genoese, has passed into the hands of an island kingdom in
the Ocean. It is in fact in the power which has thus so
strangely established itself on Spanish ground that we
seem to see the nearest parallel to Carthage in the modern
world. England indeed, as well as Spain, has played, and
still plays, a direct part within the old dominion of Carthage.
Gibraltar, Malta, Minorca so often taken and lost in the
last century, Sicily, so remarkable a scene of English in-
fluence in the early dajs of the present century, all bring
us within the actual range of Carthaginian power. Malta
and Gozo indeed, richer than any other spots in Phoenician
antiquities, keeping, not indeed the tongue of the Phoeni-
cian, but the kindred tongue of the Saracen conquerors of
* I remember being much struck with the first page of a book
Avhich 1 saw at New York— I saw only the first page undei' a glass
case, and I forgot to carry off the name. A Latin panegj^rist of
Charles the Fifth magnifies him for having won for himself a new
Empire in America equal to his old Empire in Europe. Here is the
same general idea carried out in another direction.
12 CARTHAGE. [Essay
Sicily, seem to stand as a special memorial of the two ag-es
of Semitic dominion in the Mediterranean. Cyprus again
brings us, if not within the immediate range of Carthaofo,
yet within the general range of Phoenicia ; and the English
bombardment of Algiei-s, if less striking in itself, not
touching the immediate land of Carthage, was a worthier
wcrk in the world's history than the Spanish conquest of
Tunis. But, just as in the case of Spain, the more instructive
side of the comparison between England and Carthage lies
outside the old Carthaginian world. England indeed, with
her settlements and possessions, her colonies dependent and
independent, scattered over the whole world of Oceau,is truly
a living representative on a vaster scale of the Phoenician
city with her possessions and settlements scattered over the
Western Mediterranean. The Empire of India, held by an
European island, calls up the thought of the dominion in
Spain once held by an African city. And in some points the
dominion of England seems to come nearer to that of Carthage
than the dominion of Spain ever did, while in other points
the course of English settlement rather carries us back to the
older Phoenician days before Carthage was. One point is
that the spread of Carthaginian and of English power, as
being in each case the advance of a people, have more in
common with each other than either has with the advance
of Spain under her despotic kings. But the higher side of
English colonization has more in common with the earlier
days of Phoenician settlement than it has with the Car-
thaginian dominion. The old Phoenician settlements grew
up in Spain, in Africa, in Sicily, just as English settlements
grew up in America, Australia, and New Zealand. In both
cases men went forth to find new homes for an old folk, and
to make the life of the old folk grow up in the new hoine.
But the settlements and conquests of Carthage had all a
view to trade or dominion. She conquered, she planted,
but with a view only to her own power. It was no part
of her policy to encourage the growth of new seats of the
common stock, formally or practically independent of the
I.] PARALLEL WITH ENGLAND. 13
one great city. It was rather her object to bring the other
Phcenician cities, her sisters, some certainly her elder
sisters, into as great a measure of subjection or dependence
on herself as she could compass. In her struggle with
Rome her Pha'nician sisters turned against her. She had
done nothing to make herself loved either at distant Gades
or at neighbouring Utica.
To this last form of dominion or supremacy, the rule of
one commonwealth over other equal or older common-
wealths of the same stock, the relations of the modern
world supply no exact parallel."^ But both England and
Spain have at different times dealt, if not with sister states,
yet with daughter states, too much after the manner of
Carthage. The result all the world knows. One hope at
least there is, that this peculiar form of national folly is not
likely ever to be repeated. We cannot foretell what is to
be. How long a barbaric empire may be kept, to whom it
may pass if it fails to be kept, are matters at which it is
dangerous even to guess. We have had, like Carthage, our
War of the Mercenaries, with the difference that we have not
had it at our own gates. As for the nearer question of our
own flesh and blood in distant lands, the tie between the
mother-land and its still dependent settlements may abide
or it may be peacefully snapped. There is at least no fear
of a new Bunker Hill, a new Saratoga, or a new Yorktown,
between men of English blood and speech.
Among all the great powers of the past, Phoenician Car-
thage seems to stand alone, in being simply a memory, in
having had no direct effect on the later history of the world.
* It must be remembered that in saying this we are speaking of a
very modern world indeed. The relation of ruling and subject cities
and lands was in full force in Switzerland till 1798, and traces of it
lasted till 1830. I suppose that the condominium of Hamburg and
Liibeck, over the district of Vierlande, has hardly lived through 1866 :
but it was in being in 1865. Middlesex perhaps did not know that it
was a subject district to London ; but it was till the very last changes.
14 CARTHAGE. [Essay
It needs no effort to point out the endless ways in which
Eome and Athens have influenced mankind for all time.
Their impress is not only undying, but it is visible at the
first glance. We see at once that the world that now is
could not have been what it is, if Rome or Athens had
never been. The law of Rome, the tongue and the thoughts
of Greece, are essential parts of the civilization of modern
Europe. But to Carthage, as far as we can see, we owe
nothing. Directly we certainly owe nothing ; indirectly
Carthage has changed the history of the world in whatever
proportion the history of Rome must have been other than
what it actually was if Carthage had never been. To
Carthage as Carthage, to the great seafaring power of the
Western Mediterranean, we owe absolutely nothing. Car-
thage has had no effect on the speech, the law, the religion,
the art, the general culture, of modern Europe. There is
no such thing as a Carthaginian book. What would we
not give for a record of the campaigns of Hamilkar and
Hannibal in their own tongue ? And we feel this the more
keenly when we remember that all this, so true of Carthage
as Carthage, is eminently untrue of the Semitic folk as a
whole, that is only very partially true of the particular
Phoenician folk. ' The letters Cadmus gave' were a boon
of the kinsfolk of Carthage, though no boon of Carthage
herself. And if we have no Carthaginian books, if we can
hardly say that we have any Phoenician books, yet in the
tongue of Carthage and Phoenicia, in the tongue common
to Solomon and Hiram, we have books indeed. It is truly
wonderful how, while other Semitic races, the Hebrew and
the Arab, have influenced the world on a scale equal to that
of Greece and Rome, the Phoenician has given us his one
sift and has vanished, and that that form of the Phoenician
which played the most brilliant part in the world's history
has vanished without giving us any gift at all. The
Saracen who swept away the younger Carthage has been
our master in some things. The Phoenician wlio founded
the elder Carthago has been our master in nothing, save
I.] NO DIRECT INFLUENCE ON THE WORLD. 15
in the warnings, many and grave, which the history of his
scattered dominion may give to us into whose hands a
dominion of the Hke sort has fallen.
It is then a disappointment, and yet we feel that there is
a certain fitness in tlie disappointment, when we stand on
the site of Carthage, and feel how completely even the
younger Carthage has become a memory and nothing more.
Above all, if we come from any of the great Sicilian sites,
from Syracuse or Girgenti or Selinunto, Carthage does
indeed seem barren. Cities which alongside of the might
of Carthage were but dust in the balance, Segesta and
Tyndaris and Taormina, have more to show than the
queenly mistress of the western seas. There is, as a
matter of fact, a good deal to be seen at Carthage besides
the actual site. There is something above the ground ;
there is a great deal that has been brought to light below
the ground, and more diggings may be expected to reveal
endless stores. But almost everything has to be looked
for ; there is nothing that at once forces itself on the eye
as a living witness of what has been. There is no great
building, perfect or in ruins, nothing like the Pillars of
the Giants at Selinunto, nothing like the still standing
temples of Psestum and Girgenti. There is no long extent
of wall to be tracked out, like the primseval walls of
Ferentino or of Cefalu,* like the finished walls of Dionysios
at Syracuse and at Tyndaris. And there is the further
thought that, if there were such things, they could be
memorials only of the city which the younger Cnesar set
up, not of the city which the j-ounger Scipio overthrew.
The Carthage of Hannibal, at all events, can be got at only
by digging. The site, we at once feel, is well-suited for a
great seafaring city ; we see still better that it is so when
we learn the changes which have happened in the rela-
tions of land and water. But it is not one of the sites
* I should perhaps rather say CepJialcedium, as Norman Cefalu is
down below.
16 CARTHAGE. [Essat
which at once strike the eye. It is not one of those spots
which make us say that, if great things did not happen
there, they ought to have happened. Among the Sici-
lian sites it, would best go with Himera, Selinous, and
Kamarina, towns on hills of moderate height above the
sea. Carthage sat on no such proud seat as Girgenti l<i
Magnijica on the hill of Atabyrian Zeus, as Cefalu and
Taormina on their mountain-sides, with their castles soar-
ing yet again above them. Carthage does not proclaim her
seafaring life like Syracuse again shut up within her
island, or like the peninsula where Naxos once stood.
Her own allies and subjects, Phoenician and otherwise, put
her to shame. It is not in Africa, but in the isles of
Malta and Gozo, that we find the abiding monuments of
Phoenician religion. And compare Africa with Sicily, with
that corner of Sicily which Carthage made her own, when
she sat as head alike over her own elder sisters and over
the older people of the land. Solunto sits on her
rock as the guardian of the most cherished preserve of
Canaan against the Sikel and the Greek. Trapani floats
on the waves, with Eryx, mount and town, though no longer
temple, soaring above her. Segesta, nestling among her
inland hills, with her temple and her theatre, looks out on
the distant sea. Palermo, though her twofold haven is
choked up, still holds the centre of her Golden Shell, with
her arc of mountains fencing her in, and the rock on which
Hamilkar held his camp still guarding her. Forsaken Motya
on her island, with the circling islands, which have dis-
placed her once circling peninsula, teaches us better than
any other spot how truly the life of the Phoenician was
a life in and on the waters. Destroyed and never built
ascain, she is still girded with her Phoenician wall, and she
looks up to the more cunningly wrought Phoenician wall
on Eryx. All these sites, in themselves far more taking,
far more impressive, than that of Carthage, looked up to
Carthage as their ruler. It is only on the spot where
Carthage was not only a ruler but strictly a founder, in
I.] SITE OF CARTHAGE. 17
her last and most stubborn stronghold of Lilybaion, that,
on a site far less impressive than that of Carthage, we
have, as at Carthage, as far at least as objects above
ground are concerned, to search with curious eyes for the
witnesses of the past. Yet there too the mighty ditch of
Marsala, the ditch which Polybios stood and wondered at.
the ditch which, hewn in its breadth through the hard
rock, puts to shame our easier northern cuttings at Arques
and at Old Sarum. abides, wherever modern improvements
do not wholly choke it up. as a witness of Carthaginian
power and skill such as Carthage itself has not to show.
Yet the site of Carthage, though disappointing both in
itself and in its lack of historic remains, is not to be de-
spised. It distinctly grows on the visitor. The hills are
not very high ; but they are hills. And we better under-
stand matters as we come to take in, what does not strike
us at the first glance, how thoroughly peninsular the site
is. As we approach — at least as we approach directly
from Europe — other objects are likely to strike the eye
rather than the site of Carthage. The mountains to the
south of the lake of Tunis with their bold outlines, the
singular appearance of the lake, with the rim of land
fencing it from the outer bay, and the throat — La Goletta
— by which we pass from one to the other, the sight of
Tunis itself, White Tunis, as the finish of the lake to the
west — not to speak of the strange sights and sounds which
greet the traveller who sets foot in Africa for the first time
— all these things seize on the mind far more strongly than
the not displeasing but not exciting piece of coast scenery
which marks where Carthage stood. And nowhere does
the traveller, at his first approach, on his first landing,
find it harder to take in where he is. It is not very hard
to get wrong in the points of the compass. There is a
certain temptation to fancy that Tunis lies south of
Carthao;e instead of west. There is nothinof whatever to
suggest that the low hill immediately behind Tunis is in
fact an isthmus parting the lake of Tunis from another
c
18 CABTIIAGE. [Essay
lake beyond it. And there is least of all to suggest the
existence of another lake somewhat to the north of the
lake of Tunis, parted from the northern sea by another
strip of land, perhaps a little thicker than that which parts
the lake of Tunis from the eastern sea. The group of
lakes is clear enough as soon as any rising ground is
reached ; but in the journey from the outer sea to Tunis
by great steamer, small steamer, and railway, there is
nothing to suggest any such save the lake of Tunis itself.
But what is now the lake to the north, the lake known as
Sohra, had a most important bearing on the position of
Carthage. The rim of land which parts it from the sea is
of later growth ; in the great days of Carthage the lake
was an inlet of the sea. The city thus stood on a distinct
peninsula, with water on three sides. On the three hills
within this peninsula stood Carthage and its surroundings,
its suburbs and its nekropolis. It is hard to believe that
the city proper ever spread over so great a space. The
wall of Dionysios was, for military reasons, carried round
the whole hill of Syracuse ; but no one thinks that the
whole of the vast surface of Epipolai was ever as thickly
peopled as Achradina and the Island.
Of those hills one specially concerns the muser on the
long story of Carthage. The Bozrah of Dido, the royal
seat of Gaiseric, the official dwelling of the proconsuls of
Rome, is now the hill of Saint Lewis. It was already
crowned with his chapel when France was a foreign
power ; since the practical supremacy of France has in
some sort restored Africa to the Latin wotld, it has been
further crowned with the metropolitan church of the
Primate of Algiers and Carthage. Anotlier church and
monastery crown another spur of the Bozrah. The central
hill is crowned by a village, that of Sidi-bou-Said, once
inhabited only by Mahometan saints, and which does not
seem to have been much disturbed even now. But from
another point of the same hill the palace of the Cardinal-
Archbishop looks down on the country palace of the Bey,
I.] THE BOZRAIL 19
the nominal prince of the land. He has withdrawn from
his capital to lead the quieter life of those Cartliaginian
country gentlemen whose rich gardens and fields Agatliokles
and Regulus so pitilessly harried. Furthest of all, in the
north of the peninsula, parted by a wider valley than wo
have yet crossed, rises the city of the dead, Djehal Khaivi,
the Catacomb Hill of the maps. These three hills, and the
low ground at their feet, make up the site of Carthage.
The main centre of interest is the Bozrah, the hill of
Saint Lewis. I may without fear give it that name.
Nobody, I believe, now doubts either that this is the
akropolis of Carthage or that its true name is the same
as that of the city of Edom renowned in the minstrelsy
of Isaiah. The Greek name Byrsci is one of the many
attempts to give a foreign name an appearance of meaning
in one's own language. The name once given, the familiar
legend, common to Carthage with a crowd of spots in all
quarters of the globe, naturally followed. I will not stop
to argue whether Elissa was, as the latest Phoenician
learning teaches us, a goddess degraded into a queen ; I am
still less called on to disprove the tale that she cut an ox's
hide into strips, like the Normans at Hastings and the
English at Calcutta. Anyhow we may take her familiar
name as that of the eponymous heroine of hill and city.
As an akropolis, the Bozrah is but a lowly one ; but it
served the purposes alike of the elder and the younger
Carthage. And it serves the purposes of the traveller as
his point from which to look out on the hills, the lakes, the
plain, the sea, the rim of land parting lake and sea, the
distant mountains, and Tunis glistening in its whiteness, on
the site in short of Carthage and her surroundings. We
ought perhaps to rejoice at finding the city of Cyprian in
some sort won back to Christianity and to Latinitas. But
the modern buildings jar on the feelings. With all honour
to the Cardinal's zeal, in this and in other matters, it would
need a more successful work than his to reconcile us to the
presence on such a spot of any buildings of the last three
c 2
20 CARTHAGE. [Essay
centuries. A contemporary memorial of Saint Lewis, a
trophy of the Emperor Charles, would be a part of the
history of the place. Even the chapel of Louis-Philippe's
(lay, when Frenchmen were strangers and pilgrims, seems
]ess artificial, less out of place, than the metropolitan church
reared where as yet no city has sprung up again. The
thought of the holy King of France may perhaps stir our
crusading feelings. How many Christian churches were
overthrown to supply the mosques of Tunis and Kairwan
with columns "? It is among them that Carthage really
lives. The great mosque of Tunis won for Christendom
]ike the mosques of Cordova and Seville would be a
worthier trophy than this easy display of the victory of
Europe on the forsaken Bozrah of Dido.
Be this as it may, from the Bozrah we begin to under-
stand Carthage. And one thing strikes us above all. With
the sea on three sides of her, Carthage still needed artificial
havens. Her sisters had no such need at Panormos and
Motya. But here we look down on the double haven, just
as it is described by Strabo and Appian. There is the outer
haven, the merchant-haven ; and there is the inner haven,
the Kothon, the basin, the haven of the war-ships, with the
island in the middle, where once the admiral of Carthage
had his ofiicial dwelling. It is whispered that they have
been filled up and opened again, and not opened to their
full size. Let it be so : if not of the right size, they are at
least of the right shape and in the right place. If they are
not the things themselves, they are at least very good
models and memorials ; and, in such a case, it is perhaps
best to ask no questions. These artificial havens, whether
Scipio and Belisarius looked on them as they stand or not,
are the most speaking things in Carthage. They call up
more fully than anything else the memory of what Carthage
twice was. There we really see the past. There,
In the still deep water.
Sheltered from waves and blasts,
Bristles the dusky forest
Of Byrsa's thousand masts.
I] THE HAVENS. 21
It is hard to call up the walls ; it is hard to call up the
temples ; l)ut the havens are there, and it is no great feat
of imagination to fill them with the navy of Asdrubal
sailing forth or with the navy of Belisarius sailing in.
The havens then force themselves on the eye ; other
objects at Carthage, save the outlines of the hills and the
waters, have to be looked for. The Bozrah is full of remains ;
there are the diggings in its own hill-sides, and there are
the precious collections in the museum. Dig near the
surface, and you come to the Roman building which passes
for the palace of the proconsul. Dig lower down, and you
come to Phoenician tombs which tell us something of Car-
thaofinian arts of construction. But there is nothino; stand-
ing up, no castle like Euryalos, no house like Cefalii, no
temple like Segesta. A fragment of the aqueduct does
indeed stand up at some distance, a striking object on the
road from the Goletta to Tunis. We can hardly apply the
same words to the elaborate system of cisterns on each side,
both those which have been lately turned again to modern
use and those which still remain broken down and half
covered up, the shelter of a few homeless Arabs. Besides
these there is little indeed, save one precious memorial
indeed of the younger Carthage which has been brought to
light within these last years. This is a gigantic basilica
with its attached buildings, of which nearly the whole
foundations have been brought to light. I carried away a
ground-plan ; but I confess, even with the ground-plan, to be
puzzled with the intricacy of its many colonnades and apses,
at utter cross-purposes to one another. They must surely
mark more than one change in design which may easily
have happened during the eight hundred years' life of
Roman Carthage, pagan and Christian. One point is
marked as the baptistery. The thought flashed across the
mind : here was Heraclius baptized. But that rite must
have been done in Asia.
I have not attempted any minute topographical account
CARTHAGE. [Essay
of Carthao'e. I had no call to make such an one. I visited
Carthage and Africa on account of their relations to the
history of Sicily. One must see the city from which the
great fleet went out to Himera and to Syracuse, the city
which sent forth the men who overthrew Selinous, and those
who defended Eryx and the rock of Herkte. But I am
not called on to examine Carthage in detail as I am called
on to examine both Greek Akragas and Phosnician Lily-
]:)aion. As a piece of topography indeed, Tunis, which
Agathokles held, comes nearer to the historian of Sicily
than Carthage which he never entered. There, Diodoros
before me, I could read and write the story on the spot.
In truth one cannot make such an account of Carthage as
one can of Syracuse or Akragas, for the simple reason that
there are not the same materials wherewith to make it. Nor
can the traveller who does not set up his dwelling-place in
the land get the same means for illustrating such materials
as there are. I felt keenly the impossibility of getting a
single illustrative book, Beul^ or any other, either at Tunis
or while things were still fresh in the memory at Palermo.
I longed for something like the great Topogrqfia of Syracuse,
with its noble atlas, which had so well taught me my way
over Achradina and Epipolai. And a little incident taught
me that no great local help was to be looked for, at least
not at the hands of the special servants of Saint Lewis.
The first day that I was at Carthage, armed with a recom-
mendation from the British consulate, I and my companions
were received on the hill of the saint by a Carmelite friar —
I think they are Carmelites — who on that day showed him-
self both courteous and intelligent. We made an ajDpoint-
ment to come again another day, when he would take us to
some of the more distant objects. The day came ; after a
visit to Susa and Kairwan, we came again to Carthage.
But this time the religious man laughed in our faces, and
asked how he could be expected to remember a promise of
so old a standing as eight days. I did not expect that the
doctrine of no faith with heretics would be so openly acted
I.] GENERAL EFFECT OF THE SFTE. 23
on in these days. I am sure the Marabout^ if that is his
right description, whom Mr. R. B. Smith tells of in his
Carthaginian book, would have treated us better. And I cer-
tainly felt more kindly towards two casual Saracens who
greeted me friendly as I was walking alone near the sacred
village.
But there are after all some advantages in the lack of
remains at Carthage and in the lack of means for studying
the few that there are. We can still climb the Bozrah ; we
can still look down upon the Kothon ; we can still go down
and walk round it and look back through ages to the akro-
polis of Phoenician, Roman, and Vandal rule. We can walk
to and fro at pleasure both along broad roads and along
narrow paths among the sea-cliffs, ever taking in the outline
of things from various points, now and then marking some
special object suggesting thoughts. I shall not forget how,
between the Kothon and the merchant-haven, a small
animal ran across my path, yellow and with the air of a
rodent. It was the only free mammal I have ever seen
eitlier in Sicily or in Africa. I was not sorry that I did
not meet any of the hya-nas which may perhaps have
vanished before the French occupation. But one would be
glad to see signs of a higher animal life than that of lizards,
grilli, and butterflies, pretty as they all are. Still less
shall I forget a tower on the hill of Sidi-bou-Said, a tower
overhanging the sea, a tower that was assuredly no work
of Phojnician or Roman, but which may either have been
placed there by the Saracen to keep out the Christian, or
else may mark some short-lived occupation of Saracen
ground by the Christian. But it is in some sort a gain to
be relieved from the need, fascinating as the work is, of
tracking out some fragment of wall or temple at every step.
When one has not the time to spend both on the whole and
on eveiy detail which I have had at S3racuse and some
other places, it is a certain relief to be able to fix the mind
altogether on the whole. So it is at Carthage. On the
Bozrah we wish the modern buildings away ; on its fellow
24 CARTHAGE.
hilj. the Arab village, which has come in the natural course
of ages, seems quite in its place. But neither really inter-
feres with our contemplation of the city of Hannibal and
Gaiseric, its hills, its coasts, its havens, the lake and the
rim that fences the lake, and which the Roman turned to
his purpose in the last days of the Punic city. And we must
once more remember that the history of Carthage, the in-
terest and the instruction of that history, do not end when the
wife of the last Asdrubal stood on the burning temple that
crowned the Bozrah. What Roman and Christian Carthage
was we may best learn among the endless columns of the
mosque of Kairwan. Among them are a few which are the
fellows of those that crown the columns of Saint Vital.
Under the restored rule of the Roman Augustus, craftsmen
were working in the same style in recovered Ravenna
and in recovered Carthage. The wall of the great basilica
which has been brought to light may well have glittered
with the painted forms of Justinian and Theodora, sover-
eigns of the city won back from the Vandal no less than of
the city won back from the Goth. And the same hand
won back both of them. If we give Hannibal the first
place among the leaders of warfare, if we hail him as the
most loyal among the servants of commonwealths, a place
not far behind him in his own craft must be given to the
most loyal of the servants of princes. On the Bo2a-ah,
beside the Kothon, if we think of Hannibal, we think of
Belisarius too.
II.
FRENCH AND ENGLISH TOWNS.*
There are few fornivS of antiquarian research more
agreeable than that of spelling out all that revolutionary
havoc has left of an old French city, its walls and gates, if
any are happily left, its streets, its churches, its houses,
any other fragments of antiquity that may have been
spared. Such an inquiry in a French town has some
features of its own which distinguish it from the same kind
of inquiry either in England or in Italy. The French
town is in the nature of things more strange to the English
visitor than any town in his own land can be ; but it is
far less strange than the Italian town. That it should be
so follows from the geography and history of the two
countries. England and France lie on the same side of the
Alps, and they have a long history in common in whicli
Italy has little or no share. For many artistic and his-
torical purposes France and England form parts of one
whole of which Italy is not a member. And yet, in the par-
ticular matter of towns, France and Italy have, as we shall
presently see, some things in common as against England.
As for the general look of the towns of the three countries,
we may safely say that the site of a French town is com-
monly more picturesque than that of an English town, and
that of an Italian town more picturesque than that of
* I have here for the most part reprinted the latest article which
appeared in Longman's Magazine ; but I have worked in an earlier
and shorter ai-ticle in the Saturday Review. I have also added part
of another Saturday Review article as a note.
26 FRENCH AND ENGLISH TOWNS. [Essay
a French town. The city set on a hill is the exception in
England ; at least it seems to be so ; for our cities, London
to begin with, stand far more commonly on hills than we
think at first sight. Only our hills are for the most part
very small ; those which carry the hill-cities of France are
higher ; those which carry the hill-cities of Italy are higher
again. If in the Lombard plain the sites arc sometimes
even lower than in England, Tuscany with its living cities,
Latium with its dead ones, takes it out the other way. In
our land we wonder at Lincoln and Durham ; they would
not seem wonderful in the land of Le Mans and Laon ; still
less would they seem wonderful in the land of dead
Tusculum and living Perugia. But for the picturesqueness
of the city itself, France stands far above either England or
Italy ; Germany alone equals or surpasses it. The English
or the Italian town will often equal or surpass the French
town in the architectural merits of this or that building,
and many an Italian town has noble displays of street
architecture to which neither England nor France has
anything to compare. But there is no denying that
English buildings, unless they are real works of archi-
tecture, are apt to be ugly ; and to speak the plain truth,
the same is often the case with Italian buildings also. The
outskirts of an Italian town are very often simply hideous ;
those of a French or German town are often rich in outline
and grouping. In both France and Germany we are
always lighting on buildings or scraps of buildings which
we can hardly say are works of architecture, but which are
what we call picturesque, that is pleasing in their outline.
Many a French street is saved from commonplace by a
projecting turret or corbelled window here and there, an
I'fFective feature which in this island is more common in
Scotland than in Engfland. After all the havoc of revolu-
tion, and the worse havoc of fussy mayors and prefects,
the old towns of France contain quite enough of mere
attractive scraps of this kind to make it well worth while
to thread their narrow streets, even were their higher
II.] ITALIAN AND FRENCH TOWNS. 27
associations, their great buildings and their historic
memories, a good deal less precious than they are.
To compare more specially our English and our French
town, the differences which strike the eye between them
are in many points very obvious at the first glance, and
the causes of them go very deep into the history of the
two countries. One }night perhaps say, as a very general
statement indeed, that French towns differ less from one
another than English towns do, and that it is more easy to
make general propositions about them. There is a kind of
French town, common in all parts of France, which in a
manner sets the standard, and which may in some sort
pass as the ideal French town. This is the old, respectable,
steady -going, local capital, which has been the local capital
from the beficinnino; of thinirs and which seems as if it must
go on being the local capital to the end of things. It may
or it may not have some considerable trade or manufacture ;
it is doubtless more flourishing if it has ; but it would seem
as if its essential beinsj goes on all the same whether it
has or has not. The population of these towns, old heads
of duchies and counties, modern heads of departments,
keeps an average a good deal higher than those of our
county-towns which are not seats of manufactures. It
keeps an average very much lower than that of our great
manufacturing towns. Somewhere from twenty to fifty
thousand would seem to be the right population for the
worshipful old city on its hill or beside its river, which
still keeps the name of the Gaulish tribe which dwelled
there in the days of Caesar. Anything very much larger
or smaller than this strikes one as exceptional. There can
hardly be more than half-a-dozen French towns which rise
much above 100,000. I believe there are none which reach
400,000. That is to say, a towTi of the size of Hull or
Bristol is rare in France ; one of the size of Liverpool or
Glasgow is unknown. But be it noted again that the few
exceptionally great cities are in most cases among the
oldest cities of the land, cities whose ancient importance
28 FRENCH AND ENGLISH TOWNS. [Essay
has never left them. Setting aside coast towns, the most
remarkable case in France of a great town springing up
to importance in modern times is Saint-Etienne. But
Lancashire and Yorkshire can count off a dozen or twenty
Saint-Etiennes in a breath. On the other hand, the local
capital in France is very seldom so small as some of those
old country-towns in England which are county and
cathedral towns and little more. There can be very few
heads of departments in France — hardly Tulle in Corr^ze,
though it is much smaller than most — which the most
advanced reformer from Lancashire would speak of as
' miserable decaying villages.' At the same time such a
reformer would most likely look on many of the old local
capitals of France as somewhat old-world, somewhat be-
hindhand, hardly up to the level of an advancing age.
Even when they have advanced in the modern sense, they
hardly show it so conspicuously to the eye as the advancing
towns of England. Limoges, for example, ancient cradle
of enamel, is still a flourishing manufacturing town.
But, though some of its crooked streets have been cruelly
straightened, it is still the old town of the massacre, the
town of Cite and Ville side by side. Eouen has been called
the French Manchester ; but it is a very much smaller
Manchester ; it is a Manchester which is York as well, and
in which, even after all modern changes, the York element
is likely to seem to the stranger stronger than the Man-
chester element. And Eouen, though not like Lyons or
Marseilles, is in France a city of quite exceptional size.
Limoges, with about 50,000 inhabitants, is a more typical
example of the old French city which remains an old city,
but which has some modern importance as well. It is hard
to find an exact English parallel. Norwich and Lincoln
come as near as any, though Norwich is perhaps a little too
large, and the modern prosperity of Lincoln is almost too
modern. Still both are, like Limoges, ancient and famous
cities, which couilt for something at the present day, though
not for so nmch as Manchester or Lyons. Nottingham and
II.] FRENCH LOCAL CAPITALS. 29
Leicester would rather rank with Rouen than with Limoges ;
and with them a difference' comes in which is of the utmost
importance in comparing English and French towns ; they
are not the seats of bishops.*
The French local capital thus differs in manj^ things
from anything which we are now used to in England.
Two hundred years, one hundred years, back, it would
have been easier to find a parallel ; but even then the
parallel would have been fcir from exact. Many facts both
of history and of geography have combined to give a
French town of this class an importance in itself which
does not belong to the English town of the same class.
We are apt to look on France as far more centralized than
England ; but the position, while eminently true in some
points, is not true in all. No town in England is now in
any real sense a capital, except London. I suspect that no
town in England has been a capital for many ages, in the
same sense that these old French towns still are capitals.
They are centres of administration in a way that an
English town is not. We have not, and most of us are
thankful that we have not, anything like the prefect,
sitting in the capital of the department and settling every-
thing all round him. Many of these towns again are
centres of the administration of justice in a way that an
English town is not. They have judges and a bar of
their own, more after an American than an English
fashion. Many of them again are centres of education ;
the old local universities have perished, and one shrinks
from the brand-new academies which have sprung up in
their place ; still there they are ; the higher education is
at least supposed to be fixed at many more points in
France than it is in England. Lastly, not a few of these
towns still remain social centres, in a way which is now
* No one surely will cavil because a few bishops had their chair at
Leicester in the eighth and ninth centuries, or because Nottingham
has latterly given a title to a mere suffragan. Those towns are not
episcopal sees in the same sense as Lincoln and Noi^wich.
30 FRENCH AND ENGLISH TOWNS. [Essay
utterly unknown in England. People flock to London ;
they flock to watering-places ; but there is no longer any
English town in which the gentry of the surrounding
country keep houses and spend part of the year. This
fashion, the rule in Italy, is still common in France. It is
the old-standing custom of the land. A decent, sensible
French noble, who did not waste his whole time in
dangling after the court, divided himself between his
chateau in the country and his hotel in the capital of his
province or district. Nor has the fashion altogether died
out, either among the nohlesse, where any is left, or among
other people. All this is foreign to English ways ; we
hardly understand the notion of a town-house out of
London. And there probably was no time when the
custom of dividing oneself between the country and the
local capital was so general in England as it even now is
in France, to say nothing of Italy. Still it was, even in
comparatively late times, far more common than it is now,
as many a good old house in our old county-towns shows.
But it is significant that the greatest of the class, the
palace of the Dukes of Norfolk at Norwich, has utterly
vanished. This last, it must be remembered, was a real
town-house, like an Italian -palazzo ; it was something
quite different from those cases where, often owing to the
continued habitation of a castle, the house of a nobleman
or wealthy esquire stands close to a town, most commonly
a small town which grew up round the castle. These are
not town-houses like the Norwich palace, but country-
houses with a town at their gates.
We may add another point. In France the civil head of
a district is much more usually the ecclesiastical head than
it is in England. The dioceses, as a rule, coincide with
the departments, while English dioceses, as a rule, do not
coincide with counties. The bishops' sees, as a rule, but
with a much larger number of exceptions, are placed in
the head town of the department. It is far less common
in France than it is in England to see, as for instance in
II.] FRENCH TOWN-HOUSES. 31
the three neighbouring departments of Orne, Calvados, and
Manche, the chief towns, Alen9on, Caen, and Saint-Lo,
without bishops, while the bishops' sees are placed at the
smaller towns of Seez, Baycux, and Coutanccs. And it is
almost unknown in France for great towns to be without
bishops, as Birmingham and Leeds arc still, as Manchester,
Liverpool, and Newcastle were a few years back. But
this last is almost the same thing as to say in other words
what has been said already, that the greatest towns in
France have commonly had a continuous greatness from
the beginning of things.
In all these various ways the old French city is more of
a capital, more of a centre, it has more of a life of its own,
than the English county-town. The English town, if it
has become a seat of manufactures, has in many things
shot ahead of the French city. If it has not grown in that
way, it has most likely lagged behind the French city. In
neither case is it, like the French city, a real local capital,
and not much more. The local capital, containing th^
town-houses of the local gentry, has ceased in England to
have any being at all.
But if from England we go further and take in the whole
of Britain, we shall find a much nearer parallel to the
French city. Edinburgh, smaller than the exceptionally
large French cities, is much larger than the average of the
class of which we have just been speaking. But it has
more in common with them than anything in South Britain
has. A city of no special commercial or manufacturing
importance, which lives lax'gely on its past memories and
position, which has its university, its law courts, and many
things which still stamp it as a capital and distinguish it
from a mere county-town, is very much like one of these
French cities on a greater scale. We say on a greater scale,
because those French cities which equal or surpass Edin-
burgh in population, do so by virtue of commerce or
manufactures, and so put themselves out of the class of
those towns which are local capitals and nothing else.
32 FRENCH AND ENGLISH TOWNS. [Essay
When we have reached the comparison with Edinburgh,
though it is by no means a comparison to be carried into
minute detail, we have touched the root of the matter as
regards the comparison between English and French towns.
Edinburgh is surpassed in size and population by many
other towns in Great Britain ; yet we feel that there is
something about Edinburgh which there is not about the
others, simply because Edinburgh has been, and for many
purposes still is, the capital of a separate kingdom. So
were the old French cities of which we are speaking,
capitals, sometimes of kingdoms, in any case of duchies
and counties which practically formed independent states.
In every respect but this, Edinburgh is not a good parallel
to choose ; for Edinburgh is not really an ancient city ;
it is onl}^ a comparatively modern capital of Scotland ;
other towns both of England and Scotland far surpass it in
age and in historic dignity. As a fortress, Edinburgh is
ancient indeed ; as a royal city, it is young, not only beside
York and Winchester, but beside Dunfermline and Stirling.
We feel almost at a glance that Edinburgh — and for the
matter of that, Stirling too — is not a city which has kept
its being as a city from time immemorial. It is plainly
a town which has grown up round a fortress, a greater
Richmond or Dunster. Still, as a matter of fact, Edinburgh
is the one city of Great Britain which carries about it the
feeling of being a capital in the strict sense, the head of
a land which for many purposes is still distinct. Less
venerable in the remote past than York and Winchester,
for that very reason it keeps about it the memory of the
dio-nity which in their case is so ancient that it has wholly
passed away. Yet from York we cannot see that all special
dignity has passed away. The city which unites municipal
dignity second only to London with ecclesiastical dignity
second only to Canterbury still keeps an unique place in
the land.
It is from failing to grasp the history of France and its
cities as a living thing that to many it will doubtless seem
II.] ORIGIN OF FRENCH CITIES. 33
strange to claim for Le Mans or Poitiers, or even for Lyons
and Rouen, the same position as capitals or former capitals
which on the face of it belongs to Edinburgh. We are not
here concerned with the special story of the growth of the
French kingdom, its swallowing up both of its own vassal
states and of states which were not even its vassals. We have
to take a glance at the history of Gaul from a much wider
point of view. The old city which down to the Revolution
fully kept its position as a local capital, from which the
Revolution has not been able wholly to take away that
character, is, as a rule, immeasurably older than any English
town, and it held for ages a place immeasurably greater
than any English town ever held. Its history is stamped
on the spot itself, on its site and on its buildings. We
said that Edinburgh had grown up round a fortress ; the
French city has not grown up round a fortress ; it has
grown out of a stronghold, which is quite another matter.
The site has been a place of human habitation and the
centre of a more or less ory-anized society as far back as
history or trustworthy tradition can guide us. In days
before recorded history some Gaulish tribe fixed its central
point of meeting and defence — the words city and toivn
may best be kept till a later stage — on some point
which nature had made a natural centre for meeting and
defence. The island or peninsula in a river — the table-
land rising high and steep above surrounding hills and
dales — above all, the strong hill with the river flowing at
its foot or, better still, girding three of its sides with its
winding stream — on sites like these the old folk of Gaul
had fixed their strongholds long before Caesar came among
them. We must not look, as in many parts of Italy, for
almost every height to be crowned with a town, however
small, fenced in with immemorial walls and bulwarks.
Gaul lagged behind Italy in political developement ; the
crowd of towns, independent or united only by a federal
tie, had not supplanted the ruder but more lasting organiz-
ation of the tribe with its wide territory, and for the most
D
34 FRENCH AXD ENGLISH TOWNS. [Essay
part its single centre. But that centre, as a rule, has never
ceased from that day to this, to be in one form or another,
a place of dwelling, a seat of dominion. Changes and
revolutions have passed over it, but it still abides on its
ancient site, keeping in one shape or another its ancient
name.
First of all changes came the rule of the universal
conqueror. The Roman came ; he came not to destroy, but
to develope. The Gaulish stronghold, the head of the tribe,
itself for the most part became the Roman city ; the limits
of the tribe became the limits of the jurisdiction of the
city. Here and there the site was changed to some
neighbouring spot. As men long before came down from
Dardanie to holy Ilios in the plain, as men long after came
down from the elder Salisbury to the younger, so at the
Roman bidding men came down from the stronghold of
Bibracte, from the high table-land of Gergovia, to the lower
but still fairly lofty sites of Augustodunum whose name
still lives in the shortened shape of Autun, of Nemetum
whose name has given w ay to the more picturesque style of
the Bright Mount, the Clermont of the preaching of Urban.
Here the old sites remain forsaken, like Uleybury looking
down from the height of Cotswold, like the fallen walls of
Worlebury overhanging the Severn Sea, like the empty
ramparts of Norba on the Volscian hills looking down on
no less empty Ninfa at their foot. But more commonly the
old place of meeting and defence remained the place of
meetiner and defence under the rule of Ctesar. The rude
defences of the Gaul gave way to walls raised with all the
skill of Roman engineers. The mighty stones in one age,
the alternate ranges of brick and stone in another, sometimes
tell their tale how, after days of civil strife or foreign
invasion, later Csesars had to build again what earlier
Csesars had first built. Within and around the walls arose
all the buildings, all the works, which the highest civiliza-
tion of Rome called for. Streets were laid out ; public
buildings were raised, — the theatre, the basilica, the forum
II.] EFFECTS OF ROMAN CONQUEST. 35
with its surroundings ; the proudest site within the walls
was hallowed to some patron deity, and the pillared front
of the temple crowned and sanctified the height. Beyond
the walls, rising tier above tier from the ground, or wrought,
when it might be, in some hill-side of convenient shape, the
amphitheatre stood ready for the bloody sports which the
Roman carried with him alike to the soil of the Gaul and
to the soil of the Greek. The arches of the aqueduct bore
the needful supply of water from some hill more favoured
than that on which the city had arisen. From the gateways
— the gateways with their double arches, their flat pilasters,
their ranges of windows, such as we see at Nimes and Autun
and in the crowning glory of the Black Gate of Trier — the
straight paved road, its distance marked mile by mile, set
forth to bind the city to the other cities of the Roman
world, to offer an easy path alike to the armed legionary
and to the peaceful merchant. On each side of the path
were ranged the tombs of past generations ; beyond the
walls, safe, for some ages at least, in the protection of the
Roman Peace, gathered the pleasant villas and gardens of
Roman settlers and of natives who had become Roman in
all but blood, full sharers in that local and municipal life
which Rome knew how to extend to the cities of her
dominion.
Thus the Roman town grew in a marvellous way out
of the hill-fort or the river-fastness of the Gaul. Very
commonly it kept the ancient name of that hill-fort or
river-fastness, Lutetia of the Parisii or Durocortuni of
the Remi. Sometimes it bore a name in which the style
of a Roman ruler is strangely fitted with a Celtic ending,
Juliortiagus, city of the Andecavi, or Augustodunum, cit\-
of the -^dui. Sometimes as at Condantia, Aurellani, ami
GratianopoUs, it takes a name wholly Roman and Imperial,
with no native survival cleaving to it. Most commonly in
the South, now and then in the North, the name of the town
itself has lived on to this day. Burdujala and Toloaa keep to
this day with but little change the names which they have
D 2
36 FRENCH AND ENGLISH TOWNS. [Essay
borne from the beginning of things. But in the North
the name of the town itself most commonly gave way to
the name of the tribe of which it is the head. Lutetia
I^arisioi'inn becomes Clvitas Parislorum, and then in
various stages simply Farisii, Parishes, Fco'is. The tribe,
the territory of the tribe, and the town which was the
head of the tribe, became hardly distinguishable in Latin
speech. In the course of ages the popular dialect came to
distinguish town and land by corrupted forms of the tribe-
name fitted with different endings. The land of the Andecavi
becomes Anjou and their city becomes Angers ; the land of
the Cenomanni becomes Maine, while their city bears the
memorable name of Le Mans, city of famous counts and
famous bishops, but before all things city of the commune.
Whatever form the name took, the continuous life of the
town was not interrupted ; and in any case an ancient
name, Gaulish or Roman, remains to this day. Next comes
another stage. The rule of Ctesar still lasts, but the rule of
Csesar is no longer bound up with the worship of the gods
of the Roman capitol. A new creed spreads itself over the
land ; a persecuted sect comes forth from its hiding-places, to
take spiritual, and in some measure temporal possession also,
of the Roman world. Gaul, which had given the Church
so many martyrs, was not slow in accepting the Christian
faith, at least within the walls of her chief cities. Most
of those cities were soon to draw no small part of their later
fame from the presence of some martyred or sainted bishop.
Tours and Poitiers had become illustrious in the annals of
the Church, while Athens was still almost wholly pagan,
while Rome hei'self was at least as miich pagan as Christian.
While at Rome the Christian churches grew up only in the
outskirts of the city, while, after pagan worship ceased,
the pagan temples still stood, if shut up and empty, in Gaul
the zealous bishops of the fourth century supplanted the
holy places of the decaying faith by the new holy places of
the growing faith. The greatest temple of each city, the
home of the patron god, seated commonly on the proudest
II.] EFFECTS OF CHRISTIANITY. 37
site within the walls, gave way to the special church of the
bishop, the spiritual centre of that extent of territory which
had once marked the possessions of the tribe, which then
marked the civil jurisdiction of the city, and which now,
without changing its bounds, marked the spiritual jurisdic-
tion of the city's chief pastor. Here comes in one of tho
great facts of historical geography; the map of Roman Gaul
survives, with but few and those simple changes, in the
ecclesiastical map of France down to the great Revolution.
A few dioceses in the North, many in the South, have been
divided ; many have been united to others in modern times ;
but the process which is really destructive of continuity, the
translation from one seat to another, has ever been rare.
Within the city itself the temple was changed into the church,
or more commonly it supplied the materials for its building.
Walls and columns changed places ; the shafts which had
supported the entablature of the portico which sheltered the
dead wall of the cella were now taught to come wathin the
shelter of the roof, to part the long nave from its aisles, tu
bear aloft, perhaps the long drawn cornices of Rome, perhaps
the more living arcades of Spalato and Ravenna. The tall
campanile was not yet ; the display of artistic skill kept
almost as wholly within the building as in the elder form
of architecture it had kept without. But beside the church,
there often arose, though far less universally than under the
milder sky of Italy, the distinct baptistery, of which
precious examples still linger at Poitiers, at Aix, and at
Le Puy. The face of the city was thus changed, it was hardly
improved, by the substitution of the long unbroken body
of the basilica for the more stately columns of the temple.
But the votaries of the new creed found a home wnthin the
walls of their seats of worship, such as the votaries of the
elder creed had never found within theirs. And around
the church arose the dwellings of the bishop and his clergy,
a class of men destined to play no small part in the history
of the city and of the land.
Next, on the Roman city, now become a Christian city,
38 FRENCH AND ENGLISH TOWNS. [Essay
came the flood of Teutonic invasion. The rule of the Bur-
gundian and the West-Goth in the South, the rule of the
Frank in the North, supplanted the rule of CcBsar. The
effects of the change difter widely in difierent parts of the
land. The connexion with the seat of Empire, with Rome,
Old or New, first became nominal and then was wiped out
altogether, till the day when the Roman diadem was set on
the brow of a Frankish king. In the South, where the
Burgundian and the Goth dwelled, but where the Frank,
when his turn came, commanded only from outside, the life
of Rome went on with far less of change than it did in the
North where the Frank really settled. But in neither
case was the Roman life ever blotted out ; in no city of
Gaul were the Roman inhabitants slaughtered, enslaved, or
driven out ; in no case was the city swept away till its
very site was forgotten ; in no case were its walls left
standing with no house and no inhabitant within them."^
The change was great ; it was no doubt terrible ; but in no
case did it amount to an utter break with the past. The
cities kept their ancient names, and they kept their ancient
buildings for later ages gradually to destroy. The Gaulish
hill-fortress, the Roman city, lived through the storm. It
remained a seat of habitation and of dominion ; it kept
its name, its position as the head of a district, in the South
it even kept large traces of its Roman municipal organ-
ization. Above all, it kept or won back its place as a seat
of spiritual rule, the seat of a chief church and its pastor.
The cities of Gaul have lived on uninterruptedly from the
days of Sextius and Ctesar till now. The episcopal churches
of Gaul lived on uninterruptedly from the days of primitive
Christendom to the great Revolution.
There is thus no time in the life of a Gaulish city w-hen we
are left altogether without notices of its history ; but there
are several centuries during wdiich it is very hard to call
* Such a case as that of Jublains (Diablintes) in the department of
Mayenne is not due to the invasions of the fifth century, but to much
earlier warfare.
II.] EFFECTS OF TEUTONIC CONQUEST. 39
up any clear notion of its outward look. AVe know pretty
well how it looked in the fifth century ; we know pretty
well how it looked in the eleventh ; we have abundant
surviving remains of the buildings of both those ages. For
the long period between them we have little to guide us ;
the remains of its buildings are few ; they are very precious
when we light on any. But we know enough to say that
the city was still girded by its Roman walls or by walls
built in close imitation of the Roman fashion ; churches
and monasteries arose within them and beyond them, built
also as nearly as the decaying skill of the time would
allow after the same Roman fashion. And, chief of all, in
nearly all the great cities, the bishop's church within
the city, on the height or in the island, found its rival in
the shape of the great abbey without the walls, bearing
commonly the name of some illustrious and canonized bishop
of the see. Saint Ouens at Rouen is an example known
to all ; within the modern city, within the mediiieval wall, it
stands outside those clearly marked lines of the Roman
Chester which show how far Rothomagus reached when Saint
Ouens first arose. And the bishop's church within, the
abbot's church without, the many smaller churches of
monasteries and parishes, now begin to take to themselves
a feature unknown to earlier times, and which has afiected
the general look of Christian cities and lands more than
any other one invention. It is hard to conceive a town of
Western Europe or a wide landscape in Western Europe in
which the church-tower does not form a main feature. By
the end of the time of which we speak, the soaring bell-
towers of the churches, tall and slender after the model of
Italy, must of themselves have given the cities of Gaul, as
of every other Western land, a wholly different general look
from any that they could have had in the days either of
the pagan or of the Christian Roman.
By the eleventh century, and indeed long before the
eleventh century, these ancient cities had, as in the old days
of the Gaulish tribes, again taken their place as heads of
40 FRENCH AND ENGLISH TOWNS. [Essay
independent political bodies. The rule of the Frankish Kings
and Emperors had been so utterly broken in pieces, each
duchy and county had won for itself so complete a practical
independence, that the head city of each fairly ranked as a
capital. It was the head of a district which had a separate
being ; it was the seat of a prince who, whatever might be
his formal dependence on a higher lord, practically exercised
all the rights of an independent sovereign. And alongside
of all this there was growth of another kind, the growth of
the communal spirit, which, though it never raised the
French towns to the rank of independent commonwealths
like those of Italy, yet won for them large municipal privi-
leges and gave birth to a vigorous and abiding municipal
life. The mediaeval history of these cities now begins ;
they put on the outward shape of which we everywhere
see greater or less traces. These three elements, the Church,
the prince, the civic body, flourish side by side, and each,
in its way, helps to increase the outward splendour of the
city. The head church and the smaller churches with
their attached buildings are enlarged or rebuilt, sometimes
over and over again, in the varying taste of successive
centuries. The castle of the duke or count rises, sometimes
to be supplanted by, sometimes to see growing up by its
side, the more peaceful palace, with its clustering turrets,
its stately hall, the tall, short, mass of its sainte chapelle
rising perhaps over every other part of the princely dwelling.
Municipal and other civil buildings arise ; the hut(d de
ville, the palace of justice, the houses, built in the style of
successive ages from the Romanesque of Le Mans to the
advanced Gothic of Jacques Cceur at Bourges — the dwellings
of wealthy merchants, of nobles who have one of their
homes within the head city of their province — all gather
arouiid the two crowning objects of all, the church of the
bishop and the castle or palace of the prince.
Under all these influences acting together, the mediaeval
cities of Gaul grew in extent as well as in splendour,
and it is an exceptional case when Autun, like Homo
II.] FRENCH MEDIAlVAL TOWNS. 41
in later days, shrinks up far within the compass of her
elder walls. As a rule, the model is Rome in an earlier
stage, when the wall of Servius became too narrow, and the
wall of Aurelian was needed to fence in the new extent
of tlie full-grown city. The Roman wall ceases to be
the boundary of the city ; perhaps it vanishes altogether,
leaving only the indelible impress of the camp with its
four limbs on that part of the city which the wall once
girded. A new w^all arises, fencing in the suburbs which
have grown outside the older defences, a process which
in some cases has been repeated more than once. These
later walls have commonly given way to modern boule-
vards ; here and there a city, like Chartres, keeps all or
part of these comparatively modern gates and bulwarks.
But the Roman wall does not always wholly perish. Some-
times, as at Sens, it remains as a wall, all beyond being
still suburb. Sometimes, as at Evreux and Bourges, it
has been worked into later buildings ; at Bourges its round
bastions serve happily as bases for the turrets of the house
of Jacques Coeur and for the apse of a chapel near the
metropolitan church. In the most instructive cases of
all, the old city, wnthin its protecting wall, lives on and
keeps its owm name and its own being, while a new
fortified enclosure arises beside or below it. There is la
cite, the immemorial capital, the ecclesiastical and aristo-
cratic quarter, and there is la ville, the modern dwelling-
place of upstart burghers. So it is at Limoges ; so it
is, in a more striking shape, in the wonderful city of Le
Puy. There the cite still sits on the height of the ruck,
with no small remnants of the walls that fenced in that
marvellous church, raised high on soaring arches, with
the dwellings of priests and nobles around it. There too
is the lowlier ville, home of burghers and friars, gathering
at the foot and on the slopes of the hill. One almost won-
ders that one does not find, as at Chur and at Syra, one
form of worship practised at the top of the hill and another
at the bottom.
12 FRENCH AND ENGLISH TOWNS. [Essay
Thus our French city grew. One by one the duchies
and counties ceased to be independent ; a variety of
processes united them to the crown of Paris ; their head
cities ceased to be capitals of states, of powers with full
political life. But they did not cease to be capitals. The
duke or count often went on, still holding his castle or
palace, still keeping his court as the centre of the local
nobility ; for such purposes it mattered but little that the
duke was no longer a vassal sovereign, but a prince of the
royal house holding the duchy as an appanage. Even
where this state of things never existed, or after it had
passed away, the city by no means lost its character of a
capital. The system of the old monarchy, highly central-
ized on one side, was the opposite to centralized on the
other. The change was not so much that each duchy and
county was merged in the kingdom as that the king took
the place of each separate duke and count. The city
remained a capital ; it remained a local centre of society,
administration, education, and law, in a way that we may
safely say that the English city or county -town never did.
Yet it is not unpleasant, when we see that our old towns
are in many things inferior to the old towns of many other
lands, to remember that whatever is taken from each par-
ticular place is added to the whole kingdom. Why does
both the princely and the civic element show itself in
greater splendour in a French than in an English city'?
Simply because in England the kingdom was more united,
because the general government was stronger, because
the English earl or bishop was not an independent
prince, nor the English city an independent common-
wealth. Why are the grand town-houses of nobles and
rich merchants so much more common in French than
in English towns 1 Because in England a man could live
in safety in a peaceful manor-house, in a house in an un-
walled village, in times when in France none but the master
of a strong castle was safe beyond the walls of the fortified
town. And in one point we may fairly boast that English
II.] COMPARISON OF FRENCH AND ENGLISH TOWNS. 43
cities have a marked superiority over French. As to the
comparative merits of the great churches of the two lands —
remembering that, in this matter, Normandy largely goes
with England and not with France — the question is largely
a matter of taste. An English and a French minster aim
at different ideals, and their beauties are of different kinds.
But there can be no doubt that the ecclesiastical quarter of
an English city — the close, the precinct, the college, the
abbey — has a distinct charm of its own. It has a separate
being in a way which is seldom — it would be dangerous to
say never — found in France, where the cathedral or other
great church is so much more commonly encroached on by
mean secular buildings. Here again we have an historic
cause. In the immemorial city, where the bishopric was
as old as the early Christian Empire, there was no room for
a distinct ecclesiastical quarter like that of Wells or Lich-
field, where the city simply grew round the church, or even
where, as at Norwich or Chichester, the bishop made his
way into an existing city, but came in as a great potentate,
almost as a conqueror.
Thus the French city grew to be a contrast to its English
fellow, and the havoc of revolution, the later havoc of
modern improvement, have brought in fresh points of
difference. It is grievous to take an old description, an
old picture, of a French city, and to see what has perished
— walls, castles, houses, above all churches. But. after all,
the real wonder is, not that so much is gone, but that
anything is left. In the matter of churches, there is one
striking difference between an English and a French town.
Our first impression is that a French town has much finer
churches than an English one. To some extent this is
true ; and the fact arises from several causes, one of which is
a difference of architectural fashion. An English parish
church has a type of its own, one wholly different from the
type of a minster, but which may be just as good in its
own way. Even when it is of positively great size, it very
seldom affects the character of a minster. We may perhaps
44 FRENCH AND ENGLISH TOWNS. [Essat
regret that it does not ; for the purely parochial type
better suits a small church than a large one. In France
the parish church, sometimes even when it is of no very
great size, constantly follows the pattern of the minster,
and often with much success. And it may be that this
preference of a higher type of building in the French
town has in some measure sprung out of its greater local
dignity. The other cause comes from an historical acci-
dent. The appearance of superiority on the part of the
French churches is often due to the fact that we are com-
paring churches of different classes. The great churches of
the French towns have much oftener than in England
been collegiate, monastic, or, owing to the suppression of
bishoprics, even cathedral. In an English town the mon-
astic churches have largely perished, wholly or partially,
while the parish churches have commonly lived on. In
France, while many monastic churches were destroyed, more
were spared than in England. When therefore religion was
restored after the storm, when some, but not all, of the
churches were restored to religious uses, it was naturally
the larger and finer ones, commonly monastic or collegiate,
that were set up again, while the parish churches, smaller
and less stately, have very largely vanished.
Such has been the course of a French local capital, from
the Gaulish hill-fort to the modern city, flourishing or
decaying, it may be, according to a modern standard, but
in any case keeping about it large traces of its ancient
history, its ancient dignity. There are other classes of
French towns, as there are other classes of English towns ;
but it is these old capitals which form the most instructive
contrast with that class of English towns which comes
nearest to their likeness. Setting aside a few manufacturing
and seafaring towns of modern growth, there are few towns
of any importance in France besides the ancient capitals.
The English market-town largely came of itself. It was one
of a number of settlements which outgrew its neighbours,
and which became a town, sometimes a considerable town,
TI.] GROWTH OF SMALLER TOWNS. 45
while its neisrhbours remained mere villasres. The smaller
French towns seem seldom to belong to this class ; they
have more commonly grown up round castles or monas-
teries, as have many in England too, though to nothing like
the same extent as in France. Caen is an almost solitary
example of a town which has been of great local importance
ever since the eleventh century, but which cannot trace its
history further back than the eleventh century. Say tenth
for eleventh, and Caen has a crowd of fellows in England.
Many of the English local capitals, if we can call them
capitals, have no claim to British or Roman origin at all.
They are of English origin in the strictest sense ; they are,
like the mere market-towns, Anglian or Saxon settlements,
homes of communities, which some accident of history, often
the foundation of some fortress, caused to grow from villagfes
into cities. Many English towns stand on the site of
Roman towns, but very few, if any, English towns can
trace the same uninterrupted connexion with primitive
times which is still plainly written on the ancient cities of
France. It is by no means clear that the Roman towns in
Britain so generally occupied Celtic sites as they did in
Gaul ; it is quite certain that few or no English towns can
show the same continuous existence from Roman times
which so many French towns can. A great gulf, an
interval of historic darkness, a period given up to the
conjectures and inferences of ingenious men, divides their
latest recorded Roman existence from their earliest recorded
English existence. No existing English, or even Welsh,
bishopric pretends to trace an uninterrupted episcopal
succession further back than the sixth century. That any
English town retains a traditional, or even an imitative,
Roman constitution, is a mere dream without a shadow of
proof. Nay, it is not even certain that the sites of the
ancient Roman towns were continuously inhabited. Many
of them are utterly forsaken ; others have changed their
names ; of those which have kept their names several are
suspected to have changed their sites. It is the history of
46 FRENCH AND ENGLISH TOWNS. [Essay
the bishoprics of England and France which supplies the
best means of comparison and contrast. Of course we set
aside the sees founded in England by Henry the Eighth
and in our own day, just as we set aside the more recent
bishoprics of France. We have no concern with the see of
Manchester or with the see of Versailles. We have no
concern even with the see of Gloucester or the see of
Montauban. Our ancient English dioceses, like those of
France, represent the civil divisions which existed at the
time of their foundation ; but then in England those civil
divisions were not the districts of Roman cities, but were
ancient English principalities. The sees were by no means
necessarily placed in Roman cities. When they were, they
can trace no unbroken succession from the bishops of
Roman times. London and York had doubtless been epi-
scopal seats in earlier times, but the English bishops of those
cities were in no sense successors of the Roman or British
bishops. A wide gap, the introduction of another people
and another language, the introduction and the overthrow
of another religion, cut off the two series from one another.
But in truth an English bishopric had no such necessary
connexion with a city as a continental bishopric had. The
head church, served by the bishop's monks or clerks, was
placed somewhere, but it was by no means necessarily
placed in the greatest or most ancient town in the diocese.
Selsey, Ramsbury, Sherborne, Wells, Lichfield, Elmham,
Dunwich, were episcopal sees and little else, and all of
them have, either for a time or for ever, had their episcopal
rank taken from them. Dorchester — the Oxfordshire
Dorchester — was a Roman site, but it had no continuous
civic existence like Chartres or Angers. None of these
cities have anything like the history, none of them have
anything like the outward appearance, of those cities in
France where the Gaulish hill-fort has gradually grown
into the modern city. At Exeter and Lincoln we do see an
outward appearance which may be fairly likened to that of
the French type of city ; but the historical analogy fails us.
II.] BISHOPRICS. 47
Lincoln and Exeter were Roman cities ; Exeter, alone among
English cities, has lived on with an unbroken life through all
stages of the history of the island. But as bishoprics they
date only from the eleventh century. Colchester, Camalu-
dunum, has, of all the towns in England, the best claim to
assert a continuous English occupation since Roman times.
But compared with Poitiers and Le Mans, its history seems
cut short at both ends. It was a Roman colony, but it was
not a primaeval British settlement. It is a Domesday city :
it remains an Enghsh borough; but it has never been the
seat of any but a suffragan bishopric : for ages at least it
has not been the head of a shire.
In France again, as has been already hinted, it is the old
cities, the immemorial ecclesiastical and civil capitals,
which are, to a very great extent, the seats of modern
commerce and manufacture. We need not speak of the
age of Massalia, the Hellenic commonwealth which braved
the might of Csesar, the Free City of the Empire which
braved the might of Charles of Anjou. But Lyons, Rouen,
Bordeaux, Amiens, Nantes, are all examples of modern
industry and commerce finding their homes in the abodes
of ancient counts and bishops. Cherbourg, Brest, Toulon,
though not equalling the associations of the others, art-
all ancient and historic towns. Havre alone is modern,
but it has lived to what is in many eyes the respectable
age of three centuries. In England, on the other hand,
London stands by itself as keeping anything like that
continuous importance which Paris shares with many
other French cities. Our greatest towns are, as a rule,
neither the seats of Roman dominion nor yet the seats
of Old-English bishoprics. Manchester and Leeds bear
names which connect them with very early history, but
they have no continuous greatness. Our old havens have
mostly sunk into insignificance ; some of them have ceased
to exist. Southampton and Dover alone can pretend to
any continuous life. Of our cities famous in the middle
ages, Bristol &nd Norwich almost alone have kept up
48 FRENCH AND ENGLISH TOWNS. [Essay
any unbroken importance, and of Bristol and Norwich,
as the modern importance is quite secondary, the antiquity
is quite secondary also. Throughout England our con-
nexion with early times is far more strongly shown in
institutions than in sites or buildings. In France it is the
other way.
The contrast then is striking in every way. We may
sum it up by saying that a French city, the seat of a
bishopric, the capital of an ancient province, can commonly
show an uninterrupted existence, an uninterrupted import-
ance, from the very beginning of civil and ecclesiastical
history. The origin of the town is lost in the maze of
prehistoric times ; the origin of the church is lost among
the early legends of saints and martyrs. The city keeps
either its own Celtic name or the name of the Celtic tribe
of which it was the head. In England, on the other
hand, cities and churches are all of comparatively recent
date. Not more than two or three can even pretend to
an unbroken life from British or Roman times. Names
have changed, the seats of dominion have shifted, the seats
of ecclesiastical and of civil rule do not coincide, they
often have never coincided. The continuous local history
of our cities begins, as a rule, with the seventh century
or often much later. The recorded continuous local history
of a French city goes back to Csesar or Sextius, and the
days of Caesar or Sextius were not its beginning. Every-
thing in England points to a thorough uprooting of okl
institutions, to the forsaT^ing of old sites, to a complete de-
struction of all organization and governments, which left
a new nation to make a new start. That is to say, the
English conquest of Britain was something whollv different
from the Frankish, Burgundian. Gothic, conquests of Gaul.
Without making this comparison, without carrying it
out into minute details, no one can understand the phse-
nomena of our early histor3^ Now this is just Avhat
our ingenious theorists, our genealogists who trace our
pedigree up to our British ancestors, our clever men who
TI.l CONTRAST OF GAUL AND BRITAIN. 49
stand up for the Roman origin of English municipalities,
never take the trouble to do. History, like philology,
to be really philosophical, must not be conjectural, but
comparative. A comparison of Britain with Gaul or Spain
will teach more than ten thousand ingenious guesses. It
is written on the face of the two countries that the
English conquest of Britain places a complete break —
what philosophers call a ' solution of continuity ' —
between the days before and the days after it. The
Frankish conquest of Gaul, with all the important changes
which it brought about, made no such complete break.
In a word. Englishmen are Englishmen, with a certain
Celtic infusion. Frenchmen, notwithstanding a certain
Teutonic infusion, are Celts to this day.
ROMAN ANTIQUITIES IN GAUL AND BRITAIN.
The historic position of Roman remains in England and on the conti-
nent are quite unlike one another. Among the nations of the Romance
speech, Roman remains are not only far more abundant and in far
better preservation than they are here ; they occupy a wholly different
historical position. No doubt there are wide differences in different
parts even of what is now France. The nearer we draw to the
Imperial centre itself, the more numerous are the Roman buildings,
and the greater the influence which they have had on the style of
later buildings. A perceptible difference in this respect may be felt
between Normandy and England, between Normandy and Aquitaine,
between Aquitaine and Provence. And of these the gap which
separates England and Normandy is the narrowest of all. The
reason is plain ; the Norman settlement in Neustria was much more
like the English settlement in Britain than it was like the Frankish
and Gothic conquests elsewhere. The Scandinavian settlers kept
the sites of the Roman cities and gradually learned the Romance
language ; still the continuity between Roman and later times is
much feebler in Normandy than it is in other parts of Gaul.
Normandy, in this, as in many other respects, presents a state of
things intermediate between the phaenomena of the continent and
those of our island. Setting that transitional district aside, we find
the position of Roman remains, and their historical value, altogether
E
50 FRENCH AND ENGLISH TOWNS. [Essay
different in England and on the continent. In France, and much
more in Provence and Italy, the connexion with Roman times is
continuous. It goes on in language, in nomenclature, in art, in
institutions, in everything. No impassable gulf separates the present
from the Roman past ; the change has been great, but it has been
I^erfectly gradual. We suspect that the great French Revolution,
which a few living men can remember,* was really a ruder snapping
of ties between past and present than any Gothic or even Frankish
conquest. The actual Roman remains are constantly found standing
above ground ; sometimes Roman buildings remain in so perfect a,
state that they can be applied to some modern use. In England,
Roman remains standing above ground are rare and commonly frag-
mentary ; the excejjted class is only another illustration of the same
general law. Such are places like Pevensey and Burgh, where the
Roman walls of a forsaken city remain perfect or nearly so. There
is no Roman building in P^ngland which can be applied to any
modern use ; indeed the great mass of our Roman antiquities consist,
not of buildings at all. but of inscriptions and objects of various kinds,
themselves for the most part quite fragmentary, dug out of the earth
on Roman sites.
In France then the interest and importance of Roman and of
mediaeval remains is exactly the same in kind. Wliich is the higher
in degree is a question which will be differently answered according
to the respective tastes of different inquirers. Each alike is part of
the continuous history of the country ; no impassable gulf separates
one from the other. Who can venture to say when the Roman style
of building came to an end even in Northern Gaul ? The masonry
of many churches, down quite to the eleventh century, is still
essentially Roman. No doubt a man of special skill in Roman art
would despise it as very poor work when compared with work of the
age of Augustus, perhaps even with work of the age of Constantine.
But it is Roman work all the same ; it is a style of masonry which
had gone on in use without any break, without any one moment of
change to divide one period from another in any marked way. h In
Gaul, in short, even in Northern Gaul, ' the Roman style ' never act-
ually died out till it was lost in the later style of the middle ages. So
again in the South, nothing is more curious than to mark, say in the
great collection at Toulouse, the way in which the Roman sarcojihagus
gra.dually grew into the mediaeval tomb. There are all sorts of
intermediate types, showing Roman forms of art— corrujited if any
one pleases, but still Roman and not anything else — going on when
* [None now; some could in 1868.]
t [There are districts, some in Savoy for instance, where we can
fairly say that a Roman manner of building has gone on to our own
time.]
11.] ROMAN ANTIQUITIES IN GAUL AND BRITAIN. 51
not only the Koiniui religion but the Roman dominion had died away.
We have nothing like this in England. While the Christian Goths
of Aquitaine, in adorning their tombs, continued the arts of Rome as
well as they knew how, the heathen English in Britain were bulging
in the same purely heathen fashion in which they had buried at the
mouth of the Elbe. A gap, a gulf, a period of thick darkness, cuts ott'
Roman and British things in this island from the earliest monu-
mental records of our own nation. In Gaul the 'mos Romanus '
lived on till it was merged in the great architectural innovations
of the eleventh and twelfth centuries. In England the ' mos Romanus '
had to be brought in again, as something fresh and unknown, by the
missionaries and pilgrims of the seventh century. By that time
there can hardly have been in England proper such a thing as a
perfect Roman building standing, nothing like a church, temple, or
other public building in any but a ruined state. Town walls no
doubt there were, as there are still, and there were remains of other
buildings capable of serving as quarries for new erections down to
a much later time. But as we have, in comparison with Gaul, com-
paratively few sites, so we have absolutely no perfect buildings,
and veiy few fragments of buildings, which even pretend to have
been kept ujd in continuous existence from days before the English.
Conquest. The little church of Saint Martin outside Canterbury,
if we grant it to be all that it professes to be, does not profess
to have been kept in absolutely continuous use. The Frankish
Bishop Liudhard repaired a church which was already in niins.
Brixworth again is a church a large part of which, whatever its
date, is obviously Roman in style. It may have been built out of
the ruins of a building earlier than the departure of the legions, or
it may be simply an example of the ' mos Romanus ' brought back
again in the seventh century. At Saint Albans again and at Colches-
ter we have large buildings of the eleventh century which have some-
thing of Roman character about them, owing to their having been
largely built out of Roman materials. Nothing better illustrates the
position of Roman remains in England as compared with their position
in France. The continuous retention of a Roman manner of building
down to the eleventh century shows that in France the Roman
period is one which is connected with the present by an unbi-oken
chain. The Roman materials used up again at Colchester and Saint
Albans are visible signs of the ruined and fragmentary state of all
Roman remains here, and of the impassable gap by which they are
separated from the earliest recorded events of strictly English
history. * Architecture tells the same tale as language, nomen-
"*■ [The using of Roman columns so common in the south, is next to
unkno^vn both in England and Normandy. There are two such in the
west doorway of Saint Woollos' church in Monmouthshire ; there is
E 2
52 FRENCH AND ENGLISH TOWNS. [Essay
clature, and religion. The Frankish settlement in Gaul was a mere
settlement, a settlement which hardly caused more change than the
Norman settlement in England ; it changed more in some respects,
less in others. There was nothing in it to interrupt the historical
(Continuity between the times before it and the times after it. But
all our evidence shows that the English conquest of Britain was
something widely different, something standing by itself, something
wholly unlike eveiy other Teutonic settlement in a country even
faintly Romanized.*
another in the desecrated abbey of Bernay. Tlie only examples that
r know of a series of such columns is in the church of Duclair, not
far from Jumieges.]
* [I have lately seen again the church and pharos in Dover castle.
In ih.e. phm-os vte have doubtless an abiding Roman work recast in
mediaeval times. The church is rather built out of Roman materials,
not unlikely at a very early time.]
III.] AQUJB SEXTI^. 53
III.
AQU.E SEXTIiE.
The first settlement of Rome beyond the Alps, the
capital of Provence in its later estate as a county, calls up
so many associations that the actual sight of the city is
perhaps a little disappointing. The city of the Sextian
Waters, the cherished dwelling-place of King Ren^, ought
in all reason to supply us with a goodly store both of
Roman and of mediaeval monuments. Aix ought to be a
rival of Nimes, Aries, and Vienne. As a matter of fact, it
is nothing of the kind, and we complain that it is not.
Yet, if Aix were a city of less fame, if we came upon it
suddenly without being familiar with its name, we should
assuredly not despise it. Its position at least is worthy of
its renown. It is not a city set on an hill ; hot springs, —
and Aix owes its name and its being to its hot springs, —
are more commonly to be looked for in the lower regions.
That Aix does not stand low as regards the not very
distant sea we feel strongly as the train carries us up the
ascent which forms the latter part of the road from
Rognac. There we leave one of the great highways of
Europe for the special line which carries us to Aix. Since
we left Aries — for we cannot conceive the traveller as
starting from any other point — since, in leaving Aides, we
passed by her Elysian fields and altogether forsook the
companionship of the rushing Rhone, we have seen hills,
both inland hills and hills skirting the coast, but we have
not ourselves been carried over any high ground. But we
54 AQU^ SEXTIjE. [Essay
have passed over the stony land of Crau, the campus
lapideus of Gregory, a stony field indeed, and one where
every stone should be as precious as the Ephesian aerolite
itself. For the stones of Crau are the artillery of Zeus
himself, ^Yho cast them down from heaven to help his son
Herakles in his battle with the Ligurians. We pass on,
and, unless we have mastered our map well, we are
tempted to think that we are skirting the genuine
Mediterranean. But what we pass is nothing but its
inlet, one of the many inlets of the Rhone Delta ; it is
known by the humble name of Mang de Berre ; but it is
a pleasant-looking piece of water enough, with a shore by
no means to be despised. We pass by a small town or
two, a castle or two, which make us wish that we could
stop and see everything ; specially do we wish to stop at
8aint-Chamas and see the Flavian bridsfe, even thouofh we
know well that it is not the work of any Flavian Emperor^
but only of Donnius Flavus, priest of Rome and Augustus.
But when we have changed carriages at Rognac and are
fairly in the valley of the Are, we feel ourselves really in a
hilly and rocky land ; we go as distinctly up to Aix as we
go up to Purton and Swindon by the vale of Stroud. Yet
when we reach the city, we find that it stands low as
regards the hills and mountains which fence it in. When
we look down on it from the height of Entremont, the
Dardanie, the Sinodun, the old Vesona, of Aix, Aquae
Sextise might almost seem, like her sister Aqua? Sulis, to
be set ad portas inferi. Aix, unlike Bath, is one of the
riverless cities ; Are is too small and too distant to count
lor anything. But, though lacking this element of scenery,
the Proven9al Aquae far outdoes its British namesake in
the other chief element. The hills stand nobly every way,
and the Mount of Victory soars above all, to proclaim the
memory of the gi'eatest day in the history of Aix and her
coasts, of one of the greatest days in the history of Gaul
and of all Europe. We cannot find it in our hearts to
doubt the legend which looks on the name of the great
III.] VICTORY OF MARIUS. 55
liill. and the ancient ceremonies with -which its height is
honoured, as abiding memories of the day when Gaius
Marius saved Gaul and Rome and Europe from Teutonic
invaders whose fault was that they had come before their
time.
This is in truth the great lesson of the proudest memory
(if Aquie Sextice. The war in which ]\[arius won his purest
fame is not exactly the beginning of the history of our race ;
]>ut it is the first showing of our race in the history of the
world. The men against whom he fought, unlike those
against whom Stilicho fought, had come too soon. Rome
was not ready for them nor they for Rome ; there was no
place yet in the world for an Ataulf, a Theodoric, or a
Charles ; that they miglit come, the Dictator and Cfiesar
Auorustus had to come first. There was therefore no disci-
pline for the men who had risen too early in the morning
of the history of their race, save to be scourged back again
like those who rose in the games before their turn. Their
only fate was to be cut off at AqutB Sextise and on the
Raudian fields. And truly there came not such a day as
the day of Aquae Sextise till a new time had come, when
Roman and Teuton had alike grown to their full growth.
By that day they had so far forgotten old quarrels that
they could march side by side against a foe that threatened
both, and threatened all that had meanwhile become com-
mon to both. On the day of Aquae Sextiae, Gaius Marius,
consul of Rome, saved Rome and the earlier civilization
of Europe from Teutonic invaders. On the day of the
Catalaunian fields a Roman patrician and a Gothic king
had to do their work in partnership. The part of Gaius
Marius was divided between Aetius and the first Theodoric.
Roman and Teuton, Catholic and Arian, had to fight for
their common Europe, their common Christendom, against
the Asiatic heathen. Nay the heathen Frank himself, Aryan
and European if not Christian, could be welcomed into the
great fellowship, to strike at least a blow for Woden and
Thunder against the uncouth idols of Attila. But without
56 AQVu^ SEXTIJ^. [Essay
striving to set those two great deliverances in rivalry with
one another, it is certainly the work of Marius, rather than
the work of Aetius, which has the nearest claim to a local
habitation. Without presuming to fix the exact place of his
victory, we may safely assume that Aix has more right in
it than Chalons has in the other. The battle of Marius is
called dirt' ctly from the town ; it is therefore not likely
to have been fought very far from it ; the battle of Aetius
and Theoduric simply bears the name which the tribe
has given alike to the city and to the district. It is not
the fight of Chalons, but the fight of the Catalaunian
fields. One would not be very far wrong if one spoke
of the battle of the campi Catalaunici as the battle of
all Champagne.
We come then with our heads full of the historic name
of Aquse Sextise, and we are a little disappointed to find
that there is very little of Aquse SexticB there. That so it
is doubtless partly comes of the fact that the modern and
the ancient town do not occupy exactly the same site.
Yet it must not be forgotten that change of site has some-
times, as in the case of Vesona and Pdrigueux, an opposite
effect. That so much of Vesona — the second Roman Vesona
— still abides as Perigueux is largely because Pdrigueux
shifted its site from that second V^esona to the Ptiy Saint-
Front. Here too the first Roman town grew up at the foot
of the elder site of Entremont, on the site, that is, of the
Sextian Waters. This town is said to have been destroyed
in a Saracen inroad in 738. Then the eldest metropolitan
church perished, but the succession of bishops went on,
and the town gradually rose again, but with a somewhat
shifted site. The elder town, the town of towers (ville des
tours), lay to the west side of the present city, in what is
now the quarter of the Minims, and it grew to its present
extent by gradually annexing several suburbs or rather
distinct towns. There was the town of the counts, the
v'die comtule, occupying the mid part of the present town,
and marked by the palace of justice. And there was the
III. LOCAL STORIES.
hourg SaintSauveur, so called from a small Christian
oratory which in very early times sprang up in the near
neighbourhood of a pagan temple outside the walls, a
temple which in after days it supplanted. The counts'
town, a town with walls of its own, had no church within
those walls ; another church, the Madeleine, since removed
to another site, stood without them. The three towns
together could have occupied no very great space ; they all
lay on the north side of the Grand Cours, the wide planted
street (for a boulevard in strictness it is not) which is
such a striking feature of modern Aix and divides it into
two parts.
Such is the local story ; of the first metropolitan church
of which it speaks it is hard to say anything. Some Roman
remains are said to be left on its site, but the site is occu-
pied by a convent of devout ladies, into whose precincts no
profane Aktaion or Cludius may hope to pry. But we
gather that its ancient title was Notre Dame de la Seds.
The see is not an uncommon name for the episcopal church
both in Southern Gaul and in Spain, It was, we think, at
Tarbes that we first heard the name. Having heard it, we
added it to a little stock of such names, now that modern
fashion, ever bent on getting rid of local colouring, will
abide nothing: but the monotonous ' cathedral,' Let the nee
of Aix, though it be there no longer, live at least in memory
alongside of the still abiding abbey of Durham and minster
of Lincoln, Towards the end of the eleventh century, when
the fallen city was again looking up a little, the series of
events began which led to the translation of the metropolitan
throne of Aquse Sextise from Our Lady of the See to the
church of Saint Saviour. As yet that church was only the
primitive oratory, or whatever later building had arisen on
its site. Local faith believed it to be the genuine work of
the apostle of Aix, the specially reverenced Saint Maximin,
one of the holy company who came to Provence in company
with the sisters of Bethany, Modern belief will hardly go
so far as this ; but that a very ancient church stood on thi-
58 AQUuE SEXTIJi. [Essay
site there is no reason to doubt, and our grandfathers might
have been more certain about the matter. The church of
Saint Saviour, and the quarter to which it gave its name,
the houvg as it was afterwards called, stood on higher
uround than any within the present compass of Aix. It
stood on ground which, whether within the ancient city or
not, is shown by existing remains to have been covered by
Roman buildings of no small importance. It is said to
have lain outside the walls alike of the ville des tour^ and
of the Ville comtale. But it is added that its inhabitants,
according to the fashion of the time, had turned the ruins
of the temple into something of a fortress for their defence.
To this site the primates of Aix in the eleventh century
were minded to move their episcopal chair, and between
1060 and 1103 the first step towards the completion of the
plan was carried out l)y the building of a new and larger
church of Saint Saviour. The work is attributed mainly
to the agency of Benedict, the head of the canons of Aix,
who, in this Imperial land, bore the title of Provost. And
all honour to Provost Benedict, and all shame to the
reformers of the nineteenth century. As far as he is
concerned, we might have been able to study at Saint
Saviour's a piece of Romanesque building more ancient than
his own. He so built his church as to keep the ancient
oratory as an attached chapel. Will it be believed that
this precious relic was pulled down, not by Saracens, not
by Huguenots, not by men of the Terror, but by the first
archbishop after the concordat, Avhen the church was re-
stored to holy uses after its desecration as a Temple of
Reason 1
To the new-built church Provost Benedict and the canons
now removed ; from this time, we presume, the church of
Saint Saviour must be looked on as the metropolitan
church of Aix. The houvg grew and became populous,
under the temporal lordship of the chapter. But the arch-
bishops did not move with their chapter ; for more than
two hundred years longer they still kept their old quarters
III.] THE METROPOLITAN CHURCH. 59
in the v'dle des tours; it was not till 1331 that the new
archiepiscopal palace by Saint Saviour's was finished. Why
was this? We may suspect that the rille des tours, like the
old cite of Perigueux, was sinking into a faid)our<j. The
sti-eam of population plainly flowed the other way, and the
migration of the canons seems to have strengthened its
course in that direction. Archbishops who were also tem-
poral lords may have been better pleased with a quasi-
rural abode which might be made into somewhat of a
l)aron's castle, than with a more strictly episcopal palace
in what was now becoming a thickly inliabited part of
the city.
Benedict, as we have seen, spared the primitive church,
the work, or the representative of the work, of the earliest
times. It became an appendage to a greater building. By
a singular fate, his own church has been preserved in nearly
the same way as an appendage to another greater building.
Yet there is still attached to the church of Benedict one
building which, if it cannot claim the mythical age of the
alleged church of Maximin, must be, in its materials at
least, a good many ages older than the days of Benedict.
In truth the story of the removal of the bishopstool to
Saint Saviour's becomes a little puzzling when we find that
there still clings to the present metropolitan church a
baptistery which, though it has been sadly maltreated in
later times, is surely in its essence as truly a relic of the
primitive days of the Church as the baptisteries of Ravenna
and Poitiers. And the baptistery of Aix comes much
nearer to the type of Bavenna than to the ruder type of
Poitiers. The upper part has been Jesuited ; but eight
grand Corinthian columns, surely genuine, remain. Neither
Poitiers nor Le Puy has such a feature as this in its baptis-
tery. On the other hand, the baptisteries of Poitiers and
Le Puy stand apart as distinct buildings, while this at Aix
is entangled in the buildings of the earliest surviving
church, as this church is itself entangled in the buildings of
the later church. A number of questions now start up.
60 AQUuE SEXTIuE. [Essat
The baptistery is so faithful a satellite of the bishop's
church that, if the bishops of Aquse Sextise really had their
episcopal seat in another part of the town, it is passing
strange that the baptistery should be here. Was Saint
Saviour's, after all, the earliest seat of the bishopric ? Was
it moved for any reason to the vllle des tours after the
Saracen havoc, and did Benedict simply go back to the old
place? Did he find the baptistery there as well as the
oratory, and incorporate both in his new building 1 About
this view there is this difficulty that the episcopal church
is commonly in the oldest part of the city, and the inhabited
site of Aix must have shifted to and fro indeed, if the hourg
of Saint Saviour ever was within the original city. Or are
we to suppose that Benedict built the baptistery, but built
it with columns brought from an earlier baptistery attached
to Our Lady of the See ? This might be with a builder of
so conservative a turn as Benedict. He who kept the
ancient church was capable either of building a baptistery
when baptisteries had rather gone out of fashion, or of so
building it that it should be, as nearly as possible, simply
an older baptistery translated to a new site.
We said that the church of Benedict was destined to a
fate not unlike that which the church of Maximin under-
went at Benedict's own hands. The oldest surviving
church of Aix, the church of the eleventh century, has
been dealt with in a way which may at first sight call up
the memory of Saint Justus at Trieste, though it really
comes nearer to the story of the priory church of Leo-
minster in our own land. In all these cases a building
which was originally an independent church has sunk
into a mere part or appendage of a greater church. But
the way in which the change has been made has not
been the same in the three cases. At Trieste two wholly
distinct churches which once stood side by side are thrown
into one. A nave and choir have sprung up on the site of
the south aisle of the one church and the north aisle of
the other, and on the space that was between them. On
III.] ENLARGEMENT OF THE CHURCH. 61
both sides of this new Lody the naves and choirs of the
two original churches have sunk into aisles and chapels.
At Leominster the south aisle has given way to a new
aisle or chapel which goes far to overshadow the original
nave ; in modern use it has overshadowed it altogether.
But the old nave and aisle of the Norman minster, with
the destroyed transepts and eastern limb which it is easy
to call up in imagination, still keep, as an architectural
design, their superiority over the wider parochial excre-
scence, however large and however splendid its windows.
At Aix, on the other hand, the elder church, as far at least
as size is concerned, has been thrown into insignificance
by the later additions ; it has practically become the south
aisle of the present enlarged church. The fact that so it
is, that the Romanesque part of the present church is an
independent church which has been incorporated in the
building of a later time, comes out more strikingly at the
west end than it does in the inside. In the inside, till we
look more minutely and take in what it really is, it might
almost pass for an aisle or some subordinate part of a great
Romanesque church of which the rest has been rebuilt.
But at the west end the Romanesque building clearly has
its own west front, such as it is, though it now cowers, as
it were, alongside of a greater neighbour that overshadows
it. The west end of the elder church of Saint Saviour,
with its doorway made up out of classical fragments, has
clearly nothing to do with the front to the side of it, with
its rich, but not amazingly rich, doorway of the latest
French Gothic. The elder front does indeed remind us
that we are on Roman ground. The front cleaves to a
Roman wall, in itself no mean piece of masonry ; and the
doorway, the only architectural feature of the front, is
altogether made up of pieces of earlier buildings. It can-
not be called a successful work. Sometimes such putting
tosrether out of frasiments is successful ; witness the
stately porch of the metropolitan church at Avignon, and
another in the far humbler and less famous church of Saint
62 AQU^ SEXTIjE. [Essay
Restitutus in the land of the Tricastini. Sometimes it is
very much the reverse, as in the mother church of Saint
Eestitutus, Saint-Paul Trois Chateaux,^ where the columns
that have been set up on each side of the grand doorway
stand there, doing nothing, without even capitals to finish
them. Here at Saint Saviour's the greater and the smallei*
columns that have been worked up again do not lead quite
so idle a life. The larger pair carry stilts which support
a kind of feeble cornice forming a canopy over the door-
way ; the smaller pair form the jambs of the doorway itself.
The doorway is in a transitional state between the square-
headed doorway with an arch over it and the round-headed
doorway with the tympanum inserted under the arch.
Over the doorway there is a single plain round window in
the low gable, and that is all. We cannot say much for
Provost Benedict's skill, or that of his architect, in designing
a west front.
When we enter, his work is stately, as all these simple
Proven9al churches are, though we cannot put the design
on a level either with Saint Trophimus at Aries or with the
smaller Saint-Paul l^rols Chateaux. Three bays of nave
lead to the crossing, with a small octagonal cupola ; beyond
it is one bay more ; the apse is swallowed up by the later
work. All the arches are round, except the pointed vault.
The springing of this is marked by an enriched cornice
which runs round the bold square pilasters of the vault,
which are again flanked by small columns more enriched
than anything else in the building. The conservative feelings
of Penedict, or of some later man of the same temper, have
kept for us some inscriptions of far earlier date. One
which commemorates a certain Makarios is in Greek. But
the thing to be noticed is the chronological minuteness of
* It may be as well to mention that tlie name of this small head
church of a small diocese is altogether delusive. There are not three
castles at Saint-Paul, nor is there any reason to think that there ever
were. Troin Chateaux is a strange corruption of the name of the tribe
the Tricastini.
III.] INSCRIPTIONS. 63
the men of Aquse Sextia?. In most inscriptions we get the
age of the person commemorated and the day of the month
when he died, but we are left to guess at the j^ear. But
at AqujB Sextise, as now and then, but only now and then,
elsewhere, men had the sense to put the consuls. Some-
thing was done in the episcopate of Basil, and not only in
the episcopate of Basil, but in the consulship of Asterius,
in other words in the year 494. Aix was then under the rule
of the younger Alaric ; but men reckoned years, not by the
West-Gothic king, but by the Roman consul. As we do
not know what it was that was done in 494, we turn to
another inscription where we know what was done, but
where we are not quite so sure of the year that it was
done in. Adjutor died after doing penance (i)ost acceptmih
poenitentiam migravit ad Dominum) in the consulship of
Anastasius — Anastaslo V. G. consule. If this is the Emperor,
he was consul more than once, and would the Emperor be
spoken of as a simple vir clarissimiis ? Yet perhaps it is
safest to assign the death of Adjutor to the first consul-
ship of the Emperor in 49:2. His epitaph, it seems, was
brought from the destro3-ed cliurch, which was therefore
most likely earlier than his day.
To the church of Benedict, consecrated in the first years
of the twelfth century, the later years of that century added
a noble ornament in the shape of the cloister. This is one
of a type of which there are many in this country, at
Montmajour, at Saint-Remi, and above all in Saint Trophi-
mus at Aries, the head of the class. It is not absolutely
necessary to see, and yet one is strongly tempted to see. a
touch of the Saracen in the slender coupled columns which
join to support the arches. In these Provencal cloisters
the arches are round ; we are more sure of our Saracens
when they are pointed, as at Monreale and Moissac ; yet
after all the coupling of the columns is in itself no Sara-
cenic invention ; it comes from the tomb of Constantia, if
tomb of Constantia it be, on the Nomentane way of
Rome. The cloister at Aix is much smaller than that at
64 AQU^ SEXTI.E.
Aries, but it is nearly equal to it in beauty. For beauty, a
quality which can hardly be asserted of a great Eoraanesque
interior or exterior, may surely be claimed for these lesser
works in the later and richer forms of the style. Here we
have the characteristic variety of columns, plain, twisted,
fluted, and the no less characteristic variety in the capitals,
though we do not find such a store of scriptural teaching as
in the columns, and still more in the square pilasters, of
Aries. When this cloister was built, the Provost and canons
of Aix had seemingly submitted themselves to the rule of
Saint Austin. It must be remembered that a monastic
chapter, if Austin canons are to be called monastic, is any-
where out of England an extremely rare thing in any
episcopal church. But Aix for a season was as Carlisle.
Only the canons of a later day seem to have liked the rule
of Saint Austin no better than the canons of York and
Wells in the eleventh century liked the rule of Chrodegang.
The chapter of Aix in the fourteenth century fell back on
the secular life which most capitular bodies on the conti-
nent never forsook.
Before this change, which dates from 1373, the church of
Saint Saviour had been altogether transformed. The nave
of Benedict had sunk into the south aisle of the church
which in 1283 began to grow up to the north of it. This
work contains the present double nave — for such it is
rather than a nave and north aisle — with the tall octagonal
tower which forms one of the most prominent objects in
the city, and the west front which altogether dwarfs the
small front of the Romanesque church. This work was
begun in 1283, and the main part of it seems to have been
done by 1323, though the whole design, church, tower, and
west front, would seem not to have been carried out till
1534, when the new building was at last consecrated.
Tastes vary ; but certainly to the genuine student of
Proven9al local architecture, all that has been built since
the days of Benedict — bating of course the cloister which
was the finish of his work — has but little interest compared
III.] THE DOORS. 65
with what is left of his days and of the old time before
them. Yet we must allow that one part at least of the
work was finished to admiration, though it is a part which
a visitor may easily leave Aix without seeing. These are
the magnificent doors of the west doorway of the new nave,
which, strange to say, are kept covered, though they will
be opened for the curious without any trouble. The door-
way is of course double with flat-headed openings ; the
actual doors of walnut- wood, datinsr from 1504, are amongr
the finest specimens of wood-carving to be found anywhere ;
with their arra}^ of figures of prophets and sibyls they
remind us of the stalls of Auch. Only at Auch there is
nothing above ground to be cared for except woodwork
and stained glass ; here at Aix even the later church rises
a good deal above the level of the clumsy pile at Auch.
The figures are in ranges, under canopies ; the canopies are
still of good Gothic work, but in the lowest range Renais-
sance pilasters come in. The same rule is followed here
as everywhere else ; the Italianizing influence shows itself
in furniture and other ornaments before it touches archi-
tecture proper. But there are other things to see in the
new nave. There is a triptych which, if we could believe
the popular belief that it was painted by King Ren^, would
be part of the history of Provence, and which, though it
was really painted by somebody else, may still be part of
the history of painting. But alas, we somehow missed
something more precious than triptychs and even doors,
the sarcophagus of a saint of the fourth century and the
fragment of the old episcopal throne. To be sure they
were not in their proper place, but were stowed away some-
where else. Can the metropolitan chair of Aix hope to
stay in its place when the oecumenical chair of Rome is
cast forth into the cloister, and the very apse of Constantino
is sacrificed to modern vagaries ? Torcello, we believe, is
still left, and Our Lady beyond the Tiber.
And now comes a strange question. Did the church of
Saint Saviour, two years after its final consecration, behold
P
66 AQU.^ SEXTl^. [Essay
an august and unexpected ceremony ? We go into Provence,
we go to Saint Trophimus at Aries, and we muse on the
strange ii'ony of fortune which made Charles the Fourth
the last Csesar who should take his Burgundian crown
beneath its cupola. It never came into our heads to seek
for the crowning- place of another Csesar, another Charles,
within the bounds of the Middle Kingdom. All the world
knows that, before the new church was hallowed, before the
new doors were carved, the independence of Provence had
passed away. If Provence was not actually merged in
France, the county was irrevocably annexed to the kingdom.
Within its bounds the ruler was spoken of as 4e Roi, Comte
de Provence,' somewhat to the prejudice of the king of higher
place of whose dominions Provence formed a lawful part.
For a while, to be sure, the loyalty of the annexed land to
its new allegiance was a little doubtful : in 1524, when
Bourbon came in the name of Csesar, Aix and other places
returned to the allegiance of Caesar without much difficulty.
But how was it twelve years later when Caesar came in
person, and when the French king's way of withstanding
him was to lay waste the land that he called his own ?
That Charles the Fifth entered Aix nobody doubts ; that
he did not enter Aries nobody doubts. If he had entered
Aries, it would clearly have been the right thing for him to
take the crown of his Burgundian kingdom in the church
where the last Charles had been crowned before him. But
are we to believe that, as he could not be crowned in the
right place, he made up for it by being crowned in the
wrong place ? No doubt such an act would have been quite
in character ; Charles the Fifth had a way of taking crowns
where no one else would have thought of taking them ; who
but he wore the crown of Monza and the crown of Rome,
by a strange act of accumulation, at Bologna? So it is
perfectly pussiljle that he might take a fancy to be hallowed
afl King of Burgundy in Saint Saviour's at Aix when there
was no getting to Saint Trophiinus at Aries. Oidy was it
so ? We reached Aix knowing nothing of any such fact.
III.] COMING OF CHARLES THE FIFTH. 67
nor, on coming back, can we find any mention of it in the
books to which we naturally turn. But the local books
that we got at Aix affirm the coronation of Charles as a
thing about which there is no kind of doubt. It would have
been better if they had conceived the possibility of doubt,
as then they might have quoted their authorities. The
thought has flashed across the mind that some citizen of
Aquae Sextiae may have read in a French book a record of a
crowning at Aquce Grani, and may have fancied that the
name A ix meant his own city. In any case we are a little
used to somewhat doubtful coronations, specially in the Im-
perial kingdoms. The local belief alike of Monza and of
Vienna Allobrogum claims the crownincj of more than one
king whose crowning in those cities cannot be seen out of
Monza and Vienna Allobrogum. But then those crownings,
true or false, added to the honour of the cities. Would it, in
the eyes of any modern Provencal, add to the honour of
Aix to have seen the crowning of an Emperor, Austrian.
Spaniard, or Fleming, in utter defiance of the claims of a
Count of Provence who was also King of France ?
As there is at Aquae Sextiae so little to see of Aquae Sextiae
itself, the metropolitan church is naturally the first object
of interest, all the more so as it still possesses so much that
carries us back to very early time. But it is not the only
thing to be seen in Aix. The archbishop's palace, though
now mainly modern, will have attractions for some. The
church of Saint John of Malta, dating from 1251, survives,
and the house of the knights close by, modern building as
it is, contains, in its character of museum, not a few objects,
Gaulish, Greek, and Roman, which throw light on the
history of the city. The church, with its spire, is an
example, pleasing enough in its way, of the kind of Gothic
of which we get tired in this country. The east end is flat,
and the design, originally a perfectly simple cross, is not
improved by cutting thi'ough the walls. The tombs of the
counts in the north transept are modern reproductions,
F 2
68 AQU^ SEXTLE. [Essay
seemingly very praiseworthy as reproductions, of the
originals which perished in the Kevolution. Most of the
public buildings are modern ; we specially grudge the
palace of justice, to which the ancient palace of the counts
was cruelly sacrificed, with a vast havoc of mediaeval and
Roman work. A civic tower or two remain, to group well
with those of the churches in the general view of the city.
In the view from the height of Entremont the city lies at
our feet ; but we look rather to the left ; for there soars the
Mount of Victory, its mighty mass, it may be, gradually
becoming dim and awful, and the Cross of Provence that
crowns it dying wholly out of sight, as a storm gathers over
hills and city. Our thoughts go back to Gains Marius and
the day which gave the mountain its proud name. We come
down to the city and perhaps grudge that there is so little
left of the elder days of Aquse Sextise. We perhaps think
for a moment that Aries and Vienne, out of their abundant
wealth of so many ages, might spare something for a city
once of at least equal fame. Rich in their memories of
kings, they could afford to yield something in the way of
Emperors and consuls to the first abiding-place of Roman
power in the Transalpine lands. But it is perhaps better
as it is ; at least we think so beside the arena of Aries and
the temple of Vienne. Some spots are more favoured by
fortune than others ; some are favoured in different ways.
The modern inhabitants of Aix would most likely not
exchange their open cours, carrying freedom and fresh air
into the heart of the city, for the rough streets, paved to be
sure with the bolts of Zeus from La Crau, which join the
o;reat church of Aries to its theatre and its arena.
IV.] ORANGE. 69
IV.
ORANGE.
There are few foreigu cities whose names are oftener, iii
one way or another, in the mouths of Englishmen than the
name of Orange, and yet there is no place about whose
geography there are wilder confusions afloat. Orange
and England have had one sovereign in common, and the
accident of that common sovereign has caused the name
of Orange to become so familiar that men constantly utter
it without the least thought what it means. Orange gave
its name to a line of princes, one of whom was also a king
of England, and from that Prince of Oranofe who was Kinir
of England a political party in the British islands and
colonies has thought proper to call itself. And the further
happy accident by which the name of a fruit reproduces
the name of the city has supplied that political party with
an appropriate party colour. Orangemen, when they go
to an Orange lodge or wear orange ribbons, may possibly
think of William the Tenth,* Prince of Orange ; but we
feel sure that they do not think of the town which gave
him his princely title. And, if people stop to think where
the Orange is of which William was Prince, they almo.st
always put it in the wrong place. The later Princes of
Orange were so much more famous in connexion with
lands far away from their own principality that, in common
belief, their principality has been carried away to the lands
in which they were most famous. Ask in the Oxford Schools
* Tlie Williams of Orange are reckoned in different ways, and our
William the Third appears in different i-eckonings as Eighth, Tenth,
and Eleventh. I follow the Art de Verifier les Dates.
70 ORANGE. [Essay
where Orange is, and the answer invariably places it some-
where in the Netherlands. A sect which affects more minute
accuracy seems to make it displace Groningen or West-
Friesland. Orange is by them defined to lie between
Holland and Germany.
It is a strange fate which caused this little scrap of the
old kingdom of Aries to live on, side by side with its
neighbours of Avignon and Venaissin, so long after the
two together. Pope and Prince, were altogether surrounded
by the gradual annexations of France. In the later days
of the principality, the Prince of Orange, in his hill-castle,
saw France on every side of him, save where the papal
territory still remained to be devoured even later than his
own. Lyons, Vienne, Provence, Bresse, Besan9on and the
Burgundian county, had all been swallowed up, while
Orange still went on, often swallowed up indeed, but as
often disgorged again. But it was a stranger fate still
which brought the later history of Orange so near to the
history of lands with which Orange had no kind of natural
connexion. One prince of Orange, a too loyal vassal of
the Empire, appears as the conqueror of Rome, a conqueror
not after the manner of Alaric and Totila, and he meets his
reward in one of the last efforts of betrayed and beleaguered
Florence. Another prince, of another house, wipes out the
stain ; the name of Orange becomes so closely connected
with the foundation of free states that we forget that it had
ever borne an opposite meaning. We pass by the inglorious
career of the eldest son of the Silent one, and we come to
four princes of his house who were Stadholders of distant
Holland, and the last and greatest of whom became the
last chosen King of England, the latest English conqueror
of Ireland. It is to William — William the First of Ireland,
Second of Scotland, Third of England, Fourth of Normandy,
and Tenth of Orange — that the old Roman and Burgundian
city owes the pecuhar meaning which its name has borne,
ever since orange colours were first worn by his friends and
rotten oranges first squeezed by his enemies.
TV.] GEOGRAPHY OF ORANGE. 71
As the geographical position of Orange is thus to most
minds so mysterious, it is not wonderful that the town
seems not to be much frequented by English travellers.
Orange has a station on one of the great highways of
Europe, on the railway from Marseilles to Lyons and
Paris ; but the town itself lies a little off the line. The
mighty wall of its theatre may be seen from the railway ;
but Orange is not actually on the main road, like Aries,
Avignon, and Vienne. And, as it does not lie immediately
on the railway, neither does it lie immediately on the great
river whose course the railway so closely skirts. Aries,
Avignon, and Vienne are washed by the mighty Rhone ;
they stand out at once as sentinels, as bulwarks of the
Imperial land against the encroaching power beyond its
stream. Orange is less directly on the frontier ; it lies
away from the great river, by the banks of an almost
invisible tributary, a stream whose name seems given to
it to remind us where we are, a namesake of the Main
which flows by Imperial Frankfurt. Orange therefore
does not force itself on the eye in the same way as the
other cities of the Rhoneland ; the town itself is smaller
than its fellows, and, I should imagine, to the common view
of tourists less attractive.
In truth that Orange, or any other place, is not greatly
infested by the common run of tourists is to be set down
as one of its merits. I heard English at Aries, at Nimes,
and at Avignon ; I heard none at Orange or at Vienne.
But I would recommend every rational traveller, every one
who cares for the history, the antiquities, or even the
scenery, of the lands through which he passes, by no
means to leave unvisited a city which has so long and
so remarkable a history, which is so rich in at least one
class of antiquities, and whose now vanished castle could
look down at once on the city at its feet, on the wide plain
around it, on the border-stream of Rhone on the one side,
and on snowy Alps on the other.
It is the isolated hill of the castle, rising all alone out
72 ORANGE. [Essay
of the plain, and at some distance from the river, which
gives the key to the history of Orange. At Avignon a
single hill overhung the river ; at Vienne an amphitheatre
of hills offered a well-sheltered site between the heights
and the stream. In both these cases the advantages of the
hill-fort and those of the settlement by the river could be
combined. At Orange this could not be. The isolated
hill was a site too precious to be passed by in the perilous
times when strength of position was the first requisite in
a settlement ; but the settlement on the isolated hill was
cut off from the advantages of the settlements by the river.
In more civilized days the loss of those advantages was
fatal. Aries, Avignon, Vienne, though no longer holding
their old place, though no longer the seats of pontiffs,
kings, and sovereign archbishops, are still undoubted cities
of men. Orange, which remained the capital of a sovereign
state longer than any of them, cut off from the traffic of the
river, has sunk into a mere country town.
The peculiarity of the history of Orange, which it shares
with the neighbouring city of Avignon and county of
Venaissin, is that they together formed a small region
which was surrounded by French territory, but which was
not French territory itself. The position of these districts
is one of the many things which are puzzling to those who
read history with a mind which has not set itself free from
bondage to the modern map. People are apt to wonder
how a small separate state got into the midst of French
territory. This question is something like the more famous
question how the apple got into the dumpling. The
question is not how there came to be an independent
Orange in the midst of French territory, but how French
territory came to surround independent Orange. Of course,
given the subjection of its neighbours, it is a fair question
why Orange came to escape longer than they did — why,
while Lyons was swallowed up under Philip the Fair,
Orange was swallowed up only under Lewis the Great.
But this is not the common difficulty. As long as people
IV.] HISTORY OF ORANGE. 73
conceive that there must have been from all eternity a
France bounded by the Pyrenees, the Alps, and perhaps
the Rhine, the position of Orange and Avignon will of
course be puzzling. When the facts of history come to
be rightly understood, the wonder is how a Parisian king
ever came to reign between the Rhone and the Alps. The
thing that needs explanation is, not why Orange was so late
in becoming French, but why Provence and the Dauphiny
ever became French at all.
Orange, in short, is one of the members of the ancient
kingdom of Burgundy, which contrived to escape French
annexation longer than most of its fellows. The process
of swallowing-up, which began with Lyons and which has
as yet ended with Savoy, failed to reach Orange till a
remarkably late time, just as it has still failed to reach
Geneva, Neufchatel, and the other Burgundian states which
now form part of the Swiss Confederation. Orange indeed
more than once underwent a temporary annexation ; so did
Geneva ; so did Savoy more than once, before it was
finally engulfed in our own days. The point to be borne
in mind is that all these annexations, from Lyons to Savoy,
from Philip the Fair to the younger Buonaparte, are all
parts of one story, all scenes in one long drama. Of that
cbama each scene, whether laid at Lyons, at Orange, or in
Savoy, represents the seizure by France of some territory
which neither in nature nor in history had anything to do
with France. The special interest of Orange, in this point
of view, is that so small a state, so dangerously placed,
was spared so long. Savoy found a certain measure of
protection in the possessions of its dukes beyond the Alps.
The Romance-speaking cantons of Switzerland find what
we may hope is a surer protection in the fact that they
are cantons of Switzerland. But Orange stood alone, with
no protector, unless we hold that Orange and the Papal
territory drew some slight protection from one another.
Certainly each hindered the other from being wholly
surrounded by the dominions of the encroaching power.
74 ORANGE. [Essay
Otherwise, no district or city stood more helpless, as their
temporary annexations showed of themselves. Yet the
final annexation of Orange did not happen till four hundred
years after the annexation of Lyons ; it happened only a
hundred and forty years before the last annexation of
Savoy. Measuring by annexations in other parts, Orange
remained independent forty years after Strassburg, a hun-
dred and fifty years after Metz. Here then is one great
source of the historic interest of Orange. Other sources
are found in the great personal eminence of several of
the princes who drew from it, not indeed their real im-
portance, but their title and their sovereign rank. This
however is a kind of artificial interest ; it needs an effort,
it especially needs it on the spot, thoroughly to take in
that William the Silent and William the Deliverer really
had anything to do with a place so far away from the
scene of their chief exploits. The best comment on this
difficulty is the common belief which I have already
spoken of, that Orange is somewhere in the Netherlands.
But the most immediate attraction on the spot is to be
found in the magnificent remains of Roman antiquity to
be seen in the city. These great works are all the more
striking for two reasons. Orange plays no important part
as a Roman city ; it can never have been the peer of Aries,
Nimes, or Vienne. Its arch and theatre therefore show the
more strongly the wonderful and lavish enterprise with
which the ornament and amusement even of quite unim-
portant places were looked after in the flourishing days of
the Empire. And they are the more striking because the
great Roman buildings are the only great buildings in
Orange. The surviving works both of the middle ages and
of modern times are utterly insignificant. There is nothing
to set against the castle of Avignon and the cloister of Aries,
against the abbeys and the metropolitan church of Vienne.
It is to be sure no fault of its princes, earlier and later,
if in military works Orange does not rank among the
proudest of cities. The mighty pile of its castle perished
IV.] TJfE HILL. 75
at the bidding of Lewis the Fourteenth. Its remains form
an important part of the history of Orange, but they con-
tribute nothing to its architectural wealth. Orange again
is or was a bishop's see, and as such, it has its cathedral
church. Most of the minsters of the Ehoneland seem
small and plain, if judged by a French or English
standard. That of Orange, though it contains one or two
points of interest to the professed ecclesiastical antiquary,
though scraps of Roman materials may still be seen in its
chief doorway, is even smaller and plainer than its fellows.
Nor is there anything specially attractive, or specially
instructive, in the two or three other churches of the city.
It is on its Roman works, and on its Roman works only,
that the architectural fame of Orange must rest.
But it is not its Roman works that the history of Orange,
as written in its existing remains, offers as its first chapter.
If not the plain of Orange, at least its hill, must have been
a dwelling-place of man long before Arausio became a
Roman colony or a Roman possession. On the hill of
Orange we feel sure that we are on the site of the original
settlement ; we feel that the hill-fortress and the Roman
city at its foot stood to each other in the same relation as
Sinodun and Dorchester, save only that there was no
winding Thames to flow between them. We may conceive
that the camp from which the Roman army besieged the
Celtic hill-fort became, as at Dorchester, the Roman city.
But, unlike Dorchester, the near neighbourhood of the hill
enabled the fortress on the hill to remain to all ages the
citadel of the city, whether to protect or to hold down
in bondage. The three deep fosses which cut off the steep
heights immediately above the city from the further part
of the hill which slopes down more gently into the plain,
were surely not first di-awn there b}^ the modern, by the
•mediaeval, or even by the Roman, fortifiers of the hill.
They are far more like the defences of the primaeval fortress,
like the kindred fosses at Stinchcombe, at Uleybury, at
Worlebur}^ and on a crowd of insular and peninsular
76 OBAXGE. [Essay
heights in our own island. The only difference is that
there arose at Orange, what there did not arise in the
other cases, a Roman city at the base. A third chance
might have placed the city on the height itself, and the
hill of Orange might have rivalled the kingly steep of
Laon.
As it is, the city lies at the foot of the hill, or rather its
great monuments were so placed as to form part of the
hill itself. In the nature of its chief monument Orangfe
stands almost alone. There are a crowd of Roman cities
in which the chief monument of Roman times is the
amphitheatre. There are few where, as at Nimes, the
amphitheatre finds a rival in a temple, or where, as at
Vienne, a temple claims the first place beyond all rivalry.
At Orange there is nothing to rival the amphitheatres of
Verona, of Capua, of Aries, and of Nimes ; there is nothing
to rival the Maison Garree at Nimes, or the temple which
bears the name of Augustus and Livia at Vienne. Orange
has its arch, which we may compare with those of Aosta
and Rimini and Ancona, but even the arch is not the
distinctive feature of the city. What stands out in every
sense above all the monuments of Orange is the gigantic
wall of its theatre. In the general view of the city it soars
over every object. Its height and its length alike dwarf
every existing object ; the amphitheatre may have been
its rival, but the amphitheatre has utterly perished; to
point out its site is as much as the local antiquary can do.
The theatre reigns without rival. It not only reigns
without rival over every other building in its own neigh-
bourhood ; it reigns none the less without rival over every
building of its own class which I have as yet had the good
luck to see. In Rome itself there are the mighty arcades
of the theatre of Marcellus ; but they have yet to be cleared
of the base invaders who have quartered themselves
within them, and we miss the great feature of Orange, the
vast straight wall. At Aries the two perfect columns and
the two broken ones by their side give us a more perfect
IV.] THE THEATRE.
idea of the decorative part of a Roman theatre than Orange
itself. But at Aries the straight wall has vanished, and of
the curved walls there is hardly so much remaining as at
Orange. At Aries it is only at that on,e point whei-e the
arcades had been turned into a tower that the arcades
themselves remain in any degree of perfection. As far as I
have seen, there is no building of the kind to compare with
it as a whole,* and it loses nothing of its majesty because
so large a part of the curved lines of its seats were actually
wrought in the hill that soars above it. The most perfect
part, the wall which faces the city, is imposing from its
mere bulk. Strictly as a work of architecture, there is
perhaps no particular beauty in its four stages, one of
which is left blank, while the upper one served merely
to support the masts which held up the awning. But the
truth is that this vast wall was not designed to stand as
we now see it, as a single mass rising from the ground.
As it stood when perfect, it must have looked like one
side of the nave of a vast minster, with its aisle and
clerestory. It is easy to see that there was an arcade in
advance of the great wall, and that the plain second stage
was in fact covered by a sloping roof. Above this, a long
range of smaller round-headed arches forestalls the clere-
stories of Pisa and Lucca. Wherever we go among Roman
buildings, among those where the Greek decorative features
are either absent or of secondary importance, we see how
easy was the change from the classical or transitional
Roman to the full developement of the round-arched
style in the Romanesque. The EmjJoriurii at Rome,
the greatest building preserved to us from the days of
the Commonwealth, differs in no essential respect from an
English or German or Norman building of the eleventh or
twelfth century.
* [Later experiences of mine have not altered this judgement. At
Taormina we have the charm of the site and of the slight remains
of Greek work ; but the scena is nothing like so perfect as at
Orange.]
78 ORANGE. [Essay
Close by the theatre, forming in fact one architectural
mass with it, was the circus, with its semicircular end, like
that of the theatre, hewn out of the hill. Its length seems
to have spread itself along the whole eastern side of the
modern town, stretching as far as the bridge which divides
the city itself from the suburb which contains the triumphal
arch, and which will most likely also contain the resting-
place of the traveller. But of the side walls of the circus
the remains are small indeed. At one point an ancient
arch spans a narrow street ; the wayfarer for a moment
fancies he is going out by some gateway or postern ; he is
in truth passing under one of the arches of the circus.
Nevertheless, more is left of the circus of Orange than of
either the Circus Maximus or the Circus Agonalis of Rome.
It is part of the charm of Orange that its remains chiefly
consist of monuments of which we find so few equally
perfect specimens elsewhere. The small scraps which still
survive of the circus of Orange have no parallels at Aries,
at Nimes, or at Vienne.
The other great Roman monument of Orange is again one
which has no competitor among the buildings of the
Rhoneland, and not many north of the Alps. * This is the
Roman arch, the so-caUed triumphal arch, through or
around which the traveller will pass if he chances to enter
Orange from the north. I spoke j ust now of the arches of
Aosta, Rimini, and Ancona, but the arch of Orange really
belongs to another class ; it aspires to a place alongside of
the arches of Severus and Constantino. The other arches
—alike the tall slender arch of Trajan on the harbour of
Ancona and the bold arches which span the road or street
at Rimini and Aosta — have but a single opening, like the
arches of Drusus, of Titus, and of Gallienus. But the arch
of Orange boasts of the full complement of three. All the
buildings of this class have a statelincss which almost
* [When I wrote this I had not seen the arch at Saiut-Remy, and
the exquisitely beautiful monument hard by. But it is hardly on
the scale of the arch at Orange.]
IV.] TRIUMPHAL ARCHES. 79
disarms criticism, but there are no buildings which bring
out more strongly the essential inconsistency of the classical
Roman architecture. A temple like those of Nimes and
Vienne, in which the Greek mode of building is consistently
followed, is Roman only geogi-aphically ; it is in truth a
Greek building on Roman soil. In the outsides of theatres
and amphitheatres the columns or pilasters are of hardly
more importance than those decorative columns and pilasters
at Classis and Pisa which die away into the horizontal strips
of the Primitive Romanesque of England and Germany.
In the aqueducts, and, as I have just said, in the Emporium,
the style is really Romanesque ; the Greek features have
not found a place even in the decorations. But in the
triumphal arches the full inconsistency of the classical
Roman style comes out. The real constructive feature is
the round arch, but the ornament is sought in columns on
each side of it, which perhaps support pediments which
are not the end of any roof, and which really serve no
purpose at all. The eye admires the majesty of the whole
mass, and the beauty both of sculpture and of architectural
detail ; but the style will not bear the test of rigid artistic
criticism, like a pure Grecian, a Romanesque, or a Gothic
building, each of them consistently carrying out the prin-
ciples of its own style. Yet, perhaps for this very reason,
the triumphal arches have an interest of their own ; the
thing is so purely Roman ; there is nothing the least like it
among the works either of Greek or of medifeval art. It is
therefore perhaps not altogether out of place that such
works should display the faults of Roman art as well as its
merits. The arch of Orange is a stately work, as are the
arches of Severus and Constantine ; yet we cannot help
asking why the architects stuck a pediment over the main
opening, where there is no roof answering to it. The
sculptures too which fill up the space between the smaller
arches and the horizontal line above them seem stuck in
without any particular reason, except to fill up a blank
space. The case is difierent when, as in both the great
80 ORANGE. [Essay
arches at Rome, a straight line immediately above the arch
itself forms a real spandril. At Orange there is no strictly
architectural figure ; the sculptures are simply thrust into
an irregular space formed in a kind of accidental way.
This may seem minute criticism ; I am afraid that it may
not easily be understood, except either on the spot or in
presence of such photographs as are easy to be had of the
arches of Rome, but which are not easy to be had of the
arch at Oranjye. But the difference is a real one in the effect
of the arches, and if, as all seem agreed, the arch at Orange is
older than the arch of Severus, it shows there must have been
a distinct improvement in the art of building these arches.
The sculptures in these quasi spandrils, and the other
sculptures in different parts of the arch, form a very
remarkable study. They are in some sort of a piece with
the trophy- capitals to be seen in several of the buildings of
Rome ; that is to say, they chiefly consist of symbolical
representations, which mainly take the form of warlike
weapons. But in some parts sacrificial implements also
come in ; the two together, it may be, symbolize both the
military and the religious conquest of a country in which
the worship of Jupiter Optimus Maximus had displaced the
more fearful rites of the Druids, if indeed Druids were found
so far south as Arausio. And, mixed up with these sym-
bolical figures, are several words, some of them proper
names, among which the words ' Mario ' and ' Sacrovir '
are still to be seen, and it is said that, among those which
can be no longer made out, it was once possible to read the
name ' Teutobocchus.' It is no wonder then that the arch
has been thought to be of the time of Marius, and to com-
memorate the victory of Aquse Sextiae. Yet all that we
know, both of the history of Roman art and of the history
of Roman colonization in the Gaulish province, will lead
us to the now more generally received belief which places
the arch of Orange not earlier than the reign of Augustus.
It is therefore the contemporary of the arches of Aosta and
Rimini. But its design is so different from theii-s that the
TV.l THE ARCH OF ORANGE. 81
comparison which naturally suggests itself is with the later
and still greater arches of Rome itself.
The arch now stands altogether alone ; no other building
abuts upon it or stands anywhere near it. It does not
span a street, as at Rimini, nor a road, as at Aosta, for the
road is now carefully carried round the arch. All these
buildings were clearly designed from the first to stand
thus wholly distinct; but their very isolation suggests a
feeling of unreality. The triumphal arch is not a gate-
way, but it is so like a gateway that it suggests a com-
parison with one, and we cannot help reflecting that,
while a gateway serves or served an useful purpose, a
triumphal arch never served any. It is a mere monument ;
and one may doubt the taste of making a mere monument
of a scale and of a shape which at once provokes comparison
with buildings which have a practical object. But, if the
arch of Orange now again stands isolated and serves no
practical use, it is only because it has in modern times
been cleared of encumbrances which once made it far from
isolated, and, according to the notions of several centuries,
far from useless. Like the amphitheatres of Aries and
Nimes, like the theatre of Aries, like the Coliseum itself, and,
to come nearer to buildings of its own class, like the arch of
Titus at Rome, the arch of Orange was once turned into a
fortress. In the days of the counts and early princes, while
the great castle stood on the hill, the Tower of the Arch formed
a secondary stronghold at the other end of the city, and from
the Tower of the Arch many documents in the mediaeval
history of Orange are said to be dated. Such a change is
characteristic ; the Roman had his works of defence, though
from Orange, unlike Aosta and even Aries, they have by
bad luck wholly vanished. But his works of defence were
simply meant to protect his works of other kinds ; they
were not the all in all of his buildingr. But in a later age
churches and fortresses were the only classes of buildings
of which men dreamed, and, when an earlier work could not
itself be turned into one or the other, it was most commonly
a
82 ORANGE. [Essat
destroyed to supply materials for one or the other. The
temples of Nimes and Vienne were spared, because they
were turned into churches ; the arch of Orange was spared,
because it was turned into a tower of defence. And we
may be thankful that it was turned into a tower of defence
instead of being wholly swept away.
The triumphal arch changed into a military tower well
marks the change from Arausio to Orange, from the ancient
to the mediaeval city, from the Roman colony, a single city
of the dominions of the universal ruler, to the capital of a
state whose feudal dependence on higher lords did not, in
the ideas of those times, bar the claim of its princes to the
rank of sovereigns. But Orange the capital must have
sadly sunk from the estate of Arausio the colony. Of the
many thoughts which the remains of Orange, above all
the might}^ theatre, call up in us, one of the foremost is the
witness which they supply to the prodigious enterprise, the
lavish expenditure, of the imperial days of Rome. It seems
inconceivable that such a building as the Orange theatre
can have been built simply for the amusement of the people
of a provincial town which could never have been of the
first or the second order. Arausio never was, like Arelate
and Vienna and Lugdunum and Augusta Treverorum, the
capital of a province which in after times could be cut up
into several powerful kingdoms. It was not, like some of
them, the dwelling-place of prefects, and even of Emperors.
Buildings for rivals to which we have to look • in Rome
itself were raised for the entertainment of the people of a
town which plays absolutely no part even in local Gaulish
history. The place is known simply from the geographers
and from its own remains ; the date, not only of its
buildings, but of its creation as a colony, is mere matter of
inference ; the historians of the Empire have nothing to tell
us about it. Nothing makes us better understand the
power, the ubiquity, of Rome than the existence of such
mighty works in a place which was historically so in-
significant. The colony of Arausio might be nothing in
IV.] COLONY OF ARAUSIO. 83
itself ; but as a colony of Rome, it was part of Rome ; it
was entitled to be dealt with as an outlying suburb of the
Imperial city itself. Arausio, as Arausio, in any other
character but that of the Roman colony, has reaUy nothing
to say for itself. It does not seem even to have devised for
itself any such foundation-legends as those which form the
mythical history of Avignon and Vienne. The Gaulish
history of the spot is a blank ; its Roman history is purely
monumental ; the local legends do not begin till the days
of the Saracen inroads ; the trustworthy local history does
not begin till some centuries later still.
The legendary tale attributes the foundation of the county
of Orange to a certain William, surnamed au Cornet or aa
Court Xez, two descriptions more akin in sound than in
meaning, who is called Duke of Aquitaine in the days of
Charles the Great. He does wonderful deeds against the
Saracens: he delivers Orange, and at last, after dying a
monk in a monastery of his own foundation, he is canonized,
if not formally, at least by local reverence. This story is
one of many signs of the memory which the Saracen in-
vaders left behind them through all southern Gaul and
north-western Italy ; but it is worth little more. Saint
William is said to have made Orange a principality, which
he left to his daughter ; but history supplies no evidence
of any such dynasty, and the title of prince belongs to
a much later age. A list of counts with greater claims
to historical being begins in the middle of the ninth
century ; but it is not till the end of the eleventh, till
the days of the first Crusade, that we come to counts
of Orange who stand out as distinct historical figures.
Between these two dates the Buro^undian kingdom had
arisen out of the falling to pieces of the Carohngian Empire,
and it had been again united to the Imperial crown, along
with its fellow-kingdoms of Germany and Italy. This
must always be borne in mind, lest any one should mistake
Orange for part of France or for a fief of the crown of
France. In those days, and for ages after Aries no more
G 2
84 ORANGE. [Essay
thought of bowing to Paris than Paris thought of bowing
to Aries. Of the kingdom of which Aries was the royal
city, and to which it often gave its name, Orange was a
member. Its counts were vassals of the Emperor in his
character of King of Burgundy or Aries ; but they were not
his immediate vassals. The immediate superiority over
the county was at least claimed by the Counts of Toulouse,
not in that character in which they were nominal vassals
of the Parisian crown, but by virtue of their claims to the
Imperial fief of the Provencal March. The first of the
Counts of Orange whose name has made its way into general
history is Raimbaud (Regenbald) the Second, whom the
chroniclers of the first Crusade speak of as one of the most
valiant warriors of that expedition. His memory is pre-
served by a modern statue in the market-place of Orange,
raised at the joint cost of a King of the French who bore
rule over his dominions and a King of the Netherlands
who had succeeded to his title. Presently we find the
county divided between two or more members of the same
house, and towards the end of the twelfth century, one
half is, by virtue of two distinct bequests, found in the
hands of the knights of Saint John.
It is strange that it is to this time of division that the
local writers attribute the elevation of the county to the
rank of a principality. During the twelfth century, Orange
had its share in the refinement and gaiety which was
spread over the south of Gaul. Another Count Raimbaud
who succeeded in 1150 appears as a troubadour and a
patron of troubadours, a master of the amorous poetry of
Provence, a good knight after the fashion of the time,
and deeply devoted, also after the fashion of the time, to a
countess of the neighbourino; land of Die. As this fantastic
count left no children, his share in the county passed to his
brother-in-law, Bertrand des Raux, one of a house famous in
Proven9al history, and from whom sprang a succession of
counts and princes who bore rule over Orange. Bertrand
himself, so the story goes, was the first to receive the title
IV.] COUNTS AND PRINCES OF ORANGE. 85
of Prince by an Imperial grant, a grant bestowed by the
hand of Frederick Barbarossa as he passed by Orange on
his way to his Burgundian crowning at Aries. Certain it
is that before long the famous title of Prince of Orange is
found commonly in use, and the title is one that should be
remarked. The vague title of Frinee, as distinguished from
the more definite Count, Duke, or Marquess, is exceedingly
rare. There was a Prince of Orange, and there was a
Prince of AberfFraw and Lord of Snowdon ; but one may
doubt whether a journey from the hill of Orange to Snowdon
would have found a third ruler described in exactly the
same way. One would be glad to know the cause for
the grant of so unusual a title, one which is said to
have been accompanied by the right to coin money, not
only in the principality of Orange, which would be nothing
wonderful, but through a region defined as stretching from
the Isere to the Mediterranean, and from the Rhone to the
Alps. Within the same limits the prince so privileged
might also march with banners displayed. The geographical
limit is remarkable ; it takes in the whole kingdom of tht'
Cis-jurane Burgundy, except Bresse and the county of
Vienne. It would be a gain if some scholar who has gone
minutely through the documents of Frederick's reign would
decide as to the possibility of such a grant being genuine.
When we get to Frederick the Second, the local writers
make a yet more exalted claim on behalf of Raimbaud's
son William, who, they say, received from Frederick, as
yet only King, a charter dated at Metz in 1215, which
confii-ms all the privileges granted by his grandfather, and
further grants to WilHam the whole kingdom of Ai-les and
Vienne, with the title of King. M. Huillard BrehoUes, the
editor of the documents of Frederick the Second's reign,
inserts the alleged grant, but, as the actual charter is not
forthcoming, with some degree of doubt. He suggests that
the real grant did not confer the kingdom itself with the
royal title, but merely the vicariate of the Empire within
its bounds. That something which conveyed rights of
86 ORANGE. [Essay
some kind within the whole Cis-jurane kingdom was
granted by Frederick the Second seems clear from the fact
that a later Prince of Orange, Raymond, the son of William,
made a formal renunciation of all such rights to Charles of
Anjou. Certain it is that, whether as vicars, princes, or
kings, the lords of Orange could not escape the superiority of
their more powerful neighbours. Throughout the thirteenth
century the Princes of Orange continued to do homage to
Provence for the greater part of their dominions, and to
the Dauphins of the Viennois for some particular castles.
All these details and questions have their interest, as part
of the history of a half-forgotten kingdom, and as illus-
trating the strange crossing of rights which was constantly
happening in that corner of the Empire where the Imperial
power was least felt.
Under the house of Baux the whole principality was
reunited ; the city was the dwelling-place of the princes ;
their castle rose on the hill above the theatre, and they
kept possession of the tower into which the triumphal arch
had been turned. Yet Orange was not untouched by that
spirit of municipal freedom which for a moment created
commonwealths in Provence no less than in Italy, and
which aroused once more the old spirit in the regenerate
republic of Massalia, a spirit as bold to withstand the might
of Charles of Anjou as it had once been to withstand the
might of the first C?csar. Orange, the capital of a princi-
pality, the dwelling-place of a prince, could never become
a wholly independent commonwealth, as Avignon, no less
than Marseilles, did for a moment. But under an elective
council and elective syndics — a name afterwards exchanged
for the more usual title of consuls — the city had large
municipal privileges. And once, in 1247, we hear of a
popular revolt which looks like an attempt at gaining
something more than any merely municipal rights. The
citizens rose with their syndics at their head ; they bam-
caded streets and fortified houses, but they were presently
won over by the eloquence of their Bishop to submit. They
IV.] COMMUNAL MOVEMENTS. 87
received an absolution from him and an act of oblivion
from the Prince ; they engaged that an oatli of allegiance
should be sworn every ten years, and that the keys of the
city should be placed in the hands of an officer of the
Prince. When we look at Orange now, and see a mere
country town with no signs of impoi-tance of any kind
besides its two great Roman monuments, w^e are tempted
to smile at the notion of the question between princely and
republican government having been ever fought out on so
narrow a field. Yet the narrower the field, the higher is
the real interest. Venice and Genoa and Florence could
not fail to be free in any age save one of vast kingdoms
and standing armies. It is when we see the same spirit at
work in much smaller places that we best learn how deep
and living that spirit was through all Western Europe.
In what I am now writing I lay no claim to original
research. In truth a very wide and rich field for his-
torical research of every kind is to be found among these
Burgundian cities and principalities. We are attracted to
them mainly by their Roman antiquities, but their later
history has really a far higher importance. Once get rid of
the thought that France had anything to do with these lands
in any character but that of a constantly encroaching
enemy, and their history stands out in its true light. It
stands out as the history of that one among the Imperial
kingdoms which was most left to itself, and which therefore
had the very fairest opportunities of developement in every
dii-ection, till the coming of Charles of Anjou crushed all
its rising hopes. The fate of those lands would be very
different, if great cities like Lyons and Marseilles had still
kept the freedom which, in another corner of the same
ancient kingdom, the far smaller cities of Bern and Geneva
have known how to keep. Had the Middle Kingdom lived
on in any shape, had a greater Switzerland stood interposed
as a neutral territory along the whole length of the frontier
between France and Italy, the whole destinies of Europe
might have been changed for the better.
88 ORANGE. [Essay
The steps by which France gradually gained, first influ-
ence, then dominion, in Orange and the neighbouring lands
are well worth tracing out. The siege of Avignon by Lewis
the Eighth in his Albigensian crusade first showed the
Imperial Burgundy how dangerous a neighbour was grow-
ing up to the north-west of it. The acquisition of Provence
by Charles of Anjou, though it in no way changed the
formal relations of the Burgundian states to their Imperial
over-lord, put a French prince in possession of the most
powerful among them. A path for French influence was
thus opened among the Burgundian states, just as, by the
later acquisition of the Sicilian crown by the same prince,
a like path was opened among the Italian states. Princes
of Orange had now to do homage to a brother of the King
of the French. In the next century they had to do homage
to the heir of the French kingdom. In 1349 Raymond
Prince of Orange did homage to Charles of France, the
future Charles the Fifth, for the castles which he held
within the Viennese Dauphiny. He had done homage for
them to Humbert, the last independent Dauphin, a homage
in which the rights of the Emperor were expressly saved.
By the sale of the Dauphiny the rights of Humbert had
passed to a French purchaser. I know not whether the
Imperial over-lordship was reserved in this more dangerous
homage, but most likely it was. For the French Dauphins
received the Dauphiny as a fief of the Empire, and the
Dauphin (Jharles himself received from his Imperial
namesake the vicariate of the kingdom of Aries. But
from this time the superiority of the Empire is but a
name ; the superiority of France is a reality. And it is
significant that the homage of Raymond to Charles was
done on a spot which was the first fruits of direct French
aggression against the Imperial lands in this quarter. It
was done at Lyons, once a free Imperial city like Koln or
Nurnberg, but which had now sunk to be a portion of
French soil, the great stealing of Philip the Fair, the fore-
runner of the stealing of Strassburg by Lewis the Great.
IV.] ADVANCE OF FRANCE. 89
Presently, in 1393, Orange passed by female succession to
the house of Challon — not Chdlons = Catalauni, but Cltallon
or Chdlon—Cahillo — in the ducal Burgundy, the place Avhere
our Edward the First had to fight so hard for his life in the
tournanient which grew into a petty battle. John of Challon
was a prince without dominions, but in him the principality
of Orange passed to a French lord, though the new dynasty
does not seem to have been always specially anxious to bend
itself to the new yoke.
Under the princes of the house of Challon, John, Lewis,
William the Seventh, and another John, the history of
Orange practically becomes part of the history of France.
The first two amongst these princes appear in French his-
tory as zealous partisans of the Burgundian faction. The
name reminds us of changes in the use of language; the chief
and obvious meaning of the Burgundian name is now no
longer an Imperial kingdom but a French duchy. William
the Seventh sets up a parliament — a parliament in the
French sense — in his principality. His subjects complain
of the oppressions of the new tribunal, and seek for the right
of appeal to some other quarter. Frederick the First and
Frederick the Second had both played a part in the affairs of
Orange, but most likely it did not come into the head of any
man in the principality that his appeal ought of right to be
carried up to the courts of Frederick the Third. The days
were past when any cause in the Burgundian realm could be
reserved unto the hearing; of Augustus. But there was one
nearer who was ready to hear anything. Lewis the Eleventh
fanned the discontent of the people ; he seized the Prince,
and only let him go when he had done homage in the fullest
terms, and had consented that from his new parliament of
Orange there should be an appeal to the parliament of
Grenoble. Still old forms so far lingered on that it
was not to the King of France but to the Dauphin of the
Viennois that the homage was paid, and good King Ren^,
in his character of Count of Provence, grumbled, reason-
ably but in vain, at the doings of his mightier kinsman.
90 ORANGE. [Essay
Presently Provence itself became a French possession, and
Orange \s'as hemmed in on all sides, save where it had the
Papal dominions for a still nominally independent neigh-
bour. With such a state of the map as this, Lewis the
Twelfth could afford to undo the act of Lewis the Eleventh,
and to declare John the Second of Orange a sovereign and
independent prince. The attempts of Francis the First to
undo this concession drove John's successor Philibert back
to the old allegiance, and a Prince of Orange fought at
Rome and at Florence in the cause of Csesar when the cause
of Caesar was no longer the cause of right. By the will of
Philibert the principality passed to the most famous of
all its dynasties, but the dynasty which had least to do with
the principality and city of Orange. It was the dynasty
which has made the name of Orange glorious in all lands,
so glorious that Orange itself has been well-nigh forgotten in
the glory of its distant sovereigns. In 1531, with Rene, first
and last of his name, begins the connexion of the old Bur-
gundian county with the house of Nassau, and thereby, for a
single reign, with the kingdoms of England, Scotland, and
Ireland.
The geographical confusions of which I spoke at the
beginning of this essay are proof enough that the position
of the Princes of Orange of the House of Nassau is to many
minds a sore puzzle. Nor is the puzzle wonderful. Here
were princes, taking their title from a city which some of
them never saw and their possession of which was always
not a little precarious, and also playing the first part in
the affairs of a distant country in which they are private
men, or at most elective magistrates. Simply as Princes of
Orange, William the Eighth, Maurice, and William the
Tenth would hardly have filled the place in history which
they do. Their natural powers would hardly have found
full scope for their exercise within the narrow field of their
own dominions. It was because the Princes of Orange,
being in themselves what they were, were also the first
nobles in the outlying dominions of the Spanish crown, that
[V.] THE NASSAU PRINCES. 91
they were able to do what they did do. But there can be
no doubt that their princely rank did very much to help
them. It added nothing to their real strength, it added
little to their wealth, but it gave them a position which
was no small gain. The Prince of Orange was not merely
first citizen, first noble, first magistrate, of a great common-
wealth ; he was technically the peer of any sovereign with
whom he had to deal. Within the commonwealth itself the
union of the two positions might be a dangerous one. Had
the chief magistrates of the great Federal republic not been
princes, they might not have grown into hereditary stad-
holders, and at last into kings. But we may be sure that
William the Eighth — William the Silent as he appears
elsewhere — drew no small part of his real strength from the
fact that he also was William the Eighth, sovereign Prince
of Orange. That he was such a sovereign prince, owning in
that character only one superior on earth, he never himself
forgot, though the words in which he asserted his own
dignity as a free prince of the Empire, have been mis-
understood in times in which men seem to have forgotten
what the Empire was. It is certainly amazing to find in
the text of a well-known history the statement that ' it
had been argued that "the Prince of Orange, having his
principality of his title in France, might make lawful war
upon the Duke of Alva,'" and then to look to the reference
in the note to an original document which says —
' Aliqua ratione injuriosum videri potest immiscere se actibus et
litibus exterorum principum, qualis est iste princeps Orangianus. quern
constat liberum esse ^jr/»c/pp?« imperii, et, ut apparet, cum ipsi im-
peratori et statubus imperii acceptum, tum etiam Galliarum regi, in
quo regno possessionis multas ohtinet, satis gratum.'
The position of the Nassau princes of Orange is not
without its parallel in our own time. Hemmed in between
the Swiss cantons of Saint Gallen and Graublinden and the
Austrian county of Tyrol, lies the almost invisible princi-
pality of Liechtenstein. Since 1866 the Prince of Liech-
tenstein, no longer a member either of the old German
92 . ORANGE. [Essay
Confederation or of the new German Empire, must be
looked on as a prince absolutely sovereign and independent,
acknowledging no feudal or federal superior. But the ac-
tual importance of the Prince of Liechtenstein is drawn less
from the possession of his tiny sovereignty — a sovereignty
which I believe numbers about half as many subjects as the
smallest Swiss canton numbers citizens — as it is from the
great estates which he holds as a subject in the kingdom of
Bohemia. If Bohemia should ever see a new Praguevie or
a new Defenestratio,'^ a Prince of Liechtenstein might play
the part of a Prince of Orange, and he might play it all the
better for being the sovereign prince of a principality, how-
ever small.
During the time of the Nassau princes, the history of
Orange itself comes to little more than a series of revolu-
tions by which France commonly took possession of the
principality whenever there was any ground of quarrel, and
gave it back again at the next treaty. Under William the
Eighth we find, besides religious disturbances, a popular
revolt against the absent prince, then but fifteen years of
age, which seems a strange beginning for such a career as
his. We find too a not altogether inappropriate competitor
set up by France against him who was to be the great
Protestant champion. For several years the government
of Orange was carried on in the name of Mary of Guise as
its Princess. If England then had one sovereign in common
with Orange, Scotland may be said to have had, if not two
sovereigns, at least two princesses. Maurice, so famous in
other wars, made the castle of Orange into one of the
strongest fortresses in Europe. Lewis the Fourteenth, in
one of his seizures duriuo' the reign of the last William,
swept the work of Maurice away, and its ruins are now not
to be distinguished, except by the keen eye of the military
antiquary, from the ruins of so many earlier buildings on
* [I was not thinking, in 1875, of those rather stirring scenes of
Bohemian history which are still acting before the eyes of those who
can see.l
IV.] WILLIAM THE TENTH. 93
the same site. "When William the Tenth of Orange set
forth for the deliverance of England, his own principality
was in possession of the enemy. But the old motto ' Je
maintiendrai,' which his kinsman Rend had filled up with
so small an object as ' Challon,' was filled up by him with
nothing short of the ' Protestant religion and the liberties
of England.' With him Orange, as a separate state, came
to an end. His bequest of the principality in favour of a
prince of his own house was set aside ; so were the claims
of Frederick of Prussia, which, if they had been made good,
would have made the house of Brandenburg lords of another
outlying possession yet further off than Neufchatel. On
the nominal principality of the house of Conti I will not
waste a sentence. The absolute incorporation of the princi-
pality with the now French province of Dauphiny might be
delayed till 1731, but from 1714, by virtue of the treaty of
Utrecht, Orange became in every practical sense a part of
the French dominions. Since that time, Orange has been
a rather insignificant French town, and nothing more.
Independent Orange, besides its Prince, its Bishop and his
Chapter, had its Parliament, its University, and its Consuls.
All that it seems to have now is a Mayor, whose placards,
stuck upon the walls at the time of a local election, show
by their strength of language that municipal French may
go far to dispute the prize of the art of scolding even with
papal Latin. *
* [1874.]
94 AUGUSTODUNUM. [Essat
AUGUSTODUNUM*
(1) Traduction des Biscouis d'Enmhie. Par M. I'Abbe Len-
DRiOT et M. rAbb(^ Rochet. Accompagnee du Texte,
&c., &c. Par M. I'Abbe Rochet. Publication de la
Societe lilduenne. Autun. 1854.
(2) Cartulaire de Vilglise d'Auhin. Public par A. de Char-
MASSE. Publication de la Societe Eduenne. Paris et
Autun. 1854.t
In another volume we set forth the claims of Augusta
Treverorum, Trier, Treves, of its history and of its monu-
ments, to the study of those whose thoughts lead them to
the transitional ages of European history, and to the part
which the city on the Mosel, the dwelling-place of Constan-
tine and Valentinian, played in the events of those stirring
times. t From Trier we may feel almost naturally called
to another famous Gaulish city with which Trier is in some
sort brought into a sisterly relation. We cannot go through
our chief authorities for the great days of the city of
the Treveii without having the city of the ^Edui brought
* [I am soriT to say that this paper is the result of one visit only to
Autun. in January, 1881.]
t These two volumes are among the many publications of an active
local society, which still cleaves to the ancient name of the district
which is the scene of its work. We can bear witness, by experience
on the spot, that several others of the Jilduan Society's books are of
real use in working out iEduan history on ^Eduan soil. But, alas,
some of the most valuable of them are not to be bought, either at
Autun or seemingly elsewhere. Writing away from Autun, we have
been confined to such help as was to be got from the two whose
names we have copied.
X Third Series, p. G8.
v.] TRIER AND AUTUK 95
strongly home to our thoughts. From Augusta Treverorum
by the Mosel we are taught to look to Augustodunum by
the far smaller and less famous Arroux. And from both,
in the days of their common greatness, we are further led
to cast our eyes over a far wider space, even to the distant
lUyrian land whence in that age came forth the chosen
rulers of mankind. Our thoughts flit to and fro between
Trier and Autun, they flit from both to JSaissus and Salona,
when an orator from the banks of the Arroux sets forth
by the banks of the Mosel how much both the city of his
birth and the city of his sojourn owed to Caesars and Au-
gusti from beyond the Hadriatic. Trier is the city of the
panegyrists ; but one of the chief of the panegyrists, if he
spoke at Trier, came from Autun, and made Autun his
theme rather than Trier. We thus get pictures of the two
cities in the same age, the age which was the most flourish-
ing of all ages for the city of the Treveri, and which seems
to have been a time of renewed splendour for the city of
the -^dui. Eumenius, Athenian by descent, but by birth,
by education, by local feeling, a loyal son of Autun, came
to Trier, as the Imperial seat of the West, to plead for his
native city, to return thanks for good deeds done to his
native city, to set forth the praises of the princes by whom
his native city had been brought back to somewhat of the
flourishing state from which she had been lately cast
down. Two generations of the Flavian house listened to
the honeyed words of the orator whose heart, and the
hearts of his countrymen, professed to be lifted up with
joy because Augustodunum had for a moment changed its
name to Flavia. Eumenius came to speak the panegyric
of the elder Constantius, while he still held only the rank
of Caesar. The C;esar could not be praised without adding
the praises of his father the Augustus, and the Augustus of
the West could not be praised without adding the praises
of the mightier Augustus of the East, whose will alone had
called the other princes of the Roman world into their
Imperial being. The orator of Autun pays his homage to
96 AUGUSTODUNUM. [Essay
Constantius at Trier ; but he must also pay his homage to
Maximian, the official chief of his own ruler, and to Dio-
cletian, father and lord of all. Thus, as we trace out the
great works of Roman power at Autun, memory makes its
way by only a few stages, not only to the Black Gate of
Trier, but to the columns of Herculius at Milan and to the
arcades of Jovius by the Dalmatian shore. As the iEduan
orator had come to praise the father, so he came on the
same ground to praise his yet more famous son. Constan-
tine, already Augustus but not sole Augustus, lord of York
and Trier but not yet lord of Rome, listened, perhaps with
equal good will, to the discourse which set forth his merits
as the second founder of the ^duan Flavia, and to the dis-
course which hailed the return to good old Roman ways,
when the Treveran amphitheatre beheld his Frankish cap -
tives helpless in the jaws of the wild beasts.^ The future
founder of a new and Christian Rome, the future president
of the first oecumenical synod of the Church, was then
satisfied to be addressed as the favourite of Apollo by the
pagan orator who returned thanks for the restoration of a
pagan city.f Trier was the favoured spot which rejoiced
to be before all others his special dwelling-place ; J but
Autun too had once at least seen his face, and she rejoiced
to think of his bounty and to remember that she bore his
name. The elder city of the ^Edui, Bibracte, famed in the
days of the first Csesar, had been honoured with the name
* See the passages in Eumenius' Panegyric of Constantine, 11, 12,
commented on in Third Series, p. 96.
t The reverence of Constantine for Apollo — ' Apollo tims ' — comes
out in the Panegyric, 21.
X Eumenius begins the Gratianim Actio with this flourish : ' Si
Flavia jEduorum, tandem ceterno nomine nuncupata, sacratissime
Imperator, commovere se funditus, atque hue venire potuisset, tota
profecto coram de tuis in se maximis pulcherrimisque beneficiis una
voce loqueretur ; tibique restitutori suo, imo, ut verius fatear, condi-
tori, in ea potissimum civitate gratias ageret, cujus eam similem
facere coepisti.' So cap. 2 : 'In hac urbe, qua; adhuc assiduitate
l>raesenti8e tute prse ceteris fruitur.'
v.] PANEGYRIC OF CONSTANTINE. 97
of the Julii of the elder line. So had Florence by the
banks of Arno ; so had Pola in the Istrian peninsula. But
the newer city of the iEdui had now a name, less ancient,
but, it is implied, more glorious. She was now Flavia,
the city of the princes who had called her into a second
beinjj.*
The discourses of this courtly orator, while supplying
some of our materials, such as they are, for the general
history of the time, supply our very best materials for the
local history of his own city in the days when Augusto-
dunum rejoiced to be called Flavia. In his day, in his
pages, Autun fully makes good her claim to be counted
as one of the same group, though assuredly the least
member of the group, with Spalato, Trier, and Ravenna.
That group might fairly be looked on as stretching from
York to Nikomedeia ; but it is the sisterhood of Trier and
Autun which is naturally the theme of the ^Eduan pane-
gyrist haranguing in the Treveran palace. The bounty of
Constantino had enabled Autun to put on the likeness of
Trier. And it certainly is remarkable that, among all the
cities of central and northern Gaul, these are the two
which to this day stand out most conspicuously for the
number and grandeur of their abiding Roman buildings.
But the special glory of which Autun was specially to
boast itself, the possession of the Flavian name, has utterly
passed away; but for the witness of Eumenius itself, the
world might have wholly forgotten that Autun had ever
* The Gratiarum Actio ends as it begins : ' Omnium sis licet
dominus urbium, omnium nationum, nos tamen etiam nomen
accepimus tuum, jam non antiquum. Bibracte quidem hue usque
dicta est Julia, Pola, Florentia ; sed Flavia est civitas ^Eduorum.'
There has been a vast deal of disputing over this passage, which
may be seen in the opening chapter of the ' Notice Historique sur
Autun,' in the edition of Eumenius at the head of this article.
M. Rochet, like others before him, labours hard to prove that
Bibracte was called Pola and Florentia. But the plain meaning
is ; ' Bibracte may be Julia, like Pola [Pietas Julia], Florence, and
many other places.' See also Bouquet, i. 24.
H
98 AUGUSTODUNUM. [Essay
borne it. Autun has been for ages as little used to the
name Flavia as Trier has been used to the name of Augusta.
But, while Trier cast aside its Imperial title altogether,
Autun threw aside a later Imperial title to fall back on
an earlier one, Avhich has lived on, with a mere contraction,
to this day. Augusta Treverorum has for ages been simply
Treverls or Trier; Augustodunum is to this day Autun.
And the difference in the history of the names points to
some important differences in the history of the two cities.
The iEdui, friends and brothers, as they delighted to be
called, of the Roman people, held the highest place among
the nations of central Gaul. Their friendship and brother-
hood was acknowledged by the Romans themselves. It
was a special badge of distinction. Rome had many allies ;
the .^dui were her only brothers.* The brothers of Rome
were naturally the first among the nations of Gaul to find
their way into the Roman Senate. Such a privilege as
this is naturally made the most of by the ^duan orator
speaking before the throne of Constantine. Rome had had
other faithful allies ; but they had become her allies from
motives of self-interest. Saguntum had sought the alliance
of Rome in hopes of enlarging her own dominion in Spain.
Massalia had sought it in hopes of winning Roman protec-
tion against barbarian neighbours. The Mamertines in
Sicily, boasted children of Mars, the people of Ilios, boasted
metropolis of Rome, had striven to assert a kindred with
Rome by dint of cunningly devised fables. The ^Edui
alone had, neither out of fear nor out of flattery, but of
their own free will, become the brethren of Rome on equal
terms by willing adoption.f Rome and Autun, in the
* Strabo, iv. 3 : ol he Alhovoi Ka\ triiyyefers' 'Pu)fiai(i)v wvojid^ovTo Koi
TrpatToi TOiv TavT'i TTpocrijXOov Tvpos Ti]U cjiLXiai' Kill (Tvixjxa)(^iav. Ct. Tacitus,
Annals, xl. 25.
t Gi-atiarum Actio, 3 : * Fuit olim Saguntus fceclerata, sed cum jam
taedio Punici belli novare imperium omnis cuperet Hispania ; fuit
amica Massilia ; protegi se majestate Komana gratulabatur ; impu-
tavere se originc fiibulosa in Sicilia Maniertini, in Asia llienses ; soli
v.] THE jJtWUL 99
ideas of the orator of Autun, were sister cities of equal
dignity. We must remember that, now that all subjects
of the Empire were alike Romans, the local Rome had lost
somewhat of her pre-eminence. It may be that Eumenius
himself would have shrunk from uttering such words, had
he been speaking in the immediate presence of the Capitoline
Jupiter to a prince born and bred among the associations
of the Tiber and the Palatine. No such feelings checked
the local patriotism of a Gaulish orator speaking on
Gaulish soil, returning thanks to an Emperor to whom the
Palatine was as yet an unknown hill and the Tiber an
unknown stream. He who now held his court by the
Mosel had drawn his first breath by the Morava, and
had been proclaimed Augustus by the Ouse. The ^Edui.
sharing equal love and equal dignity with their Roman
brethren, had by that brotherhood drawn on them the
envy of other Gaulish nations. They had borne the brunt
of German invasion in the cause of their brethren. In
their need they had sought for Roman help. An -^duan
orator, pleading the brotherly covenant in the Roman
Senate, had refused the offered seat in that assemblage of
kings, and had chosen rather to make his speech in
warrior's guise, leaning on his shield.* It was by -^duan
invitation that Ctesar had crossed the Rhone ; it was by
^duan help of every kind that Caesar and Rome had
advanced to the dominion of Gaul. It was they who,
adding to Rome whatever they won from barbarian neigh-
^dui, non metu territi, non adulatione compulsi, sed ingenua et
simplici caritate fratres populi Romani crediti sunt, appellarique
meruerunt ; quo nomine, prseter cetera necessitudinum vocabula, et
comniunitas anions apparet et dignitatis sequalitas.' [So too the
descendants of the mixed multitude which Agathokles planted at his
Dikaiopolis soon became true Trojans of Segesta, and as such,
claimed and received the favour of their Latin kinsfolk.]
* Gratiarum Actio, 3: 'Princeps iEduus in senatuni veait, rem
docuit ; cum quidem oblato consessu, minus sibi vindicasset quam
dabatur, scuto innixus, peroravit. Impetrata ope, Romanum exer-
citum Cajsaremque eis Rhodanum primus induxit.' See Merivale, i. 276.
H 2
100 AUGUSTODUNUM. [Essay
bours, had brought all the Celtic and Belgian tribes, all
the lands between the Rhine, the Ocean, the Alps, and the
Pyrenees, within the blessings of the Roman peace.*
If we turn to Ca?sar's own Commentaries, we shall find
that this is a somewhat rose-coloured picture of the rela-
tions between the Roman people and their Gaulish brethren.
The general result is perhaps not unfairly stated. The
merit or demerit of making Gaul a part of the Roman
dominion must certainly be allotted to the iEduan nation.
But the undoubting trust on the part of the Roman, the
unswerving loyalty on the part of the Gaul, which we
might infer from the picture of Eumenius, are hardly to be
found in the narrative of Csesar. We shall there see that
the brethren were quite capable of playing a double part
against each other, and that the ^dui, as well as other
people, revolted and had to be subdued before the Roman
Peace became an abiding thing. f We see among them the
same party struggles as among other nations ; we see the
friends of Rome and her enemies, and we see her friends
and enemies among those who were brothers in a more
literal sense than Romans and .^duans were. There is
Dumnorix, the ever-plotting enemy of Rome ; there is the
hero of the tale of Eumenius, nameless in the pages of the
panegyrist, but who lives in those of C?esar and Cicero by
the famous name of Divitiacus. The Druid, skilled in the
lore of his own people, who sojourned at Rome, the friend
of her greatest orator and her greatest captain, the lover of
Roman arts and culture, the steady ally of Rome and of
Caesar, the intercessor for the brother who withstood them,J
* Gratiarum Actio. 3 : '^'lOdui totum istucl quod Rheno, Oceano,
Pyrenaiis montibus, cunctis Alpihus continetur Romano imperio tradi-
derunt, hibernis hospitaliter prjebitis, suppeditatis largiter commeati-
bus, armis fabricandis, pedestribus equitumque copiis auxiliantibus.
Ita in unam pacem societis omnibus Celtarum Belganimque jiopulis,
eripuere barbaris quidrjuid junxei'e Romanis.' Compare the more
moderate statement of Strabo, iv. 3.
+ See Cajsar, Bell. Gall. vii. 42.
1 Ibid. i. 20.
v.] DUMNORIX AND DIVITIACUS. 101
is, in all things save one, a type of his people. It is strange,
as Dr. Merivale notes, that so firm a friend of Rome, a
missionary in some sort of Roman culture, had no mastery
of the Latin tongue, and had, on solemn occasions at least,
to speak to his Roman friends by the mouth of an inter-
preter. * But we are well pleased to make the acquaintance
of the ^duan people in the form of clearly marked person-
alities like those of Divitiacus, Dumnorix, and Liscus. We
get too some constitutional details of the ^Eduan common-
wealth. Jealous indeed were the ^duan people of the
overweening ascendency of any man or any family among
them. The chief magistrate, the Vergohret, was chosen for
a year, and, however long he survived his year of office,
none of his house could be again chosen during his lifetime.
But party influence sometimes overcame law among the
.^duans, no less than among their Italian brothers. When
the .^duan Cotus claimed to fill the highest post in the
i^duan state by an irregular succession to his own brother,
he might have defended the breach of local law by the
example of Gains Marius, who had so often held the Roman
consulship in yet more irregular succession to himself, f
* Bell. Gall. i. 19 : ' Divitiacum ad se vocari jubet [Caesar], et quoti-
dianis interijretibus remotis, per C. Valerium Procillum, principem
Gallise jDroviucise, familiarem suum, qui summarn rei'um omnium fidem
habebat, cum eo colloquitur.' This plainly shows (see Merivale, i. 276j
that Divitiacus could not speak Latin [at least such Latin as would
befit the ears of Caesar]. Cicero's witness is given in his De Divina-
tione, i. 41 : ' In Gallia Druidse sunt, e quibus ipse Divitiacum J^^duuni
hospitem tuum laudatorumque cognovi, qui et naturae rationem quam
physiologiam Graeci appellant notam esse sibi profitebatur ; et, partini
auguriis, partim conjectura, quae assent futura dicebat.'
t Ibid. i. 16 : ' Summus magistratus quem vergobretum appellant
.^dui, qui creatur annuus, et vitae necisque in suos habet potestatem."
The law against re-election comes out in vii. 32, 33. There were two
rival vergobrets, as there have sometimes been rival governors in
some American states : ' Summo esse in periculo rem, quod, cum
singuU magistratus antiquitus creari atque regiam potestatem
annum obtinere consuessent, duo magistratum gerant, et se uterque
eorum legibus creatum esse dicat.' Of these Cotus had succeeded
his own brother, and had been appointed in an irregular assembly.
102 AUGUSTODUNUM. [Essay
The primacy of the j3Eduan state among the nations of
central Gaul was not always undisputed.* The -^dui had
standing rivals in the Arverni, the people of the volcanic
land of Auvergne. In the revolutions which come within
Caesar's own narrative, the first place passes to and fro
between the -^dui and their neighbours beyond the Arar
or Saone, the Sequani, the people of the later Burgundian
county. t Like the other leading nations of Gaul, like
their Roman brethren themselves, the ^dui were at the
head of a following of other tribes, whom Caesar, borrowing
a word from the domestic rather than the foreign relations
of his own city, speaks of as their clients. J An ^duan
political inquirer might have given no higher name to
Samnites and Etruscans, as they stood before the arms of
Sulla gave either citizenship or destruction to all Italy.
iEduan dominion or headship was thus spread over a large
extent of central Gaulish territory. The land of the ruling
i"ace and of their confederates or subjects occupied a great part
of the course of the Saone and the Loire. It is not without
a certain fitness that the modern department which contains
their capital bears the name of those two rivers. But that
modern department, though it marks the later centre of the
nearer ^duan power, takes in only a small part of the ^Eduan
Caesar therefore, when appealed to, deposed him. ' Quum leges duos
ex una familia, vivo utroque, non solum magistratus creari viarent.
sed etiam in senatu esse jirohiberent.' His rival Convictolitanes.
' qui per sacerdotes, more civitatis, intermissis magistratibus, esset
creatus, potestatem obtinere jussit.'
* Pomponius Mela (iii. 2) marks their position very emphatically :
'Aquitanonim clarissimi sunt Ausci, Celtainim ^dui, Belgarum
Treveri, urbesque opulentissimse, in Treveris Augusta, in jEduis
Augustodunum, in Auscis Climberrum.' See the note in Bouquet,
i. 51. We are concerned only with Augusta and Augustodunum.
t Bell. Gall. vi. 12. The result of the changes is ' Ut longi
principes haberentur ^dui, secundum locum dignitatis Remi obtine-
rent.' The Sequani are thus altogether put aside. See Strabo, iv. 3,
where he makes an odd confusion as to the rivers Saone and Doubs.
X Bell. Gall. vi. 12: 'Summa auctoritas antiquitus erat in iEduis,
magna^que eorum erant clientelse.' He goes on using the word as
a technical term, as it seems to have become with modern historians.
v.] USE OF THE jEDUAN NAME. 103
dominion. In those various degrees of alliance and depen-
dence which came under the name of ' clientship,' that
dominion stretched over the land from the dwellings of the
Turones on the one hand to those of the Ambani on the
other. In more familiar geography, it took in Tours at one
end, and Bresse and Forez on the other ; it had what was
to be Anjou for a neighbour on one side, and what was to
be Savoy for a neighbour on the other. Yet, while most of
the tribes of noithern and central Gaul still survive on the
map in the names of modern cities, the great nation of the
iEdui has left no trace in the name of either city or district.
As the Treveri survive at Trier, so do the Turones at Tours,
the Senones at Sens, the Bituriges alike in Bourges the
city and in Beri^ the land. But the ^dui have vanished.
Their name is in constant use in mediaeval documents ; but
it is easy to see that it is only in artificial use. In the long
records of the church of Autun, the name of Autun, in either
its earlier or its later shape, is far less commonly used than
phrases like '^dua civitas,"ecclesia^duensis.'* But the fact
that, contrary to rule, the name of the city, not the name of
the tribe, has lived on in modern times shows that formulae
like these must always have been in the nature of archaisms.
The reason why the city of the ^Edui did not follow
the same law of nomenclature as the cities of the Bitu-
riges, the Senones, and so many others of their neighbours,
is not far to seek, f Avaricum was the city of the Bitu-
riges, Agenticum Avas the city of the Senones ; so to be
* This will be seen at once by turning over the pages of the
cartulary of the church of Autun ; but the opposite result will come
in looking through the narratives, historical and legendary, in the
second volume of Bouquet. ' Augustodunum ' and 'Augustidunum '
are the usual forms. ' Urbs jEdua,' ' civitas ^Eduoruni,' are found, but
seemingly only in the high polite style, as in the second Life of Saint
Leodgar (Bouquet, ii. p. G30j.
t This, of comse, applies only to the capital of each nation ;
smaller posts constantly kept their local names, as in the iEduan
land itself ' Autissiodonim ' and ' Nevernum ' remain in the form
of Auxerre and Nevers.
104 AUGUSTODUNUM. [Essay
was the cause of their being. The tribe name was greater
than the city name, and it gradually supplanted it. Augus-
todunum, like CtEsarodunum among the Turones, is a name
of a different class, a class which bear the direct Roman
and Imperial stamp. Such names have often survived, as
Aureliani in the form of Orleans, Constantia in the form of
Coutances ; though the instance of Csesarodunum itself,
more renowned under the illustrious name of Tours, proves
that the rule is not invariable. And the name of Augusto-
dunum had every chance of living. The city which bore it
was the head of the ^dui, but it was something more. So
Augusta Treverorum came to be, in quite another way
and in a far more emphatic sense, something very much
more than the head of the Treveri. Still Trier, dwelling-
place of Emperors, was itself the old Gaulish post, which
had grown into a Roman and an Imperial city. It began
as the city of the Treveri in every sense, and it remained
so amidst all its added greatness. But Autun was not in
this sense the city of the ^Edui. To Trier Augusta was a
mere surname ; Augustodunum was from the beginning the
personal name, so to speak, of the city which bore it.
That city was not a Gaulish hill-fort, occupied as a military
post, and so gradually growing into a Roman town ; it was
a new city on a new site, deliberately laid out from the
beginning on a great scale, and meant to hold, as a Roman
city, a high place among the cities of Gaul. It was the
head of the ^dui, but it was not the old head of the yEdui ;
it was not the traditional spot to which the tribe name
would traditionally cleave. It was ' -^duorum civitas ; '
but it was so only in an official and rhetorical sense, not in
the full sense in which, as Augusta was ' Treverorum
civitas,' so Agenticum was ' Senonum civitas.' Augusto-
dunum, the Roman city, had supplanted the older Gaulish
head of the tribe in its rank and honours. In other words,
Autun is Augustodunum ; in a sense it is ' vEduorum
civitas ; ' but there is another spot whicli was ' /Eduorum
civitas ' in a sense in which Aut^ustodunum was not. The
v.] POSITION OF AUGUSTODUNUM. 105
Flavia of Eumenius is quite distinct from the Julia of
Eumenius ; in other words, Augustodunum is not Bibracte.
The name Augustodunum proclaims itself without
further question to be later than the days of the Dictator.
The towns within the iEduan land which find a place in
Caesar's story are Bibracte and Noviodunum. Of the many
places bearing this latter name which are to be found in
Gaulish geography, the one with which we are now con-
cerned is the post on the Loire which afterwards bore the
name of Nivernum or Nevers. The eye of Csesar had
marked the advantages of the site, where the hill, in after
days to be crowned by the church of the bishops and the
palace of the dukes of Nevers, rises close above the rushing
flood of the greatest of purely Gaulish rivers.* Here he
had gathered together all his stores, his horses, hostages,
corn, money, and baggage of every kind. But they were
gathered together only to become the prey of the revolted
iEduans, to be parted out or carried away to Bibracte,
the capital of the nation, f Bibracte appears over and
over again as the head of the ^Eduan nation ; J it is at
one stage the meeting-place of the enemies of Rome, §
at another stage the winter quarters of Caesar himself. ||
When Strabo wrote, it is Cabillo that appears as the city
of ^dui, but Bibracte is still deemed worthy of mention
* Bell. Gall. vii. 55 : ' Noviodunum erat oppidum Jjlduorum ad rii^as
Ligeris opportuno loco positum.' So Dio, xl. 38, where the Greek form
is Noouio8oi;j/()j/, a spelling of some little importance in the history of
the Latin letter V. This ^duan Noviodunum must be distinguished
from other places of the same name in Cajsar's narrative.
+ Bell. Gall. vii. 55.
X Ibid. i. 23 : ' Bibracte, oppidum ^Eduorum longe maximum et
copiosissimum.* vii. 55 : ' Bibracte, quod est oppidum apud eos
maximae auctoritatis.'
§ Ibid. vii. 63.
II Strabo, iv. 3 : Al8ova>v Wvos, ttoXiv i'xov Ka^vWivov eVl tco Apapi. Koi
<f)povpiou Bi/3/;a/cT-(j. Ka(3vWivov is Cabillo, the modern Challon on the
Saone, which modern spelling is striving to confound with Catalauni
or Chalons on the Marne. Cabillo appears in Bell. Gall, vii. 90 as the
winter quarters of Quintus Cicero.
106 AUGUSTODUNUM. [Essay
as a military post.^ The words of Eumenius show that
it was one of the many towns in Gaul and elsewhere which
received the name of Julia. But between Strabo and
Eumenius it would be hard to find another mention of
Bibracte. We now hear only of Augustodunum as the
-^duan capital;, and, as early as the reign of Tiberius, Au-
gustodunum already appears among the chief cities of Gaul.
It has been a point of honour with many local inquirers
to maintain that Bibracte and Augustodunum are the same,
that the -^duan capital lived on without interruption on
the same site, with only a change of name. Yet the
passage from Eumenius which has been insisted on as
proving the identity of Bibracte and Augustodunum dis-
tinctly proves the contrary. Bibracte, otherwise Julia, is
opposed to Augustodunum, otherwise Flavia, and the city
of the ^duans is declared to be, not Julia but Flavia. f
The passage just quoted from Strabo proves the same.
It points to an interval when Bibracte had lost its old
headship, but when Augustodunum had not yet taken its
place. In no other state of things could any one have
spoken of Challon as the city of the ^dui, and of Bibracte
only as a military post. Monumental evidence also leads
distinctly to the same conclusion, namely, that Bibracte
was not destroyed, J that, under its new title of Julia,
it went on as an inhabited town, but that it had yielded the
first place among -^duan dwelling-places to the new foun-
dation of Augustus which received his name. On a high
hill which may be seen from Autun to the north-west,
known as Mont-Beuvray, a corruption doubtless of the
ancient name, most extensive remains of a Gaulish and
Roman town are to be seen. The description of its defences
* Strabo, iv. p. 3.
t Pan eg. vii. 90.
;|: The Abbe Rochet (p. 7), arguing that Bibracte and Autun are the
same, takes some pains to show that Bibracte was not destroyed ; but
there never was the least reason to think that it was, and the monu-
mental evidence now proves the exact contrary.
v.] BIBRACTE. 107
makes the inquirer long at once to make his way thither.
Now the best local opinion, supported by the manifest
reason of the case, sets them down as marking the place of
the elder ^duan capital. We will not enlarge on them,
because we cannot speak of them from personal knowledge.
It would be easy to copy descriptions ; but there is no life,
and not much profit, in such a process. The present literary
vergobret of the ^duan state, whose help would have been
willingly given at a more favourable season, refused all help
in January, 1881, and strongly dissuaded any attempt on
Mont-Beuvray at such a moment. It was indeed an ex-
ceptional time. The .^dui seem to be a people favoured
by nature. While the rest of Europe was overwhelmed by
snow-storms or driven to and fro of tierce winds, the hill
of Augustus enjoyed weather, cold indeed, but cold simply
with honest frost, which put no hindrance in the way of
research. Not so with the older hill ; the height of Bibracte
was reported to be deep with snow, and an examination of
its ditches to be wholly out of the question. We must be
forgiven then, if we simply record the fact that modern
research has distinctly shown that Bibracte and Augusto-
dunum are two distinct places, and then go on to speak of
Augustodunum and not of Bibracte. For, after all, it is not
Bibracte, but Augustodunum, which became the sister city
of Trier, which rejoiced in the Flavian name, and received
the visit of a Flavian Emperor.
There is then no doubt that the new -^duan city was a
new creation of the days of the prince whose name it bears.
Whether the hill of Augustus now became for the first time
the site of human dwellings we have no means of judging ;
it is enough that it now became for the first time the site of
a great city. At Autun then we have a good opportunity
of studying the kind of plan which was followed in that
age in founding a great city in a favoured province, in
cases where a definite plan could be freely carried out, and
where the creators of the new town were not hampered by
108 AUGUSTODUNUM. [Essat
older works or older traditions. We are at once struck by
the wide difference between the ground -plan of Autun and
the ground-plans of two other classes of Roman towns
with which we are able to compare it both in our own
island and elsewhere. When the city grew out of a Roman
camp, whether the camp occupied the site of a Gaulish or
British oppidiiiin or was first pitched to besiege or to control
a Gaulish or British oppidum, we are commonly struck by
the small size of the original Roman enclosure. It is so at
our own Lindum and Eboracum ; it is so at that North-
Gaulish Mediolanum which has changed into Norman
Evreux ; it is so in the Norman capital itself, where the
name of Rothomagus has, like Augustodunum, been simply
contracted, and not wholly cast aside.* At York and
Lincoln the greater part of the Roman dwellings must have
lain in thickly inhabited suburbs outside the original Roman
wall. The other class of towns seems not to have had a
militar}^ origin. A site was occupied, as caprice or con-
venience dictated ; houses grew up, covering an irregular
space : in later times, when the Pax Romana had become
less sure, the inhabited space was fenced in by a wall which
followed its shape and dimensions. Towns of this class
show a walled enclosure of much greater size, but of much
more irregular shape, than those which were in their be-
ginning strictly castra or chesters. We might say that
Rome itself is the greatest example of cities of this second
class, the vastest in its scale, the most irregular in the out-
line of its walls. What Aurelian did, what, as far as we
can see, Servius did ages before him, was to fence in what-
ever extent of ground had become the inhabited city of their
several times. At home we may see an enclosure of this
kind at Calleva or Silchester, with its large irregular area
so unlike the small square Chester of the Colony of Lindum.
Autun belonged to neither of these classes. It was
not a mere military post which has grown into a city,
* I have given plans of Rouen and Evreux in William Rufus,
vol. i. pp. 249, 262.
v.] PLAN OF THE CITY. 109
nor yet a casual collection of houses which it was after-
wards found expedient to fortify. As a site deliber-
ately laid out as a great city in the first days of the
Empire, it is quite unlike either. Its extent is far
greater than the original extent of Lincoln or Evreux ; its
ground-plan is far more regular than that of Silchester, in-
comparably more regular than that of Rome. The enclosure
forms nearly a regular parallelogram ; some change or some
special reason has caused a slight departure from this plan
at the south-eastern angle ; but the parallelogram is regular
indeed as compared with Rome or Calle va ; it is vast indeed
compared with that of the mere camp-cities. Modern Autun,
like modern Rome,"^ hke modern Soest, has shrunk up within
about half the space fenced in by the walls of Augustus.
Modern Autun is in truth a city within a city, even more
distinctly than modern Rome. For the forsaken parts of
Rome — some of which are now fast becoming again in-
habited — were never fenced off by a new wall from the
inhabited city of the last four centuries. But modem Autun
has its own wall, which on two sides uses parts of the
Roman wall, and leaves the remainder of the Roman city
outside the new enclosure. Thus the greatest monuments
of Augustodunum have to be looked for, sometimes, as at
Rome, among fields and gardens — on the hill of Augustus
we cannot add vineyards — sometimes on roads so far from
the heart of the city as to be almost rural. The Roman
wall may be traced through by far the greater part of its
extent ; sometimes, as we have said, it is employed in the
later defences, sometimes it stands free far away from them.
The two gateways which are the grandest remains of
Augustodunum stand far away from the modern streets, and
need a walk of some length to seek for them. It is really
one of the best comments on the peculiar history of Autun
that the railway-station lies within the Roman wall, within
the northern gate, the great gate of Arroux. Still Autun
follows the law of all cities. Wherever the pomoRrium may
* [1881.]
110 AUGUSTODUNUM. [Essay
be drawn, suburbs spring up beyond it. Though the gi-eat
mass of modern Autun lies within the later as well as within
the earlier wall, yet scattered houses, and even straggling
streets, have here and there made their way beyond the
later enclosure, sometimes even beyond the Roman wall
itself. At Autun too, as in other cities, monastic settle-
ments arose under the shelter of the fortified enclosure.
Here it was not a single great abbey, a Saint Ouen's or a
Saint Augustine's, outside the walls. Several considerable
monasteries lay outside the later city, and each monastery
naturally gathered a little colony of lay dwellings around it.
The site which was chosen for the new city has some
likeness to several famous spots in the northern part of our
own island. As at Edinburgh, as at Stirling, as at Carlisle,
the main street of Autun climbs up the slope of a hill to the
highest point, the point occupied as the main fortress. It
is no slight ascent from the river, from the ancient river-
gate, from the modern railway station, to the castrurti of
Augustodunum, now marked in the general view by the
cathedi'al church of Saint Lazarus. And when the height
is reached, the descent on the other, the southern side, is far
more steep and sudden than the gradual rise from the north.
But the hill of Autun differs widely from the hills which are
occupied by the three British towns. It is no mere narrow
ridge ; a great extent of ground slopes gradually upwards
towards the height, and the direction in which it slopes is
the opposite to that of Edinburgh, Stirling, and Carlisle. The
southern view too on which we look from the casti'uni of
Augustodunum is of a different kind from the northern view
on which we look from any one of the three British castles.
Each of those was, at the day of its foundation, a border
fortress looking out on a hostile land. Edinburgh and
Carlisle were reared, each in its day, as bulwarks of the
northern English land against the Scottish enemy. Stirling
was reared as the bulwark of the English realm which
had taken the Scottish name against the true Scots of
the mountains. But Augustodunum, reared in the heart
v.] SITE OF AUTUN. Ill
of the Roman Peace, looked out on no distant or hostile
land. No wild mountains far away lie open to the view
from the southern gate of Autun. Neighbouring hills, almost
forming part of the city, rising at once on the other side of a
narrow valley, form the immediate view from the casti'um.
We might almost say that the Appian way, more strictly the
Ostian way, of Augustodunum lay on those neighbouring
heights. One of those heights is crowned by one of the
chief Roman antiquities of Autun, a tomb which takes the
form of a pyramid after the type of that of Gaius Sestius by
the gate of Saint Paul. But the pyramid of Autun has been
less lucky than its Roman fellow, in that the picking away
of all its hewn stone has made it well-nigh shapeless. The
tomb on the southern hill is in a manner balanced by
another Roman building standing on the northern flat,
beyond the gate and beyond the river. This building
stands out boldly, with the general air of one of the square
donjons which the Norman raised both in his own land
and in ours. Locally it bears the name of the temple of
Janus ; but the name is one of those random guesses with
which the inquirers of a past age seem to have been
thoroughly satisfied. What it really is it might be hard to
say ; but it is said that signs have been found showing that
it was most likely surrounded by columns, perhaps of
wood. Anyhow it makes a chief feature in the view of
Autun from many points.
It is the side on which this tomb stands, the north side, the
side towards the river, which in its general effect is the most
Roman side of Autun. The remains of the wall skirt the
banks of the Arroux, and the road which crosses the bridge is
spanned by that which, in a general view, is the more efiective
of the two Roman gates of Autun. Its two great arches,
the smaller arches on each side, the tall arcade above, are
perhaps even more striking in their present imperfect state
than they could have been when Eumenius sang the praises
of the iEduan city, or in the earher days when Tacitus
witnessed to its greatness. Grand as the o-ate seems in
112 AUGUSTODUNUM. [Essay
approaching the city from outside, its look is yet more
wonderful as we go down to it from within. The peculiar
character of Autun helps to increase the effect. We go
down through the straggling street of the northern suburb :
a range of arches catches the eye, which look at first like
the arches of a distant aqueduct. As we draw nearer, the
main arches below come into sight, and we see the northern
gate of Augustodunum rising beneath us in all its ruined
majesty. The eastern gate, known as the Gate of Saint
Andrew, is hardly seen from any such effective point, be-
cause the road does not lead so distinctly up and down to
it. But it is really a better design, and notwithstanding
some modern 'restoration,' it is better preserved. It is
wonderful to conceive any one not being a Pope ' restoring '
a Roman gate, yet the deed has been done both at Rheims
and at Autun. In this gate the smaller side arches are set
in projections, which increase the effect of light and shade.
Nor is the effect lessened by the close neighbourhood of a
huge round tower, in after times turned into the apse of a
church. Autun may well be proud of its ancient approaches
from the east and north. We will not put them on a level
with the Black Gate of Trier ; but they may hold their own
against aught of their kind at Rheims, at Nimes, or even at
Verona, still more against anything that is to be found at
Rome itself.
The other chief view, from the southern side, the view
from the opposite hills and from the nameless pyramid,
is rather a view of mediaeval Autun than of Roman
Augustodunum. The havoc of the Revolution has taken
away from Autun its right to be called, as of old, the city of
fair bell-towers. Saint Lazarus keeps the only ecclesiastical
tower of any importance which remains ; but, as seen from
the pyramid and from the slopes beneath it, the church rises
nobly above the walls, and its lofty spire is girt with a
crowd of smaller towers, military and domestic. And
indirectly this view is a view of Roman Augustodunum.
Though the gate at this side, the Gate of Rome, has
V-] THE WALLS AND GATEWAYS. 113
vanished, yet the line of the walls remains, and the
cathedral church and its belongings mark the site of the
ancient castrum, the citadel of the Roman city crowning
its highest point. In its way, the church is, as we shall
presently see, the most instructive of all witnesses to the
abiding nature of Roman art in the Roman city. But at
present we have to deal with it only as calling up the
memory of the specially Roman quarter of Autun. The
part of the city which afterwards put on a specially eccle-
siastical character was at first the stronghold where the
power of Rome emphatically dwelled in the form of her
legions, even in days when those who bore the 'pilum
and broadsword on Gauhsh ground were themselves mainly
.men of Gaulish blood.
The walls of Autun are emphatically the walls of
Augustus. Local pride points to their construction as
marking them for the work of the founder of the Empire,
m opposition to the later forms of construction more
common in the Roman buildings of Gaul and Britain.
Augustodunum might rejoice to be called Flavia; but her
walls are Augustan and not Flavian. No layers of bricks,
bricks thick and far apart, disturb the uniformity of their
stone construction. But some eyes may venture to be
better pleased with the more varied look of the later fashion,
and one thing is certain, that no such mighty stones are to
be seen in the walls of Augustodunum as strike the beholder
almost with awe in the older part of the wall of Agenticum.
On the west side the Augustan wall was kept as the wall
of ^ the later and smaller enclosure. For that very reason
this part of it has undergone far more change, having been,
like the walls of Rome, repaired and patched in successive
ages. No gate is preserved on this side, but at one point a
Roman bulwark has been carried up into a bold turret of the
twelfth century, one of those adaptations of earlier work
which always come home to us with a special life. At
another point, within the precincts of a revived religious
house, besides vaults which are now underground, another
I
114 AUGUSTODUNUM. [Essay
mighty tower of the original defences survives. But the
Roman wall is really best studied on the ruinous northern
side above the river. There it stands, broken down indeed
and crumbling away, but at least not confused with later
work. It is by following the cii'cuit of the forsaken wall,
by marking how wide a space beyond the modern city was
taken within the range of the Augustan enclosure, that
we take in the full force of the words in which the greatest
historian of Rome brings the new ^Eduan capital before
us in the days when the walls of Augustus were still in
their freshness.
This, our first picture of Augustodunum, comes in the
seventh year of Tiberius, the twenty-first year of our pera.
That is one of those moments when the history of Trier and
of Autun flows in one stream. It was a moment when Treveri
and ^dui joined in an attempt to throw ofi" the dominion
of Rome, a dominion which was not yet fully accepted even
by all of those who were enrolled among her citizens and
bore the very name of her princes. Julius Floras among
the Treveri, Julius Sacrovir among the .zEdui, were the
leaders of the movement, and the name of the ^Eduan chief
seems to point him out as one, hke Divitiacus before him,
who was skilled in all the priestly lore of the Druids.* In
those days the city of Augustus by the Arroux ranked
higher than the city of Augustus by the Mosel, if indeed
Augusta by the Mosel had yet become a Roman city at all.f
Tacitus strongly marks Augustodunum as the head of the
^duan state, as a wealthy city, and, above all, as a city
one of whose special characters was to be a seat of liberal
studies. There the noblest youth of Gaul were gathered
* Tacitus, Ann. iii. 40. He remarks of both the rebel leaders :
'Nobilitas ambobus et majorum bona facta, eoque Romana civitas
olim data, cum id rarum, nee nisi virtuti pretium esset.' Merivale
(v. 213) notices that the name of Sacrovir 'seems to mark him as a
man of priestly family, and armed, therefore, with all the influence
of his proscribed caste.'
t On the date of the foundation of the colony among the Treveri
see Historical Essays, Third Series, p. 77.
v.] REVOLT OF TREVERI AND ^DUI. 115
together as in an university, and the rebel chief took care
to arm the students in his cause, as a pledge, among other
reasons, for the adherence of their parents and kinsfolk.*
Weapons, doubtless the weapons of Roman warfare, were
secretly made and distributed among these young assertors
of Gaulish freedom. But among the forty thousand men at
whose head the priestly deliverer held the walls of Augus-
todunum, those who carried Roman arms numbered but a
fifth part. The rest of the host consisted of various irre-
gular contingents. There was a mixed multitude with
knives and hunting-spears ; there was a band of slaves in
training for the gladiatorial shows — for the young city
already had its amphitheatre. These last wore defensive
armour of such a form that its wearers were equally unfitted
to give blows and to receive them.f At the head of this
strange force, Sacrovir ventured to meet the Roman legions
in battle at the twelfth mile-stone from Augustodunum.
The Roman commander Gains Silius was hastening through
the land of the Sequani. We may therefore picture to
ourselves the iEduan host marching forth under the arches
of the eastern gate, the gate of Saint Andrew. J We hardly
need Tacitus to tell us that Rome had the victory; but his
description of the battle foretells warfare of many ages later.
We seem to be reading some tale of mediaeval Italy, when
* Tacitus, Ann. iii. 43 : 'Augustodunum, caput gentis, armatis
cohortibus Sacrovir occupaverat, et nobilissimam Galliarum sobolem,
liberalibus studiis ibi operatam, ut eopignore parentes propinquosque
eorum adjungeret. Simul arma occulte fabricata juventuti dispertit.'
Dr. Merivale calls it ' The Imperial University of Augustodunum.'
t The description given by Tacitus in the same chapter is singular :
'Adduntur e servitiis gladiaturse destinati, quibus more gentico
continuum ferri tegimen (cruppellarios vocant) inferendis ictibus
inhabiles, accipiendis impenetrabiles.'
X Merivale (v. 216j says: 'The site of this battle must, in all pro-
bability, have been to the north of Augustodunum, on the road into
Belgica, from whence the Romans were advancing.' This would
bring them in by the gate of Arroux. But Tacitus (iii. 45) says :
' Silius . . . vastat Sequanorum pagos, qui finium extremi, et ^duis
contermini sociique, in armis erant. Mox Augustodunum petit.'
I 2
116 AUG USTOD UNUM. [Essay
he tells us how the legionaries took axes and hatchets to
hew at the iron-clad gladiators, as at a wall, and how,
when the bodies sheathed in iron were once overthrown,
the victors took no further heed to them. Dead or alive,
wounded or whole, when they were once down, the weight
of their iron burthen took away all change of rising. *
Sacrovir and the relies of his host fled to the city. They
dared not defend it. The leader and his most trusted com-
panions betook themselves to a neighbouring country-house,
and there died, partly by their own hands, partly by flames
of their own kindling, f
No special vengeance seems to have lighted on the
^duan city as the punishment of this revolt. Twenty-six
years later it received a signal honour. It is now that
Tacitus records that remarkable speech of the Emperor
Claudius, of which a literal report has been preserved to
us on the brazen plates of Lyons. J It is not often that we
have such an opportunity of testing the real character of
the speeches which an ancient historian puts into the
mouths of the actors in his tale. The genuine speech of
Claudius and the speech devised for him by Tacitus have
their subject and their general line of argument in common,
but nothing more. Not only the mere words, but the
particular illustrations which are chosen, are different.
But the general line of Claudius' real argument is so
thoroughly preserved that we begin to hope that other
* Tacitus, Ann. iii. 46: 'Paulum morse attulere ferrati, restantibus
laminis adversum pila et gladios : sed miles, correptis securibus et
dolabris, ut si murum perrumperet, caedere tegmina et corpora :
quidam trudibus aut furcis inertem molem prosternere, jacentesque,
nullo ad resurgendum nisu, quasi exanimes linquebantur.'
t Ibid. ' Metu deditionis in villam propinquam cum fidissimis pergit.
lllic sua manu, reliqui mutuis ictibus occidere. Incensa super villa
omnes cremavit.'
+ Tacitus gives his version of the speech, Ann. xi. 24. See also
Orelli's Tac. Ann. excursus to Book xi. The truer report may be read
on its brazen tablets at Lyons, also in some editions of Tacitus, as in
the Notes and Emendations at the end of Brotier ad locum. See
also W. T. Ai'nold, Roman Provincial Administration, p. 128.
v.] ^DUANS IN THE ROMAN SENATE. 117
speeches, at all events in the writings of the same historian,
may have at least the same degree of genuineness. Claudius
here shows at his best ; his wife and his freedmen had for
a moment left him alone. Those of the Gauls who had
been admitted to Roman citizenship prayed that they
might be further admitted to the honours of the state, that
they might be allowed to sit in the Senate of what was
now their country. Men of the narrow-minded turn which
shows itself in all times and places opposed the proposal.
But the Imperial antiquary knew the history of Rome, and
he knew what had made Rome great. Rome, unlike Athens
and Sparta, had drawn her kings, her senators, her noblest
houses, his own Claudian gens itself, from other cities and
nations. She had kept her power longer than Athens or
Sparta, because she had freely extended the privileges of
the ruling city to allied and conquered commonwealths.
The Imperial will would doubtless have prevailed, even if
it had been backed by weaker reasons. To grant the
prayer of the Gauls was simply to follow a crowd of
precedents dating from the days of Rome's first being.
In memory of the ancient kindred, the first Gaulish
senators of Rome were chosen from among her iEduan
brothers.*
It is characteristic of the history of Gaul under Roman
rule that we have to leap over more than two hundred
years before we come to another distinct mention of the
-^duan city. The next time that we hear of Augustodunum
is in the second half of the third century, in the days of
another Claudius. We have now reached the times when
we have Eumeuius for our guide. We have already hinted
at the character of the four orations which have come
down to us from his pen. Three were spoken at Trier, to
the Flavian princes, the elder Constantius and his son
* Tacitus, Ann. iii. 46 : ' Primi ^dui senatorum in urbe ius adepti
sunt, datum id fcederi antique, et quia soli Gallorum fraternitatis
nomen cum populo Romano usurpant.'
118 AUG USTOD UNUM. [Essay
Constantine. One, the second in order, was spoken in the
forum of Autun to a local governor, a mere ' vir perfect-
issimus,' who had no claim to the majesty and divinity of
Csesars and Augusti. From these discourses we learn that,
in the days of the tyrants, when Tetricus bore Imperial
sway in Gaul, Augustodunum underwent a seven months'
siege and a final capture at the hands of some rebel bands.
Eumenius applies to the besiegers the epithet of Bagaudoa,
famous a little later as the name of the first recorded
Jacquerie. Our local commentator tries hard to prove that
the phrase is merely a name of scorn bestowed on the
forces of a prince who, as he was not finally successful,
was reckoned in the list of rebels and tyrants. Eumenius
does not mention the name of Tetricus, but he has a
distinct reference to the way in which the power of
Tetricus came to an end. The faithful inhabitants of the
iEduan city were, as in the days of the first Cgesar, the
first to seek aid from Rome. The brothers of the republic
called on Claudius, their lawful prince, to come to their
help against the rebels, and to win back all the Gaulish
lands to his obedience.* Could he have come, the tie of
* Eumenius twice refers to this siege. The first place is in the dis-
course, ' Pro Scholis Restaurandis,' 4 : ' Civitatem istam, et olim fraterno
populi Romani nomine gloriatam, et tunc demum gravissima clade
perculsam, cum latrocinio Bagaudicse rebellionis obsessa, auxilium
Romani principis invocaret.' In the other passage (Gratiarum Actio, 4),
he says, addressing Constantine : ' Attende, quseso, quanti sit, Im-
perator, quod Divum Claudium, parentem tuum, ad recuperandas
Gallias primi sollicitavenint : expectantesque ejus auxilium, septem
mensibus clausi, et omnia inopise miseranda perpessi, tunc demum
irrumpendas rebellibus Gallicanis portas reliquerunt, cum fessi obser-
vare non possent.' M. Rochet (pp. 34-43) is anxious to show that the
troops of Tetricus might be called Bagaudse. But the true Bagaudse,
peasants stirred up to revolt by local oppression, come somewhat
later, a.d. 285 ; while the siege of Autun must have happened in 270.
The chief passages about them are in Aurelius Victor (Csesares) and
Eutropius, lib. ix, and especially Salvianus de Gubernatione Dei, v. 5.
They appear, too, where one would not have looked for them, in the
Chronicle of Prosper, a.d. 437. This may perhaps give some help to
M. Rochet's laxer use of the name.
v.] THE ILLYRIAN EMPERORS. 119
ancient brotherhood would have given Gaul peace, without
any loss to the power of Rome, without any Catalaunian
slaughter.^ This last phrase carries on our thoughts over
well-nigh two centuries, to the day when Aetius and
Theodoric saved Aryan and Christian Europe on the
Catalaunian fields. But the reference is to a less famous
strife on the same ground. The prayers of Augustodunum
were for a season unheeded. The Illyrian prince to whom
she cried for deliverance had to leave the work to be done
by an Illyrian successor. Claudius was busy with the
Gothic war which gave him his surname. He had to drive
back invaders from beyond the bounds of the Empire,
and to endure the presence of rebels within its provinces.
He could not come to the help of the -^duan state as the
first Caesar had done. Augustodunum was constrained to
open her gates to the dreaded enemy — the ' Bagaudse,' the
' Gaulish rebels ' — and, according to the witness of her own
orator, she suflfered no small amount of havoc at their
hands. The recovery of Gaul had to wait for another
reign ; but in those days reigns were short, and stout
hearts from the lands beyond the Hadriatic were ready to
fill the place of their fellows in quick succession. Claudius
could not come to hinder ; Aurelian came to avenge. He
overthrew the host of Tetricus at Chalons, and received to
his favour the Emperor who forsook his own foUowers.f In
our imperfect materials for those times, our notices of
the event of Chalons come only from the summaries of
Eutropius and Aurelius Victor, to whose statements this
allusion of Eumenius, spoken in the presence of Constantine,
gives a singular confirmation.
The blow which had now fallen on Autun had brought
* Gratiarum Actio, 4 : ' Sine uUo detrimento Romanaram virium,
sine clade Catalaunica, compendium pacis reconciliatis provinciis
attulisset fraternitas jEduoi-um.'
t Aurelius Victor (Csesares) mentions the fact : ' Tetrici . . . csesae
legiones, proditore ipso duce.' Eutropius (ix. 13) gives us the place —
* Aurelianus superavit in Gallia Tetricum apud Catalaunos, ipso Tetrico
prodente exercitum suum, cujus assiduas seditiones ferre non poterat.'
120 AUGUSTODUNUM. [Essay
her very low. The bounty of Constantius and Constantine
raised her again. The father restored her public buildings ;
the son remitted no small share of the heavy taxation which,
we are told, pressed more heavily on the barren ^duan soil
where no vines would grow than it did on the more fertile
parts of Gaul."^ Eumenius himself, professor of rhetoric in
the schools of Autun, the schools which had once been
famous, and for whose restoration he so earnestly pleads,
enjoyed princely favour and a comfortable salary. Of that
salary he was ready to make a munificent use for the benefit
of his art and his city. He was ready himself to bear the
cost of the restoration of the schools in their ancient home,
between the capitol of Augustodunum and the temple of
Apollo, t The -^duan city, now rejoicing in the name of
Flavia, eager to be again at once a prosperous and a learned
city, had once enjoyed the heavenly delight of beholding
within its walls — though only for a single day — the prince
at whose sight cities and temples sprang up, as flowers
sprang up under the couch of Jupiter and Juno. J Con-
* Eumenius gives a number of curious details on this head in the
sixth chapter of the Gratiarum Actio. The vineyards had died out ;
the level country had become swampy ; and he winds up, ' Nee
possumus, ut Aquitanis aliisque provinciis familiare est, novis vitibus
locum ubique metari ; cum supra saxa perpetua sint, infra humilitas
pruinosa.'
t This is the main subject of the second discourse of Eumenius, Pro
Scholis Restaurandis. He makes the offer in chap. 6. In chap. 14
he quotes a most friendly letter from the Emperor Constantius to
himself, in which that prince speaks of ' Augustodunensium oppidum,'
a form which Eumenius himself does not use. The Abbe Rochet
enters at great length on the various reasons which have been given
for the name ' Menianse,' applied to the schools of Autun, into which
we need not enter. The building was (Pro Scholis Restaurandis, 9j
' Prsecipuo loco positum, quasi inter ipsos oculos civitatis, inter
Apollinis templum atque capitolium.' A flood of eloquence follows.
The local editor has much to say about the site, but at all events no
architectural remains are left.
X This wonderful flourish comes in the Panegyric of Constantine,
22: 'Nee magis Jovi Junpnique recubantibus novos flores terra
submisit, quam circa tua, Constantine, vestigia urbes et templa
consursrunt.'
v.] THE SCHOOLS OF AUTUN. 121
stantine, as he drew near to Autun, had looked down on the
cit}^ from one of the southern hills, and had wondered that
he saw no man ; he entered the city, and wondered at the
vast multitude which had come together to greet him. * He
is prayed to renew that happy day, to forsake for a season
his Imperial home at Trier, and to give another moment of
bliss to the city which his father and himself has called into
fresh being, the Flavian city which above all others bears
their eternal name.
The rhetoric of the orator, in looking back to the visit
which had been, in looking forward to the visit which he
hoped would be, incidentally gives us some pictures of the
city as it was in his day. Constantine entered Autun by a
gate flanked by towers, which towers, by a somewhat bold
figure, are said to have bowed to greet or embrace him.f
One wonders that Eumenius did not liken them to the
Symplegades converted to a milder mood. This loyal gate
could not have been either of those which still remain ; it
must have been the Gate of Rome, looking towards the
southern hills. From the gate the Emperor was led through
streets adorned in their best array, the best array that a
city just arising out of poverty through his own bounty
could supply. The ensigns of the gilds, the instruments of
the musicians, above all, the images of the gods whom Con-
stantine still worshipped, were brought forth in his honour. J
Through all these marks of rejoicing he was led to a build-
ing described as the palace, in the vestibule of which the
* Gratiarum Actio, 8 : ' Miratus es, Imperator, uncle se tibi tanta
obviam eiFunderet multitudo, cum solitudinem ex vicino monte
vidisses.'
t Ibid. 7 : 'Cum tu, quod primum nobis signum salutis fuit, portas
istius urbis intrasti ? Quae te habitu illo in sinuui reducto, et procur-
rentibus utrinque turribus, amplexu quodam videbatur accipere.'
;|; Ibid. 8 : 'Exornavimus vias quibus in palatium pervenitur paupere
quidem supellectile ; sed omnium signa collegiorum omnium deorum
nostrorum simulacra protulimus.'
122 AUGUSTODUNUM. [Essay
ordo, the decurions, the local senate, threw themselves at
the Emperor's feet."^ On the splendour of the temples,
above all on that of Constantine's patron Apollo, Eumenius
does not fail to enlarge. The restorer of the city is implored
to come and visit them again, f It is to be noticed that
Apollo is the only deity on whom the orator at all empha-
tically or seriously enlarges. Constantine would seem to be
passing towards the new faith through a stage of mono-
theism, which as yet consisted in exclusive devotion to a
single deity of the old pantheon. The Homeric tales of
Zeus and Here have become figures of speech ; the worship of
the pure god — for the Apollo of Constantine is undoubtedly
the sun-god — is still a perfectly grave matter. It is not
wonderful then that we hear nothing of the image of the
Berecynthian Mother which a later writer tells us that
Autun contained in its pagan days, and from whose worship
the ^duan people were turned by the preaching and the
wonder-working power of the holy Bishop Simplicius. |
The wild rites of Asiatic worship — perhaps the rites of
some native Gaulish deity shrouded under the Asiatic
name — were, we may be sure, not to the liking of Constan-
tine in his transitional state of mind. Other buildings are
glanced at, for which the researches of local antiquaries
have found sites ; § but no strictly architectural remains of
the second Flavian sera rise anywhere above the ground.
* Gratiarum Actio, 1 : ' Cum in illo aditu palatii tui stratum ante
pedes tuos ordinem, indulgentise tuse voce divina, porrectaque hac
invicta dextera sublevasti.'
t Eumenius has much to say about the temple of Apollo in both of
his speeches to Constantine. In the Panegyric 21, the Emperor is
tokl how all the temples of Autun call for him, ' prsecipueque Apollo
noster, cujus ferventibus aquis perjuria puniuntur, quae te maxime
oportet odisse.'
X This story is told by Gregory of Tours, De Gloria Confessorum,
77, which will be found in Bouquet, ii. 467, where the date is given
as about a. d. 364.
§ Aqueducts are specially mentioned, also a circus ; but buildings
which do not stand up and show visible features are of little interest
except on the sjjot.
Y.] THE VISIT OF CONSTANTINE. 123
The existing glories of Autun are her walls and gates. The
city contains no such actually abiding buildings of Roman
days as we see at Nimes and Vienne, or as the humbler
temple which strikes the eye with a kind of surprise in the
midst of the forum of Assisi.
One building there once was at Autun, the site of which
has been found and hidden again, which perhaps the short-
ness of Constantine's stay hindered from being put to any
practical use on that day. Autun, like Trier, had, as we
have seen, its amphitheatre from the earliest days of its
being ; but Eumenius has not the pleasure of recording any
such shows in his own city as those which he records with
such delight in the city which he would fain have his own
city be like in all things. Constantine had brought no
Frankish prisoners with him to be torn to pieces to make
an ^duan holiday. Nor do we hear of the building which,
next to walls, gates, and towers, has left the fullest signs of
itself within the city. The site of the amphitheatre, once
laid bare, has now again to be looked for ; the extensive
traces of the theatre, beyond the modern and within the
ancient walls, must draw to themselves the notice of every
eye.
The history of Roman Augustodunum comes nearly to an
end with the discourses of Eumenius. We cannot carry on
our tale as we can at Trier, still less as we can at Ravenna,
whose day of greatness is still a century distant. The
-^duan city had no day of greatness answering to theirs.
The hope of Eumenius that Autun might be like Trier was
not fulfilled. Local patriotism believes that Autun ranked
beyond doubt next after Trier among the cities of Gaul.
They argue from the existence of a ' palatium ' among the
buildings of Autun that it must have been at least an
occasional dwelling-place of Emperors. And it is certain
that an Emperor, at least a tyrant, could be made there.
When Constans, slayer of his brother Constantine, had
turned all Gaul against him by his crimes, it was at
124 AUGUSTODUNUM. [Essay
Augustodunum that the feast was held, at which, like the
bride-ale of Norwich or of Exning, men came together to plot
his overthrow. There was Magnentius, captain of the force
which still, under an Orthodox prince, bore the names of
Jovius and Herculius ; there he withdrew for a moment from
the board to come back arrayed with the garb of Empire
and to receive the allegiance of his companions.* After this
we hear little of the ^duan city. We are tempted to think —
indeed Eumenius might be understood as implying — that it
never fully recovered from the blow which it suffered in the
days of Tetricus. It is only its own orator who sings its
praises. Ausonius and Venantius Fortunatus^ who have so
much to tell us about Trier, have nothing to tell us about
Autun. Sidonius Apollinaris gives it hardly more than
momentary glances in a few letters to JEduan friends, f
The city is seldom mentioned in the records of the revolu-
tions which brought Gaul under Gothic, Burgundian, and
Frankish rule. The chief event in its later history is a
taking and frightful harrying by the Saracen masters
of Spain and Septimania in the earlier part of the
eighth century, before Charles Martel had set bounds to
Mussulman invasion in the West, t This blow no doubt
marks another step in the downward progress of Autun.
We have documents in favour of the iEduan church from
the Carolingian kings and Emperors ; but they hardly
* p. 340. See Zot^imos, ii. 41.
+ In iv. 21 he writes to Aper, whose father was ^duan, and his
mother Arvernian. As he praises his friend's learning, we began to
hope that it was gained in the schools of Autun. But unluckily
it came from Auvergne, a land of which the Bishop of Clermont
goes on to sing the praises. In v. 18 he congratulates Attalus,
the first recorded Count of Autun, on his appointment to that office.
See the account of the counts in the Introduction to the Cartulary,
p. Ixiv.
X This is recorded in the chronicle of Moissac : 'Anno dccxxv.
Sarraceni Augustudunum civitatem destruxerunt iv. feria, xi. Calendas
Septembris. thesauinimque civitatis illius capientes, cum praeda magna
Spania redeunt.'
v.] LATER HISTORY OF AUTUN. 125
played the full part of Constantius and Constantine towards
the -(3i]duan city. The history of Autun in later times is
mainly ecclesiastical, and among its bishops it numbers
some remarkable men, from the martyr Leodgar* to the
apostate Talleyrand. We have no need to follow their
course, nor yet the course either of Burgundian dukes or of
local counts, through the whole range of the mediaeval and
modern times. But one or two points of special interest
stand out, which specially touch the greatest buildings of
the modern city.
The vast space fenced in by the walls of Augustus became
gradually thinned of inhabitants, and the great -^duan city
shrank up into two small towns on either side of the void
space of the ancient forum to which the name of Campus
Martius has got transferred in later times. The ancient
castrum on the height, once the seat of the dukes, became
the city of the bishops, while the lower town, from the
forum towards the river, became the city of the counts.
The union of the two by the later wall, in days so modern
as those of Francis the First, made the Autun that now is.
Down to the Revolution, Autun was pre-eminently a city
of churches and monasteries, within and without the walls.
But nowhere has havoc been more thorough. One ancient
church only of any size remains, the cathedral church of
Saint Lazarus. It is at first very puzzling, in turning over
the documents in the cartulary, to find the chapter of Autun
commonly spoken of as the chapter of Saint Nazarius, while
Lazarus is the dedication of the church itself. One is even
tempted even to suspect some confusion between names so
much alike. The fact is that the see was translated from
one church to another within the bonds of the castrum,
from the church of Saint Nazarius to the church of Saint
Lazarus, and that the chapter chose in its acts to keep to
the more ancient style. Amid the pitiless destruction of the
* Two Lives of this saint will be found in the second volume of
Bouquet.
126 AUGUSTODUNUM. [Essay
ecclesiastical buildings of Autun, we cleave to the one
which is left to us, and all the more as, by a strange kind
of figure, the church of Saint Lazarus may be said to con-
tinue and to end the series of the Roman buildings of
Augustodunum.
We say in a figure, for the great church of Autun does
not continue the series in the same literal and physical way
in which the great church of Trier continues the Roman
buildings of its own city. There is nothing at Autun
answering to that wonderful pile, built in Roman, renewed
in Frankish days, and afterwards gradually changed into
the outward likeness of an ordinary German minster.
Three points in the great church will strike the visitor to
Autun at the first glance. The direction of the building
with regard to the points of the compass differs widely from
that which is usual among churches north of the Alps. It
does not point east ; it does not, like its neighbour of Nevers
and so many German churches, point east and west at once.
The high altar at Autun stands, perhaps not quite due
south, but certainly far more south than east. In the
general view from the hills this unusual position is a gain.
The church fronts the beholder as he approaches the city.
The temple reared in the castrum of the -^duan city, the
church which may have supplanted some of the seats of
pagan worship to which Eumenius invited Constantine, still
points, not to Jerusalem but rather to Rome. We are sur-
prised too to find in central Gaul a church with a mid-tower
crowned by a lofty spire, suggesting thoughts of Normandy
and England, Lastly, as the most striking outward feature
of the church, we mark its magnificent western — more truly
northern — porch or external narthex. Is something of this
kind an ^duan fashion? A smaller porch of the same
kind is well-nigh all that is left of the cathedral church of
Macon, an .^duan diocese taken out of that of Autun. And
both Autun and Macon seem to have something in common
with the inner narthex, lower church, western church,
whatever we are to call it, of the wonderful abbey of
v.] THE GREAT CHURCH. 127
Tournus, an outpost, like Macon, of the ^duan land, by
the border stream of Arar or Saone. But it is not any of
these features, save perhaps in some measure the central
tower, which gives the church of Autun its marked and
special character. The narthex alone would make it a
remarkable building, well worthy of study as a building ;
but it is the treatment of the interior which shows that
those who reared it knew well where they were working,
and felt the influence of the spot. It is a building, in its
main internal features all but an unchanged building, of the
eleventli and twelfth centuries. But it is utterly unlike
any building of that date, either in Italy on the one hand
or in Northern Gaul and England on the other. It has
more in common with the churches of Aquitaine and other
parts of Southern Gaul ; but its likeness to them does not go
beyond the main feature of its construction. Like them, it
eschews columns ; like them, it uses the pointed arch ; but
it has no likeness to those peculiar proportions of the
Aquitanian churches to which, rather than to any strictly
architectural detail, they owe their special and marked
character. Its mere proportions are those of a Northern
church ; but it has nothing else that is Northern about
it. The pier-arches and the barrel- vault are pointed ; so
are the arches which support the central cupola. For a
cupola forms the natural crown to the four arms within,
though its presence could hardly have been inferred from
the tower and spire which a later age raised over it
without. All this so far shows a strong fellowship with
Aquitaine, a fellowship not wonderful in a district which
lies nearly central between Southern and Northern Gaul.
And, as in Aquitaine, as in Sicily, the use of the pointed
arch is here no sign of coming Gothic. It may be, as in
Sicily, a sign of the influence of the Saracen ; some perhaps
would say that it is merely a sign of the fact that, in some
constructive positions, the pointed arch is more convenient
than the round. But whatever may be the cause, the pointed
arches of Autun, like those of Palermo, are no part of that
128 AUGUSTODUNUM, [Essay
architectural revolution of which we see one of the earliest
stages at Malmesbury.
Now a church with pointed arches, a church of mainly
Northern proportions, can have very little likeness to a
Roman building in its general effect. Nor does the church
of Autun affect classical character in those ways in which
buildings of its own age often do affect it. It is no basilica,
either made up of actual classical columns and capitals, or
else built with as near an imitation of them as the skill of the
builders would allow. The capitals, wrought with figures
and legends, are not of a specially classical type. Far nearer
approaches to the Corinthian model can be found, not only
in the specially Roman lands, but in France and even in
England. The Roman models which the ^duan architects
of the eleventh and twelfth centuries followed were their
own gateways. The reigning feature throughout the whole
church, that which gives it its special character, is the flat
fluted pilaster. It is used everywhere : it supports the roof ;
it is grouped to form the pillars ; it supplies the place of the
smaller columns wherever smaller columns would naturally
be looked for. Such pilasters are not uncommon wherever
the style is influenced by Roman models ; but there is
perhaps no other building on such a scale in which they so
completely form the characteristic feature from one end to
the other. They may be seen rather largely at Tournus
and in the small remains of the church of Macon ; but
at Autun they are dominant. And it is singular how
much of Roman character is given by the steady use of this
one piece of detail throughout a building which is not
specially Roman in other ways. This suggests the ques-
tion, When the church of Saint Lazarus was built, were
the gates already, as they now are, the chief remains of the
ancient city 1 The gates were there to influence the archi-
tectural developement of a local style ; it may be that
successive revolutions had left little else to influence them.
The architect of Saint Lazarus must have been a man of
observant and eclectic mind. If his city had still been rich
v.] USE OF PILASTERS. 129
in columnar buildings, they would surely have supplied him
either with materials or with models. What did the Saracen
invader find at Autun in the eighth century ? What did he
destroy and what did he spare"? We have no means of
answering ; the frightful blow of the Saracen capture is set
down in our meagre chronicles without a single detail. The
utter destruction of the other great churches of Autun in
modern times leaves the visitor without the means of
judging whether Saint Lazarus stood alone or whether it
was one of a class. The only contemporary ecclesiastical
buildings which survive are two small chapels ; one of these
in the lower part of the town, now forming a highly inter-
esting museum, does so far agree with the great church as
to give its main arch the pointed shape. Here are questions
for the -^duan antiquaries, questions which they may likely
enough have examined and answered in some of their many
publications. The visitor from other lands can do no more
than put the questions and leave them unanswered.
The ^duan city then, if not the peer of Trier and
Eavenna, must at least be admitted as a lowlier member of
their company. It differs from them, among other things,
in this, that no monuments are left of the times of which
we have the fullest record. We know Autun best in the
short time when she boasted herself as Flavia ; but her
existing remains are either earlier or later than her Flavian
days. We have the walls and gates of Augustus ; we have
the church of the days of bishops and counts ; we have tlie
castrum abiding in the fortified ecclesiastical precinct ; but
we have no certified traces of the palace of Constantine, of
the temple of his patron god, of the capitol of Augustodu-
num, or of the schools which stood between the temple and
the capitol. We can but guess at their sites, or at most
identify them at pleasure with masses of building which
present no architectural feature. Still, with so much that
is lacking, there is much that is present. Autun, as a
Roman city, as a city rich in existing Roman buildings, as
K
130 AUGUSTODUNUM. [Essay
a city which stands out with a momentary brilliancy in the
transitional period of Roman dominion, has at least no rival
in its own region. It has assuredly no fellow to the
north, and we have to go a good way to the south before
we come to those cities of the Rhoneland which equal and
surpass it. The prayer of Eumenius that Autun might
be like Trier, if fulfilled then, is hardly fulfilled now.
But it is still more certain that setting Trier aside, no other
city of Northern Gaul can, in the features in which Autun
is specially strong, pretend to be like Autun.
VI.] PERIGUEUX AND CAHORS. 131
VI.
PifiRIGUEUX AND CAHORS.
The historical student who holds the abiding monuments
to be no less an essential part of its history that its
written records can never come back from a journey
in France, especially in its southern parts, without
bringing with him some fresh knowledge, some distinct
enlargement or enlightening of his own range of thought.
What has never been seen is fresh indeed ; what has been
ah'eady seen is sure to present itself in some fresh point of
view. All this to be sure is true of every land which has
anything to show of any kind ; it is specially true of a land
like Southern Gaul, which may be called both historical
and monumental in a very special sense. In studying
either the documentary history in one's library or the
actual monuments on the spot, it is needful always to
remember the distinction, historical and monumental,
between the Southern lands, Aquitaine, Provence and the
rest, and the more truly French lands to the north. Above
all, the widest barrier separates the ecclesiastical architec-
ture of the two lands. We shall find noble French churches
in Southern Gaul, because the later political connexion with
France carried French architecture into all lands subject
to the French crown. But they stand there as foreign
buildings, having nothing in common with the native art
of the land. And most certainly we shall not find any
Aquitanian or Provencal churches in the land which is
most strictly France.
Having visited those lands in two successive years, having
both seen some things which I had never seen before and
K 2
132 PERIGUEUX AND CAHORS. [Essay
seen again some things which I had seen before, I thought
that it might not be without interest or profit to compare
in some detail two striking cities of Southern Gaul, one of
which I had seen many years ago, while the other was
quite fresh to me. These are Perigueux, which I had
already seen long ago, in 1857, and Cahors, which I saw
for the fii'st time in 1885. I pick out these cities as lying
somewhat out of the common track of travellers, as not
holding at all a first-class place in the general history of
Europe, as not containing any of the great buildings which
are known to all mankind, but as cities which none the
less have great monuments to show. One of them indeed
has a monument to show which yields to very few in real
importance in the history of art ; each of them moreover
has a marked and characteristic local history, a history
which surpasses the interest, deep as it is, of particular
objects within them. The two stand not very far from
one another in the basin of the Garonne ; therefore both
come within the same historical and architectural province.
The monuments of both may be easily compared, and the
local history in the two cases has enough of likeness to be
in some points contrasted. Perigueux is probably less
known than Cahors, both to the world in general and to
historical students who have not specially studied those
lands ; but both in its buildings and in its local history
it has decidedly the greater interest of the two.
With Perigueux then we will begin, the Petracorian city,
once Vesona on the Lisle, the head of the modern depart-
ment of the Dordogne, a city memorable as containing the
greatest examples of one of the chief forms of South-Gaulish
architecture. To a special student of the history of cities
it is more memorable still, as he comes to spell out the
shiftings of its site, the narrowing and widening of its
area, all the changes which, speaking through the monu-
ments which are left to witness to them, make a local story
with a special interest of .its own. And the land in which
the city stands has its interest too, not less attractive than
VI.] FIRST VIEW OF PERIGUEUX. 133
any aspect of the city itself. P^rigueux is not simply
Perigueux with its own history and antiquities ; it is in
two veiy distinct ways the centre of the history and
antiquities of the whole land of Perigord. That land has
two separate claims to notice ; it is attractive alike to the
primaeval and to the architectural inquirer. It is the land
at once of flint implements and of domical churches. And
the city which is the head of the land has much to show in
both lines. The museum has an almost boundless collection
of weapons, tools, and other primreval relics, while the most
memorable of the domical churches of Gaul, or so much of
it as a most merciless restoration has left, stands on its own
site to speak for itself. But it does not stand alone.
Another church, another domical church, smaller and less
striking, has also its tale to tell. And the tale that the two
tell between them is the tale^ not only of the ecclesiastical,
but of the deeply memorable secular history of the
Petracorian city.
Let the traveller, if he can, take his fii-st view of
Perigueux from one of the bridges over the Lisle where
the river flows almost immediately under the great
church of Saint Front. Standing there, he seems to
see a model Gaulish city. The slope of a low hill rising
above the river is covered by the houses of a considerable
town, with the wonderful minster to carry our thoughts
to Eastern lands. Its five cupolas stand out like those of
Saint Sophia or Saint Mark ; only, unlike Saint Sophia or
Saint Mark, the tall bell-tower rises also to remind us
that we are still in Western Europe. Save for the special
outline of the church, the sight is essentially the same that
we see in a crowd of other Gaulish cities. As we look
across the Lisle at Pe'rigueux, to most eyes the story would
seem plain. Here is the usual tale ; the head fortress of
the Gaulish tribe has become the Roman, the mediaeval,
the modern city ; the great church stands, as usual, as the
central point of the whole. Everything seems perfect,
everything lies compact, according to the received model
134 PERIGUEUX AND CAHORS. [Essay
of Gaulish cities. Could it come into the head of any man
to think that he is looking at a spot whose story is wholly
different, that he is not looking at any site of early days,
that the wonderful church before him is not the original
head church of Perigueux, but a secondary church, the fellow
of Saint Ouen at Rouen or Saint German at Auxerre, which
has supplanted the more ancient seat of the bishopric?
It is true that, if he should go through every nook and
corner of the Perigueux on which he now gazes, he will
nowhere find a scrap, not a stone or a brick, of Roman
work. But that is perhaps not very wonderful ; on not a
few undoubted sites of Roman towns the remains of the
Imperial age have utterly vanished, or have to be sought
for underground. We cannot conceive that any man who
should know no more of Perigueux than he sees from the
bridges, no more even than he would learn by making his
way into every street of the town which he sees from those
bridges, would ever doubt for a moment that he was
looking on a town which had gone through the usual story
of a city of France or Aquitaine from the days before
Caesar till our own.
To get rid of this very natural error our traveller must
follow as he can the course of the stream downwards. At
some little distance from the closely packed town which he
has been studying, parted from it by ground partly left in
open spaces, partly covered by buildings of very modern
date, his eye will sooner or later be caught by quite
another group of objects. From almost any point that he
can reach — some of the best points are quite to the south,
on the causeway between the river and the canal that runs
alongside of it — two, from some points three, buildings will
strike him, which throw themselves from different points into
various forms of gi'ouping. Unlike Saint Front and the town
which surrounds it, they lie at some distance from the river.
They lie on the same bank as Saint Front, that is on the
right, but not, like it, on distinctly rising ground. Indeed,
from some of the points in this quarter one might doubt
VI.] THE SECOND VIEW. 135
whether Saint Front stood on risinof ground at all. When
we go up from the quay to the church by steps or by steep
streets, we feel that the 'puy of Saint Front — the name
familiar in Auvergne and Velay is found here also — is a real
height ; yet the height of the church from base to cupola
is clearly greater than the height of its own foundations
above the quay. Still the puy is a hill, one of those hills
which count for something when covered with houses,
though they hardly pass for hills when free and covered
with green grass. But at the point at which we are now
looking, the ground is nearly level : there is of course some
slope down to the river, but nothing that can be called a hill.
The low ground indeed looks up to hills that are really of
some height, a line of round-topped grassy hills, rising from
the other side of the river. Will the thought of Dorchester
on the Thames, of the Roman camp, growing into the
Roman town, that looks up at the British site on Sinodun,
come into the mind of any man? If so, he will have
grasped the first key to the true story. If there are no
traces of Roman occupation among the streets that sur-
round Saint Front, here we have signs of the universal
conqueror of no mean account.
Among the buildings that form our present group is one
that seems to be a mighty round tower, roofless and on
one side shattered. Does it proclaim its age at first sight ?
It is a singular fact that, while a mediaeval building can
scarcely ever be taken for anything modern, buildings
of earlier date often may. The primaeval walls of Alatri
might at a little distance be taken for a modern prison,
and this huge round, it must be confessed, has to
some not undiscerning eyes suggested the thought of a
modern gas-work. But go nearer, or bring the glass to
bear upon it, and the unmistakable construction shows
that the tower, if a good deal younger than the walls of
Alatri, is a good deal older than anything at Saint Front.
We are looking on what is locally called the Tour de
Vesone. That is to say, the ancient name of the city still
136 PERIGUEUX AND CAHORS. [Essay
lives here. The story is the same as Dorchester ; only-
Dorchester has no such monument standing up like the
Petracorian tower — tower we will provisionally call it —
to proclaim its Roman being. The Gaulish stronghold,
the place of shelter for the people of the land, was on the
heights beyond the river. Local nomenclature has simply
turned its use round by calling it the ' Camp of Caesar.'
It is well to climb the height, if only for the wide and rich
view over the city and its neighbourhood. But we get
more than a fine view ; we take in the position of the
oldest Vesona. The ' Camp of Csesar ' — easily reached by a
ferry — rises nearly sheer from the river, just the site for
a Gaulish oppidum. A point on the next hill, known as
^cornebceuf, was also a point of defence. In the valley
between the two some of the older antiquaries, on the
strength of remains found in it, placed the oldest Vesona.
And this may be true in the sense that the valley may
have been a place of habitation, while the height above, the
oppidu7)i, was the place of shelter, defence, and assembly.
From the height that we have now reached, we look
down on all the successive centres of the Petracorian
name, but, most immediately at our feet, on the group
of buildings of which we have been speaking, the huge
tower lording it over all. These mark the site of the
Roman town, the second Vesona, the town which arose at
the conqueror's bidding at the foot of the hill crowned
by the more ancient stronghold of the conquered. We
have seen that the name of the city still cleaves to its
most marked surviving Roman monument; but this use
of the name is most likely only an example of that kind
of so-called ' tradition' which really comes from the
teaching of antiquaries. In truth Tour de Vesone is
not a name that could have lingered on from the days
when Vesona was, and the real history of the building
so named makes the survival still more impossible. Local
nomenclature has preserved a far more genuine piece of
evidence in the name of La Cite. For there are in fact
VI.] THE FIRST AND THE SECOND VESONA. 137
two existing towns of P^rigueux, to say nothing of the for-
saken site on the hill beyond the river. There is the town
with which we are now dealing, the cite, the Roman Vesona
on the level ground. And there is the ville, the bourg, the
2Juy, which bears the name of Saint Front. It is this last,
the hill or ^jut/ overlaying the right bank of the river,
which we were at the first glimpse tempted to mistake for
the true Vesona, but which we now find to be a separate
town. Cite and bourg are, in the history of Perigueux,
distinct indeed.
But we spoke of a group of buildings, and we have as
yet named one only, and that is one which does not come
within the present limits of La Cite. The tower of Vesona
stands truly enough on ground that was Roman Vesona ;
but La Cite, as the name is now used, is very far from
taking in the whole of the Roman town, and the name is
specially applied to the church of Saint Stephen, Veglise de la
Cite. This church we soon learn to have been the elder seat
of the Vesonian or Petracorian bishopric. It forms another
of our group of objects, a striking one from many points,
but one which at first sight is a little hard to believe to be
a church. What we see now in the distance is a stout
square mass, with another somewhat lower square mass
attached to it. When we once learn that the building is a
church, the church of La Cite, the true Vesonian bishop-
stool, the whole story of the two towns becomes intelligible.
Without further research, we see that at Perigueux things
have changed their places. We see that Saint Front is a
great secondary church, which has not only outstripped the
mother church in stateliness, but has become the kernel of
a new town.
But this is not all. From some points yet another build-
ing will come into our group which tells an earlier portion
of our tale. We have fixed the position of La Cite and of
the church of ia Cite; our third building helps us to part
of its boundary-wall. This is the house called Chateau Bar-
Here from the name of its owners, one of the great families
138 PERIGUEUX AND CAHORS. [Essay
of P^rigord. There surely cannot be many families in any
part of the world whose house has for its basement a city
wall of the fifth century, while part of the house itself is of
the eleventh or twelfth. Such has been the luck of the
house of Barriere. Our present business is with the oldest
work ; but it is the latest part of all. the tall tower of the
ruined chateau of the fifteenth or sixteenth century, which
does more than anything else to make this building one of
the main features in our general view of the oldest existing:
Vesona. To see what the building really is and what it
proves, it is needful to get near enough to study the
masonry of the basement, a thing that may be done, though
to do it is less easy than it was, now that the railway has
come close under the walls of the chateau, while an ugly
barrack has sprung up on the other side. We see that
here is a line of wall, a line of wall earlier by ages than
the mediaeval ramparts of which the hourg of Saint Front
still keeps some traces. The church of La Cite lies within
that line ; the tower of Vesona lies without it. We have
here the second key to the story. We have lighted on a
Roman wall of Vesona, but not a wall of A'^esona in its
earliest Roman days. The first Vesona, the Gaulish
stronghold on the hill, passed away ; it ceased to be a
dwelling-place or even a shelter of men. Under the Roman
Peace, in this specially peaceful land, away from any
dangerous frontier, men could dwell safely, they could
even dwell without walls. The new Vesona arose on the
low ground near the river, with the once hostile hills in
front of it beyond the stream, and with other more gently
sloping hills rising behind it. The whole space is a rich
field of Roman relics ; the so-called tower of Vesona, in
truth no tower, but the round cella of a great temple,
stands out as the ghost of one of its chief buildings.
Further inland from the river stood the amphitheatre, of
which large fragments still remain. These two buildings,
the seats of Roman religion and of Roman pleasure, are
the two chief monuments of the elder Roman town, the
VI.] THE ROMAN TOWN. 139
seemingly unwalled town, which stretched from the foot of
the hills down to the river, looking for no enemy to come
against it.
But presently a day came when the power of Rome grew
weak, when her borders were daily crossed by Teutonic
invaders, when her name and the fame of her princes
could no longer defend their subjects even in the heart of
Aquitaine, so far from the threatened frontiers of Khine
and Danube. Then it was that the teaching of some
barbarian inroad, perhaps the mere fear that some such
teaching might be brought home to them, led the men
of Vesona to make them walls and towers of defence.
They greatly narrowed the extent of the town, fencing in
only a small part of what had been Vesona in more
flourishing da3's. The temple, home of a creed decaying
if not forsaken, was left outside ; the amphitheatre was
taken within the new circuit ; or rather its massive walls,
like those of the ampliitheatrum castrense at Rome, were
made to form part of the new line of defence. The whole
line has been traced out ; but only a small part of it is to
be seen above ground. But what is to be seen, the lower
part of the walls of the Chateau Barriere, and the small
gateway close by — known, it is hard to guess why, as
Forte Norinande — is most striking and instructive. The
wall, as it stands, has grown up at many dates, out of
many kinds of material, and according to many forms of
construction. But the lower part of the wall, with two
surviving bastions, is clearly part, a corner, the south-
western corner, of the narrowed Roman wall of Vesona.
Mighty stones, torn no doubt from buildings of happier
times, eked out with fragments of various kinds, are
rudely piled together. Like the work of Themistokles on
the akropolis of Athens, they are plainly the work of
some moment when the need of needs was to have some
kind of defence ready in the shortest time. It was in no
small strait that the men of Vesona must have found them-
selves when they were driven to leave the greater part of
140 PERIGUEUX AND CAHORS. [Essay
their town undefended, to forsake and even to destroy its
buildings, in order to husband their whole strength for the
defence of that small part of its wide circuit w^hich was
now to be their city of refuge. When could such a sacrifice
have been needed? No time suggests itself so obviously
as the terrible years from 407 to 409, the years so patheti-
cally described by Jerome and by the contemporary poet
of Divine Providence, but which are almost more frightfully
marked in the stern simplicity of the annalists. Then,
while this and that Emperor was disputing for the fragment
of dominion which Rome still kept in south-eastern Gaul,
the Vandal, the Suevian, and the more barbarous Alan
laid waste the rest of the land at pleasure. It may well
be that the narrowed rampart of Vesona was raised as a
defence against some stage of the march of the destroying
enemies from the Rhine to the Pyrenees. Looked at in
this light, the rude piling of huge stones, reminding us
almost of the primaeval works at Cori and Segni, which
bears up the later buildings of the Chateau Barrlere of
Perigueux becomes a living monument of that memorable
act in the great drama of the Wandering of the Nations.
It is always pleasing and instructive to compare the
different fates which befell these Gaulish towns. One
general story runs through all ; but the tale of each has
something special to itself. In most cases the continued
growth of the town has far outstripped the bounds of the
Roman w^all. The rampart has been swept away ; but it
has, as at Rouen, left its unmistakable impress on the main
lines of street. Sometimes, as at Autun, the opposite process
has happened ; the town, like Rome itself, has shrunk up far
within its ancient circuit ; the walls, or one side of them,
have to be found among fields and gardens at some distance
from the inhabited quarter. Or again, as at Sens, the wall
may still abide and still fence in the main town^ having, as
of old, suburbs beyond it. Other varieties might easily be
put on record ; this of Vesona is one of the most curious.
VI.] THE BOURG OF SAINT FRONT. Hi
The most ancient city shrank up within a new and narrow
line of defence. And that line of defence it has only feebly
and gradually outstripped. As usual, besides the bishop's
church in the city itself, a great secondary church grew up
outside the wall, and this church, the famous abbey of
Saint Front, became the kernel of a new town. The new
town, the hourg or jmy of Saint Front, the town on the hill,
inhabited by a vigorous burgher population and strength-
ened by wide municipal rights, utterly outstripped the'^old
city, which was left as an ecclesiastical and aristocratic
quarter. Such a quarter is common enough in the old
Gaulish towns ; but it is more usual to find it, as at Le
Puy, at the top of the hiU, with the less dignified ville
below it. Here, as in some measure at Limoges, the tables
are turned. The ville stands apart on the hill, with the
air of the original cite, while the real cite abides below,
putting on somewhat of the look of a suburb. A rather
wide space parts the two, laid out in squares and boule-
vards. Among these there is one name that might easily
lead the traveller astray. The Place Francheville suggests
municipal liberties; our thoughts run off" to this or\hat
VUlefranche and Villafranca in various parts ; we leap to
the hope and belief that Francheville is another name for
the town of Saint Front. Unluckily the Place Franche-
ville of Perigueux preserves no such memory: it is so
caUed simply in honour of a bishop who had Francheville
for his surname. The open spaces are pleasant, and they
are likely to be respected in the growth of the city. For
the Perigueux of modern days is a growing town, and its
growth takes the direction of the older Vesona rather than
that of the 2niy of Saint Front. It looks as if things
were turning back again, as if the oldest site was likely
again to become the newest. Strange indeed it would be
if Saint Front and his hourg should ever be left as Saint
Nazaire and his cite are left at Carcassonne. Still closer
would be a parallel from a more distant region. Saint
Front may some time be like the Latin hill-to°wn of Syra,
142 PERIGUEUX AND CAHORS. [Essay
where the newest town has sprung up again at the foot
of the hill on the site of the oldest.
How distinct cite and hourg at Perigueux once were is
well shown by an old engraving, seemingly of the sixteenth
century, which is to be seen in the museum. Saint Front
here appears as the centre of a thickly packed mass of
streets, covering the hill and well fenced in with walls and
towers. Of these last one, known as Tour Mataguerre, is
still a prominent object. A wide space, occupied by no
buildings, save a few scattered friaries which have since
perished, parts this strong and busy-looking town from a
group which seems to consist of nothing but the church of
La Cite, the Chateau Barriere, and the amphitheatre, then, it
would seem, perfect or nearly so. They seem to be fenced
in by more of the ancient wall than is now left, and of
course the Tour de Vesone is seen outside the wall. There
really seems nothing in the way of ordinary streets and
houses. But the lettering, ^glise cathedrale, Maison epis-
copale, reminds us that this almost forsaken spot was the
true city, that here was the abiding head of the land and
its folk, Vesona Fetracoriorum, Civitas Fetracoriorum,
Periffueux, head of P^rigord. Of the head church of that
land, so marked in the old print, Veglise de la Cite', we have
already had a glimpse. It is now but a fragment which
survived Huguenot havoc in the religious wars ; but it is
a fragment which elsewhere we should welcome, and which
elsewhere we should certainly not look on as over modern.
But somehow, here in old Vesona, Romanesque of the
eleventh century does look rather modern. In such a
neighbourhood we ask for something Roman, something
like the baptisteries of Poitiers and Le Puy, at the very
least for Romanesque of the very earliest type, like the
oldest parts of Jumieges. The wall, the gate, the tower, the
amphitheatre, all put the church to shame in point of age.
At the Chateau Barriere people are actually living in a
house of much the same date and style. When we turn to
the architectural history, we find that the church of La Cite
VI.] THE BUILDINGS OF THE Qllt. 143
is simply one of the many churches which, after the building
of Saint Front, arose in imitation of its style. The church that
was later in foundation, the church of the second Perigueux,
set the fashion for the existing church of the ancient city,
which must have displaced some far older building. But the
church of the bishop must, in its best days, have been a
lowly pile beside the church of the abbot. As it now stands,
the great western tower, which in the print stands up
proudly as a rival to Saint Front, has perished utterly, and
one bay of the building has perished with it. One bay of
the eleventh century is standing, but its apse has given way,
strangely enough, to a square-ended choir of the twelfth,
essentially of the same style, but somewhat taller and richer.
Each bay bears its own cupola ; but to the varied grouping
of the many cupolas of Saint Front there is no pretence.
In the like sort we must take a second glance at the other
buildings of Vesona. The amphitheatre does not show itself
in the general view. A captious traveller once said that all
amphitheatres are very much alike ; and so they are, except
when they are unlike. That at Pola has original peculiar-
ities of its own ; those at Aries and Nimes show signs of
their later history. But, unless possibly to an eye learned
in the special lore of amphitheatres — for there is such a
special lore — the remains, fragmentary but considerable, of
the amphitheatre of Perigueux do look very much like other
amphitheatres. The wall and the temple are more attractive.
We have already described the tower of Vesona, the temple
that is, whether of Venus, of the local Diana, or of any
other deitj^ as it looks. How it is thought to have looked
when it was perfect, with the marble facing of the round,
and the columns which stood around it and in front of it,
may be seen in the old volume of Count Taillefer and in a
clever model in the museum. No buildings change so
much — whether they always lose is another question — by
being, as the tourist said, somewhat out of repair, as Roman
buildings, whether in Rome or elsewhere. The Tour de
Vesone, as it now stands, would never suggest to any eye
144 PERIGUEUX AND CAHORS. [Essay
what the perfect building really was. It is hard to conceive
either a Greek temple or a mediaeval church, whatever its
state of ruin, from which all sign of its original shape should
have passed away. But those to whom this vast tem-ple-cella
does not suggest a gas- work would certainly, till after a very
minute examination, be tempted to set it down, according
to its traditional name, as a military tower. The difference
is perhaps not far to seek. The Greek and the mediseval
building has each its own shape, and keeps to it ; it orna-
ments its construction. No amount of ruin can utterly
sweep away the memory of the original plan. In the Greek
temple the cella cries for its columns to surround it. Here
is a cella which certainly would not at first sight proclaim
that it was ever surrounded by columns at all. This is in
truth the general character of Roman architecture ; the con-
structive and the decorative features have commonly nothing
whatever to do with one another.
But after all the most notable of many notable things in
the elder Perigueux is surely the Chateau Barriere. The
combination of the Roman wall and the houses built on it
in the eleventh century and in the fifteenth or sixteenth
must be unique. It is the latest part which is most utterly
ruined and forsaken. This part must have been a good
specimen of a French chateau — for. placed in the cite, not in
the bourg of Perigueux, it has much more in common with
a rural chateau than with a hotel in a town — of the best
and richest form of French Gothic. But it has nothing
local about it ; it might have stood in Normandy or Cham-
pagne just as well as in Perigord. But the Romanesque part
of the building is thoroughly local. It is in all things
akin to the neighbouring church ; either in Normandy
or in Champagne we should have found something very
different. The court-yard contains a number of broken
columns with capitals of various kinds. They show mostly
those later Roman forms which a severe classical taste
despises as departing from the only two or three models
which it endures, but which the historical view of art
VI.] THE CHATEAU BARRIERE. 145
cherishes as examples of Transition, as something still
Roman and not yet Romanesque, bnt which points the
way to the Romanesque that was to come.
But the main architectural wonder of Perigueux is not
to be found in the old city, but in the hourg of Saint Front,
in the church of Saint Front itself. The hourg, as we have
said, grew up round the abbey, its narrow streets climbing
the puy, its houses, till the changes of late times, gathering
close indeed round the great church which formed its
centre. But the church round which the new town first
began to gather was not the famous Saint Front that has
made Perigueux memorable in the history of art. That
church is more ancient than one would fancy ; but it had
a predecessor, and of that predecessor some faint traces
may still be seen. This part is at this moment^ under
the very hands of the destroyer : the old work is perish-
ing ; the new is taking its place. Yet an untouched,
though blocked, window may still be seen outside, and
inside a peep at the right moment may be rewarded with a
glimpse of a bay or two of the first basilica of Saint Front.
There still are its plain massive arches, looking more like
those of a crypt than of a church meant to stand above
ground. It can now be best studied in the volume
in which the whole tale of the architectural history of
Perigueux has been told by one of the best and most
zealous of architectural inquirers. P^rigord may be
proud of having its buildings described by such a son of
its own as M. F^lix de Verneilh. At my first visit to
Perigueux in 1857 I had the advantage of seeing something
of the city in his company ; I can now only turn to the
admirable book which he has left behind him.f We there
see what a thoroughly epoch-making building Saint Front
* [April, 1886.]
t ' L'Architecture Byzantine en France. Saint-Front de Perigueux
et les Eglises a Coupoles de I'Aquitaine.' Par M. Felix de Verneilh.
Paris. 1851.
L
146 P^RIGUEUX AND CAHORS. [Essay
is in the history of the building art in Gaul. Its building,
startling as it may seem, is fixed by the researches of M. de
Verneilh* to a time between 984 and 1047. That year is
the recorded date of the dedication of a church of the abbey,
and there seems no evidence for any later rebuilding. The
church was an evident imitation of Saint Mark's at Venice,
the result of a busy mercantile intercourse which bound
Aquitaine to Venice and to the lands to which Venice still
looked up. A building thus arose which is undoubtedly
one of those works which stand at the head of the several
classes to which they belong. When we think of the domical
churches of south-western Gaul, we think of Saint Front
as their undisputed chief and model. It is the parent of
a large class of buildings, a class which has thoroughly
taken root in that region, which has put forth vigorous
native developements, and which has grown into what is, in
every sense of the words, a characteristic local style. Yet
Saint Front, at its beginning in the last days of the tenth
century, must have been something as purely exotic in
Perigord as any Gothic church of purely French type could
have been in the fourteenth or fifteenth. As Saint Mark's
reproduces Saint Sophia, so does Saint Front reproduce
Saint Mark's. The ground-plan, the whole general design,
is the same ; the four cupolas gathering round a central
one are alike in all ; that Saint Front does not repeat the
gorgeous mosaics of its models makes a vast difi'erence in
its internal effect, but does not affect its architectural con-
struction. Of strictly architectural changes there is but
one ; but that is one of no small moment. All the main
arches of Saint Front are pointed ; it is on arches of that
shape that the great cupolas rest. But it is a warning which
cannot be too often repeated that pointed arches in Southern
Gaul, just as in Sicily, have not the same meaning which
they have in Normandy and England. The pointed arches
at P^rigueux are no more signs of coming Gothic than the
pointed arches at Tiryns and Tusculum. The form may
* Page 115.
VI.] THE CHURCH OF SAINT FRONT. 147
have been used simply because it was found to be construc-
tively convenient, or it may be in Aquitaine and Provence,
what it undoubtedly is in Sicily, a sign of the influence of
the Saracen. It is a constant feature where every detail is
Romanesque ; it is specially chosen for the roofs, and in
some cases for an obvious reason. In Provence the barrel-
vault is the rule, and it is a clear gain to make the barrel-
vault pointed ; besides giving greater height inside, it lessens
the space between the inner and outer roofs.
The inside of Saint Front may therefore be roughly
described as that of Saint Mark, without mosaics and with
pointed arches. It might be added that it is also without
galleries ; but that is a mere difference of arrangement
which does not afiect either the ground-plan or the main
lines of the construction. The distinctive character of
Saint Front is that it reproduced in the West the Byzan-
tine plan and construction, but reproduced it with the
arches pointed instead of round Nor did it remain a
soHtary or exceptional building. It set the fashion over
its own province and several neighbouring provinces.
Perigord, Quercy, Angoumois, Saintonge, were covered
with domical churches. Nor is the form wholly unknown
in other parts ; the Angevin style, distinct as is its own
character, has clearly been largely influenced by domical
ideas ; there is an actual cupola as far north as Blois ;
slighter traces of domical influence have even found their
way into Normandy, as may be seen in Duchess Judith's
abbey of Bernay. It is the cupola resting on the pointed
arch which is the characteristic feature ; we must not look
everywhere for the complete Byzantine grouping, such as
we see at Saint Front. Li the nearest among its neigh-
bours and followers that grouping can never have existed
even when the building was more perfect than it now is.
It must have been a proud day for the brotherhood of
Saint Front, which had in every sense out-topped the
church of the bishopric below, when they saw the church
of the bishopric rebuilt, as it must have been in the course
L a
148 P^RIGUEUX AND CAHOES. [Essay
of the eleventh century, in somewhat lowly imitation of the
aspiring abbey. For Saint Stephen of the City, even when
he boasted his third cupola and his tower, must always
have lacked the characteristic grouping of Saint Sophia,
Saint Mark, and Saint Front. So it was with other
churches in Perigord and elsewhere. M. de Verneilh has a
long list : I have seen enough to show that the cupola is
found in not a few Petracorian churches of various sizes
and plans. Sometimes the cupola acts simply as the vault
of the central tower in a church of the common cross form,
or of the form like Iffley, with nave, choir, and mid-tower,
but no transepts. The former is the case in the abbey of
Chancellade, where the central dome is yoked to a nave of
most un-Byzantine length, and in the little church of
Valeuil, an example of the local style on the smallest
scale. In other cases, as at Saint-Jean de Cole, with its
many apses, and at Bourdeille,"^ — Bourdeille above the
Dronne with its famous castle — a series of cupolas covers
or has covered the whole building. But where we should
most have looked for the local usage, at Brantome, the
abbey between the rock and the river, Brantome with its
western cortile'f like Parenzo and Saint Ambrose, cupola
and apse are strangely lacking, and the three tall bays are
vaulted after the fashion of Anjou.
But, if Brantome lacks the cupola, its tower is well-nigh
a rival to that of Saint Front itself. The tower of Bran-
tome stands on the rock, and the tower of Saint Front has
a foundation only less ancient. I have already mentioned
that to the west of the domical church of Saint Front some
relics still survive — or survived a month or two back J —
of the elder basilica which went before it. It seems to
have been spared in order to form a basement for the tower,
* In April, 1886, this most interesting church was in the destroyer's
hands. The apse was already rebuilt.
t If my memory does not strangely fail me, this coiiile was perfect
in 1857. Only about half was standing in April, 1886.
+ April, 1886.
VI.] RESTORATION AND DESTRUCTION. 149
which is built over it, much in the same way in which the
western tower at Limoges and the eastern tower at Le Puy
are both built over earlier buildings. The tower itself, a
work of the eleventh century, remodelled in the twelfth, is
one of the best specimens of a somewhat classical Roman-
esque which still cleaves to half-columns and entablatures.
Its conical finish is held to have set the fashion for the
district. A vaulted building connected the tower with a
gateway to the west, where, over a plain pointed arch, are
two ranges of sculptures, Christian Roman rather than
Romanesque, which, without much likeness, somehow call
up the memory of the work of Charles the Great's day at
Lorsch. They must surely have been built up again from
the primitive building. To the south-west of the church
is a cloister, two sides unmixed Romanesque, while the
other two have pointed arches. Here the form is a distinct
sign of the Transition ; there is no such constructive advan-
tage about it as there is in the cupolas and barrel- vaults.
I have spoken of ' destruction ' and ' destroyers ' when
speaking of the works which have been going on at Saint
Front seemingly for the last thirty years. Certainly
nowhere has the dangerous process called ' restoration '
better deserved the harsher name. We can hardly say
that the real Saint Front now exists at all. There is a
building which preserves its main outlines and reproduces
some of its details ; but it is not Saint Front itself ; it is
not in all points even a faithful copy. The characteristic
masonry is utterly destroyed. I have happily some draw-
ings which I made in 1857, which remind me how Saint
Front was then ; but Saint Front itself has perished. Even
in 1857 the magnificent capitals were thrown about uncared
for ; now all has been made new according to modern
fancies. One special folly was to pull down the east end
which had been added in later times, work seemingly of
the fourteenth century, which was at any rate better worth
keeping than work of the nineteenth. The only improve-
ment on the past state of things that I can see since my
150 P^RIGUEUX AND CAHORS. [Essay
former visit is that now the cupolas stand out, set free
from the roof which used to hide them. So far, and so far
only, the hopes that M. de Verneilh cherished when he
wrote his book have been fulfilled.
The narrow streets that climb and cover the hill of
Saint Front ought to be rich in ancient houses. And
though many have perished, some of various dates still
remain. In the streets and places north of the church
some good specimens have been spared of the latest Gothic
and of the Renaissance. And in the lower parts, between
the church and the quay, besides some picturesque turreted
houses of no special detail, there still lurk, not far from the
tower of Mataguerre, in the streets oi Les Favges and Saint
Roch, some mutilated fragments of Romanesque houses of
excellent work in the later forms of the style, following
well on the earlier fragment at the Chateau Barriere.
Such is a glimpse at a city which, if it fills a smaller
place than some in general history, may perhaps be thought
to make up for the lack by the special interest of its own
local history. We turn to another city, of high interest in
itself, though certainly of less interest than Perigueux, but
whose name is probably far better known. Our course
leads us to Cahors, and Cahors lives, though with an un-
pleasant renown and in still more unpleasant company, in
the verse of Dante. The course between the two cities is
a striking one. The iron road takes us through the
characteristic scenery of the Aquitanian lands, so different
from the tame flats of so large a part of Northern Gaul.
We run along the valleys of the Lisle, the Vareze, the
Dordogne, and Cahors' own stream of Lot. We pass by
the rocks where primaeval man made his burrow, where he
hewed out for himself those caves in the hill-side where
the prae-historic artists, the Pheidias and Praxiteles of the
Eskimo age, carved the elk and the elephant so cunningly
that there is at least no need to write ' elk ' and ' elephant '
under them. There we see one side of the scientific interest
VI.] CAHORS. 151
of the Petracorian land, an interest as deep in its way as
the interest of Saint Front and the cupolas that followed
its pattern is in another. The ancient rocks overhang the
ancient river, looking as ready to topple over, and as little
likely really to do so, as Rome's Muro Torto itself.
We pass on by hills whose history is of later days, each
height crowned by its castle, suggesting the kind of men
among whom our own Simon, in his earlier days, had a
stern work of justice to do. We pass by the Gaulish
stronghold at Luzerch, and though neither Luzerch nor
Cahors is Uxellodunum, we are reminded that we are in
the land of the Cadurci, the land of Luctorius and his
people. They fought well against the universal conquerors,
and their names are clothed with no small renown in the
book with which Hirtius wound up the Gallic Commentaries
of Caesar. And the city to which we draw near, the capital
of the tribe, Divona Cadurcorum, may fairly draw some
honour from the exploits of the tribesmen. The modern
Cadurci at any rate think so ; Luctorius has a place
dedicated to him just within the north gate of the city, or
at least just within the point where the north gate stood.
At that point there is a stone or two which looks like a
scrap of Roman masonry ; but the imitation of Roman
construction went on so long in these lands that it is
dangerous to form a theory on a mere scrap. At any rate,
since the Cadurci took their later shape of Cahorsins, their
city has contributed some memorable names to history.
Pope John the Twenty-second has a noble tower bearing
his name, and a very shabby street. Both tower and street
are fragments of the great palace of the pontiff who filled
all places in his gift with men of Southern Gaul, specially
with men of Cahors and Quercy, more specially again with
kinsfolk of the Pope who had been James of Ossa, or in
Cadurcian spelling, Jacques Dense. Watchful over his
own land and city, he founded the university, he burned
the bishop, and he cut the diocese in three. A man of
Cahors of later times, Ldon Gambetta, has a wide central
152 PERIGUEUX AND CAHORS. [Essay
boulevard and a conspicuous monument. But statesmen
of the nineteenth century seem not to exalt their kinsfolk
like popes of the fourteenth. The names of Gambetta aine
and jeune are still to be seen over very ordinary shops,
and one of them is marked as ' bazar g^nois ' for the sale of
' epicerie gdnoise.' In days too between the Pope and the
man of our own times, Cahors saw the birth of the sweet
psalmist of Huguenot France, Clement Marot. These two
or three striking names of natives of Cahors are perhaps
more striking than the general history of the city. Yet
that history is stirring enough. It consists largely of the
usual shiftings to and fro of a South-Gaulish land, ending
in not a few cessions backwards and forwards between
kings of France who claimed to represent the counts of
Toulouse and dukes of Aquitaine who happened to be also
kings of England. But Cahors has also, even in this
matter, a story of its own. From the days of Philip
Augustus the bishops of Cahors claimed to be counts of
their own city, holding immediately of the King of France.
As counts of Cahors they had not a few disputes with the
consuls of the city, and Bertrand de Cardaillac, as a liege-
man of the King of France, refused to be bound by the
treaty of Brdtigny which transferred his county to the now
sovereign Duke of Aquitaine. In later days, the city of
Cahors, strong for the League, was taken by Henry of
Navarre, and the loss of its commercial privileges that
followed seem to have destroyed its ancient prosperity.
A modern Italian poet is not likely to pick out Cahors for
special praise or blame.
The approach to Cahors by the railway from Pdrigueux
at once suggests that the city has been greater than it
is. Of the pleasant land of Quercy, with its hills rising
above the broad Lot, hills sometimes rocky, sometimes
grassy, the traveller has already seen something, and if
he happens to be on the right side of the train, he will
see something of the noblest appendage to Cahors, if not
of the bridge of Valentrd itself, yet at least of its towers.
VI.] THE BRIDGE OF VALENTRE. 153
A glimpse may be had also of other walls and towers,
but none of the most striking objects which the walls
contain, nor yet the most stiiking parts of the walls
themselves, come into sight from this point. We see at
once that this whole side is rather a forsaken quarter.
It is within the city ; the walls show that ; but it contains
only scattered buildings. It looks like the citeoi Perigueux,
without its great monuments. It is quite another view
that we get when we pass to the eastern side.
To see the bridge of Valentr^, as distinguished from its
towers, in its full perfection, the traveller must take the
path on the left bank of the river to a point a little above
the bridge. To see Cahors, as distinguished from its bridge,
in its full perfection, he must place himself in much the
same position as that in which he first placed himself at
Perigueux. He should cross the bridge which spans the
Lot on the eastern side of the city, a bridge which would
count for a good deal on any other river. Hence let him
look across at Cahors from the opposite suburb. He will
there really see what in the like case at Perigueux he only
seemed to see. That is to say, the Cahors on which he
looks is the true Cadurcian city, while the Pdrigueux on
which he looked from the same point was not the true
Petracorian city. He looks at the eastern view of the
church of Saint Stephen at Cahors, as he looked at the
eastern view of the church of Saint Front at Perigueux ;
but Saint Stephen iS; what Saint Front is not, the true and
ancient seat of the bishopric of the city on which he is
gazing. There is in fact nothing at Cahors which answers
historically to Saint Front ; there is not, at present at least,
any great secondary church ; the church of Saint Urcise
can hardly claim that rank ; Cahors has, in the language of
Gregory of Tours, an ecclesia but no basilica alongside of it.
But Saint Stephen is by no means the same dominant
object in the view of old Cahors which Saint Front, is in
the view of new Perigueux. We at once see that, at
Cahors at any rate, the city itself is greater than any
154 PtRIGUEUX AND CAHORS. [Essay
object in the city. What strikes one most of all in the
view from the bridge, or, more effective still, in the view
gained by going a little way up the hill on the other side
of the river, is the range of walls and towers which rise
above the rock, and fence in the north-eastern end of the
town. Without venturing to liken the ramparts of Cahors
to those of Luzern or Cortona, the ' diadem of towers '
which the loftiest quarter of the Cadurcian city 'lifts to
heaven ' is by no means to be despised. The whole grouping
of walls, towers, and houses, rising above the winding river.'
girded by hills on both sides, is as striking and picturesque
as any grouping of its own kind. For we are not dealing
with some huore fortress on an inaccessible height ; we are
not dealing with exceptional fortifications like those of Car-
cassonne, exceptionally well preserved. We are dealing with
an ordinary Gaulish city of the usual type, planted on a
moderate-sized hill sloping down to the indispensable river.
When, from this general impression, we go on to step out
the site more in detail, we find that Cahors is far more of a
river-city than Perigueux. The Lisle runs by Perigueux,
and that with a bend ; but the river in no way compasses the
city. But the Lot does go a long way towards compassing
Cahors. The site is as thoroughly peninsular as the site of
Bern, of Shrewsbury, or of Besancon, On the eastern and
western sides the hill rises above the river with some steep-
ness ; on the south it slopes gently to the stream ; the
northern end forms the isthmus guarded by the wall. And
the view from the walls and towers in the north-eastern
quarter of the city, the view over the wide river and the
hills beyond it, over the great Dominican church beyond
the bridge, over scattered houses and villages and the
towers of a castle crowning a lower height by the river-side,
is a noble one indeed. It was in truth a pleasant site on
which the Cadurci planted their Divona. This eastern side
of the hill is thickly covered with houses gathering round
the cathedral church and the chief buildings, old and new.
The western side, among its few straggling streets, contains
VL] GENERAL CHARACTER OF CAHORS. 155
some churches and former monasteries ; there too is the
palace of the bishop, carried away to an unusual distance
from his head church, and there is the one conspicuous
Eoman relic of Cahors, the so-called portal of Diana. But
the portal stands in a garden ; and through a large part of
this side of the town we thread our way, not through
narrow and closely packed streets, as on the other side,
but, by roads and paths that might be in the open country.
We follow these along the wall of the isthmus and along
the western edge of the hill, till we look again on the
river and on the hills on its other bank, the noble bridge
of Valentr^ with its pointed arches and its three towers,
and on the modern railway station to which part of the
wall has given way.
Here then is a city which, if it has not such a story as
Perigueux, if it does not give us the same opportunities for
research and speculation as are supplied to us by Perigueux
before we know its story, occupies a decidedly finer site
than Perigueux, and has, as a city, as a collection of dwell-
ings fenced in by a wall, a very distinct story to tell, and
which supplies some questions for speculation also. We at
once ask whether the western side of the hill ever was so
thickly inhabited as the eastern. The city in the day of
its decline may easily have shrunk up like Autun, or Rome
itself. Or let us compare it with the most striking case of
all, with Soest in Westfalia, where the present small town
stands in the middle of fields and gardens, a journey through
which towards any point of the compass leads us to the
wall of the once great Hanseatic city. But the western side
at least of Cahors was fenced in, and the existence within
it of the one undoubted Roman relic in the city shows
that the ground was occupied, even if only as a suburb, in
Roman days. The so-called Portal of Diana is undoubtedly
not a portal, and there is no reason to think that it has
anything to do with Diana. As it stands now, it is a single
arch, with a window or other opening over it ; but the single
arch was one of a series, for there are the springings of
156 pMiGUEUX and CAHORS. [Essay
arches on each side of it, and of another springing at right
angles to it. It is therefore a mere fragment, perhaps, as
has been conjectured— a conjecture always both easy and
likely — a fragment of baths. The construction is that with
which we are most familiar in Britain and in Northern
Gaul, which in those lands is the characteristic fashion
of later Roman times, but which we do not see at all
in Rome itself, and much less commonly in the more
thoroughly Romanized lands of the South, the small
stones alternating with layers of brick. At Cahors, as
in many other places, this manner of building has really
never died out ; something essentially the same is found in
buildings set up yesterday. Of the Roman date of the arch
there can be no manner of doubt ; and we still hope with
fear and trembling that at least one stone at the north gate
is not due to any media3val or later builder. We infer that,
in the days when the Cadurci were subjects of Rome, their
city, at least in this direction, stretched as far as it does
now. The site of the bridge of Valentre too must have been
guarded at all times ; but the presence of the cathedral
church proves the eastern side to have been always the
heart of the city, while the western side may have been
as it now is, a place of scattered dwellings only.
The great church of Cahors, the church of Saint Stephen,
is one which it is well to study next after Saint Front.
Here again we have cupolas, but not the grouping of those
of Perigueux. Saint Stephen" s, a building of strange out-
line from any point, follows a far simpler plan. It has
more in common with the church of La Cite. Two bays
only, each bearing its cupola, form the nave. To the east
the ancient choir and its chapels were raised in a singular
way in the thii-teenth century, forming an apse of strange
design within and without, but by no means lacking in
stateliness within or without. The west front takes an odd
form which is sometimes seen in North Germany, but
which seems strangely out of place when attached to a
domical church in Southern Gaul. One can describe it only
VI.] THE CHURCH OF CAHORS. 157
as two flat towers with a third tower between them. There
is something hke it at Angers ; but the amazing specimen
there has nothing like the heaviness of the front of Cahors.
The glories of the church of Cahors are in truth the magni-
ficent Romanesque porch on the north side and the elaborate
paintings of the fifteenth century which have been brought
to light within. We spell them out, half sighing that in a
building which had so much about it that savours of the
East, we do not see the mosaics of Ravenna, but glad that
we have at least something better than the bare walls of
Saint Front. Saint Stephen of Cahors is at least not
restored ; it is pleasant to sit and muse under the wide span
of the spreading domes, to contrast their massive simplicity
with the busier design of the apse, its sides of unequal
length, its elaborate windows, and to feel ourselves, as we
are, far away from any of our ordinary fields of study. A
graceful cloister of the latest French Gothic is an exotic :
but it is pleasant in itself and it allows some good views of
the grouping of the building, and specially of the daring
way in which a huge round window was cut through the
original Romanesque transept. Altogether, if only because
Saint Stephen of Cahors is not in itself so wonderful as
Saint Front of Perigueux, for that very reason it tells us
more of the city and the land in which we are. Saint
Front, as has been abeady said, must, when it was built,
have been an exotic, a strange and foreign object which
startled all beholders. By the time that Saint Stephen's was
built, the cupola had become an established local form which
could have startled no one ; all that could at any time have
been strange is to be found in the later additions east and
west.
The cathedral church on the one side, the bridge of Va-
lentre on the other, are without doubt the chief attractions
among the monuments of the Cadurcian peninsula. But
there are other things which must not be forgotten. The
church of Saint Ursice, the Ursicinus who figures in Gregory
of Tours as a supporter of the Merowingian Perkin Warbeck
158 PERIGUEUX AND CAHORS. [Essay
Gundobald, thouo-h hardly worthy to rank as a second
church to Saint Stephen, has some notable points. Its
capitals, of the later Romanesque, are a study, and it keeps,
both above and below ground^ some traces of a church of
Primitive work, suggesting the crypt of Saint Gervase at
Rouen. In the suburb beyond the Lot, the Dominican
church, now partly ruined, partly destroyed, partly set up
again in a bungling sort, must have been an example on a
grand scale of the characteristic type familiar to the friars.
Cahors too is rich in houses. Mere pointed arches are a
di'ug ; the narrow streets are full of them ; but sometimes
rich windows, early and late, appear also. A wealthy and
artistic-minded burgher of Cahors was clearly not too grand
to live over his own shop. But the houses of fine work are
mostly along the quay, and mostly, though not all, of late
date. Such is the house called that of Henry the Fourth,
conqueror of Cahors. Some bits of detail may also be found
in the towers, besides their picturesque grouping. On the
whole, the artistic and historic treasures of Cahors are
smaller than those of Perigueux. Saint Stephen is not
Saint Front, and the palace of Pope John is not the
Chateau Barvihve. On the other hand the fine position of
Perigueux must yield to the finer position of Cahors, and
the bridge of' Valentr^ is unrivalled at Perigueux or else-
where. It is no mean city after all whose folk Dante did
in a manner honour by giving them a special place among
sinners.
There are plenty of other cities in Southern Gaul, and for
the matter of that in other lands, our own among them,
which it would be pleasant to treat in the same compara-
tive way in which I have treated Perigueux and Cahors. I
would earnestly recommend Southern Gaul as a specially
rich field for study of this kind, and one comparatively
untrodden. It is a land to which I would send travellers
bent on any kind of intelligent object, whether fiint
weapons, cupolas, or anything else. By mere tourists it is
not likely to be speedily overrun.
VII.] THE LORDS OF ARDRES. 159
VII.
THE LORDS OF ARDRES.*
Monumenta Germaniae Historica inde ah anno Christi
quingentesimo usque ad annum niillesiniuni et quin-
genteainium. Edidit Societas Aperiendis Fontibus rerum
Germanicarum medii levi. Scriptorum Tomus xxiv.
(Gesta Episcoporum, Abbatum, Comitum, saeculi xii. et
xiii.) Hanno verse. 1879.
The diligent student of mediaeval history will be struck
by nothing more than by the amazing variet}'^ of the mate-
rials with which he has to deal. Setting aside documents
strictly so called, and thinking for the moment only of
narrative writings, he has to deal with every form of narra-
tive, from the driest annals to the most detailed local and
personal records. Here he finds a meagre reckoning of
years, in which the entry of a death, a battle, a storm, the
building of a church or the taking of a town, alternates
with the entries of ' Annus. Annus. Annus ' — the years
under which there was nothing to set down at all. He
next lights on a life, a local or family history, minute
sometimes even to grotesqueness, setting before us in life-
like style all the doings of this or that prince or bishop or
abbot. The main value of such a record is that, in setting
forth all these personal doings, it sets forth something of
much greater importance, the ways of thinking and acting
which the hero of the talc shared with other men of his
own time. Now and then indeed it may show, what is
* [I believe this is the only paper on a local subject that I have
ever written without seeing the place. I can only plead that the
places spoken of are very near Calais, and that at Calais one always
wants to go on, one way or the other.]
160 THE LORDS OF ABDRES. [Essay
more precious still, notices of ways of thinking and act-
ing in which a marked man here and there differed from
other men of his own time. More instructive again from
a certain point of view are the records of professed hagi-
ology, the lives of saints, the collections of miraculous
cures and deliverances. They have an use which those
who wrote them certainly never reckoned on. It be-
longs to another range of inquiry to rule how much in
such stories is sober truth, how much is sheer invention,
how much is unavoidable colouring. In all such cases,
setting aside the possibility of real miracle, we ask how
much is imposture, how much is fiction, how much — the
largest class, we may suspect, of all — is the working of
ordinary causes naturally taken for miracle in an age
when miracles were looked for, and when men would
have been disappointed if they had had no miracle to tell
of. But under whichever of these heads we may place
any particular miraculous story, all are equally valuable
for one purpose ; all alike, whether true or false on any
other point, are sure to be true to the thoughts, the feel-
ings, the manners, of the time. Nay, many stories which,
as direct materials for history, we throw aside with scorn,
romantic tales crowded with absurd blunders and ana-
chronisms, tales which teach us nothing about the times
when the story is laid, may often teach us a great deal
about the times when the story was written. Even in the
lowest depth of all, when we get down to deliberate
forgeries like the false Ingulf, while we learn nothing
about the eleventh century itself, we may at least learn
how the eleventh century looked in the eyes of the
fourteenth.
We have before us, printed in the last published volume*
of the ' Monumenta Germanise Historica,' a local and family
narrative which illustrates a good many of these remarks.
It is a record which, if it ever brings us across the chief men,
the chief events, even of its own age, does so only rarely
* [1880.]
VII.] LAMBERTS HISTORY OF THE COUNTS OF GUINES. 161
and incidentally. It deals mainly with persons neither
of the highest rank nor of the highest personal import-
ance. Its scene is not laid in any of the great cities of the
earth, or on any of the decisive spots of the world's history.
But it deals with a corner of Europe which has in all ages
had a certain special historic interest of its own ; it gives
us vivid sketches of men who had more or less to do with
others of greater mark than themselves ; above all, it gives
us a crowd of pictures of manners and ways of thought
during the time of which it treats. This is the Historv of
the Counts of Guines, by lambert of Ardres (' Lamberti
Ardensis Historia Comitum Ghisnensium "), most interest-
ing perhaps in its character as a record of Lambert's nearer
neighbours, the Lords of Ardres. He gives us a narrative,
always attractive and often highly amusing, of the doings
of the chief men of the debateable land between Picardy
and Flanders — at a later time the debateable land between
France and England — for several generations down to the
beginning of the thirteenth century. It is full of graphic
and vivid touches of character and manners. It is curious
as setting before us many things in their beginnings — the
growth of families, the foundation of castles, the establish-
ment of colleges and monasteries, the grant of franchises to
growing towns. It shows us the various gradations of
feudal rank in all degrees but the highest. The Emperor,
the Kings of France and England, are almost beyond our
reach ; of such great personages as these we get only rare
and distant glimpses. But we see plainly the different
positions of the Lords of Ardres, the Counts of Guines, the
greater Counts of Boulogne, and the mighty marquesses of
the great march of northern Gaul and northern Germany,
the Counts of Flanders, peers of kings in all but their pro-
verbially precarious homage to two lords at once. Alto-
gether few records whose value is wholly of a secondary
and incidental kind are more full of instructive matter put
forth in a shape which is attractive even in its faults. For
our Lambert is lively enough, and makes a point whenever
162 THE LORDS OF ARDRES. [Essay
he can. If he rather overdoes matters in a style savouring
of the high-polite, if he stuffs his tale too full of scriptural
and classical references, we can forgive him at this distance
of time. And, if he belongs on the whole to the courtly
order of writers, whose object is to celebrate the fame of a
particular noble house, he by no means belongs to the worst
class of that order. He is not one of those who care not
by what amount of flattery and falsehood they can glorify
their patrons. He doubtless makes the best that he can of
any doings of the two families of which he is the laureate.
But he certainly does not conceal their faults ; indeed one
class of their faults he brings out into almost too great
prominence. And it is his desire to record whatever they
did, even when it was of no great importance in itself,
which helps to so many vivid pictures of the manners and
controversies of the age.
The cause which led Lambert to write his book, as he
himself tells it, is very curious, and on the whole certainly
creditable to him. He was a priest in the collegiate church
of Ardres, who was living at least as late as 1203, to which
date he carries down his story. The incidents which led
him to write his book happened in 1194. Arnold, the son
of the reigning Count Baldwin of Guines, and himself Lord
of Ardres, had been excommunicated by William Arch-
bishop of Rheims for pulling down the mill of a certain
widow. It is always worth notice when, as in this case,
we find ecclesiastical censures lighting on the great ones of
the earth, not for formal ecclesiastical offences, but for
moral crimes. But Arnold was going to be married ; so, to
make himself capable of the sacramental rite of matri-
mony, he made his submission to the Church, and was
absolved. Count Baldwin sent word to Lambert to have
the bells of the church of Ardres rung in honour of the
absolution of the Lord of Ardres. What followed is told
with an amazing flow and pomp of words. Lambert had
no regular official knowledge of the absolution ; he there-
fore put off ringing the bells for a couple of hours, till
VII.] PERSONAL HISTORY OF LAMBERT. 163
he could better judge what to do. By this time the
Count and his son had come. The wrath of Baldwin was
gi'eat ; his threats were fearful. Several lines of the most
swelling Latin set forth the thunder of his voice and the
lightning of his eyes. The unhappy churchman fell at his
feet as one dead. Arnold, the person more immediately
concerned, was more merciful than his father ; he, his
brothers, and other knights who were with them, picked
up the half-dead Lambert, set him on ahorse, and took him
along with them till they talked the Count into a recon-
ciliation. But though Lambert was outwardly received
into Baldwin's favour, he felt that the Count was not really
so friendly towards him as before. More completely to win
back his favour was one, but not the only object — maxima
causa, nee tamen jyrlmaria — with which he undertook the
writing of his book. Baldwin had a taste for books, and
it seems to be taken for granted that he would be pleased
with a book which freely and fully described his own
deeds, good and bad. Arnold at least should have been
pleased. Never was a livelier gush of Latin poured forth
than when Lambert describes Arnold's bride Beatrice, fair
as Helen or Cassandra, wise as Minerva, rich as Juno.
Never were the Hebrew scriptures more carefully ran-
sacked for forms of blessingf than when Lambert describes
how he himself, accompanied by his sons — a point to be
spoken of again — was called on by Count Baldwin to bless
the marriage-bed of Arnold and Beatrice. In due course
of time he had the further pleasure of baptizing two at
least of the children of her whom he calls ' virago nobilis
et pniepotens matrona,' ' inter beatas beatissima Beatrix.'
One was a younger Beatrice, the other a son, ' mellifluus
puer Baldwinus.'
If we have any ground of quarrel with our pleasant
genealogist and tale-teller, it will be on two points, one of
which is no fault of his, while, with regard to the other,
we fear that we have ourselves followed his lead. We
have told part of our story out of its place, and we have, in
M %
1G4 THE LORDS OF ARDRES. [Essay
telling it^ already brought in two Baldwins and an Arnold.
Now we confess to have got thoroughly baffled, and we
suspect that most readers of Lambert's story will get
baffled, at the prodigious number of persons in the tale who
bear these two names, Baldwin and Arnold. ' Lsetentur
igitur omnes hinc et hinc Arnoldiadas,' says our author at
one point. But the number of those who are thus called
on to rejoice on all sides makes it a little puzzling for a
reader seven hundred years later. It is not always easy to
distribute all the deeds of all the Arnolds with perfect
accuracy, each one to the right Arnold, or even to put
every Arnold in his right lordship and his right generation.
It is a pleasing picture when we read of the perfect friend-
ship between one Arnold Count of G nines and another
Arnold Lord of Ardres — both of them, we must add, quite
distinct from the Arnold of whom we have already spoken,
and belonging to an earlier generation. These two Arnolds
were another Theseus and ' Perithonus ; ' as a man's body
has two hands, so their two bodies had but one mind.
They were lord and man ; but each did his share of the
mutual relation so thoroughly, that Count and Lord, one
heart and one soul, differed in nothing except that one was
called Count and the other only Lord. It was well that
two neighbours who might have spent their time in
harrying each others lands should thus dwell together in
a godly unity ; but the very unity makes it harder to
distinguish Count Arnold and Lord Arnold in any casual
reference. This is no fault of our teacher Lambert, who
had not the naming of all his characters. But we are
inclined to make one gentle murmuring on another point,
which Lambert had in his own control. We have said that
the book contains the history both of the Counts of Guines
and of the Lords of Ardres, and that the history of the Lords
of Ardres is in some respects the most interesting part. It
is therefore a little hard that, though the Lords of Ardres
are constantly spoken of through the whole story, it is only
towards the end that we get their continuous history. It
VII.] BALDWINS AND ARNOLDS. 165
is brought in, to be sure, in a romantic fashion. It is a
rainy day, and the inhabitants and guests of the castle of
Ardres are kept indoors, Arnokl of Guines, grandson of the
one just spoken of, among them. They take to telHng
stories. An old knight, Robert of Coutances, tells of the
Roman Emperors and ' Karlomannus,' * of Rowland and
Oliver and Arthur, King of Britain. Philip of Montjardin
told of the land of Jerusalem and the siege of Antioch, of
the Arabians and the Babylonians — the Egyptian Babylon,
it must be remembered, is meant — and of the yestes of all the
parts beyond sea. Walter of Ecluse, a common kinsman
of all the Arnoldiadcv, could tell of the gestes and fables of
the English, of Gormund and of Ysembard, of Tristan and
Isolde, of Merlin and Merculf, and moreover of the gestes of
the Lords of Ardres, and of the first building of their town
and castle. Happily this last is the tale which Walter
himself picks out to tell, and as a matter of telling it has
some advantages when it comes in the form of a saga from
the mouth of a near kinsman of so many of the actors.
But, as a dry matter of chronology, it w^ould have been
more intelligible if it had come in its proper place in the
story as an avowed work of Lambert's own pen.
In this last fault we fear that we have ourselves copied
* ' Karlomannus ' here takes the place of ' Karolus Magnus.' One
can hardly doubt that Kaylmann, as well as Karl, was among the
elements out of which the mythical Charlemagne was put together.
And though the name Charlemagne is etymologically from Karolus
Magnus (like Hue or Huon U Maigne in Wace for Hugo Magnus), yet
the ring of the name Karlmann doubtless helped to give it vogue.
Wace, in a page (i. 295) where he calls Hugh Carpet Cha2)es, uses
the hard form, Karlemaine. Our Robert of Coutances is ' veteranus
miles ; ' otherwise he makes one think of Master Wace himself, a
native of the diocese of Coutances, though a canon of the church
of Bayeux.
[1 let this note stand as I wrote it in 1880. 1 have now very little
doubt that Chailemagne is simply the French form of Karlmann —
there are several intermediate stages— transferred from one brother
to the other, and influenced in its final spelling by the Latin form
' Karolus Magnus.']
166 THE LORDS OF ARDRES. [Essat
the weaker side of our author by talking about Guines and
Ardres, about their counts and lords, their Arnolds and
their Baldwins, without telling our readers something
more distinctly about the places themselves and about the
forefathers of those Arnolds and Baldwins of whom we
have casually spoken. We have, in short, begun near the
end, and it is time to go back to the beginning. Guines
and Ardres have both of them a place in English history.
The name of one Lord of Ardres is to be found in Domesday ;
and his appearance there is only one of many facts which for
several ages connect the land of the Arnolds and Baldwins
with our own country. The county of Guines, now forming
part of the French department of the Strait of Calais, lies
at that point of the coast of northern Gaul where the coast-
line, which has run nearly due north and south from the
Norman frontier at Eu, trends to the north-east. This is
just where the near approach of the Kentish coast forms
the strait of Calais or Dover. We at once think of Calais
as having been, at any time since the fourteenth century,
the most famous place in those parts ; but, though Calais
is spoken of in our story along with a crowd of other places
in the neighbourhood, it is spoken of only in a very
secondary way; the days of its importance come later.*
But Guines, no less than Calais, formed part of that small
continental territory of England, the conquest of Edward
the Third, which was kept for a hundred years after all
traces of the older Aquitanian heritage had passed away.
Between Guines and Ardres lay the Field of the Cloth of
Gold, when ' the illustre King of England ' was quartered
in his castle of Guines, and ' the right christened kino; ' was
quartered in his castle of Ardres. The siege of Guines
forms no small part of the history of the loss of Calais. In
ecclesiastical matters the district lay within the jurisdiction
* The beginnings of the importance of Calais seem to date from
the days when the county of Boulogne had passed to a French prince.
In 1222 it was strongly fortified by Philip Count of Boulogne, son of
Philip Augustus of France. See the Chronicle of Abbot William of
Andres, in D'Achery's Spicilegium, ii. 867.
VII.] COUNTY OF GUINES. 167
of the ' Morinensis episcopus,' the Bishop of Teiouenne, in
later times of Boulogne ; but Terouenne and Boulogne alike
were cities which at different times yielded to the arms of
Henry the Eighth.
The land of Guines and Ardres was part of the county of
Flanders in the wider sense, the original land of Baldwins
and Ai-nolds, the land which in our own Chronicles appears
as 'Baldwines land.' And when the western part of that
county fell asunder to form the county of Boulogne, the
Counts of Guines made it a point of honour to deny all
dependence on the newer, nearer, and less powerful lord.
The mightier and more distant prince who reigned at
Bruges might be acknowledged as a superior, but not their
neighbour at Boulogne. It was equally a point of honour
to deny another claim, one which Lambert casts aside as a
vain superstition, the claim of the abbey of Saint Bertin at
Sithiu or Saint-Omer to a temporal lordship over the land
of Guines. The monks of Saint Bertin did vainly boast
that the castle of Guines was built on their land, and
thence, it would seem, a claim arose to lordship over the
whole county. Not at all, answers the patriotic historian
of Guines. You have indeed lands in our county, lands
which your bailiff looks after. And when our founder
Sigefrith surrounded his donjon with a double ditch, he
took in part of the land of your abbey, for which he gave
you a fair exchange. That is all ; as for the fact that our
head church at Guines is dedicated to your patron Saint
Bertin, that proves nothing. This lively bit of local
disputation is worth notice. In those ages an ecclesiastical
claim commonly stands out undisputed ; we very seldom
get the layman's answer. The man who in perfect good
faith has a lawsuit with an ecclesiastical body gets called
as hard names as a really sacrilegious robber. Here our
witness is not indeed a layman ; but he is a secular priest
speaking of the claims of monks, he is a man of the land
speaking of the claims of a body beyond its borders. Not
only a monk of Saint Bertin, but almost any churchman
168 THE LORDS OF ARDRES. [Essay
anywhere who had not so strong an interest on the lay-
side, would most likely have used quite diiferent language.
And, after all, there is reason to think that the monks of
Saint Bertin had something to say for themselves. They
had a right to the whole town of Guines, if the Emperor
Charles the Bald had any right to grant it to them. For
grant it to them he certainly did, along with a crowd of
other places, in his charter dated from his Imperial palace
of Compiegne, in the year 877, the thirty-seventh of his
reign, the second of his empire.^
The land with which we are dealing came within the
dominions of the priuce of whose grant we have just
spoken, not only in the character of Emperor which he
held just at the end of his life, but in the earlier and lowlier
character which he had so long held as Kincj of the West-
Franks, the realm to which he himself helped to give the
name of Karollngia. But let no one therefore fly off with
the notion that, even in the days of our Lambert, three hun-
dred years and more after the days of the bald Emperor,
Guines and its neighbour lands were strictly French dis-
tricts. The divisions of the Frankish dominion were made
with very little reference to language or nationality ; in
Charles the Bald's day none but such a specially keen
observer as Count Nithard was likely to give any heed to
such matters. But our book, with its abundance of local
detail, its frequent mention of obscure places, its occasional
introduction of popular words, brings home to us, in a way
which a graver history might have failed to do, the fact that
the land of our Arnolds and Baldwins had once been a
strictly Teutonic land, and that it had by no means ceased
to be a Teutonic land in their days. The local nomen-
clature and the local words show that it was a land of the
Nether-Dutch speech. It is well known that there is no
part of the continent where the names of places are more
closely akin to names of places in England. It is easy to
* The charter is printed at p. 123 of the Catiularhim Sithiense in
the Collection de Documents inedits stir I'Histoire de France.
VII.] NOTICES OF LANGUAGE. 169
see this, even in the shapes which they have long since
taken on French-speaking lips ; it is still easier to see it in
the less changed shapes which they took in the Latin of the
twelfth century.* We have only to remember where we
are, within the bounds of the ancient county of Flanders.
The Barrier Treaty does not touch us. We deal with a
land which takes in both Bruges and Boulogne. In Lam-
bert's day the state of things in regard to language in the
county of Guines had come to be very much what they still
are in those parts of the county of Flanders which form
pai-t of independent Belgium. Nether-Dutch, Flemish, a
tongue next door to English, was still the tongue of the
people: but French — lingua Romana — had become the
high-polite speech, the fashionable speech of courtly society
and of such litei'ature as was not Latin.
In truth the state of things with regard to language was
much the same at Guines and Ardres as it was on the island
coast which came so near to them. Only there was this
difference. We lived in an island, and all our insular ten-
dencies helped to make things get more and more English.
The men of this end of Flanders lived in a land which
joined hard to the true French-speaking countries. Every
tendency therefore helped to make things get more and
more French. Still we feel that we are dealing with a land
which is kindred with our own ; and the facts of our story
show us how close a connexion with England was always
* The more than generally Low-Dutch, the specially English
character of the local names in this district, as pointed out by Mr.
Isaac Taj'lor in his ' Words and Places,' comes forcibly home to us in
eveiy Hst of names in any charter. Take for instance the charter
in p. 785 of the Spkileghtm. Besides others which are just as Teutonic
if we look a little deeper, we are struck at once with such a set of
names as Bisshigaheni, Altinges, Moilingaheni, Tuniehem, Baneliugahem,
Ostingahem, Allehurch [Aldeburch '?], Helbetingehem, Teiiingahem, Odin-
galiem, Malceberge, till we come to the more distinctive names of
Ellingatum, and Wadingatum. It needs only the smallest change in
spelling to give all these names their near English cognates.
In a charter in the chronicle of Andres (p. 800) there is a mention
of ' parochia Sancti Martini de Teutonicis dicta Retseke.'
170 THE LORDS OF ARDRES. [Essay
kept up. We may go back to the very foundation-legend
of the town of Ardres. Some said that the place took its
name from the native speech of the land. It was called
' denominative a pastura, ut aiunt incolse, in vulgali dice-
batur A rda' ' Eamus, eamus,' they said, ' et conveniamus
in pasturam, hoc est in Ardcnn.' But the name was im-
proved into A^xlea, because certain merchants from Italy —
perhaps, it is hinted, from the other Ardea, the city of
Turnus — passing on their way to England, saw there an
heron, ardea, flying towards the marsh.
Our author, like most other authors of his class, gives us
a certain amount of legendary matter at the beginning of
his story. It is wonderful, both in his day and ours, to
see how busily the work of myth-making goes on in times
when there is no lack of contemporary records side by side
with the legends. The great example of all is of course
the process which turned the historic Karolus Magnus
into the mythical Charlemagne ; but we have efforts of the
same kind on a smaller scale in the legendary histories of
the Counts of Anjou and the Counts of Flanders, and now
of the vassals of the last-named potentates, the Counts of
G nines and Lords of Ardres. And, after all, the stories of
Tertullus and Torquatius and Lyderic the Forester, nay,
the Carolingian legends themselves, do not wander any
further from the path of true history than much that is
piously believed among ourselves by the students of the
Peerage or the book of Landed Gentry. Our legend of
Guines goes back to the days of that Count of Flanders
who has so bad a reputation in Normandy by the name of
Aruulf the Old, but who is here spoken of very respect-
fully by the title of the Great, while his name, like that
of so many other people, is here written Arnold. And as
he is the son of one Baldwin and the grandson of another,
and father and forefather of several Arnulfs or Arnolds
and of Baldwins without number, we are plunged from
the beojinninsf in the characteristic nomenclature of the
story. But the founder of the house of Guines was neither a
VII.] SIGEFRITH AT GUINES. 171
Baldwin nor an Arnold. He appears in Latin as ' Sifridus,'
a name which we hope our High-Dutch friends will allow
us to express, in the tongue common to Guines and Eng-
land, as Sigefrith rather than as Siegfried. He was sprung
of the blood of the ancient Counts of Guines, of Terouenne,
and of Saint-Paul ; but personally he was a Dane, a kins-
man and follower of the Danish king, seemingly that Harold
Blaatand who plays so great a part in some versions of
the story of Normandy. As to his religious persuasion our
Lambert is discreetly silent ; but his sojourn in Denmark
suggests the question whether he had not fallen away to
the faith of Odin, as a later actor in our tale will be found
to fall away to the faith of Mahomet. In the year 928
Sigefrith comes from Denmark to Flanders. He finds
Guines, the inheritance of his fathers, in the hands of the
great Count Arnold. Nevertheless he takes possession,
and, as the town of Guines is unwalled and undefended, he
takes measures for its defence. As the Lady of the Mer-
cians had done a few years before, he raised a mighty
mound — 'dunio,' ' firmissimus munitionis agger' — and girt
it about with a twofold ditch. These words bring home to
us that dunio, donjon, meant, first of all, the mound, the
mota, the artificial dune or doicn, so characteristic of the
earlier stage of fortification. The Edwardian castle, the
Norman square keep, were not yet. The dunio, as we
shall presently see, was primarily meant to carry only
wooden buildings ; at the outside it would never carry
more than the shell-keep of Cardiff' or Lincoln, not the
mighty square mass of London and Rochester. Count
Arnold was naturally not well pleased at the rearing of so
strong a pile within his dominions, but without his leave.
But Sigefrith, putting his trust in God — he had therefore
by this lime got rid of any stains of heathendom which he
had brought with him from Denmark — goes forth and
wins the Count's favour by boldly trusting himself alone
in his hands. The same favour he keeps after Arnold's
death at the hands of his son Baldwin, a state of things
172 THE LOBDS OF ARDEES. [Essay
which, as our editor, Dr. Heller, cruelly points out, is
inconsistent with chronology, seeing that Baldwin died
before his father.
Before we have done with the founder of the line, we
come across one feature which is very characteristic of our
whole story, of the actors, and of the narrator. Lambert is
fond of dwelling on the love adventures, lawful and unlaw-
ful, of his heroes, with a greater amount of interest and
of graphic detail than we might have looked for from so
reverend a personage as the canon of the church of Ardres.
But nothing is plainer than that a good many of his
clerical actors — himself seemingly for one — were lawfully
married. When Peter of Blois, an elder contemporary of
our Lambert, escaped the fires of -^tna to become Dean of
Wolverhampton, his complaint was that his canons would
go on marrying one another's daughters.* The state of
things at Guines and Ardres seem rather to have been that
the daughters of the canons, born, sometimes at least, of
wives of noble birth, f were married to their cousins, the
natural sons of the lay lords. Of these last there was a
never-failing supply. Were the morals of these lords
really laxer than those of other people, or is it merely that,
their story being told in such detail, we know more about
them ? At all events the series begins early. Sigefrith
seduces the sister of Count Baldwin, whose name is as
given Elstrudis, a form which we must ask leave to correct
into Elftrudis. For the name is none other than that of our
* See his pitiful complaint to Pope Innocent, Ep. 152 (vol ii. p. 87.
Ed. Giles). The canons of Wolverhampton were as bad as Welshmen
or Scots — one might have expected Peter to add Sicilians.
t In the pedigree which Lambert gives in c. 134 we read of ' Gene-
rosae nobilitatis juvencula, Roberti canonici et nobilis uxoris suae
Adelidis filiae, nomine Natalia.' And the children of the other canons,
even without such a distinct statement as this, are spoken of just as
if their parents were married. Among them we find the daughter
of a personal friend, ' Christiana, magistri Lamberti Ardensis ecclesiae
quandoque presbyteri filia,' who married a grandson of Lord Arnold
the younger.
VII.] THE COUNTS OF G VINES. 173
English fifthly th, daughter of Alfred, mother of Arnold
of Flanders, and therefore, if the legend have any truth in it,
grandmother of the ^Ifthryth in question. Sigefrith flees
from the expected wrath of the offended brother, and dies,
so we are told, of love — ' aliquamdiu morbo languens oc-
culto et intemperato ejus quern reliquerat amore, alterum
Andream exhibens Parisiensem, miserabili morte defunctus
est.'* Arnold, the nephew of ^Ifthryth, was less strict ;
he took care of his erring aunt and of her child, whom he
held at the font, and who, by the name of Ardulf, became the
forefather of the Counts of Guines. He married a daughter
of the house of Boulogne, and was the father of Ralph or
Rudolf, who married a daughter of the house of Saint-
Paul. The genealogy, true or false, is clearly meant to
bring together the blood of all the great lords of this corner
of Gaul in the persons of the actors of our story.
We suffer just now under a great lack of chronology,
and some parts of our tale are so clearly fabulous that the
German editor brands them with a smaller type in his text.
But it is only by the editor's references to documents that
we get any dates at all ; and these are few and far between.
We must now be getting into the eleventh century. Ralph's
maternal grandfather was alive in 972 ; he himself died in
the reign of Count Baldwin the Bearded, who died in 1036.
Ralph has a bad name as a ruler ; he oppressed his people
and wrung their substance from them to give it to his
immediate following or ' commili tones.' A question of
some curiosity now arises. Ralph was specially fond of
going into France to show his skill in the tourney. He
must have been one of the earliest votaries of that dangerous
sport ; for Geoftrey of Preuilly, who has the credit of being-
its inventor, died in or about the year 1066.f And it is to
* Dr. Heller explains this somewhat dark allusion by a reference
to the Amatoria of Andrew of Paris, written in 1170.
+ The death of Geoffrey, the betrayer of Count Geoffrey the Bearded
of Anjou. is recorded in two of the Angevin chronicles. See Chroniques
des Eglises d'Anjou, 138, 169.
174 THE LORDS OF ARDRES. [Essay
be noticed that Lambert speaks of the tournament — ' gladi-
atura vel torniamentum,' — with exactly the same horror
which our own writers of the twelfth century show towards
it. The wicked count goes into France ' ad execrabiles nun-
dinas quas torniamenta vocant.' And the tourney which he
describes seems to have been somewhat different from the
tourney which we are most used to read of. Ralph found a
just judgement — so Lambert thinks — in a singular kind of
death. On his way, before he had left his own dominions,
he met a company of shepherds ; he disguised himself and
his speech, and asked for news of the Count of Guines. He
heard more than he liked. The flayer, torturer, flogger of
his people, who could not overthrow the proud and who
would not spare the humble, was going to France to show
himself off as the peer of Hercules, Hector, or Achilles.
May he, so the shepherd prayed, get thrown into the Seine
or the Loire ; may his eyes be shot out with an arrow or his
bowels pierced with a lance. All three curses hit their
mark. In the lirst shock a deadly wound pierced Count
Ralph in the middle, ' in umbilico.' We ask, as laymen in
such a matter, does not this show either very unfair or very
clums}^ fighting on the other side ? What follows is less
eas}' to understand. Ralph, half-dead, was carried off by
the archers ; a shot from the archers of the other side put
out his right eye ; he was then seized, stripped, beaten, and
thrown into the Seine by the hostile archei-s. This does
not sound at all like a well-regulated tournament; but we
can only tell the tale as we find it.
Count Ralph, when he was once lodged in the Seine, was
no more heard of. His evil deeds must have been quite
made up for by the virtues of his two successors. Eustace
the son of Ralph was a man of peace, like Fulk the Good of
Anjou, like King Robert of France, like King Edward of
England. But he was neither misled by favourites like
Edward, nor tormented by his wife like Robert. He was
so good and just and gentle that there was really nothing
to tell about the county of Guines in his day. Lambert is
Vll.] RALPH, EUSTACE, AND BALDWIN. 175
therefore driven to tell stories of wicked doings in other
places, which his editor puts in small type. Eustace's wife
Susanna gave him three sons and two daughters, all of
whom learned letters, while the sons learned warfare as
well. The panegyrist enlarges on the strict fitness of the
name borne by this perfect prince. ' Hie siquidem Eustacius
tarn benignus, tam patiens et benevolus, dictus est inter suos
exhibuisse, quod quodam futuri prsesagio hoc nomen Eus-
tacius ei inditum esse credebatur, eo quod semper et ubique
stare diceretur in bono.' *
From the Greek name, so much more worthily borne by
the Count of Guines than by the more famous Count of
Boulogne, we come back to a natural Teutonic Baldwin,
and then take a Semitic plunge in the next generation.
Baldwin of Guines was as righteous as his father, but
seemingly more active ; at least there is more to tell about
him. Moreover we know his date ; he was Count as early
as 1065, and he lived at least till 1100, He took nothing
but his due from any man, high or low ; he was a scholar
and a student of scripture ; moreover he was a valiant
knight in arms. But the only hint that we get as to his
warlike exploits is when the somewhat ambiguous words
of our author seem to imply that he withstood, perhaps in
arms, the demands of Countess Bichildis of Flanders, her
whom William Fitz-Osbern, Lord of Ereteuil and Earl of
Hereford, went over the sea to marry. She wanted to levy
an unheard-of tax of fourpence on every door, bed, and
cushion, in the county of Guines as well as in the rest of
Flanders.t But all this was set straight by the victory of
Count Robert the Frisian, and Baldwin had time to rule his
* This would »eem to be the true derivation of the Greek name
Evaradidi, though the more usual Latin spelling has suggested a
connexion with araxvs.
t ' Inconsueta et inaudita et indebita a Flandrensibus presumeret
exigere tributa. A quolibet enim ostio et lecto nichilominus sive
culcitra quatuor denarios per universas Flandrise partes turpiter et
proterve et irreverenter exigebat.' Our English writers tell us some-
thing of her oppressions.
176 THE LORDS OF ARDRES. [Essay
people justly, to make the pilgrimage to Compostella, and
to found the abbey of Andres. Let no one confound Andres
and its abbey with Ardres and its church of canons, even
though monks were for the while intruded into the latter.
Andres and Ardres, though not far apart, are two distinct
places, and Andres has its chronicle as well as Ardres, the
work of its Abbot William in the thirteenth century, rich
in valuable facts and specially precious documents, but not
so cheery to read as the tale of Lambert of Ardres.'^ But
here Dr. Heller again takes our Lambert to task in the
matter of chronology. How, he asks, could Count Baldwin,
in 1084^ when the abbey was founded, be a special friend
of the good Count Charles of Flanders — ' Flandrensis
comitis Karoli cognatus et fidelis amicus et Flandrensium
karissimus ' — when the future saint was only born in or
about 1084? And he adds, yet more certainly, that in
1084 the ffreat Hildebrand was reifjninsr, so that it is
strange to date by a smaller Pope. But we are yet more
troubled with the formula of the date than with the date
itself. The Ghibelin mind cannot read with any comfort
that anything was done ' venerabili Calixto . . . mundi
monarchiam sub apostolorum Petri et Pauli protectione
gubernante, Philippo autem Francorum regnum procu-
rante, comite Roberto Flandrensibus imperante.' Let
Philip — ' Latinse Francite rector ' — be put down as low as
anybody chooses, though 'procurare' is just what Philip
did not do to anything. But when Count Robert is raised
to Imperial power and a Bishop of Rome is clothed with
the monarchy of the world, we can only mourn that neither
Dante nor Matthew Paris was yet born to protest.
The reign of Count Baldwin has brought us to the founda-
tion of the monastic church of Andres ; it brings us also to
the foundation of the secular church of Ardi-es. In so doing
it brings us to the mention of Arnold, Lord of Ardres. It
* This chronicle, 'Chionicon Andrensis Monasterii,' is printed in
the second volume of D'Achery's ' Spicilegium.' It reaches from
1082 to 1284.
^^^•^ FOUNDATION OF ARDRES.
177
can be hardly needful to remind any one that this Count
Baldwin, who d.ed about 1100, is not the Count Baldwin
who ordered the bells to be rung in 1194. Nor is this
Arnold either the Arnold who figures in that story, nor yet
the Arnold of Ardres who was so loving a friend to Count
Arnold. Our present Arnold-- a primis inter primos
Ghisnensium proeerum heroes heros primus. Ardensis
oppuir primus h<Tres et dominus Arnoldus '-is the father
of the Arnold who appears in Domesday. He was in truth
the father of most things at Ardres. the founder aUke of
castle, church, and municipality. At Ardres however it
was a grandmother, rather than a father, to whom things
were earned back. The local history or legend starts frol
a ceriam Adela, who is desea-ibed as a niece of Frameric
Bishop of Terouenne, who held that see from 975 to 1004
and as a cousin of the good Count Eustace. We mi»ht be'
tempted to thmk that even Eustace had his failings for he
IS here-in the story put into the mouth of Walter of
Ecluse-descnbed as wrongfully calling on his kinswoman
to enter into a marriage which she did not wish for but
which in some way suited his own purposes. This indeed,
in the ease of feudal holdings, was a right of the lord which
even the best lords did not scruple to enforce; but the pos-
sessions of Adela of Seloessa were not feudal holdinc-s but a
primitive ««od_perhaps they even called it an edd. It is
lr!°".!°T-'T'''''' ^^'"^ "" «^"^^ ''g-" '=<""''- to the
rescue with his dates, and shows that it could not have
l7h '^^g"°^Eustace, but must have been his wicked
lather Ralph, who misbehaved in this fashion. For BishoD
«raZ: zt"^' ^' ''' ""^^' ^^ ^-'-^ -- -* --t
Adela now went through a process which many owners
of allods went through in those days. As her lands were
eatfh r "Trfr """^ "" ^°'^- '^'"'^'''' "° P^^^ctor, on
!f *l w Tl ^ ^' '"'"' ""'° "^ '"^'"'^ "^"ad that the King
of the West-Franks if not always the feudal lord, was stiU
the nommal sovereign, of all people within the bounds of
N
178 THE LORDS OF ARDRES. [Essay
Karolingia. Anyhow Adela gave up somewhat of dignity to
win somewhat of security. She commended herself and her
lands to her uncle the bishop and his successors, and received
themi back again on a feudal tenure. She was now the man*
of the church of Terouenne, and its bishop was her lord.
She owed service to her lord, and her lord owed protection
to her. Her lord and uncle therefore found her a husband,
who might defend her against any unjust claims of the
Count of Guines. This husband was a mighty man among
the nobles of Flanders, Herbert by name, but locally cut
short into Herred. He bore the surname of Crangroc, or
the man with his shirt inside out. For, so says one story,
when he was young, his father woke him before daylight
to go a-hunting; suddenly aroused, he jumped up and
put on his shirt the wrong way. But others whispered
that the name came because, as the husband of Adela
and a careful steward of her goods, he showed himself
on holidays with a turned shirt, to save, as one is tempted
to think, the cost of washing. Anyhow, in the judge-
ment of our author, his only fitting surname would have
been not Crangroc, but Hercules. Herbert, Herred. or
Hercules, died, leaving Adela with two daughters. She
did not long remain a widow. By the advice of her lord
the Bishop — her uncle or his successor — she married Elbodo
of Bergues. He was the father of the first Arnold of
Ardres ; he also made a fishpond and a mill, and after his
wife's death he defended the rights of his son against some
other claimants of Adela's heritage.
Our Lambert is curious in all matters of nomenclature,
and when he stops to tell a story to explain why Adela
was buried at Ardres and not at her own Selnessa, he gives
us incidentally a bit of etymology. Selnessa, to be sure, he
does not explain ; and Dr. Heller, most careful in the
geography of the district, seems not to know where the
place is, or rather was. May we guess that it was on the
* The expression, as applied to a woman, is justified by Domesday,
where we hear of 'Eddeva puella, homo Stigandi archiepiscopi.'
VIL] ADELA AND PAGANUS. 179
coast, that its name is akin to our own Selby, and means
the ness, naze, or nose of seals 1 Anyhow, in telling of the
ruin of the ancient church of Selnessa, which became a
dwelling-place of toads, lizards, and snakes, neighbours
which wore out the patience of the most devout anchor-
ites, he gives at least a legendary explanation of a very
puzzling name. Why should any Christian man call his
son Paganus ? Yet many did so, and the name lives on in
the shape of the surname Payne. We here read how a
holy hermit named Abraham lived for a while among the
ruins till the toads drove him away, and how the Lord of
Norhout had a son who had somehow remained unbaptized
till the age of ten years, and whom his neighbours there-
fore called Paganus, the heathen. Abraham baptized him
by his own name ; but the heathen nickname stuck to him,
and seemingly passed on to others.* This is according to
all rule. No one calls Rolf, Rou, or Rollo, by his baptismal
name of Robert ; no one speaks of Sven with the Forked
Beard as Otto ; still less would Cnut, Emperor of six
kingdoms, be known to any one by that baptismal name
of Lambert which he shares with the writer of our story.
To this last we feel thankful ; we are thankful for the
picture of the pious Abraham and afterwards of two devout
nuns, all yielding to the invasion of toads and snakes ; but
we are still more thankful to know what men thought,
truly or falsely, to have been the origin of a name which
has often puzzled us.
Arnold, by the way, as Lambert himself once or twice
shows, and as appears more fully from the documents in
the Andres history, was known also as Arnulf or Ernulf,
like the Great or Old Count of Flanders. The English
form of the name would be Earnwulf. Did Lambert deem
* In chapter 133 of our history we find two Pagans, one distin-
guished as ' Paganus de Norhout,' who must be a descendant of our
Abraham. In the Andres history, p. 795, we have ' Gozo cognomine
Paganus,' and in page 801 ' Elembertus cognomine Paganus.' In
Domesday we have ' Eadmundus filius Pagani,' a Pagan who must
have come to England in the days of the Confessor.
N 2
180 THE LORDS OF AEDRES. [Essay
the wolfish ending unworthy of the erne, the eagle, with
which the name begins ? It might have been hazardous to
carry on the allusion ; the erne might seem to be a dan-
gerous lord for a town which legend said was called from
a heron. Arnold did for Ardres everything that could be
done. Selnessa was destroyed, and Ardres was built or
enlarged out of its materials. Specially did he raise for
himself in the midst of a marsh a mighty mound, inote, or
dunio, making use of a natural hill, and raising it by
artificial means. It was defended by a wall — perhaps also
of earth"^ — and a ditch, and provided with a mill within
its precinct. Legend told how a tame bear worked dili-
gently in raising the mound, and how the mound con-
tained a hidden stone of a price beyond gold. Then
Arnold made Ardres a free town ; he founded twelve peers
or barons of his castle and town f — Charlemagne and his
paladins were in the head either of Arnold or of Lambert —
he defended the town with a ditch ; he founded municipal
magistrates — ' scabini ' — and gave the burghers municipal
rights, according to the model of Saint-Omer. So our own
grants of municipal rights constantly refer to the usages
of some older borough as their pattern. Lastly, he gave
them a market on Thursdays, Ardres thus became a
M&rket-Jeiidi. But, unlike its Cornish fellow, it escaped
being cut short into Market-Jew, or being looked upon as
the special abode of the ' bitterness of Zion.'
Arnold thus provided for the military defence and the
municipal freedom of his town of Ardres. His grant of
franchises to the burghers is expressly said to have been
made by the leave of Count Baldwin of Guines. This is a
point to be noticed, as the obligation of homage in that
quarter was a disputed point. But the founder of castle
and borough could hardly fail to become an ecclesiastical
* C. 109 : ' Exterioris vero spatium valli, incluso interius molendino,
fossato cinxit firmissimo.'
t C. Ill: 'Duodecim pares vel barones castro Ardese appenditios
instituit.'
VII.] THE CHURCH OF ARDRES. 181
founder also. His schemes on this head needed the con-
sent of the Bishop of Terouenne and his chapter ; the latter
body were specially won over by Arnold's founding certain
new prebends in their own church. Up to this time
Ardres had had only a small church with its parson — ' per-
sonator sive persona ' — Walter by name. Arnold now
raised this church to collegiate rank by the foundation of
a body of canons, over whom however the Lord of Ardres
kept in his own hands a considerable measure of authority
as patron and something more, as a kind of lay provost.*
He enlarged the choir of the old church, f for the better
reception of the new society. They were a body of ten,
each with his prebend, and at their head was placed
Parson Walter with the title of Dean, The disposal of
another prebend is characteristic of most of our actors, the
good Count Eustace and a few others excepted. Arnold
was twice married ; his first wife Matilda of Marquise,
mother of many children, at last died in childbirth ; his
second wife, Clementia, widow of Hugh Count of Saint-
Paul, gave him a temporary lordship in that county. But
long before his marriages, Arnold had an illegitimate
brood by two different mothers, one of whom, Ralph, was
ah-eady a canon of Saint-Omer, and now became a canon
of Ardres. He was seemingly married, and his posterity,
legitimate or illegitimate, fill a large place in the
genealogy common to church and castle. This first foun-
dation bears date in 1069, and we are comforted to find
* In c. 137 the Abbot Theodoric of Cappel appears much shocked
by the degree of authority which the lay lord kept in the church of
Ardres. ' J]xhortando insinuavit, quod, cum homo omnino laicus esset
et litteras ignoraret, ecclesiastica amministrare beneficia, prebendas
dispensare clericis vel altaria, preposituram aliamve dignitatem in
sancta obtinere vel bajulare ecclesia, contradicentibus et super hoc
anathematizantibus autenticis scriptis et sanctoram patram decretis,
ei nullatenus liceret.'
t This would seem to be the meaning of the words in c. 115:
' Ecclesiola cujus parietes vetustissimi novo nunc continuantur et
coaptantur operi vel capiti.'
182 THE LORDS OF ARDRES. [Essay
that the date is expressed in a more decent style than the
later date which we quoted before. It was done ' Fran-
corum rege regnante Philippo, Roberto Frisone Richilde
triumphata Flandriam procurante, Balduino comite Ghis-
nensi principante, ipso Arnoldo sive Arnulfo advocate
Teruannici comitatus prseside et Ardensibus dominante,
Drogone Morinensis ecclesise baculum bajulante.' Later in
life, Arnold built a larger church, seemingly as his own
sainte chapelle, and moved his canons thither. The older
church was again cut down to a single priest, as it had
been before Parson Walter became a dean. In the rules of
his new foundation Arnold provided that any canon who
failed to reside should not receive more than a hundred
shillings — not so small an allowance in those days — from
his prebend. Anything more was to go to his vicar ; nor
was he even to have the choice of his own vicar, who was
to be appointed by the dean with the counsel of those
canons who did reside.
The description of Arnold in the date just quoted may
need some explanation. His style as ' Teruannici comitatus
prseses ' refers to his temporary holding of the county of
Saint-Paul, also known as that of Terouenne, during the
time of his second wife. But ' advocate ' was his special
title, as ' villicus,' ' prsepositus,' or ' advocatus ' — each de-
scription rising in dignity— of the abbey of Saint Bertin
at Saint-Omer for all its lands within the county of Guines.
To this g-wasi-ecclesiastical dignity he afterwards added a
further temporal rank. He did with his castle and lands
at Ardres much as his mother Adela had done with her
lands at Selnessa. He sought a lord ; only it was this
time a temporal and not a spiritual lord that he sought.
The Counts of Guines claimed homage for the castle of
Ardres ; and, as we have seen, Arnold had in some sort
acknowledged Baldwin of Guines as his lord. But Arnold
now maintained that Ardres was his own allod, for which
he might either remain lordless, or commend himself to
what lord he would. As the counts of Guines had done
VII.] ARNOLD THE FIRST IN ENGLAND. 183
when the question was raised between Flanders and
Boulogne, so now the lord of Ardres sought the more
distant lord rather than the nearer. He commended him-
self and his castle to the Count of Flanders, Robert of
Jerusalem, son of Robert the Frisian. As he had himself
set up twelve peers in his own castle of Ardres, so he was
now himself admitted into the loftier ranks of the twelve
peers of Flanders, as his new lord was himself reckoned
among the still higher twelve peers of France."^
It is with this first Arnold that the connexion between
Ardres and England begins. That he visited England, as
our author tells us, we may well believe. He lived in the
days when everybody on his side of the channel found out
that he was the friend, and commonly the kinsman, of the
reigning King of the English, and went across to Winches-
ter or Westminster to pick up what he could. But Arnold
had special advantages in this way. His skill in the
tourney, an exercise which he greatly loved, had recom-
mended him to the special notice of his neighbour Eustace
Count of Boulogne, the brother-in-law of King Edward, a
name too well known in English history. Lambert's way
of naming Eustace is curious. He is described, so to speak,
not as himself, but as the father of his two more illustrious
sons. He comes in as ' Boloniensium comes Eustacius,
nobilissimse prolis Eustacii, videlicet Gaudefridi et Bal-
duini, auctor et pater.' Arnold became second under the
Count in his county of Boulogne, and is described as
' senescallus/ 'justiciarius,' and ' ballivus.' In his patron's
service he became famous and acceptable everywhere, alike
with princes and with their subjects, but specially at the
courts of France and England. Now we are told that it
was mainly to show himself in tournaments that he thus
went about into all parts. Lambert does not distinctly
say that he showed himself in that character in England ;
but his language makes us at least ask the question, Could
* [All this about twelve peers anywhere sounds a little mythical in
the eleventh centuiy,]
184 THE LORDS OF ARDRES. [Essay
there have been such a thing as a tournament in England
tempore Regis Echvardi 1 We hear nothing of such doings
in England till the twelfth century. Then both the great
Henries forbade them. But they were practised meanwhile
in the days of Stephen, when it was all one what was
allowed and what was forbidden. They were practised
afterwards in the days of Richard Lion-Heart, who liked
that kind of show. Under his wiser father, those in-
habitants of England who wished to risk their lives for
nothing had to go over to France for that end, much as
one has heard of men in later times taking the same
journey in order to fight duels. One is therefore inclined
to doubt whether Arnold could have found any tourna-
ments whereat to display himself in England. Yet it may
be that the Confessor's foreign favourites set them up as
the last French fashion, and that the good sense of Harold
or of William put an end to them. But tournaments or no
tournaments, there is no need to doubt the presence of the
first Arnold of Ardi-es in England, and in the next genera-
tion the tie became closer.
The second Arnold was known, like the Count of Flanders
a century earlier, as the Old — ' Senex sive Vetulus.' And
he certainly deserved the name, if he lived, as is said, till
some time later than 1137. That he was living in 1117 is
shown by documents, and that is a fair allowance for one
who was already flourishing in 1066. He had, according
to the story, his share in the great work of that year.
Through the favour of Count Eustace, Arnold was admitted
among the companions of the Conqueror, who further sent
for Arnold's brother Geoffrey. The two served William
long, and were, we are told, bountifully rewarded with a
daily pay and with grants of land. But of the English
possessions reckoned up by our author, two only — one of
them the well-known Trumpington near Cambridge — can
be identified in Domesday as held by Arnold, and those
were held, not by immediate gi-ant of King William, but
under Arnold's patron Count Eustace. The local writer
VII.] ARNOLD THE SECOND IN ENGLAND. 185
seems to have mixed up the possessions of Arnold with
those of a less famous adventurer from the same region,
Adelolf — our ^thelwulf— of Merck * At all events, the
establishment of Arnold as a landowner in eastern England
is beyond doubt. And we are told that, according to the
use of Guines and Ardres, he became, during his sojourn
in England, the father of three sons by three different
mothers. One of these, Anselm by name, had a strange
destiny. He went to the crusade, and, being taken captive
by the Saracens, he embraced Islam. He escaped, came
home again, and abode a while with his kinsfolk at Ardres ;
but as they abhorred his apostasy, he went away again, and
was heard of no more, f Another natural son of Arnold,
born in his own land, bore the name of Phihp, a name but
lately brought into Western Europe by the Russian mother
of the reigning King of the French. Philip did not turn
Mussulman ; but, from the point of view of his legitimate
kinsfolk, he turned robber. Refused any share in the
heritage of his house, he gathered a band and laid waste
the country. It is clear that the safest way of providing
for the irregular shoots of the house of Ardres was to enrol
them among the canons of the lord's chapel.
By the death of Arnold the First the possession of Ardres
passed to this second Arnold, Arnold the Old. Marquise,
the heritage of his mother, he gave up to his brother
Geoffrey, and received instead, so the story says, Geoffrey's
* Lambert gives the list of Arnold's possessions in England as
' Stevintonia,' ' Dokeswordia,' 'Tropintonia,' ' Leilefordia,' 'Toleslion-
dia,' ' Hoilandia.' Of these only ' Dokeswordia ' and ' Tropintonia '
— the latter the well-known Trumpington — appear in Domesday as
held by Arnold—' Hernulfus,' ' Ernulfus de Arda.' The others are held
by Adelolf of Merc. But Arnold has other lands in Bedfordshire.
All that he had was held of Count Eustace.
t The story is not very clear : ' Cum Christianis manens parentibus
omni die nisi excepta sexta feria carnibus utebatur, nee se dissimu-
labat quandoque apostatatum et in Sarracenismas [sic] olim prolapsum
immundicias. Unde et Christicolis parentibus odiosus ab Ardea in
transmarinas secedens iterum partes, ulterius suis non comparuit.'
186 THE LORDS OF ARDRES. [Essay
share in the English estates, though it must be remembered
that Domesday knows only Arnold and not Geoffrey.
Arnold, going to a tournament in Flanders, won by his
exploits the favour of Baldwin, lord of Alost, and the hand
of his sister Gertrude. This Baldwin is distinguished from
the endless other bearers of his name as the Big — ' Grossus
sive Magnus.' And, what is stranger, his nickname passed
on to his wife also. She was ' Mathildis, a viri sui grossi-
tudine vel magnitudine simili appellatione Grossa vel Magna
nominata.' This is really a fact of some importance in the
history of nomenclature. The sign that we have reached
the stage of hereditary surnames is when the son bears an
epithet which had a meaning as applied to his father, but
which has no meaning as applied to himself. When it is
possible that John Long may be a short man, called Long
merely because he was the son of a tall father, the surname
has become strictly hereditary. Here we have the same
process applied, not to the son, but to the wife. The Lady
of Alost is called ' Mathildis Grossa sive Magna/ not on
account of her own size, but on account of the size of her
husband. We have, by a sudden leap, come very near to
such a modern description as Sir Baldwin and Lady Bigge.
Of the size of Baldwin's sister Gertrude we hear nothing,
though we do hear something of her beauty. When Arnold
brought his bride home to Ardres, a strange thing happened
at the marriage feast. A buffoon engaged, if Arnold would
give him a horse, to empty at a di-aught the largest barrel
in the lord's cellar. The exploit was done under some
strange conditions ; but when the performer came, with the
bung in his mouth as a sign of success, to claim his horse,
the attendants of Arnold, who knew their lord's meaning,
set him on the equuleus, the wooden horse of torment.
Gertrude became the mother of several sons and daughters,
among them of Arnold the Young, his father's successor, and
of another son who bears the Hebrew-sounding name of
Manasses. Nor was he by any means its only bearer in
those days. The name was borne, among others, by a
VII.] ARNOLD AND GERTRUDE. 187
better known person, the reigning Count of Guines. This
takes us back to his father, the good Count Baldwin. Here
Lambert makes the singular remark that in those days,
and in his own too, most people had two names.^ He tells
us that Adela, the wife of Count Baldwin, was on account
of her excellent virtues also called Christiana — ' suppressa
appellatione propria, certiore vocabulo Christiana nuncupata.'
He speaks of her son as ' Robertus, qui, ut tunc temporis erat
consuetude et adhuc plerumque tenetur, binomius erat, sed
suppressa vocationis proprietate, invalescente usus assuetu-
dine, dictus est Manasses.' f The more prosaic chronicle of
the abbey of Andres seems rather to imply that Manasses
was his original name. He there appears as ' Manasses,
qui et Robertus, a Roberto Frandrife comite sic vocatus.'
Whichever was his baptismal name, Manasses was that by
which he was commonly known.
Manasses of Guines and Manasses of Ardres did not
always agree. For the latter must have been in the ranks
when Arnold the Old led out all his sons, the children of so
many mothers, all of them already knights, to fight against
Count Manasses in the old dispute about the homage of
Ardres. This quarrel led to a further strengthening of the
town of Ardres with a new ditch and palisade, with towers
and warlike engines. But the mind of Arnold was given to
beautifying his town as well as to strengthening it. He
planted trees along the sides of the fosse, and he took in
within his line of defence a wood for the advantage of his
* The use of the double name at this time is a very curious subject.
Orderic often gives two names to people who elsewhere bear only
one. But it is not clear whether two names were ever actually given
in baptism. Later on in our own story (c. 153) we come to ' Therasia
apud suos Portugalos, apud nos Mathildis cognomento regina dicta.'
Here the name was clearly changed to suit Flemish tastes, just as
Emma became jElfgifu to please the English, and Edith became
Matilda to please the Normans.
t [So the son of Robert Wiscard who was christened Mark is known
to all the world as Bohemund, from a mere caprice of his father, who
was pleased with a story about a grant so named.]
188 THE LORDS OF ARDRES. [Essay
people — ' communi populi sui asiamento ' — some common
right in a piece of folkland is most likely implied. And,
when peace was made with Count Manasses, he built for
himself, on the mound reared by his father, a stately palace
of wood, the work of a carpenter — ' artifex vel carpen-
tarius ' — of skill well-nigh like to that of Dsedalus, Lewis
by name. The house was of three stages. It had granaries
below, cellars, chambers, full of all household goods. On
the second stage was the great chamber of the lord and
lady, and other chambers for their various attendants.
Here too was the kitchen, joining this storey of the house,
but itself built in two stages, so that we may suppose that
the lower stage was on the ground-floor. Here pigs, geese,
capons, and other fowls, were kept and fattened. In the
upper stage dwelled the cooks who, when the time came,
dressed them with the utmost skill. In the highest stage
of all were rooms for the sons and daughters of the lord, as
well as for the guards of the palace. Adjoining the house
was a ' logium ' for pleasant talk, whence, we are told, its
name, derived from logos. Attached also to the house and
the ' logium ' was a chapel, whose goodly ceihng and paint-
ings rivalled Solomon's temple. We need hardly say that
every detail of this description of a lordly wooden house of
the twelfth century is worthy of the heed of all students of
domestic architecture.
And now the Lord of Ardres, having, like Solomon, built
him an house, went over to England on a visit to the king —
seemingly Henry the First — his lord for his possessions in
our island. Here he seems to have been charmed with what
w^as already a national sport. To bait the bull and the bear
was, as William Fitz-Stephen bears witness, a pastime of
the citizens of London, and in earlier times the borough of
Norwich had paid to the Confessor a yearly tribute of a
bear and six dogs. So now Arnold brought back from
England a bear of huge size, which, as Lambert almost
needlessly explains, was not the same bear which had
worked so faithfully in making the mound of Ardres. The
VII.] BAITING THE BEAR. 189
present bear was baited almost to death, to the great delight
of the people of Ardres : ^ Quo adducto et coram populo
demonstrato et canibus allatrato et fere usque ad interni-
tionem discerpto et depilato, mirati sunt universi et in
spectaeulo Iseti facti et jocundi.' Lambert, speaking through
his imaginary mouthpiece Walter, has no pity for the bear ;
but he strongly condemns the trick which Arnold and his
bearward combined by means of the bear to play off upon
the people of Ardres. The bearward, at his master's sug-
gestion, refused to bait the bear, even on high days and
holidays, unless the people who liked the show would find
bread for the bear's keep. And so the people — not the
vavassors and clergy, we are told, but the foolish people —
agreed to pay one loaf from every baking in every oven in
Ardres to feed the great bear from England. And so this
tax — ' ursiacus ille panis,' ' ursiaci exactio furnagii,' ' panis
doloris ' — became an established burthen, and, to the great
lamentation of Lambert, went on being paid, even though
the bear — or his successor — was no longer baited.
The next chapter, headed ' De severitate Ghertrudis,' tells
how, while the lord thus fleeced his people by means of a
bear, the lady was no less successful in the same work by
means of a gentler beast. The fair Gertrude was, like
William the Conqueror, fallen into covetousness and greedi-
ness she loved withal. Lambert will tell only one story ;
he will keep the others back ; yet he goes on to tell several.
It must not be forgotten that Gertrude was the grandmother
of the supposed speaker Walter. The lady had a fancy for
setting up a great flock of sheep ; so she made everybody
give her lambs, and she sent her satrwps — so Lambert calls
them — to collect the spoils or offerings far and wide. One
poor woman, in answer to the demand for a lamb, said that
she had neither sheep nor ox, but she had seven children ;
she would give one of them for the lady to rear. She was
taken at her word ; one of her children was taken, and,
turning Nathan's parable round, was adopted by Gertrude
instead of a lamb (' domina eum nutriri fecit et pro suo in
190 THE LORDS OF ARDRES. [Essay
locum agni adoptari'). An ewe lamb it was, notwith-
standing the masculine pronoun (' puellula — feminini enim
sexus erat puer exactus ') ; but it was a dangerous fold into
which she was brought when she came within the household
of the Lady Gertrude. This was the time when in several
parts of Europe the poorer freemen were fast passing into
various forms of serfdom. It was now that in England, if
the mere slave was rising, the free churl was sinking, to the
intermediate estate of the villain. Many were the means,
often the tricks, by which an ill-disposed lord contrived to
bring his free tenants or subjects into personal bondage. Of
such tricks Gertrude of Ardres seems to have been a thorough
mistress. Lambert tells more than one tale of the kind."^
But in this particular case we really cannot wonder that the
girl was brought up as a slave, or at least as a serf, and was
in time married to a man of the same low estate. At this
Lambert greatly exclaims ; yet surely a girl who was
adopted instead of a lamb might think herself
Very well off
To be wooed and wedded at a',
even by a servile husband. She should rather have been
thankful that the Lady Gertrude did not forestall Dean
Swift's Modest Proposal, and that the adopted lamb was
not roasted and eaten.
On the whole, the picture of Arnold and Gertrude is not
that of two very amiable persons. Yet we are assured of
Arnold's great piety, and he certainly showed one practical
proof of it. Though he had his own chapel and chaplain in
the castle, he attended, not only the daily, but the nightly
services in the great church of Ardres. This was at least
unlike those lords who insisted on having mass said in
theu' hearing while they lay in bed. And, as patron and
* Besides the stories of Gertrude, there is in c. 36 a very curious
account of the Colvekerli or Club-carls, who had to pay fourpence yearly
to the lords of Ham, and fourpence more at every marriage and
death. See Dr. Heller's note and his references.
VII.] GERTRUDE'S LAMBS. 191
provost of the church, he deemed it his business to rebuke
any canon or vicar who was absent from his post. For
his own chaplain, we are told, he brought vestments from
England, one of the many witnesses to the position of
England in those days as the land of gold-work and
embroidery. In 1096 he joined the first crusade, and
distinguished himself at the siege of Antioch. From the
East he brought back many rehcs, among them one
which sounds strange indeed, a hair from the beard of
the Saviour. When he came back, he married off his
daughters, and one of these marriages again connects our
story with England. His daughter Adeline married Arnold,
Viscount of Merck, son of Elembert. As men in those
days had two names, can this Elembert be the same as
Adelolf of Merck, whose Domesday lands have been con-
fusedly assigned to Arnold of Ardres? Anyhow Elembert
had brought from England a wife, Matilda by name, who
proved to be a saint. Unluckily Adelolf was not her son,
but the son of a second wife Adelaide. By the time of
Adelolf 's birth miracles were abeady working at the tomb
of Matilda. But her bones were carried away by somebody,
English or Scotch, a subject on which Lambert is purposely
mysterious. 'Hujus sanctissimse mulieris ossa utrum a
parentibus suis, siquidem Anglicis, utrum Scoticis, ut aiunt
quidam, abstracta et alibi fuerint collocata, melius est sub
dubitatione quasi nescire, quam dubitando temere quasi
pro certo difhnire.' This awakens our curiosity without
gratifying it. Of what race was Matilda? Her name is
one of those which might just as well have been in use in
England before the Norman Conquest as not, but which, as
a matter of fact, were not in use. We have Eadhild and
Wulfliild: we have no Mwgcthild or Mealdhild in real life.
Lambert speaks of her kinsfolk as ' Anglici,' but this is in
no way inconsistent with their being Norman settlers in
England. Only how come the Scots into the business?
There is the puzzle. Whether Matilda was Norman or
Old-English by descent, it is equally amazing either way if
192 THE LORDS OF ARDRES. [Essay
she had Scottish kinsfolk in the days of the Conqueror.
A Scottish descent on this corner of Flanders, to carry off
the bones of the holy Matilda from Merck, is one of the
oddest things anywhere recorded or hinted at. It is too
strange not to be true.* If it had not happened, who could
ever have thought of it *? Anyhow it is yet another of the
endless forms of intercourse between our island and the
lands of which we are speaking.
Arnold the Old died soon after the year 1137, the year
of the death of Gertrude. Her children wept for her ; the
people from whom she had taken so many lambs, natural
and adoptive, followed her to the grave with dry eyes and
lips held tight (* siccis oculis et labiis vix apertis '). Her
son Manasses was dead in the Holy Land : Arnold and
Baldwin succeeded in turn. Both of them had abundance
of spurious offspring; but as neither had a lawful child,
the lordship of Arch-es soon passed away by female succes-
sion to the house of Merck, and afterwards to the house of
Guines. Arnold the Young had a wife named Petronilla,
whose tastes were peculiar. She was very devout, but she
was also given to dancing and playing with dolls, while
she won golden opinions from all kinds of people by
swimming in the fishpond. f Her husband, a harsh ruler,
* To keep up the constant connexion with England, we find in the
History of Andres, at the very beginning, how another Englishman
attempted a like work of pious body-snatching. 'Quidam ejusdem
loci ffidituus, quem nostro more custodem vocamus, nations Anglicus,
corpus gloriosse Rotrudis furtim auferre disposuit, et ad natale solum
transferre, pro eo quod miraculis crebro coruscantibud, de ejus mentis
nullatenus valuit dubitare.' This is the saint to whose relics Lambert,
in c. 30, gives a tender diminutive : ' reverentissimum sanctissimae
virginis corpusculum.'
t The picture given by Lambert, c. 134, is graphic : ' Uxor autem
ejus Petronilla, juvencula quidem Deo placita, simplex erat et timens
Deum et vel in ecclesia Deo sedulum exibebat officium, vel inter
puellas puerilibus jocis et choreis et hiis similibus ludis et poppeis
ssepius juvenilem applicabat animum. Plerumque etiam in aestate
nimia nimium animi simplicitate et corporis levitate agitata, in
vivarium, usque ad solam interulam sive camisiam rejectis vestibus.
VII.] BURNING OF MURDERERS. 193
was excommunicated by the Bishop of Terouenne, and was
murdered by some of his own people. The excommunicate
man could not be buried with Christian rites ; but his
successor Baldwin took a fearful vengeance for his murder.
Some of the guilty or accused persons were simply hanged ;
but others were broken on the wheel, torn by horses, or
shut up in their own houses and there burned. This last
manner of death is worth notice. It is heard of in other
cases. It was the way in which the heretical canons of
Orleans were put to death more than a hundred years
earlier, in the days of King Robert. And in the earliest
pipe-roll of Henry the Second, not far from the beginning,
we find the following item : ' Pro una domo ad combu-
rendum unum latronem, xiii.s. et iiii.d.' The robber was
shut up in the house and the house was burned, a mark
being paid as compensation to the owner of the house.
All this is of course a comment on the state of things when
houses were mainly of wood, when they were burned to
act as fire-signals, and when men who chano;ed their
dwelling-places sometimes carried off their houses on their
backs. But this way of burning men seems also to have a
deeper i-eference. Surely such a practice must at least
have begun in a feeling of superstition. It is akin to
many other ways of getting rid of a man, in which the
slayer does not himself directly inflict death, but puts the
victim in a position in which death must follow. It is like
building him up with a little bread and a little water. No
one slew the heretics at Orleans with his own hands, as
men were slain by the sword or the halter. If they died
in the flames of the Ijurning house, they died by the visita-
tion of God, not by the act of man.
non tam lavanda vel balneanda quam refrigeranda vel certe spacianda,
per vias et meatus aquarum hie illic prona nando, nunc supina, nunc
sub aquis occultata, nunc super aquas nive nitidior vel camisia sua
nitidissima sicca ostcntata, coram militibus nichilominus quam puellis
se dimisit et descendit. In liis igitur et hiis similibus benignitatis
suae modos exprimens et mores, tam viro quam militibus et populo sc
gi'atiosam exhibuit et merito amabilem.'
O
194 THE LORDS OF ARDBES. [Essat
Baldwin made a great change in the ecclesiastical ar-
rangements of Ardres. His brain was wounded by an
arrow, in a border fight with Count Arnold of Guines.
While his head was in this state, he allowed himself to be
persuaded by the Abbot of Saint Mary of Cappel to give
up to the abbey his provostship of the church of Ardres,
and to allow its canons, as they died off, to be supplanted
by monks. This was done in 1144. In 1190 the canons
came back again. Two years after this ecclesiastical change
Baldwin went to the Holy Wars. He fell sick at Attalia,
and his body was thrown into the sea. Thirty years later
a false Baldwin of Ardres appeared, as at a later time
there appeared a false — some thought a true — Baldwin of
rianders.
The original line of the Lords of Ardres ends with this
Baldwin. Perhaps the most attractive point of the whole
story is that we are able to draw nearly at full length the
portrait of the Arnold who has a place, however small, in
our own history, of his parents and of his children. It is
something to know how living an idea can be called up
from other sources of a man whose name we might pass by
without notice in the pages of Domesday. We cannot go
at lenofth through the whole line of the later Counts of
Guines and Lords of Ardres. Their story is crowded with
interesting and instructive details, and above all with
constant marks of connexion with England. The Counts
of Guines have lands in England. They maiTy wives in
England. Their clerical sons hold benefices in England.
Above all, Count Manasses formed a twofold marriage
connexion with England. His own wife Emma, of the
Norman house of Tancarville, was the widow of Odo of
Folkestone. Through his only daughter Rose or Sibyl —
she also had two names — he had a granddaughter Beatrice,
who was given to a husband in England, of whom we wish
to know more. He appears in Lambert as ' Alber^us Aper,'
in Abbot William as ' Alber^e^^s Aper,' certainly the most
likely name. But who was Aubrey the Boar ? Dr. Heller
VII.] TPE COUNTS OF GUINES. 195
confesses that he has nothing to tell us about him. The
name carries us to the beginnings of the house of Vere,
to the eloquent pleader on behalf of King Stephen. The
marriage was not lucky. Alberic and Beatrice were
separated, seemingly on the strange ground of the sickli-
ness of the wife. She found however another husband
in Arnold of Ghent, afterwards Count of Guines. Of his
son Count Baldwin — the Count Baldwin of Lambert's
own day — we must attempt a slight portrait. He ruled
at Guines from 1169 to 1206, after Lamberts story breaks
off. Baldwin was a great builder, both of fortresses
and of churches. Above all he built a round house
of square stones on the mound of Guines, as Arnold of
Ardres had built a house of wood on the mound of
Ardres. At Alderwick (Audruick) he drained a marsh,
and so increased the amount of fruitful land. For this
exploit our euhemerizing chronicler likens him to Her-
cules with the Hydra. To Alderwick also he moved
the market, which had formerly been held at South-
kirk (Zudkerque) on Sundays. He changed the place ;
but — ' juxta ecclesiastici et apostolici tenorem consilii ' —
he did not change the day. A Sunday market was not
unheard of elsewhere ; but the words of Lambert almost
sound as if apostolic authority were claimed for the usage.
Baldwin also ordained a fair at Pentecost, ' magis civiliter
quam theologice solemnizari,' a description which may need
a comment.
Whatever may have been the theologicaT aspect of Count
Baldwin's fair, it could hardly have gone astray through
lack of theological knowledge in its founder. The Count
could not read, but he was so diligent in having books
read to him that he became a learned disputant, both on
theology and on other subjects. The clergy read their
books to him, and he in turn repeated to them what we
take to be ballads or romances ; ' quas a fabulatoribus
accepit gentilium nenias vicario modo communicavit et
impartivit.' But Lambert seems to think that he learned
o 2
196 THE LORDS OF ARDRES. [Essay
too much ; ' a clericis ultra quam necesse erat in multis
edoctus, clericis in multis obviabat et contradicebat.' He
gathered scholars around him who translated a crowd of
books, sacred and profane, from Latin into French, ' de
Latino in Romanum,' ' de Latino in sibi notam linguam
Romanam,' ' de Latino in sibi notissimam Romanitatis
linguam.' The name ' Romanitas ' may be recommended
to those who talk about 'the Latin race;' we are more
inclined to mourn that the honest Nether-Dutch of the
land was deemed unworthy of any literary encouragement.
( 'ount Baldwin is described as a just and strict ruler from
the beginning ; after a while he became better still. He
was, like some others of these times, stirred up to reform
by a sickness, and this sicknes-s was brought about by
grief for the death of his wife Christiana, who died in
childbirth in 1177, while he w^as away in England. Otto
the Great, in the like case, comforted himself by learning
to read. One almost wonders that Baldwin, so fond of
books, did not think of the same remedy. Yet, even after
his reform, his enemies whispered that he still had his
faults. When he arose early in the morning, he listened
more gladly to the horn of the huntsman than to the bell
of the church, to the bark of the greyhound than to the
chant of the chaplain. Nor could the charge be gainsay ed
when his enemies affirmed that in his dealings with women
he was as David or Solomon, or even as the heathen
Jupiter. In this matter all agree that he did not reform
after the death of the Countess, but rather grew worse.
Then was born the priest Geoffrey, canon of Bruges and
Terouenne, and holder of many livings in England. But
we look with greater interest on the Teutonic diminutives,
Bolderkin the Bastard and Willekin the Bastard. Lambert
will not attempt to tell the number of Baldwin's irregular
otfspring: their father himself did not know all their
names. But Abbot William undertakes to tell us that,
when Baldwin, ' pater patriae,' was carried to his grave, he
was followed by thirty-three sons and daughters, ' quos de
VII.] COrXT BALDWIN AND ARCHBISHOP WILLIAM. 197
comitissa genuerat et quos post mortem ejusdem comitissfe
aliunde acquisiend.' *
It was while his Countess still lived that Baldwin enter-
tained at Guines the banished Archbishop Thomas on his
way to England—' de exilio in locum martyrii.' The Arch-
bishop was an old friend, who had, when Chancellor, girded
him with the belt of knighthood, and over whose safety he
had watched on his first landing on the continent after his
flight from Northampton. It was after Christiana's death
that Baldwin received William Archbishop of Rheims, son
of Count Theobold of Blois and Champagne and nephew of
our King Stephen, on his way to the already hallowed
tomb at Canterbury. We are used to pilgrimages in our
own day ; but it needs a little effort to take in the idea of
kings, prelates, statesmen, going to worship at the shrine of
one whom they had themselves known as a leading states-
man and prelate only a few years before. It would seem
that Archbishop William, while going on this holy errand,
deemed special moderation becoming. Count Baldwin so
overwhelmed him and his companions with the costliest
spiced wines that they craved for a little water. They
asked in vain ; they got instead the richest wine of Auxerre.
The Archbishop asked again for only a little cup of the pure
drink. Count Baldwin answered by going forth and break-
ing every water-pot in his house. The Archbishop knew
that he was only merry and hospitable, but the servants
thought he was drunk. The prelate's heart was won by
the Count's friendly zeal ; he would do whatever Baldwin
asked him. It does not seem that Baldwin asked for any-
thing ; but when the Archbishop went away, the Count
gave him two phials of precious balsam as a parting gift.
Arnold or Arnulf, the son of Baldwin, had a romantic
career, of which part only comes within the pages of Lam-
bert. But we will end with the strange but clearly highly-
gifted count whom we have thus seen in his lighter
* [Mark that the word ' acquisierat ' literally translates hegotten
in its older use.]
19S THE LORDS OF ARDRES. [Essay
moments. Men in those days seem, if they had the power,
to have done whatever came into their heads, good or bad,
wise or foolish. In reading of their doings, we feel our-
selves in the company, not of one Zimri only, but of a crowd
of such. Yielding in this way to every impulse, the same
man would do both better and worse outward acts than the
man of soberer times, who most likely checks all his
strongest impulses, both good and bad. Such a chronicler
as Lambert, whose high-polite Latin is not without a touch
of fun, exactly suits both the good and the bad doings of
his actors. We would send all who wish for a clear notion
of the men of the twelfth century to the reading of this
book. It contains many things both pleasant and profitable
which we have not had room to pick out.
VIII.] PORTUGAL AND BRAZIL. 199
VIII.
POINTS IN THE HISTORY OF PORTUGAL
AND BRAZIL.^
A VERY short time back we should hardly have reckoned
either the kingdom of Portugal or its great American colony
among the lands whose names we were eager to hear when-
ever any news was brought from foreign parts. Suddenly
both Portugal and Brazil have leaped into an unusual
amount of importance. They have at least become the
subject of an unusual amount of talk. And the events
which have brought both the mother- country and the
colony into special notice at the same moment do not seem
to have had anything to do with one another. It is of
course likely enough that the late revolution in the colony
may have something to do with republican movements in
the mother-country ; but the two events, which have
directly struck men's minds in Great Britain, the fact that
Brazil has driven out its sovereign and that Portugal has
had a dispute with ourselves, are events which seem to have
no kind of connexion with one another beyond that of
time. How far the happening of the two so nearly at the
same moment may help to affect the future course of events
is another question. All that we are concerned with now
is that the two things have happened, and that the happen-
ing of the two so close together has served to draw an
* [This piece has not before been printed. It was an Oxford
lecture, delivered by deputy in February, 1890, when Portuguese and
Brazilian matters were a good deal in men's minds. It was written
at Bordighera, where I had no opportunity of reference to any books
whatever. In revising it, I have made only a few verbal changes.]
200 PORTUGAL AND BRAZIL. [Essay
unusual amount of English attention to the Portuguese
lands on both sides of Ocean.
Now, when the events of our own time do in this way
draw our eyes in a special way to any particular part of the
world, it does not seem alien to the duties of a Professor of
History to improve the occasion, so to speak, from his own
point of view. When the affairs of a country that has not
hitherto been greatly in men's minds come suddenly to fill
a considerable place in them, there is sure to be a good deal
of talk about them, and much of that talk is likely to be
loose and inaccurate. To be sure Portugal and Brazil are
not countries in the worst case, in that worst case which for
some purposes is the best. Everybody has at least heard of
them before. They are European lands, Christian lands ;
one of them has for ages been held to stand in a special
relation to our own. They are not wrapped up in the
mystery which attaches to some land which, whether
nearer or further, European or barbarian, is practically
newly discovered. Portugal and Brazil cannot boast the
same charm which attached to the lands of Crim and of
Soudan, when they suddenly sprang into notice, the one
six-and-thirty years back, the other a good deal later.
There is no need to puzzle over the names. There is neither
the puzzling of those to whom the names are new at hearing
them at all, nor yet the puzzling of those to whom they are
not new at seeing them used in strange shapes and in
strange uses. No class of our instructors marks either
name with the definite article, that sure sign that they
had never heard of it before they began to write about it.
' The Brazils ' in the plural used to be a common form,
and I have a dim notion that the reason has to be sought
for in the vegetable kingdom. But the memory of ' Portu-
gal pieces ' is surely enough of itself to keep our ' ancient
ally ' from being spoken of as we speak of the last new
land of which the newspapers chance to be full.
In seizing then the opportunity of saying a word or two
about the lands which have thus suddenly come into
VIII.] ' NICHTS NEUES: 201
special notice, I may as well forestall the sentence to
which one is so well used at the hands of German critics.
This day you will assuredly hear nothing new. I make the
announcement in our own tongue, though the judicial for-
mula of ' nichts neues ' is so familiar that it perhaps comes
more readily to the lips. Now I am not fully convinced
that even he who writes a book is always bound to put
anything strictly new into it. The ready scribe -who brings
out of his treasure things old as well as new is not always
an useless character. Still less am I convinced that he who
speaks from this or any other professorial chair is bound
to utter something new every time he officially opens his
mouth. Even the last Commission did not bind us by such
cruel fetters as that. But I am most fully convinced that,
in this particular case, while I am bound by my office to
say something on some subject, while I have chosen what
seems to me a fitting subject, it is yet more impossible than
ever that I should say anything new about it. In the
place and under the cii'cumstances under which I am put-
ting this discourse together. I am altogether cut off from
learning anything fresh — save of course from the news-
papers of the day — on any subject in the world except
certain parts of the remote history of Sicily. On a subject
of which I have never made a special study, I have just
now neither book nor man to turn to, if I wish either to
call to mind or to learn for the first time, a single fact or
name or date. And yet I am vain enough to believe that
I can nevertheless say something that may be worth hear-
ing. And why ■? Because all that I can give you will be
the very simplest and plainest and broadest facts. And
those very simplest and plainest and broadest facts are
exactly those which it is most important to mark and to
bear in mind, and they are also those which are more certain
than any others to be passed by.
Of the immediate events w^hich have in a manner given
cause to this lecture I will say nothing. They have not
yet come within my range. They are still only present
202 PORTUGAL AND BRAZIL. [Essay
history ; they have not yet become past pohtics. I will
ask you to do a much simpler thing, a thing which at
this moment I cannot do myself, namely, to look at the
modern map of Europe. There, most western land of
the European mainland, you will see the kingdom of
Portugal, and you can hardly fail to mark the unique
position which that kingdom holds on the map. If I
were to say that Portugal is the only land in Europe
which has a frontier and only one frontier, which has a
neighbour and only one neighbour, I should Le saying
what is not strictly accurate. The kingdom of Greece has
only one frontier and one neighbour; so have the princi-
pality of Monaco and the commonwealth of San Marino ;
so has the continental part of the kingdom of Denmark.
But in these cases, save that of San Marino, very modern
causes have been at work to bring about this state of
things. Free Greece has no neighbour but the Turk,
because the wisdom of Europe refuses to set free those
enslaved parts of Greece, Servia, and Bulgaria, which
would naturally be neighbours to one another. Greece
again, so far as it is insular, has no frontier, though even
its insular parts unhappily have a neighbour. This is still
more true of Denmark, even without calling in the help of
Iceland. That continental Denmark has one neighbour
only is the result of several compulsory changes in the
seventeenth century and in the nineteenth. That Monaco
exists and has France to her one neighbour is the result of
some singular choppings and changings thirty years back.
And in the two really important cases, those of Greece and
Denmark, neither the look of the map nor the facts of
history supply any real analogy with Portugal. I trust
that no one asks why Greece is not part of the dominion
of the Turk, or why Denmark is not part of the dominions
of the House of Brandenburg. But every one who looks
at the map, every child who is learning geography, does
instinctively ask why Portugal and Spain are two diffe-
rent countries. If he should even put his question into
VIII.] GEOGRAPHICAL POSITION OF PORTUGAL. 203
the less civil shape, Why does not Portugal ' belong to '
Spain ? one could hardly be surprised at it.
In sober truth no country in Europe has the same air
which Portugal has of being something cut off, one might
say unnaturally cut off, from another country. Spain in
the geographical sense, the Iberian peninsula, seems in
every way to make a natural whole. The frontier between
Portugal and the rest of the peninsula looks purely
artificial and accidental ; it seems to answer to nothing
either in nature or in earlier history. No striking natural
boundary divides the two kingdoms ; what does strike one
is that several Spanish rivers, above all the great Tagus,
have their mouths in Portugal. Modern Portugal seems to
answer to no earher division. It is fond of taking the
Lusitanian name, but the boundaries of Roman Lusitania
were quite different from those of modern Portugal ; they
went further to the east and not so far to the north. Nor
is it easy to call up any exact analogy, past or present.
When England and Scotland were two separate kingdoms,
Scotland might seem to be in the same position as Portugal,
but the analogy will hardly hold. The difference between
Britain as an island and Spain as a peninsula now comes
in. If Scotland had only one frontier, England had no
more. Except that England was larger than Scotland,
there was no more reason to say that Scotland was cut off
from England than to say that England was cut off from
Scotland. The boundary between the two kingdoms was
a fairly natural one, and assuredly Scotland did not cut off
England or her capital from the mouth of any of her great
rivers.
Something more like the geographical relation of Por-
tugal towards Spain might be seen in past ages of
geography, when Prussia was a duchy with Poland all
round it, save where it opened to the sea. It might be
seen in an earlier age again, when Normandy and her
capital cut off France and her capital from the mouth of
their great river. Yet even here there were differences.
204 PORTUGAL AND BRAZIL. [Essay
First of all, Prussia and Normandy were not so completely
parted off from Poland and France as Portugal is from
Spain. There was at least the tie of a nominal vassalage
on the part of the Prussian and Norman dukes. And when
Prussia ceased to owe homage to Poland, when it became,
first an independent duchy and then a growing kingdom,
it had in a manner lost its geographical character. Poland
still suri'ounded Prussia, but, when Prussia and Branden-
burg had one prince, she no longer surrounded the whole
dominions of the sovereign of Prussia, as Spain surrounds
the whole European dominion of the sovereign of Portugal.
No king of Portugal was ever exposed to the temptation
which beset the prince who ruled at Berlin and at Konigs-
berg, but who did not rule at Danzig. Then again, though
the analogy of the Tagus and the Seine makes a great
likeness between the cases of Normandy and Portugal, yet
there were some marked differences. First of all, Nor-
mandy had been in the most literal sense cut off from
France, whereas Portugal never was historically cut off
from what we now call Spain, that is the state formed by
the union of Castile and Aragon. And again Normandy
was not surrounded by France, She had other neighbours
on each side ; France had no sea-board at all on the side on
which Normandy helped with other states to hem her in.
That in the days of Norman independence France had no
sea-board anywhere does not concern us just now.
What again shall we say to another state which once
was so hemmed in as to seem to have only a single neigh-
bour ? Gibbon, in one of the most striking of his epigram-
matic sayings, speaks of a time when ' the Roman world
was confined to a corner of Thrace.' Truly, as far as the
seeming main body of the East-Roman Empire was con-
cerned, the Turk was, in the first half of the fifteenth
century, its only neighbour in a far more emphatic way
than he is now the only neighbour of the Greek kingdom.
But then the seeming main body was no longer the main
body. The corner of Thrace was not the whole of the
VIII.] ANALOGIES. 205
Roman world. The coiner of Thrace contained the Imperial
city ; but the Imperial province in Peloponnesos was of
greater extent than the corner ; and in Peloponnesos the
Empire had another neighbour in the commonwealth of
Venice. And if Portugal was not historically cut off from
Spain as Normandy was from France, still less was the
East-Roman Empire historically cut off from the dominions
of the intruding barbarian who cut it short.
I think then that we may safely say that the present
geographical position of Portugal is something which is
strictly unique. Nowhere else shall we find in the same
way a land which nature seems to mark for a single whole,
from which one part is cut off by a purely artificial boundary
to form a wholly independent state. Yet, if we come to
think of the historical causes which have brought about
this unique geographical position, there is really nothing
very wonderful in it. I let fall a hint a little time back
which may point to the key. I said, perhaps a little
too soon for my argument, that what we commonly mean
by Spain is Castile and Aragon. A nomenclature in
which the land which we now call Portugal was held not
to be part of Spain, would have sounded very strange at
any time before the Christian ?era and for many ages after
it. The nomenclature is of the same kind as if we opposed
to Scotland, not England but Britain, as if we opposed to
Normandy, not France but Gaul. I have had to say more
than once in my life that, if Isabel of Castile had married
a king of Portugal instead of a king of Aragon, we should
now talk of Spain and Aragon, as we do talk of Spain and
Portugal. The separation of Portugal from what we com-
monly call Spain is simply a survival from the state of
things when Spain in the natural and geographical sense
of the name, the whole peninsula, formed a world of its
own, parted out among several independent powers. One
of these has incorporated all the rest save one. Or. to speak
more truly, there was a time when it had incorporated all
of them, and one only won back its separate being. During
206 PORTUGAL AND BRAZIL. [Essay
part of the sixteenth and seventeenth century, Portugal
was, no less than Aragon, Navarre, and Granada, under the
same sovereign as Castile. Only Portugal again became
separate, which none of the others did. The look of the
map is deceptive. If we can say that the process of cutting
off from something which it suggests ever took place at all,
it was in the seventeenth century, when Portugal won back
its independence under the House of Braganza. But in
the eyes of every Portuguese that event was simply the
throwing off of an usurped power, and the bringing back
of an older and lawful state of things. With Aragon,
peacefully wedded to Castile, such a separation was not
likely to take place. But it might well have happened
with Navarre, if Navarre had had the same force and the
same luck.
Let us now take a glance at the Spanish peninsula, as it
stood in the middle of the fifteenth century. The present
position of Portugal was then not unique, even within the
bounds of the peninsula. In the map of that day we see
Spain, in the geographical sense, parted out into five
kingdoms. There was the central state, the kingdom of
Castile, more strictly the kingdom of Castile and Leon,
stretching to all the seas which surround the peninsula, to
the Mediterranean, to the main Ocean, and to that recess of
the Ocean which we call the Bay of Biscay. Around it are
grouped four smaller states, standing in a close relation to
the central kingdom, but, with one exception, in no geo-
graphical relation to one another. Portugal lies, as it lies
now, on the Western Ocean, occupying the greater part of
the western face of the peninsula, but not so completely as to
hinder Castile (in the wide sense) from reaching to the
Ocean both north and south of it. Granada holds exactly
the same position on the south-eastern sea of Spain which
Portugal holds on the Western Ocean. Like Portugal, it
has no neighbour but Castile : Castile parts Portugal and
Granada from one another. It equally parts Granada from
VIII.] THE SPANISH KINGDOMS. 207
Aragon on the eastern coast. Aragon, to be sure, has
other neighbours beside Castile. It has Navarre within the
peninsula ; it has moreover a neighbour outside the penin-
sula ; it marches on the kingdom of France ; it even itself
spreads beyond the Pyrenees. Navarre itself, away from
the sea, marches on France, as Aragon also does, and spreads
too beyond the Pyrenees. Yet, as we look at the map of that
date, Navarre has far more the air of being cut off from
Castile than either Portugal or Granada has. For the others,
the thought which so strongly suggests itself in the present
isolated condition of Portugal has no room to thrust itself
in. Aragon and Granada cannot be said to be cut off from
the land which we now call Spain, because Aragon and
Granada went with Castile to form Spain in that sense.
And Portugal, kept in countenance by Granada and
Aragon, has no more the look of being cut off from any-
thing than they have. Indeed the map of that date does
not suggest that anything has been cut off from anything
else ; it rather suggests the true account of the geographical
appearances, namely, that a central power has stretched out
its arms in various directions so as to isolate the surrounding
powers. Suppose Murcia had either kept its independence
or had been conquered by Aragon instead of by Castile.
Suppose Portugal had extended itself to the south-east,
so as to bar the central power from the mouth of all the
great Oceanic rivers. In any of these cases, and in plenty
of other cases which might be imagined, there would have
been no isolation of any of the Spanish kingdoms. Portugal
might have marched on Granada, and Granada miofht have
marched on Aragon.
When from the map we turn to the actual history, we
shall find that, so far as anything can really be said to be
cut off from anything else, the other four kingdoms might
most truly be said to have been cut off from Granada.
That is to say, the kingdom of Granada was the remnant
of a whole from which Castile, Aragon, Portugal, perhaps
even Navarre, may be truly said to have been cut away.
208 PORTUGAL AND BRAZIL. [Essay
The map does not tell us, what the history does, that of the
five kingdoms within the Spanish peninsula one was of a
wholly different nature from the other four. While Castile,
Aragon, Portugal, and Navarre, were all European, Chris-
tian, Latin-speaking, in a word Spanish, Granada was
Oriental, Mussulman, Arabic-speaking, Spanish in nothing
but the geographical sense. For all purposes but that of
the map, Granada, like the power of which Granada was
the surviving fragment, was not Spain, but Arabia trans-
lated, first to the soil of Africa and then to the soil of
Europe. South-western Europe was then going through
the same process which South-eastern Europe is now going
through under our own eyes. The people of the land were
winning back their own land from strangers. Europe was
winning back its own fi-om Asia : Christendom was winning
back its own from Islam. Only in the south-western
peninsula, if the work was done more slowly than we see
it doing in the south-eastern, it was more freely done by
the hands of those who were concerned. No Great Powers
ever stepped in to hinder the growth of Castile or Aragon
or Portugal. No European councils sat to decree that the
lands which the Cid or Saint Ferdinand had rescued should
be again thrust back under the yoke. No Imperial Otto or
Henry or Frederick ever went as a guest to Cordova or
Granada to congratulate caliph or emir on the improved
power and discipline of armies raised to wage warfare
against Christendom and Europe. Castile, Aragon, Por-
tugal, Navarre, all grew, like Greece, Servia, Bulgaria, and
Roumania, at the cost of the enemy. And three at least,
Castile. Aragon, and Portugal, struck out, each for itself,
a special geographical position and a special historical
calling.
All three alike, Aragon and Portugal, no less than Castile,
arose and grew by the same process of driving the Arab,
native or assimilated, out of this or that part of the land
of Spain. This fact is somewhat obscured in the case of
Arao-on and Portuj^al because the later and more famous
VIII.] ADVANCE AGAINST THE MUSSULMANS. 209
stages of the process were the work of Castile. It was
Castile that won Cordova and Seville on one side and
Murcia on the other ; it was Castile, in partnership to be
sure with Aragon, that won the final conquest of Granada.
But when Castile, the central power, won Cordova and
Seville on the one side and Murcia on the other, it cut oft"
Portugal and Ai-agon from any further advance at the cost
of the Mussulman. But the earlier history of Aragon and
Portugal is as much a history of strife with the Mussulman
as the early history of Castile. The winning back of
Lisbon, the winning back of Zaragoza, are trophies as
proud for Spain and Christendom as the winning back of
Toledo and Seville. Their winning back was in those times
what the winning back of Buda and Belgrade and Athens
and Sofia has been in later days. The story of the old Por-
tuguese kingdom begins with the vision and the victory of
Count Alfonso ; it ends with the warfare and the death of
Sebastian, a warfare against the same enemy waged on the
soil of Africa instead of that of Europe. What we call the
kingdom of Portugal is strictly the kingdom of Portugal and
the Algarves, And of the two lands sharing that Arabian
name, one was the Peraia of Portugal in the land of the
enemy. Still warfare with the Mussulman, advance at the
cost of the Mussulman, that is recovery of the soil once
lost to the Mussulman, though an essential element in the
life of both Portuoral .and Aragon, is not the historical
characteristic of either in the same way in which it is of
Castile. Each of the Spanish kingdoms has such a histoiic
characteristic of its own ; but the geographical position of
Aragon allowed its distinctive character to show itself
much earlier than that of Portugal.
We have seen that, as the five kingdoms stood in the
fifteenth century, Portugal had no neighbour but Castile,
while Aragon had a neighbour out of the peninsula. This
is the difierence between a land looking out only on the
Western Ocean and a land looking out on the Mediterranean
and on all its coasts. Aragon played a great part in the
p
210 PORTUGAL AND BRAZIL. [Essay
general affairs of Europe, not only earlier than Portugal, —
for we cannot say that Portugal ever played such a part. —
but earlier than Castile itself. We might even say that
Castile itself, as Castile, never played such a part. When
the whole formed by Castile and Aragon began to play a
great European part, it was by virtue of the European
position of Aragon. In the twelfth century Aragon held a
great dominion in Southern Gaul, that dominion of which
the Spanish possession of Roussillon was a long abiding-
survival. And, on the other hand, we must not forget how
long Barcelona remained a nominal fief of the French crown.
It was Aragon that in the thirteenth, fourteenth, and
fifteenth centuries, ruled in the Sicilies and in Sardinia,
and the exploits of Catalan warriors further east made an
Aragonese king of Sicily nominal overlord of Athens.
Castile has no such position as this : Granada was won for
the realm of Isabel, but Naples was won for the realm of
Ferdinand. The distinctive callino; of Portugal did not
show itself till the fifteenth century. It was one in which
Aragon, as Aragon, could not follow it, but in which the
whole formed by Castile and Aragon could and did.
What the distinctive calling of Portugal was is strongly
brought home to the mind by the two recent events which
have given Portugal and Brazil a special place in our
thoughts. Portugal finds a subject of quarrel with Great
Britain, and the place of that quarrel is in Africa. A
Portuguese prince, driven from his throne, comes back to
his own land, and the throne from which he is driven was
in America. While Castile fought her battle at home,
while Aragon stretched her power or the power of her
house over the islands and peninsulas of the Mediterranean,
the calling of Portugal was to spread her power over the
islands and the vaster peninsulas of the Ocean. Africa
and South America, two peninsulas vast indeed, of a
physical shape so like one another, each turned its own
way, looking towards each other like the letters of a
VIII.] HISTORIC CALLING OF PORTUGAL. 211
l3ov(rTpo(l}r]b6i' inscription — those are the two lands from
which the immediate interest springs. And those two
lands, with the peninsula of India itself further to the
East, were the lands which felt the expansion of Portugal.
To say that it was Portugal that first doubled the Cape of
Good Hope would be a characteristic summary of Portuguese
history. The exploit of Vasco de Gama implies the main
range of Portuguese enterprise ; it implies the African
career which went before it, and the Indian career that
followed it. It may be said that the great discovery made by
Portuguese enterprise did but follow, that it was suggested
by, the great discovery made, if not by Castilian enterprise,
yet by Genoese enterprise at a Castilian bidding. But the
work of Columbus was but a part of the general work of
Oceanic enterprise in which Portugal was undoubtedly the
leader. The father of European exploration of distant
lands, of European settlement in distant lands, was the
Portuguese prince Henry.
That this special calling should fall to the lot of Portugal
was the natural result of her position and circumstances.
Shut out from growth in her own peninsula, she still had a
work on the coast of Africa that lay opposite to her southern
face. Under a leader eager for knowledge as well as for con-
quest, this gi'ew into the career of Portugal in Africa and in
the islands which, to say the least, are nearer to Africa than
to Europe or America. To no country did discovery by sea,
dominion by sea, come so naturally as to Portugal. Other
powers followed her lead as a matter of choice ; they all
might have stayed at home. On Portugal came the strongest
pressure not to stay at home. Her work in Africa. India,
and America, was but the continuation of the first effort by
which she rose to life. She won a portion of Spanish land
back from the Saracen ; she followed him into Africa, and,
once on African ground, her career in the world at large
opened before her with an attraction which could not be
withstood. The only parallel is Russia. Russia was, and
is, placed under a temptation, a necessity, of advance by
P 2
212 PORTUGAL AND BRAZIL. [Essay
land yet stronger than the temptation which led Portugal
to advance by sea. From Kief to Kamtschatka a man may
walk ; from Moscow the walk is somewhat shorter. And
with the Tartar at Kasan and Astrakhan, the walk was as
sure to be begun as the walk of Castile when the Saracen was
at Burgos and Toledo. And when such a walk is begun,
it is hard indeed to find the halting-place till the sea forbids
any further walk. It is so whether the sea is the far distant
northern Pacific or the comparatively near strait of Gibral-
tar. Castile might have kept herself out of Mexico. England
might have kept herself out of Virginia, France might have
kept herself out of Canada. The old Netherlands might
have kept themselves out of the New. But Russia had her
Mexico as well as her Granada, she had her Virginia, her
India, and her Algeria, close at hand. For Russia not to
advance in Northern Europe and Asia was impossible. And,
if not impossible, it would at least have been very hard,
for Portugal not to advance along the African coasts and
seas, very hard for her not to advance yet further to the
more brilliant Asiatic lands to which the African coasts
and seas were an easy path.
The result of all this distant discovery was that Portugal
rose for a short time to a position in the world which is
startling compared with her position either in earlier or
later times. I can make no exact reference, but I remem-
ber a despatch in which a Mogul Emperor addresses a King
of Portugal as ' the most powerful king among the followers
of Jesus.' Such a description sounds strange now ; from a
purely European point of view, it must have sounded strange
then ; but from the point of view of an Eastern potentate
it was perfectly natural. This temporary lifting up of a
kingdom or people to a place beyond its natural strength,
a place which it cannot permanently keep, commonly
causes the power so lifted up for a while to sink in after
times rather below its natural place. Besides Portugal, this
has happened to the Spain which was formed beside her by
the union of Castile and Aragon. It has happened to the
VJIL] ADVAXCE OF PORTUGAL AND OF RUSSIA. 213
United Provinces which threw off the yoke of Spain. It has
happened to the chief kingdom of that Scandinavian pen-
insula which balances Spain in the comparative geography
of Europe. Spain, the Netherlands, Sweden, would all
perhaps be greater now, if they had not all been so unnatur-
ally great for a century or two. And here again we may
draw some analogies and contrasts. The greatness of
Sweden was wholly European ; she had colonies, but assur-
edly they added nothing to her power. The greatness of
Portugal lay wholly in colonies and distant possessions ; we
cannot call her a great European power at any time. The
greatness of the United Provinces also rested largely on
colonies and distant possessions ; but they had an European
greatness too, a greatness, if not of territorial extent, yet of
political and moral position. It was only the power formed
by the union of Castile and Aragon which was for a while
overwhelmingly great, in Europe and out of Europe. That
is to say, to the European position which it inherited from
Aragon it added another European position which came to it
with the Austrian heirs of Burgundy, and a position in the
worlds beyond the Ocean which it had in truth won by
walking in the steps of Portugal.
In the worlds beyond the Ocean the two powers, Portugal
and Castile— the Castile which had walked in her steps'—
might fairly count as peers. And for a while no other
nations stood by the side of either. As things stood at the
moment, it was a happy instinct which led Pope Alexander
to divide those worlds between them. But, when the
sixteenth century opened on the greatest position of Por-
tugal in the Oceanic world, her position in her own
peninsula was frightfully changed. Once one kingdom
among five, and, if not the greatest of them, still less the
smallest, she now found herself shut up in her own corner
of the world alongside of a single power far greater than
herself. Castileand Aragon were wedded together; Granada
was conquered; Navarre was soon to be conquered also.
Portugal, in distant lands the peer of the new power, began
214 PORTUGAL AND BRAZIL. [Essay
in Europe, in her own peninsula, to look like something cut
off from the dominions of that new power, or perhaps rather
like something to which that new power had granted the
grace of the Cyclops and was keeping it to be devoured the
last. And so it was. A change of nomenclature now
finally prevailed which set forth the change in fact. Long
before this time the Kings of Castile were often laxly
spoken of as Kings of Spain. Two Alfonsos indeed had
borne themselves as Emperors in their own peninsula, as our
kings bore themselves as Emperors in their own island. To
speak of a King of Castile as King of Spain, as was common
enough in the fourteenth century, marks, among other
things, the forgetfulness of his Imperial claims. The King
of Castile seemed in ordinary European eyes to be King of
Spain, because Portugal had little to do with other European
lands, and because Aragon had so much to do with other
European lands that its king seemed to be of another class
from a king who reigned in Spain, and in Spain only. The
Peter who fell at Muret and the Peter who came to the help
of Sicily could hardly be called purely Spanish sovereigns.
Ferdinand the Catholic himself, before he went on to con-
quests in Spain or in Italy, was a Sicilian as well as a
Spanish king. But the wedding of Castile and Aragon,
followed by the conquest of Granada, gave things another
look. The kings of such a realm were Kings of Spain in a
new sense, a sense which for the present shut out Portugal,
but which also hinted that the Spanish realm might be made
complete by its annexation. From this time, in popular
speech at least, the words Spain and Portugal came to be
used as they are now. And the Portugal which was no
longer counted to be part of Spain, was presently to fall
under the yoke of Spain. Then it was, by another turn of
the story, to win back its independence, at the cost of the
deepest and most abiding hatred between the two nations
thus shut up together in a land which nature has parted off
from the rest of the world.
Philip the Second, ruler of so many other lands, was
VIII.] GROWTH OF CASTILE AND ARAGON. 21 o
thus King of Spain — King of the Spains — in a sense in
which none had been before him. He was immediate
sovereign of the whole peninsula. But conquered Portugal
could not be kept like wedded Aragon. There were to be
sure differences with Aragon also, above all with those
stout-hearted Catalans who never forgot that they had a
national being of their own. But it was Portugal only
which, by falling back on its separate and independent
being, broke up again the momentary union of the Iberian
kingdoms. That restored Portugal never again won back
its ancient place, that such European position as it has had
it has largely had through being the cherished ally of Eng-
land, are facts clearly to be seen. But how wide the gap is
between restored Portugal and Spain in the modern sense
is best shown by a fact of our own. day. We have seen a
Portuguese king decline the splendid offer of the Spanish
crown on the express ground that the two nations could
never be got to dwell together in unity. To the usual
bitterness of neighbours, to the special bitterness of kindred
neighbours, was added the memory of a day of subjection
and a war of independence. So thoroughly have Spain
and Portugal been parted, so little does Portugal hold
itself to have any share in the Spanish name, that it was
deemed wiser for Portugal, which had once unwillingly
obeyed a Spanish king, to refuse to give in return a
king to what seemed, for a moment at least, a not-unwilling
Spain.
A short space only is left to say a word about the great
American colony of Portugal, which has chanced to make
itself famous at the same moment as the mother-country.
What is specially characteristic of Portugal is her presence
in Africa and India. Her presence in America is less
distinctive ; it is shared with Spain, France, England,
the Netherlands, with Sweden for a moment. It is dis-
tinctive only because in this part of the world, Portugal
was outstripped in the race which she had herself begun,
216 PORTUGAL AND BRAZIL. [Essay
and yet was able to secure no mean share in the end.
What draws most attention to Brazil is her peculiar history
in the present century, the special line which she took
when the American colony of Portugal, like the American
colonies of England and Spain, had to part company with
the mother-country. In the great case of arbitration
between Great Britain and the United States, two of the
arbitrators were the Emperor of the one American mon-
archy and the President of the one European federal
republic. It might not be accurate to say that Brazil is
the only monarchy that America has ever seen ; for one
native and one foreign adventurer have borne the style of
Emperor of Mexico. Only a month or two back we should
have said that Brazil stood in a relation in which no other
European settlement in America has ever stood, both to
the mother-country and to the royal house of the mother-
country. While Brazil was still part of the dominions of
an European sovereign, it was the only American posses-
sion of an European sovereign which ever enjoyed the
personal presence of its sovereign. It is true that no
king of Portugal ever thought of visiting Brazil as long
as he could find a home in Portugal ; but then no king of
Spain or of England ever thought, in his days of good luck
or of bad, of visiting his American dominions at all. The
great American colony formed a part of the style of the
King of Portugal, Brazil, and the Algarves, in a more
definite shape than when the Kings of Spain added to the
long string of their European titles that they were Kings
also ' of the Islands and Continents of the Ocean, and of
the East and West Indies.' And when the time came for
parting between metropolis and colony, the parting was
friendly. No War of Independence was needed ; no
Washington or Bolivar was needed. The colony became
an independent state, but it kept on princely govern-
ment in the princely house. If anything, the colony kept
on more of princely dignity than the mother-country. It
was in Brazil that the male line of Braganza went on
VIII.] THE ONE AMERICAN MONARCHY. 217
reigning, while the accidents of female succession made
Portugal one of the many realms of the house of Coburg.
Had the Brazilian monarchy lasted, the like accident
would presently have carried it also out of the male line
of Braganza ; but it would have carried it only to another
branch of the ancestral stock of all. We must not forget
that the old kingly line of Portugal came, not indeed of
Bourbon or of Valois, but none the less of the stock of
Hugh Capet and of Robert the Strong.
In another way also the branch of the house of Braganza
which reigned in Brazil, might seem to take on itself
greater honour than the branch which reigned in Portugal.
It is hard to say on what ground a ruler of Brazil could
lay any claim to the Imperial style. He could not, like
European Tzars and Kaisers, claim to bear about him some
shred of the purple of Augustus ; nor was he Emperor, so
to speak, by analogy, as being the Over-lord of kings,
a IBaa-Lkevs with his pfiye^ around him. But one might
have left him his title undisturbed. At the worst it
was a piece of childish vanity. The Imperial style of
Brazil was no deliberate imposture, nor was it likely to
lead the most unwary into reading the history of the world
backwards.
Of the late revolution in Brazil it is too early to speak.
That the blow has fallen on one who little deserved it none
can deny. And it would be rash to say that a monarchy
must needs be out of place on American soil, lest some one
should infer from that doctrine that a commonwealth must
needs be out of place on European soil. One thing at least
is clear. Portugal and Brazil had learned their lesson from
the errors of England and Spain. Those who had the
wisdom to guide a metropolis and its colony into the sure
haven of a peaceful parting, those who had the good luck to
found a Syracuse where other powers could do little more
than found a Korkyra, have a good right to count among
the benefactors of mankind. Let us at least hope that their
work may not wholly pass away in later changes, and that,
218 PORTUGAL AND BRAZIL. [Essay
whenever another such work as theirs is called for, the
fruits of their wisdom may not be forgotten.*
* [It is strange, while revising the proof-sheets (November, 1891),
to hear of a new Brazilian revolution of the common South American
type. When a 'Dictator' dissolves the Assembly and proclaims
martial law, one ventures to doubt whether, even from the point of
I'iew of democracy, it is well to have got rid of a ^acnXivi to put a
Tvpawos in his stead.]
IX.] ALTER ORBIS. 219
IX.
ALTER ORBIS*
I AM not going to discuss the question of the Channel
Tunnel. On the military aspect of the matter I could say
nothing beyond a single hint. I would ask, with the lowli-
ness of an ignorant civilian, whether, if there be any military
danger, it is not a danger that cuts both ways. It is as-
sumed that the tunnel will be threatening to England ; if it
be threatening at all, why should it not be just as threaten-
ing to France ? It is certain that, from the earliest times
onwards, English armies have been much oftener seen in
France than French armies have been seen in England. Or
rather, we should not speak of France and England. The
question is one of lands and not of nations ; it is a question
that existed before England and France, as such, had come into
being, and it would still exist if Englishmen and Frenchmen
should cease to be, and if some other nations should hold
the northern and southern sides of the ' streak of silver sea.'
Tlie question is purely geographical, and the invasions of
Caesar and William have as much to do with the matter as the
invasions the other way of Edward the Third and Henry the
Fifth. Indeed our own presence in our own island is one part
of the case. There is no fact in history more important than
the very obvious fact that those from whom part of Britain
took the name of England came into Britain by sea, while
those from whom part of Gaul took the name of France
came into Gaul by land. If it be said that we came in by
the German Ocean and not by the Channel, it is easy to
* [June, 1882.]
220 ALTER ORBIS. [Essay
answer that the only real question is that of the insular
position of Britain on all sides. And it is no less easy to
answer that two of the Teutonic settlements in Britain, one
of them the settlement which in the end s^rew into Enoland,
were actually made by way of the Channel. The plain facts
are that not a few invaders have in various ages crossed both
from the mainland to Britain and from Britain to the main-
land, and that, since the nations of Europe made any approach
to their present shape, the number of invaders who have crossed
from Britain to the mainland is far greater than the number
of invaders who have crossed from the mainland to Britain.
The general danger seems equal on both sides ; whether the
tunnel, as a tunnel, implies any special danger to one side
which it does not imply to the other side is a point on which
I have no right to say a word. Buonaparte could not get
from Boulogne to England ; it may be that, if there had
been a tunnel at that point, he would have come across.
Henry the Eighth did get from England to Boulogne, but
he got there only by going round by way of Edward the
Fifths conquest of Calais. Had there been a tunnel at that
point, he might perhaps have been able to go straight across.
I cannot decide such questions.
I must confess that I do not love the notion of the tunnel.
I rather share the sentiment which the Pythian priestess put
forth to the men of Knidos in the opposite case:
i(jdfj.ov 8e fjLi) TTVpyovre /i?]S' opvarrerf,
Zevs yap k i6r]Ke vrjaof, d k e/3oi'Xero.
I do not mean to take up a line which might condemn
almost any great enterprise, any cutting through of necks
of land, any tunnelling through the depths of mountains.
But it does seem a strong thing to do ought that may even
seem to wipe out the distinctive geographical and historical
character of a land — to do ought that may seem to take
away from it that which has made it and its people to be
what they have ever been. I am certainly set against the
TX.] INSULAR CHARACTER OF BRITAIN. 221
tnnnel, not on military grounds, of which I am no judge,
but from a fear that it may do something to lessen the
insular character of Britain. I fear that it may do some-
thing to take from us, either in our own eyes or in the eyes
of others, our ancient position as alter orhis, as a separate
world of our own. We dwell in an island great enough to
have always had interests of its own, thoughts of its own —
great enough to impress upon its people a distinct character
directly as islanders, irrespective of any other features of
character which belong to them through other causes, either
of original descent or of later history. It is the insular cha-
racter of Britain which has, beyond anything else, made
the inhabitants of Britain what they are and the history of
Britain what it has been. We are islanders: and I at least
do not wish that we should become continentals. My only
reason for being set against the tunnel is a fear — perhaps
not altogether a fear, rather a mere vague kind of feeling —
that it may do something, in sentiment at least, towards
making us cease to be islanders, and become continentals.
Up to this moment every man who has passed from the
mainland to Britain or from Britain to the mainland has
passed by one process, that of crossing the sea. Nothing
has so strongly kept up the feeling of our island being,
nothing has so deeply impressed it on our own minds and
on the minds of others, as this simple fact that Britain can
be reached only by sea. We might even go a step further :
we might say that this insular character is not merely a
characteristic of Britain and of its inhabitants of all its
three races, but that it has become a characteristic of the
English folk wherever they dwell. The more part of the
still dependent colonists of Great Britain are geographically
islanders ; and even those who are geographically conti-
nentals are practically islanders. They cannot go to and
fro, either towards the mother-country or towards any
other European land, except by sea. And even our
mightier independent colonies, the newer and vaster Eng-
land beyond the Ocean, are, in a certain sense, insular
222 ALTER ORBIS. [Essay
also. The people of the United States, even in their vast
continent, with a greater stretch of continuous habitable
mainland than any other people, are, for many purposes,
practically islanders, and that even in a more emphatic
sense than ourselves. They cannot match themselves with
their fellows, they cannot visit either their mother-land
or the land of any other nation of their own rank, with-
out crossing, not a narrow strait, but the Ocean itself.
And much of the distinctive character of the English folk
in America, much of the distinctive character of the
English folk in Britain, undoubtedly comes from this
practically insular position of both. Some may perhaps
wish the character of the English folk in either hemi-
sphere to be other than it is, and doubtless we are not
so perfect in either hemisphere but that we could stand
some improvement. But any improvement which would
make us cease to be islanders would be, if not improving
us off the face of the earth, at least improving us out of
ourselves, and making us into some other people.
The American and the Australian aspects of the question
we may pass by. No one, just yet at least, is likely to
tunnel under the Ocean ; the present question is simply
one of tunnelling under the strait of Dover. To my mind
the question comes simply to this: Will the proposed
tunnel do anything to lessen our insular character, or will
it not? If it is likely so to do, let it be hindered for the
sake of our present welfare and our future prospects. If
there is no such danger, the tunnel has no more to be said
against it than any other projected improvement in the way
of travelling. Whether it is likely to bring about a change
which I should so greatly dislike, I do not undertake to
judge : it is enough that the least suspicion of such a change
is alarming. But I will not enter further into the question
than to make one more remark, to expose a single fallacy.
It is sometimes said that the tunnel is of itself simply of a
piece with any other improved means of communication,
with railways, steamers, tunnels and bridges in other places.
IX.] CHANGE IMPLIED IN THE TUNNEL. 223
But there is a wide difference between the two eases.
Railways and steamers, just like printing, simply enable us
to do something better which we have always done somehow.
The Channel tunnel is a proposal to make us do something
which we have never done before. It has always been
possible to cross the Channel by water. Successive ages
have improved the means of crossing : a swift steamer is a
better way of accomplishing the object than a coracle ; but
the difference between the two is a mere difference of detail.
So it has always been possible to go by land from Spain to
Russia. An express train is a better way of so doing than
walking or riding ; but the difference again is a mere
difference of detail. But to go from Britain to the con-
tinent of Europe as the tunnel would take us — one hardly
knows whether to call it going by land, but at any rate
in some other way than crossing by water — is something
altogether new. It is something altogether different from
any mere improvement in the way of going by land or in
the way of going by water. It is a change of a far more
striking and emphatic kind, and must be argued for or
against on quite other grounds.
I will go no further into the argument whether the
Channel tunnel is or is not likely practically to affect our
insular character. But the fact that such a point can be
raised may make it no bad time to give some little thought
to that insular character of ourselves and our land, and to
the way in which it has from the earliest recorded times
affected both our own history and the history of our land
before its history became ours. The greatest fact in the
history of Britain is the geographical fact that Britain is an
island. This is the ruling fact which has determined the
nature of all other facts in British history. It is a greater
fact than the Norman Conquest, than the conversion of
^Ethelberht, than the settlement of the Angles and Saxons.
For it is the earlier fact which gave all these events their
special character. Not one of those leading facts in our
224 ALTER OBBIS. [Essay
history could ever have had the same character which it
actually had, none of them could have had the same historic
position, the same relation to other facts if it had happened
on any soil but that of an island. Britain has been from
the very beginning another world — olter orhis — a world
which has been felt from the beginnino- to lie outside the
general world of Europe, the world of Rome. This position
is only the highest case of a position common to most
islands which are large enough to have a really separate
being. Britain is the only island in Europe large enough
to become strictly another world ; but there are other
islands whose insular position has given their history a
special character, differing from that of Britain only in
degree. A great island, one great enough to h^ive its
own feelings and interests, great enough, to think and act
for itself, can never be really made one with the neigh-
bouring mainland, whether that mainland take the shape
of a continent or of a still greater island. Even very
small islands have often maintained a degree of indepen-
dence, and have reached to an importance in the history
of the world, which could never have been reached by a
district on the mainland of no greater extent. The history
of Venice is something so exceptional that it is hardly fair
to refer to it as an instance of anything ; but it hardly
needs proof that a Venice on the mainland of Venetia could
never have run the same course as the real Venice on the
bosom of her lagoons. But islands of far less fame have
often won for themselves, for a while at least, a position
altogether disproportionate to their extent and their lasting-
resources. Take some of the Greek islands at different
periods of their history, Naxos, Samos, Aigina, and in later
days, Hydra, Spetza, and Psara. In none of these cases was
the o-reatness lastino- : but it was wonderful while it did
last, and it certainly could not have fallen to the lot of any
continental district of no greater territorial measure.
But it is in the great islands, islands which themselves
sometimes form a mainland with lesser islands around them,
IX.] GENERAL CHARACTER OF ISLANDS. 225
that the effects of the insular position come out most
strongly. Look at Sicily, look at Britain with regard to
Europe, look at Ireland with regard to Britain itself. The
strangest result of the establishment of Italian freedom has
been that the name of Sicily has been, for the first time in
its long history, wiped out of the map of Europe. And I
venture to think that this somewhat hasty dealing with an
ancient and illustrious kingdom, as it was a historic wrong,
was also a political mistake. The name of Ireland at once
provokes controversies on which I will not enter ; I will
say only that it is arguing from an utterly false analogy to
expect that the kind of dealings, the kind of union, which
have proved successful in the case of Scotland and Wales,
will therefore prove successful in the case of Ireland also.
England, Wales, and Scotland are bound together by the
hand of nature ; Britain and Ireland are parted asunder by
the hand of nature."^ I have noticed even in Corfu, an
island not indeed on the scale of Britain or even of Sicily,
but great among the other islands of the Greek kingdom,
that there was a certain feeling of insular jealousy, a feeling
that so renowned and valuable an island had hardly been
made enough of since its union with the mainland and the
lesser islands of the kingdom. From Corfu in its freedom
we may turn to Crete in its bondage. The mere fact that
Crete is an island, by far the greatest island within its own
immediate range, gives it a separate being, and thereby a
special importance, among the lands yet to be delivered.
Samos again has been able to receive a measure of freedom
and to prosper under it, in a way which would hardly have
been possible in a district of the mainland of the same
size. Still Corfii. Crete, Sicily, Ireland, however much their
insular position has affected their character and history,
could none of them aspire to the wholly separate rank of
alter orbis. They must be content to hold in some sort the
position of satellites ; or, if they are not satellites of a
* [Written in 1882. Cf. William Rufus, vol. ii. p. 7.]
226 ALTER ORBIS. [Essay
greater neighbour, they must at least be content to become
in some sort members of a greater whole, parts of some
greater system. Whatever be the hopes or the destinies
of Ireland, it must stand towards Britain in some relation —
be that relation of whatever kind — in which neither Ireland
nor Britain stands to any other land. Iceland again can
hardly fail to stand in some special relation to some one or
other of the Scandinavian lands of the continent ; size and
distance are here outweighed by lack of population and
productiveness. Yet even in the case of Iceland it was
found not long ago to be an act of justice and expediency to
raise her from the state of a mere dependency to the rank
of a distinct member of the dominions of her sovereign,
enjoying a constitution of her own.
But there is one island which holds a higher place in
history than any of her fellows either of the Mediter-
ranean or the Ocean. It is Britain alone that has been
truly .deemed another world from the very beginning of
her known being. When the first blow was struck
which gave Britain a place in the history of the nations,
the exploit of Csesar in crossing to the great island was
looked on as the discovery and contemplated conquest of
another world. The world of Rome was not enough for
him : he set forth to seek another, to add a fresh world to
the rule of Rome and his own.* ' Our world,' ' the Roman
world,' is a common phrase amoug writers of the Roman
Empire ; and to this Roman world the other world of Britain
is not uncommonly opposed. In later days, when Rome
was represented in the eyes of men by her Pontiff rather
than by her Emperor, that Pontiff, ' Pope of the world,'
could receive the Primate of all England as the ' Pope of
another world,' nearer in place to himself than the pre-
* ' Alterum pene imperio nostro ac suo quaerens orbem,' says
Yelleius, ii. 46. So Floras, iii. 10, ' Quasi hie Romanus orbis non
sufficeret, alterum cogitavit.' I have collected these and a good
many other passages of the same kind in the notes to Comparative
Politics, p. 351. and Noi'man Conquest, i. 564.
IX.] BRITAIN ANOTHER WORLD. 227
late of any see within the world of Rome.* And if
Britain seemed another world to those who dwelled in
the world of Rome, her rulers were no less ready to set
forth her rank as alter orhis to swell the pomp of their Im-
perial titles. In the days of West-Saxon glory our princes
were kings, emperors, caretakers, of the world of Britain.f
It was the insular position of Britain, its isolation from
the affairs of the continent, the multiplicity of nations and
interests within it, the analogy between the position of its
chief ruler among its lesser princes and the position of the
Imperial lords of the Old and the New Rome, which, more
than anything else, suggested that claim to an Imperial
character which Eadgar thought it needful to assert in the
days of Saxon Otto, and which Henry the Eighth thought
it needful to assert in the days of Austrian Charles. There
was one world, a Roman world, whose sovereign was con-
fessedly mundi doviinus, lord of the world, but only of his
own Roman world. There was another world, an island
world, which formed no part of his rule, whose princes owed
him no homage, whose chief prince, lord of his own world,
was deemed, in far later days, to be not only king, but
Emperor within it.J In those days the Imperial title still
had a meaning. The lord of the Roman world still held a
place in men's thoughts which made it needful to assert that
the other world and its sovereign owed him no allegiance.
As the idea of a Roman world and a Roman Emperor died
out, as the head of the isle of Britain changed from the
Imperial chief of princes and under-kings into the immediate
king of the whole land, there was no longer any reason
either to deny dependence on Rome or to assert superiority
over Wales and Scotland. One form, one specially contro-
* 'Orbis papa,' 'apostolicus orbis,' 'alterius orbis apostolicus,'
' alterius orbis papa.' See the references given above.
t Florence of Worcester (a.d. 975) calls Eadgar 'Anglici orbis
basileus,' and -lEthelstan, in a charter (Cod. Dipl. v. 231), calls himself
' Rex Anglorum et seque totius Britannioe orbis curagulus.'
X For instances of the title under Edward the First, Richard the
Second, and Henry the Fifth, see Norman Conquest, i. 562.
Q 2
228 ALTER ORBIS. [Essay
versial form, of opposition between the island world and the
continental world thus passed away. But the island world
in no way ceased to be an island world. If, through the
union of its once contending elements, it came to bear less
of likeness to the world of the mainland, its union did, on
the other hand, weld it more thoroughly than ever into a
separate world, having thoughts, ways, feelings, and manners,
which are in many things special to itself, and unlike those
which are usual in the continental world, the world that
once had been the world of Rome.
I hope it may not be thought unbecoming egotism if
I here make a quotation from myself. Nine years ago,
speaking of that Imperial stjle of the English kings to
which I have just referred, I wrote these words, and I am
not sure that I could put the same thoughts into better
words now : — *
' All this is much more than rhetoric ; it is more even than national
or territorial feeling. Our insular position has been one of the
greatest facts of our history ; it has caused a distinction between us
islanders and our neighbours on the continent which is independent
of all distinctions of race, lang-uage, or religion, and which is often
found at cross puiposes with all of them. We feel at once that there
are some points, great and small, in which we stand by ourselves in
opposition to continentals, simply as continentals. This is a fact which
should carefully be borne in mind, because some points of difference
between ourselves and our kinsfolk on the mainland, which are really
owing simply to our geographical isolation, have been set down as
proofs of imaginary Roman or British influences in England.'
Here, I still think, is the root of the matter. The inhabi-
tant of Britain, Celtic, Teutonic, or any other — and late
researches must make us at least weigh the possibility of
the existence of others — is Celtic, Teutonic, or whatever he
is, with a difference. He is the Celt or the Teuton inhabit-
ing a great island, and marked off thereby from the Celt or
the Teuton of the mainland. He differs from his kinsfolk
of the mainland so far as his insular position makes him to
* Comparative Politics, p. 352. [1873.1
IX.] EFFECTS OF AN INSULAR POSITION. 229
differ ; he agrees with men of other races in his own island
so far as their common insular position makes him to agree
There is a superficial likeness in many ways among all
continentals ; there are a crowd of points in which Germans,
Frenchmen, Italians, widely as they differ among them-
selves, seem at first sis^ht to a^ee with one another and to
differ from Englishmen. And, as regards many of the small
mattei'S which lie on the surface of speech and manners,
this is undoubtedly true. The essential unity of the insular
and the continental Teuton has commonly to be looked for
below the surface. Hence it is, as I said nine years ago,
that the points of likeness which cannot fail to arise be-
tween men of different races dwelling in the same world,
the points of unlikeness which cannot fail to arise between
men of the same race dwelling in different worlds, have
been often attributed to wrong causes, to the frequent mis-
understanding of the whole course of our history. The man
of Nether-Dutch stock will differ a good deal according as
he is settled in the Teutonic lands of the elder continent,
in the elder England in Britain, or in the newer England
beyond the Ocean. In his two earlier seats at least he
cannot fail to put on some points of likeness to his neigh-
bours of other races. The point is that these likenesses
and unlikenesses, the result of comparatively modern
historical causes, should not be confounded with those
more ancient likenesses and unlikenesses, the result of
far earlier historic causes, which we call likenesses and
unlikenesses of race.
One thing at least is not too much to say. Whatever
may be the likenesses or unlikenesses among the Celtic and
Teutonic inhabitants of Britain, and to whatever causes we
may attribute those likenesses and unlikenesses, it is wholly
owing to the insular position of Britain that it contains any
inhabitants whom we can call either Celtic or Teutonic in
any reasonable sense. The peculiar position of Britain
under Roman rule, so different from that of the other
Western provinces — the peculiar circumstances and results
230 ALTER ORB IS. [Essay
of the Teutonic conquest of Britain, so different from those of
the Teutonic conquests of the other Western provinces — all
in short that distinguishes the history of Britain from the
history of Gaul — all come of the fact that Britain is an
island, such an island as could challenge the name of
another world. In the days of the elder Empire, the con-
quest and occupation of the British province was clearly as
thorough as the conquest and occupation of any other
province. But the province beyond the sea — the other
world which one Ceesar sought to add, and which another
Ceesar did add, to the elder world of Rome — though it
might be conquered and occupied, could not be assimilated
like the provinces which formed part of that elder world.
The plainest facts of all are the surest proofs. In Gaul and
Spain the tongues which were spoken by the men of the
land before the Roman came, the tongues of the conquerors
who came when the power of Rome was giving way, alike
yielded to the charmed influence of the Imperial speech.
The tongue of the Gaul, the tongue of the Frank and the
Goth, have both vanished before the tongue of Rome. The
speech of the old Iberian indeed abides as a survival in a
corner, and a speech at least akin to that of the Gaul abides
as a survival in a larger corner. But the tongue of the
Lesser Britain is in truth a survival, not of the Celt of Gaul
on his own soil, but of the Celt of the Greater Britain
flying from his own soil to the land to which he gave a new
name. The still abiding life of the Celtic speech of Brittany
is in truth part of the British, not of the Gaulish, argument ;
it is no small part of the evidence which shows how unlike
the state of Britain was to the state of Gaul. In Britain
the tongues of the Celt and of his Teutonic conqueror still
abide ; the tongue of Rome has no place in the land ; as far
as we can see, it has for fourteen hundred years had no place
in the land as the living tongue of a people. The simple
facts that Britain is inhabited by men speaking a Celtic
and a Teutonic tongue, but that no part of the land is in-
habited by men speaking a Romance tongue — that is, the
IX.] THE CELTS OF BRITAIN. CSl
facts that English, Welsh, and Gaelic, are abiding tongues,
and the only abiding tongues, in Britain — the fact that the
Celtic speech of Britain is no mere survival in a corner, no
speech brought in from another land, but the abiding speech
of an appreciable part of the island, of so much of the island
as the Teutonic conquerors failed to occupy and to assimi-
late — these simple facts, open to every eye, teach us better
than anything else the mighty results of dwelling in an
island world. They show that, when the Teutonic con-
querors of Britain first landed in that world, the men whom
they found in it were not mere Koman provincials, knowing
no speech and nationality but that of Rome, provincials who
looked to Caesar's legions to fight for them, but who, when
Csesar's legions failed to help them, had no thought of
fighting for themselves. What they found was a British
people, divided indeed, incapable of national union, but
not more divided, not more incapable of union, than
their Teutonic invaders. They found a people whom
Rome had conquered, whom she had deeply influenced,
among whom she had left many of her traditions, but
whom she had never really assimilated, never gathered
into her own substance. That people Rome had now left
to fight their own battles, and they fought them well and
bravely, disputing in arms every step of the invader's pro-
gress. The stout resistance of Britain, compared with the
tame submission of the other provinces, came of the fact
that in the one case there was a British people ready to
tight for its own, while in the other there were mere pro-
vincials who had lost all national feeling and national
strength. And for this difference between the two cases
no reason can be given except that the continental
provinces, parts of the world of Rome, could be assimi-
lated as well as conquered and occupied, while, when
Csesar stepped out of his own world into the other world
of the great island, he could conquer and occupy, but could
not assimilate. When therefore his arm was withdrawn,
a nation sprang to life again, a nation which still abides.
232 ALTER ORBIS. [Essat
That Britain still contains a British people, speaking a
British tongue, is one of the results of the ruling fact that
Britain is an island.
But if the Briton still remains a Briton because the land
in which he has dwelled for so many ages is an island, it is
that same great fact in our geography which has also ruled
that the Englishman who came so many ages after him
still remains an Englishman. The island world presented
no attractions to those among the Teutonic settlers whose
habits and whose geographical position caused their settle-
ments to be made by land. There was no temptation to
the Goth, the Frank, or the Burgundian, to cross the streak
of silver sea which parted the two worlds. It suited him
far better to press on step by step into the more inviting
lands of Italy, Gaul, and Spain, lands at once easier to
reach and easier to win. The conquest of Britain therefore
did not fall to the lot of any of those among the Teutonic
nations who had already learned to respect, in some measure
to copy, Roman culture, and who, in becoming the con-
querors of Rome, were ready also to become her disciples.
It did not fall to the lot of those who had either adopted
the new faith of Rome before they crossed her borders, or
else adopted it in the very act of settling in the conquered
land. The work fell to the lot of other and more distant
tribes for whom the island world had attractions. These
were the seafaring people of the old Anglian and Saxon
lands, who dwelled apart from the Roman power, who
were untouched by Roman culture, and to whom the new
faith of Rome was utterly unknown. Coming by sea,
leavino- their old homes behind them in a more thoroush
way than they could do who pressed in step by step by
land, feeling none of the reverence for Roman civilization
which was felt by those who came by land, meeting on the
other hand with a kind of resistance which those who came
by land never met with, our forefathers were, by the nature
' of the case, by the direct effect of the insular character of
the land in which they settled, driven to settle as destroyers.
TX.] THE TEUTONS IN BRITAIN 233
Hence the special character of the English conquest of
Britain, as distinguished from the Teutonic conquests of
the Roman lands on the continent. But hence too, as we
have already seen, the continued life of the elder inhabi-
tants and all that belonged to them, in no inconsiderable
part of the land. All this stands in utter contrast to the
state of things in Gaul."^ There, instead of the old Celtic
inhabitants and the new Teutonic conquerors living on in
different parts of the land, each keeping its own speech, and
neither of them a Roman speech, we see a new people
formed by the union of the old inhabitants and the new
conquerors, a people which cannot, without limitations, be
called either Celtic, Roman, or Teutonic, a people which
may be called by either of those names from different
points of view, a people whose blood must be mainly
Celtic, whose speech is Roman, whose political history is
Teutonic. In a word, it is because Britain is an island
that we have in Britain a Celtic and a Teutonic people,
but no people that can from any point of view be looked
on as Roman. Because Gaul is part of the mainland, we
have in Gaul a people which we may at pleasure call
either Celtic, Roman, or Teutonic, or deny to be any one
of the three. Because Britain is an island, we have in
Britain the Welsh and the English people, each with its
own tongue and its own histor3^ Because Gaul is part
of the mainland, we have in Gaul the French people,
with their tongue and history, as marked as that of
the Welsh or the English, but utterly different from either.
That is, the insular position of our land led directly
to the special condition of Britain both under the Roman
rule and after its withdrawal. It led directly to the
peculiar nature of the English conquest, unique among
* I ta,ke Gaul as the typical land, because there the natural results
of the Teutonic occupation of a Roman land were left to develope
themselves with least interference from outside. In Italy the process
was checked by the recovery of the land for the Empire ; in Spain
it was disturbed— in some things hastened, in others delayed— by the
Saracen conquest.
234 ALTER ORBIS. [Essay
the Teutonic conquests. That is, it led directly to the
distinctive historical life alike of the British and of the
English people.
If the Roman occupation had in some measure weakened
the claim of Britain to be looked on as another world, that
claim was brought to life again in all its fulness by the
English conquest. The ' making of England,' to adopt the
happy phrase of John Richard Green,"^ was done in an
island, and the ' making of England ' was the growth of the
national life of Englishmen. When we came to Britain,
our national life was not yet fully formed ; we brought
with us its germs and its germs only ; we became a nation
on the soil of the conquered island. Thus we grew up an
insular people, necessarily dift'ering in some things from
our kinsfolk in the continental world, necessarily approach-
ing in some things to our neighbours and enemies in our
own world. We grew up as a Teutonic people, in some
things more purely Teutonic than our kinsfolk of the
mainland. For we never accepted the law of Rome, we
never saw a Roman Empire of the English Nation. But
we grew up as an insular Teutonic people, a people of a
thoroughly insular mould, whose insular characteristics
parted us in many things from every continental Teutonic
people. We are at least as strictly Teutonic as the High-
Germans — for the Slavonic infusion in Germany must be
at least as great as the Celtic infusion in England ; but
while we show the common Teutonic character modified in
one way, they show it modified in another way. In them
it was modified by their so strangely drawing to themselves
the elder Empire, and making the crown of Csesar a German
possession. In us it was modified by our settlement in a
great isle, by our there setting up an empire of our own,
the empire of another world.
The insular position of Britain has thus always been the
leading fact of British history, but it would seem to have
* [The phrase was new in 1882.]
JX.] INVASIONS OF BRITAIN. 235
affected British history in opposite ways at different times.
For some ages it laid the island world specially open to
invasion from all quarters : for some ages again it has
specially preserved it against important or successful in-
vasion. We may perhaps draw the line between the two
periods at the eleventh century. Within that century
come the last cases of great and successful invasion of
Britain, whether by way of the Channel or by way of
the Northern Ocean. Putting aside smaller expeditions,
successful or unsuccessful, putting aside the coming of
Harold Hardrada and several less famous Scandinavian
voyagers later in the century, the eleventh century,
unlike any century before or after, twice saw the crown
of England, for the only times since there was an united
England, pass, as the prize of successful invasion, to
conquerors from beyond the sea. No earlier invader
had done this: for when earlier invaders came, either
England was not yet even in the making or was not yet
so fully ' made ' as to have a single crown to hand over
to any man. No later invader has done this ; for though
several men have in later days come by sea to win or to
claim the crown of England, not even those who won it
could be fairly set down as conquerors. Robert of Nor-
mandy, Matilda the Empress, Lewis of France, Isabel and
her son Edward, Henry of Bolingbroke, Margaret and her
son Edward, Edward of York, Henry of Richmond and the
pretenders who disturbed his reign, Charles the Second,
James Duke of Monmouth, William of Orange, the two
Stewart Pretenders, all came on errands of this kind ; but
not one of them can be set down as a mere foreign invader.
Many of them were actually of English birth, and those
who were not had or claimed to have some hereditary
connexion with the English kingly house. All of them
were invited and supported by at least a party in the
country ; several of them were distinctly accepted by the
national will as deliverers of the nation. The foreign
conquerors of the eleventh century stood in no such posi-
236 ALTER ORBIS. [Essay
tion. Swegen and Cnut might have the support of the
Danes of Northumberland, earlier invaders of their own
stock ; still they were strangers to England in a sense in
which none of the men on our later list could be so called ;
William of Normandy had indeed his claim by legal right ;
but then no man in England hearkened to his claim. The
Dane and the Norman alike were foreign conquerors in a
sense in which the name could hardly have been given
even to Lewis of France, had his fate made him a conqueror
at all. We may safely say that the time of important and
successful foreign invasions of Britain, both before the
' making of England ' and after it, lasts down to the
eleventh century, and then ends. After that time the
invasions are many, but they are often not strictly foreign
invasions on behalf of any foreign power, but enterprises
undertaken with the good will of Eno^land herself or at
least of some English party. The strictly foreign invasions
of England since the eleventh century have been either
utterly insignificant or utterly unsuccessful. Since the day
of Senlac, Englishmen have never been called on to fight a
great battle on their own soil ao^ainst a foreign invader
from beyond sea.* Scotsmen have had to fight one, on
the day of the Scottish Brunanburh, the day of Largs.
Up to the eleventh century Britain underwent a series of
invasions, each of which changed the whole condition of
the land, each of which brought in some new element into
its population and its history. Since the eleventh century
no invasion of this kind has even been attempted ; the one
which came nearest to it, the voyage of Philip's armada,
was, among all invasions or attempted invasions — for the
designs of Buonaparte hardly reach the rank of attempted
invasion — the most pre-eminently unsuccessful.
* This definition of course shuts out the Battle of the Standard
and any other battles in Scottish warfare. From our present'
geographical point of view, they are as purely internal quarrels as
the fights of Harlaw and Naseby. And at the battle of the Standard
David at least professed to be fighting in an English pai'ty-quarrel,
the cause of one niece, one Matilda, against the other.
IX.] THE MAKING OF BRITAIN. 237
In the days then before the eleventh century the history
of Britain is largely made up of invasions which amounted
to national revolutions. As a series of such invasions led
to the making of England, we may believe that an earlier
series of the same kind must have led, in unrecorded days,
to the making of Britain. Whether we hold that survivals
of earlier races still exist among us or not, the Celts were
assuredly not autochthones in Britain, neither did they
come by land in the gloomy time pictured in Mr. Dawkins'
map.'^ That time was one when neither Greek nor North-
man could have had any room for his energies, when there
was no ^ga?an, no Hadriatic, no Baltic, no North Sea, no
Channel, no Irish Sea, when a man might have walked from
the site of Jerusalem, over the site of Constantinople and
the site of Venice, to the spot where the Rhine ran into
the Ocean somewhat west of the present mouth of the
Shannon. The Celts, like those who came after them, must
have come as invaders by sea, and if they found in the
island anything so far advanced as Iberians or Ligurians, we
must infer that those Iberians or Ligurians came at some
earlier time as invaders by sea also. Britain, in any
case, must have become Britain by a process essentially
the same as that by which in after days so great a part of
Britain became England. But these invasions of unrecorded
days are mere matters of inference, though of fairly certain
inference ; we can say nothing as to their date, order, and
circumstance. When we first get a glimpse of the island
world, it is already the isle of Britain, and its first recorded
invader is the great Roman. Ca?sar, conqueror of the
Gauls, was the first man of the Roman world who dreamed
of conquest or of discovery beyond its bounds. His British
campaigns, like the far Indian campaigns of Alexander,
hardly came to more than the marches of an armed ex-
plorer. But where the first Ctesar had explored, some later
Csesar was sure to conquer, and, in process of time the
greater part of Britain became a province of Rome, the
* Cave Hunting, p. 381.
238 ALTER OBBIS. [Essay
last province of the West to be won, the first to fall away
or to be forsaken. But we have seen that, even as a
Roman province, Britain kept on its national life in a way
that no other province of the West ever did. And the
island kept on its island character in another way also.
The island world was not always ready to accept rulers
from the continental world ; it sometimes aspired to impose
rulers of its own choosing on the continental world. The
' land fruitful in tyrants ' formed the centre of the power
of Carausius and Allectus, of Maximus and the later
Constantine. Invasion was familiar on either side ; some-
times the legions passed from Gaul to overthrow the lord
of Britain ; sometimes the lord of Britain made his way at
the head of his legions to rule on the mainland as well as
in the island. And foremost among those whom Britain
sent forth on that work was the first and greatest Constan-
tine, he who first took by the Ouse the diadem which
he wore by the Mosel and the Bosporos. And the long
succession of revolutions which thus began in Britain has
this specially remarkable feature. There is no sign of any
national striving on the part of the Britons to throw off
the yoke of Rome, and to exchange the rule of Csesar for
that of a native prince. Later British vanity has clianged
some of these so-called ' tyrants ' into native British heroes ;
but in their own day they appear in no such character. A
province of Rome whose position and circumstances gave
it more of separate being than most of its fellows, uncon-
sciously perhaps, certainly without any formal purpose,
was led by a kind of instinct to assert oftener than any
other province its right to choose a ruler for its own world.
But the ruler whom it chose bore all the titles and asserted
all the claims of a Roman Augustus, and his island legions
were ready to bring under his power as many provinces of
the mainland as his arms and theirs could reach.
Now, even in this period, we see that if either side of the
Channel threatens the other, the other side equally threatens
IX.] THE ENGLISH CONQUEST. 239
back again. Invasions happened both ways, but there were
certainly more forerunners of Henry of Monmouth than
there were forerunners of William the Norman. And the
next and greatest of all invasions of Britain, the settlement
of our own forefathers, was accompanied, if not exactly by
an invasion, at any rate by a settlement, the other way.
British exiles fled from the face of the invading Angles and
Saxons ; they changed Armorica into a lesser Britain, and
kept on the life of the stubborn British tongue in a corner
of Gaul as well as in something more than a corner of
Britain. Otherwise the effect of the English conquest was
to make Britain more than ever another world, not in the
way of invading or dictating to the continental world, but
in the way of standing aloof from it. The thick cloud
which shrouds Teutonic Britain in its days of heathendom,
the meagre notices, the wild legends, which were all that
reached the ears of the chroniclers and historians of the
mainland, are the best witnesses 1:0 our utter isolation from
the world of Rome for the space of a hundred and fifty
years. Invasion from that world began again with the
peaceful mission of Augustine. Peaceful it was ; but it
was invasion none the less ; it helped to make the other
world somewhat less of another world than it was before.
There is no greater witness to the utter isolation of Britain
from the mainland than the nature of the conversion of the
English. Other Teutonic conquerors embraced the faith of
Rome before or in the act of conquest ; at most they
learned it presently from the subjects among whom they
were gradually mingled. The Teutonic conquerors of
Britain abode in their ancient heathendom till their turning
to the faith was begun by a special mission from Rome
itself. Teutonic Britain was thus on one side brought
within the Roman fold, within the fold of the Roman
Pontiff, though not within the fold of the Roman Csesar.
The English folk — we may not yet speak of England as a
land — were brought within the Christian and Roman
fellowship, and so far the isolation of the other world was
240 ALTER ORBTS. [Essay
broken down. Yet that isolation still continued to show
itself in a thousand ways ; the new elements which the
conversion brought with it were assimilated in a wonderful
way with the old Teutonic substance. The creed, the
discipline, the nomenclature, of the new religion were all
necessarily new, necessarily strange, to heathen Angles and
Saxons. But they were soon taught to put on a native
garb in which they seemed strange no longer. Nowhere
did Christianity become so thoroughly a national, almost a
local faith, as it became in England. Nowhere was the
Church so truly the nation in one of its aspects ; nowhere
was the order and discipline of the Church so easily wrought
into the old framework of the national institutions. And
though the native tongue was unhappily not adopted as the
actual tongue of divine worship — one might almost dream
that, if the wiser Gregory had come himself instead of the
less wise Augustine, it would have been adopted — yet it be-
came a devotional tongue, the tongue of a native devotional
literature, a tongue whose makers did not scruple to trans-
late the most sacred phrases of the Chui'ch into their native
speech. There was a strong measure of the isolation of the
other world left in the men who shrank not from changing
the Resurrection of the Saviour into the Againrising of the
Healer. And in not a few points the conscious and designed
isolation of Christian England was as marked as the un-
witting and instinctive isolation of heathen England. The
island world, shrouded in darkness, must have had dim and
vague ideas either of the Pontiff or the Caesar of the Eternal
City. The island world, brought within their range by
Christian and Latin teaching, had a clear knowledge of
both. But that knowledge sometimes took the form of a
protest. When Charles the Great dealt with both Scots
and Northumbrians in a way hardly consistent with insular
independence, Cenwulf of Mercia found it needful to assert
that he at least had no regard for the bidding of either
Pope or Emperor.* The older isolation was the isolation
* See Cod. Dipl. i. 281. and Norman Conquest, i. 569, 570.
IX.] CONVERSION OF THE ENGLISH. 241
of ignorance. The later isolation of knowledge showed it
in the bold and systematic assertion of the rights of the
island world to equaUty with the world of Rome, of the
rights of the lord of the island world to equality with
Rome's own mundi doviinus.
Little in the way of invasion was wrought during these
ages from the side of Britain, unless we apply the name
invasion to the journeyings of English pilgrims to Rome,
or, as we more rightly may, to the journeys of English
missionaries to the elder Teutonic lands. In the person of
Winfrith or Boniface England repaid the debt which
she had contracted towards the continental world in the
person of Augustine. Once indeed an English invasion of
the mainland, of the Latin mainland, of the Norman main-
land, is said to have taken place when ^thelred sent to
ravage the Constantine peninsula."^ But the tale is obscure
and doubtful ; it is mainly its strangeness which makes us
think that it must have some truth in it ; but if it has
truth in it, it must be truth strangely distorted and
exaggerated. Still, if anything the least like the story
happened, if any Englishman did set foot in Normandy
with a hostile purpose in days before the Norman came to
England, the fact is one which well deserves to be noticed.
It is one which stands out alone in the history of many
ages, and which seems like a strange and solitary fore-
runner of events which were still far distant.
The chief feature which concerns us in the ages between
the sixth century and the eleventh is not invasion from
England, but invasion of England, invasion not by way of
the Channel, but by way of the Northern Ocean. In the
long tale of Danish inroad, Danish settlement, Danish
conquest, the Channel plays only an incidental part. The
wikings haunted the Channel as well as other seas ; they
sometimes wintered in the havens of Normandy; they
often harried the southern shires of England; but their
settlements were made, their final conquest was begun, in
* See Norman Conquest, i. 302.
B
242 ALTER ORBIS. [Essay
quite other parts of the island. In the detailed history of
England the tale of the Danish wars, that tale of incident
and romance, that tale of shame and of heroism, must ever
hold one of the foremost places. But in a view like this,
we might almost look on the Danish conquest as the
English conquest over again, or rather we might look on
the two as different stages of one long process of Teutonic
conquest. The Danish settlers might pass for the rereward
of the great army, a rereward who came so late that they
could settle only at the expense of those detachments which
had formed the van. For a moment the fearful warfare of
the fifth and sixth centuries seemed to have come again.
A Christian land again felt the horrors of heathen conquest.
What the heathen Angles and Saxons had been to the
Christian Britons, the heathen Danes and Northmen seemed
to be to the Chiistian Angles and Saxons. But it was soon
found that they were in truth only a younger branch of the
same household as the Angles and Saxons themselves. The
Danish conquest of England was quite another matter from
the English conquest of Britain. The Englishman easily
assimilated the kindred Dane ; the invader embraced the
faith of the invaded ; the Teutonic settlers of the ninth,
tenth, and eleventh centuries became only another English
tribe alongside of the settlers of the fifth and sixth centuries.
Their Scandinavian speech became merely one of the local dia-
lects of the English speech ; their Scandinavian law became
merely one of the many forms of English local custom.
For by that time the English nation was formed. It had
grown up in its island home, in all the strength of its
isolation ; the land, its people, and its king, stood forth in
all the marked character of the land, the people, and the
king beyond the sea.'^ That land, that people, might still
be conquered ; but they could now assimilate their con-
querors. First the Dane, then the Norman, could conquer
England ; but first the Dane, then the Norman, felt the
* On the use of such phrases as ' rex transmarinus," and the like,
see Norman Conquest, i. pp. 565, 616.
IX.] END OF NATIONAL INVASIONS. 243
spell of the island world ; they became as good islanders,
as jTood Enolishmen, as the men whose forefathers had
come in the first three Jutish keels. The Norman Con-
quest was the last conquest of England, the last invasion
of England that was at once important and successful.
Since that day, from Tinchebrai to Waterloo, not only the
balance of conquest, but the balance of mere invasion, has
turned decidedly the other way.
Two main causes joined to bring about this change. One
was the general change which about this time came over
the condition of Europe. The great European nations were
gradually forming and settling themselves. The last sign
of the stirs of the great Wandering had passed away. Of
that Wandering the Danish settlements in Gaul and Britain
may be looked on as the last stage. The Norman conquests
of Apulia, England, and Sicily, perhaps even the Crusades
from one point of view, may be looked on as forming a
transition from the days of national migration and settle-
ment to the political warfare of later days. The Norman
conquest of England, in the care with which legal pretexts
were brought to justify it, in the anxiety of the Conqueror
to allege the highest motives for his enterprise and to
distinguish it from enterprises of mere brigandage, shows
the change which was coming over the age. The days of
such invasions as those of C?esar and Claudius, of Hengest
and Cerdic, of Ingwar and Swegen, had now passed by.
We have henceforth to do with the ambition and policy of
princes, often indeed zealously backed up by their subjects,
rather than with great stirrings of nations. There might
be wars between England and France ; there might be
mutual invasions of England and France ; a French prince
might be called to the crown of England and an English
prince might claim the crown of France ; but there was no
chance of the French nation wishing to conquer and settle
in a body on the soil of England ; there was no chance of
the English nation wishing to conquer and settle in a body
on the soil of France. There was no longer room for an}'-
K 2
244 ALTER ORBIS. [Essay
thing more than the kind of warfare which the world has
been used to for many ages, warfare which, in Western
Europe at least, whatever it seeks, never seeks the displace-
ment, seldom seeks the absolute bondage, of any people.*
In warfare of this kind, warfare which has gone on between
England and France in every century from the twelfth to
the nineteenth, England was, for many reasons, much more
likely to be the invading than the invaded party.
The general causes which, from the eleventh century
onwards, put an end to national invasions on a great
scale, were further helped by the special and altogether new
relations towards the powers of the mainland into which
England was brought by the Norman conquest. England
for a while had Norman rulers, rulers who ruled or
wished to rule alike in Normandy and in England. In the
quarrels of the Norman house, the separate ruler of Nor-
mandy twice failed in an invasion of England ; the separate
ruler of England, whether William the Hed or Henry the
Clerk, could partition, could purchase, could finally conquer,
Normandy. Then England and Normandy alike became
parts of the great but short-lived Angevin dominion, the
forerunner of the kindred dominion of Burgundy and of
Austria in later times. In both the Norman and the An-
gevin periods, England became subject to a king of a foreign
stock who reigned also on the mainland, but to whom
England, if not always his favourite dwelling-place, was
at any rate the chief seat of his power. He waged wars
on the continent for continental objects, and used for those
objects the strength of his island kingdom. A habit of
rivalry towards France, a habit of warring in France and
therefore of invading France, grew up in the minds of
* The limitation to Western Europe is perhaps needful, because
the wars of the religious orders in Pomerania, Prussia, and Livonia
did really lead to the bondage, and in some parts to the utter
displacement, of the earlier inhabitants. Beginning under the
guise of a crusade, they grew into something more like the earlier
kind of invasions.
IX.] WARS BETWEEN ENGLAND AND FRANCE. 245
Englishmen, and lived on long after its immediate causes
had passed away. As long as England kept either Aqui-
taine or Calais, the materials for a French war were never
lacking ; the island world was an abiding encroacher on
the world of the mainland. And after Aquitaine and Calais
were lost, the feeling of national rivalry, often strengthened
by sound political reasons, still went on. In this kind of
warfare England was far more likely to be the invading
power than France.
It is true that, from the days of Edward the First till our
own day, no scare has been so easy or so telling as a scare
of French invasion. And we must further remember that
during nearly the whole of that time French invasion of
England has been a much more common thing than people
in general fancy. That is, if we apply the name invasion
either to large designs of invasion which were never carried
out, to actual landings in which some one town or district
was harried but nothing more, or to help given to English
parties or English pretenders. The first head takes in a
long series ranging from Philip Augustus to Buonaparte,
but it is a series belonging wholly to the class of things
which might have been, but which were not. The second
head takes in a long list of burned and plundered coast
towns, from Dover in the days of Edward the First* to
Teignmouth in the days of William and Mary.f But as no
French landing led to the French conquest of any foot of
English ground, neither did any French landing lead to any
fighting which deserved the name of a campaign. Of the
third class I have already spoken ; the range reaches to the
* See the account of the French harrying of Dover in 1295 in the
Chronicle of Lanercost, p. 165.
t See Macaulay. iii. 652. I ought perhaps to add the still later
landing of the French at Fisgard in Pembrokeshire during the
French Revolutionary war. Thirty years ago the surviving com-
batants and their descendants were very proud of the exploit of
taking the whole body of the invaders prisoners without any help
from regular troops.
[I must now say forty years ago.]
246 ALTER ORBIS. [Essay
last enterprises on behalf of the banished Stewarts. If we
take the geographical view, and look on Normandy and
France as a geographical whole, we may carry it back the
other way to the Norman support given to the banished
^thelings in the days of the first Harold. But all these
invasions — to give every one of them that name — make
together a small matter compared with the mighty warfare
of Edward the Third and Henry the Fifth ; they are not
much compared even with Henry the Eighth's conquest of
Boulogne. Down to the loss of Calais the King of England
always kept some substantial possession, more or less, on
continental ground. The short occupation of Dunkirk, the
long occupation of Gibraltar, do in some sort continue the
same series. But neither the King of France nor any other
continental potentate ever held for a week together any
real possession on English ground.
We thus see the obvious causes which, throughout these
wars, tended to make England the invading power rather
than France. A great island has, from the earliest times,
commonly wished to keep some kind of foothold — what
the Greeks called a Feraia — on the mainland. A conti-
nental power has no such temptation to win for itself a
Peraia in the island. England had also, as an inheritance
from Norman and Angevin times, a constant temptation to
meddle in French affairs, and she was thoroughly able,
if she thought good, to carry warfare on to French
ground. France had no such temptation to meddle in
English affairs, nor was she equally able to carry warfare
.on to English ground. The island was naturally stronger
at sea than the continental kingdom. After the maritime
activity of the Danes and Northmen went down, before
the maritime activity of Portugal and Castile began,
England was, beyond all doubt, the fii'st naval power of the
Ocean. Even on land, the political and social condition of
England gave her every advantage over France for great
military enterprises. The French kingdom was still grow-
ing at the cost of its own vassals ; in the second great
IX.] ENGLISH INVASIONS OF FRANCE. 247
stage of the Hundred Years War, it was torn in pieces by
domestic quarrels ; the state of society in France allowed
only a feudal army strengthened by foreign mercenaries.
During the greater part of the Hundred Years War,
England was thoroughly united, and, even when she was
otherwise, the plots and warfare of reactionaries against
Henry the Fourth and Henry the Fifth did not tear the
land in pieces like the strife of Armagnacs and Burgundians.
Scottish warfare was a local scourge to the border shii'es ;
it never seriously impaired the real strength of the kingdom.
And England had, what France had not, that national
infantry, worthy successors of the warriors of Stamford-
bridge and Senlac, who had lost nothing of their prowess
by exchanging the sword and axe of their forefathers for
the deadly arrows of their conquerors.
England therefore had far more temptations than France
to act as the invading power, far better means than France
for carrying out invasion on a great scale and with vigour.
And in this whole matter it is almost instinctively France
that we mainly think of. It is not merely because France
is naturally suggested by the modern scheme with a
mention of which we started. It is because France has
really been the rival power, the invading and the invaded
power, through the whole story. The French story is
spread over centuries together. Other attacks or contem-
plated attacks are as it were episodes. The ' Dutch in
the Med way 'form an episode in the seventeenth century;
but it is merely an episode ; they never came before or
after. The greatest danger of all came not from France
but from Spain ; but that again was an episode ; Spain
was terrible for a while in the sixteenth century ; there
was no fear from Spain before or after. What may con-
ceivably happen in times to come from the growth of new
continental powers, it is not our business to reckon. As yet,
since the days of national migrations ended, the Channel has
been the main scene, both of invasion from England and of
invasion of England. As yet the invasions fiom England
248 ALTER ORBIS. [Essay
have greatly surpassed, if not in number, yet certainly in
importance, the invasions of England. We have kept up
our insular character, and we have greatly disturbed
continentals on their own ground. The continentals
have disturbed us very little on our ground. The one
question to my mind as touching the proposed scheme is, as
I started by saying, Will it or will it not interfere in any
way with our character as islanders, with our ancient
position as alter orbis 1
X.] HISTORICAL CYCLES. 249
X.
HISTORICAL CYCLES.
The old question as to the value of historical parallels is
one which turns up whenever there is any matter of dispute
at all. The truth is that everybody welcomes such parallels
when they tell for his own party, everybody despises them
when they tell for the other party. The slightest accidental
likeness, even a mere play on a name, gives delight, if it
seems to give the right side a lift, while the gravest and
most instructive teaching of experience is scorned as ' anti-
quarian rubbish,' if its teaching happens to be on the wrong
side. Putting both these states of mind aside, one kind
of fallacy is implied in the thoughtless use of historical
parallels, while an opposite fallacy is implied in despising
them altogether. No historical parallel can be absolutely
perfect, because no event in history ever exactly repeats
itself. In truth it cannot repeat itself because the event
with which it is compared has gone before it. The fact
that a parallel is a parallel, the fact that two events of
different ages or different countries are compared together,
will hinder the two events from being exactly alike. The
fact that one event belongs to one age and country and the
other event to another age and country will impress upon
each some points of difference from the other. But it does
not at all follow from this that real instruction, practical
instruction and not a mere gratification of curiosity, may
not be drawn from the comparison of distant events with
one another. For in truth it is often the points of difference
which make the comparison most instructive. And it is
often the points of difference in detail which best enable us
250 HISTORICAL CYCLES. [Essay
to see the essential likeness between two periods or states
of things. A merely outward likeness, a likeness which is
a mere likeness of detail, may very well be simply acci-
dental. But a likeness which pierces through the dif-
ferences necessarily caused by the diversities of countries,
times, and men's manners, is pretty sure to be a real and
essential likeness. That is to say, however remote in time
and place the two events may be, analogous causes are at
work in the two cases, and they are bringing about analo-
gous effects.
Now, if these remarks are true of historical parallels in
general, they are specially true of one class of historical
parallels, which we will distinguish as historical cycles.
We will give this name to those cases when events seem to
reproduce themselves in the history of the same nation,
when events happen in one age which, amidst all diver-
sities, present an essential likeness to events which, per-
haps in some very distant age, happened in the history of
the same country or people. We may say, with the need-
ful qualifications, both that events, strictly so called,
repeat themselves, and that institutions repeat themselves.
Institutions above all may practically repeat themselves
amidst the greatest varieties of externa] circumstances.
The institutions of a very advanced age may be a real
return to the institutions of a very early age. The later
days of a people, amidst countless differences of detail, may
have more real likeness, more identity of principle, with
its very early days, than with intermediate times from
which, in all outward circumstances, they are separated by
much slighter differences. This kind of reproduction in
the history of the same people or country may be fairly
called a cycle. A former state of things seems, with the
necessary allowances, to be repeated. The nation seems,
with the same necessary allowances, to come back to a point
at which it stood ages before. This is strictly the cycle, as
distinguished from the ordinary parallel. The analogy
between ancient Greece and mediasval Italy is one of the
X.] NATURE OF CYCLES. 251
best parallels of the ordinary kind, one of those which we
can best follow out both in points of likeness and in points
of unlikeness."^ But the parallel between mediseval Italy
and primaeval Italy before the power of Rome arose is a
parallel of another kind. Our knowledge of the earlier
period is not enough to enable us to carry out the com-
parison in the same detail in which we can carry out the
comparison in the other case. But our knowledge is
enough to enable us to say that the likeness between
mediaeval and primaeval Italy is a real likeness. And,
being a real likeness, it is a likeness of the particular kind
of which we are now speaking. It is a return on the part
of a country to a state of things essentially the same as a
state of things many ages older. That is, it is a true case
of an historical cycle.
On the other hand, a parallel which is simply a parallel
and no more may sometimes be mistaken for a case of
cycle, or it may sometimes, for interested purposes, be re-
presented as being one. We have, for instance, heard till
we are weary how the Buonapartes, elder and younger,
somehow reproduced the career and position of Charles the
Great. t Now there doubtless is a certain parallelism,
faint and distant, it is true, but real as far as it goes, be-
tween the Empire of Charles the Great and the Empire of
the elder Buonaparte. No doubt the virtue of the parallel
is a good deal lost through conscious aping on the part of
Buonaparte. Still there is a certain real analogy between two
great dominions,both springing up in a comparatively sudden
way, and both taking in, speaking roughly, nearly the same
countries. But that is all. The parallel is not a cycle, but
the opposite to a cycle. Setting aside the strictly Roman
side of the Carolingian dominion, there is the most marked
of all contrasts between the two. The Empire of Charles
was the domination of Germany over Gaul ; the Empire of
* See the Essay on this subject in the First Series,
t [Not much has been heard of this since 1870 ; but a good deal
was before.]
252 HISTORICAL CYCLES. [Essay
Buonaparte was the domination of Gaul over Germany. A
far nearer approach to a repetition of the career of Charles
is to be found in the late aggrandizement of Prussia.^ There
is no such striking parallel at first sight as there is in the
other case ; but there is a real and very close likeness.
Superficial observers are apt to talk of Charles the Great
as a kind of meteor which flashed for a moment and left no
lasting results behind. His great immediate dominion doubt-
less broke up ; therefore to careless eyes it looks as if he did
no lasting work at all. But Charles did two very great and
very lasting works, one for good and one for evil. And one
of them has just been pretty well done over again before our
own eyes. The first work of Charles was to found what, as
compared with the state of things before him, may be
called an united Germany. His second work was to unite
Germany and Italy under a single sovereign. On these
two works of one man all later European history hangs.
Now what have we ourselves seen within three years 1 The
last traces of Charles' work for evil have been wiped out ;
his work for good has been done over again. It is hard to
make people understand how many things go in cycles,
how often history repeats itself, how much that seems to
be innovation is really restoration. This is emphatically
the case with regard to the German and Italian kingdoms.
It is hard to make people believe that German and
Italian unity are not utterly new things, but actual
facts which existed lonsf ao;o and to which we are now
only going back. But any one w^ho understands the
history of the world for the last thousand years knows
very w^ell that every step that has been taken towards
the unit}^ of Germany or of Italy is not a step towards
something new, but really a step back again towards
something old.f
* [Written in 1869, while the North-German Bimd was in being.]
+ [This i* true, though perhaps put in a way which might put an
important difference out of sight. The special characteristic of the
modern union of Italy is that it is a national union, wrought mainly
X.] ENGLAND. 253
In our own history, above all, every step in advance has
been at the same time a step backwards. It has often been
shown how our latest constitution is, amidst all external
differences, essentially the same as our earliest, how every
struggle for right and freedom from the thirteenth century
onwards has simply been a struggle for recovering some-
thing old, often in quite another shape, but still essentially
the same amidst all the differences of an early and a late
state of society. Let us take one example out of many,
and let us illustrate it by an election story. A Liberal can-
didate professes to be a lover of everything old, a hater of
everything new. He denounces the novelties of Toryism,
the mere mushroom growth of the last two or three hundred
years. Presently he is called on at a dinner to give the
toast of the Bishop and Clergy. He makes the suspicious
addition of ' Ministers of all Denominations.' A clergyman
opposite triumphantly asks whether ministers of all de-
nominations were among the old things which he loved.
The candidate takes his opportunity, and show^s how toler-
ation was the old thing and intolerance the new ; how, in
the first days of the Gospel in England, a heathen king
could give full freedom to the preachers of Christianity,
and a Christian king did no kind of harm to those of
his people who clave to their old heathendom. In short,
if anybody, in Spain or elsewhere, wants a model for a
Toleration Act, he cannot do better than turn to Bc^da,
and study the sayings and doings of the first Christian
Bretwalda.*
from within. Italy was united under the elder Roman power ; it
was-: united under Odowakar and under Theodoric ; it was united again
for a moment under the Roman power at Constantinople. But none
of these were national unions, though the first grew into something
like one. Since then there has been no perfect union of the whole
peninsula. The remarks in the text were mainly aimed at talk which
was common when the Italian kingdom was a new thing, Avhen many
fancied that there had never been a King of Italy before Victor
Emmanuel, or at any rate before the elder Buonaparte.]
* [I believe the exact words of the story were, ' You say you are a
254 HISTORICAL CYCLES. [Essat
In France we do not see the same going back to old in-
stitutions under other forms which we see in England ; but
we do see the principle of cycles busily at work in other
ways. It is obvious that there are large parts of French
•history which read exactly like repetitions of other parts.
There are scenes in the French history of the fourteenth
and fifteenth centuries which only need the names to be
changed to pass for scenes in the history of the great
Revolution. In all cases we find the same deeds of violence
and bloodshed done in honour of the most exalted prin-
ciples of freedom and love of mankind. But there is a
much subtler cycle in French history than this. Gaul has
not, like England, fallen back on its old institutions, but
it has certainly fallen back on its old nationality. The
Frankish element has died out or has been assimilated,
just as the Norman element has been assimilated in Eng-
land. Gaul is again Gaulish, just as England is again
English. And if it has not fallen back on its old institu-
tions, it is for the obvious reason that there were not,
strictly speaking, any old institutions to fall back upon.
The old Teutonic constitution was capable of being de-
veloped, on its own principles, by the needful changes in
form and detail, into the constitution which we have now.
But Gaul, where Franks and Goths conquered and settled,
but never formed the mass of the population, had no such
inheritance to develope. Teutonic institutions were in
Gaul simply the institutions of conquerors, as Roman in-
stitutions were before them. Hence there is in France no
lover of everything old and a hater of everything new. Do you call
"Ministers of all Denominations" an old thing?' 'Yes ; the very-
oldest thing of all ; when Paullinus and Coifi stood up before Edwin,
was not that "ministers of two denominations"?' But the fact thus
jestingly put was quite true. The conversion of England was not,
like the conversion of some other lands, wrought by compulsion.
Influence and example no doubt had their effect ; but influence and
example have their effect everywhere. Laws against the old creed
belong to a later time than the first conversion, mainly to a time
when heathendom came in again with the Danes.]
X ] FRANCE AND SICILY. 255
such continued political existence as there is in England.
The cities of France were ancient when most of the cities
of England were founded ; but, when we come to look at
the laws and usages by which they are ruled, we find the
balance of antiquity wholly the other way.
But there is no European country where events have
repeated themselves in so remarkable a way as they have
done in Sicily.* The repetition is so exact that it almost
passes the stage of parallelism and reaches that of identity.
But the repetition is not the result of any deep or mys-
terious cause ; it is simply the natural, almost the neces-
sary, consequence of the geographical position of the island.
Placed between Europe and Africa, Sicily is the natural
battle-ground of European and African powers. It has
thus come to pass that the great struggle between East
and West, between the Semitic and the Aryan races, which
in later times grew into a struggle between the Koran and
the Gospel, has been twice fought out on Sicilian ground.
The possession of Sicily was in one age of the world dis-
puted between Greeks and Phoenicians, between colonists
from Corinth and colonists from Carthage. The prize is
wrested from both by the conquerors of Southern Italy, by
the advancing might of Rome. Sicily becomes a Roman
province ; presently each metropolis shares the fate of its
colony, and Corinth and Carthage perish in a single year.
Ages afterwards the same part is played over again. Sicily
is again disputed between men of Hellenic and men of
Semitic speech, between subjects of the Byzantine Caesar
and subjects of the Saracen Caliph, Again the prize
is wrested from both by new conquerors of Southern
Italy, conquerors again so far Roman that they spoke a
* [I have left this paragiaph. though, or rather because. I have had
so often to repeat all that is in it. (See among other things the
essay on Sicilian Cycles in the Third Series.) But I see that in 1869
I had not yet been struck with a kind of sub-cycle, namely, the
position of Carthage under Gaiseric, of which I have said something
in the essay on Carthage in this volume 1
256 HISTORICAL CYCLES. [Essay
variety of the speech of Rome. Sicily now, instead of a
Roman province, becomes a Norman kingdom, and the
Norman conqueror, like the Roman, again makes Sicily a
basis of operations for warfare both in Greece and in
Africa. The events here repeat themselves almost literally.
In fact, they could hardly help repeating themselves. That
they have not happened over again a third time is simply
because for ages past there has been no African power
capable of playing the part of the old Carthaginians and
Saracens. Sicily has therefore been often tossed to and
fro between different European powers, but it has not for
many ages run any danger of becoming other than Euro-
pean and Christian.
Take again quite another part of the world, Persia. One
cannot help thinking that the singular vitality of Persian
nationality, which makes the history of Persia such a con-
trast to the ordinary sameness of Eastern dynastic history,
is in some way due to the Aryan blood of the genuine
Persian people. It is a great thing for a nation to be able
to say that it has been, twice in its history, roused up,
after long ages of bondage, to a new national life by the
preaching of a national religion. Ismael in the fifteenth
century called the Persian nation again into being by the
preaching of the Shiah form of Islam, just as, twelve
hundred years before, Artaxerxes had called it again into
being by the preaching of the old creed of the land held
down so long under Macedonian and Parthian conquerors.
This Persian cycle is really more remarkable than the
Sicilian one, because it is not due to equally obvious
causes. It comes nearer to the way in which English and
Gaulish nationality have cropped up again, though it dif-
fers from them in this, that the two restorations of Persian
nationality were brought about by open revolution, and
were also connected with a national religious movement.
But the last circumstance is owing to that invariable law
of the East which makes nationality and religion the same
thinor.
X.] PERSIA. 257
On the whole then history does repeat itself a good deal
in the various ups and downs of the same nation. But
cycles of this kind must be studied with the same allow-
ances and with the same warnings as ordinary historical
parallels. The points of difference must be carefully noted ;
but, after all, the fact that we note the points of difference
is the surest proof of essential likeness.
258 AUGUSTAN AGES. [Essay
XI.
AUGUSTAN AGES.
Under what kind of political circumstances does genius
most flourish ? This is a very old question, and it is a
question which will never allow of any one trenchant
answer. There are so many different kinds and degrees
of genius, there are so many difl^erent ways of thinking as
to what genius is, that no one general rule can be laid down
about it. A great poet and a great discoverer in physical
science are alike men of genius ; but their genius is so un-
like in kind that we cannot safely infer that the state of
things which is the most likely to produce the one is also,
the most likely to produce the other. Again, there are
many different kinds of poetry, each alike allowing of the
display of genius, but of which one seems most likely to
flourish in one state of society and another in another.
And then how do we estimate genius ? By positive or
by relative results? Take, for instance, the case of in-
ventions. Which really shows the greater genius, the
man who brings a thing to the highest possible point of
perfection, or the man who, long before, had been strictly
the inventor of the fii'st rude form of the thing ? The fii'st
rude kind of boat, for example, seems ludicrously clumsy
beside the latest improvements in navigation. Yet one
may be tempted to say that no author of any later improve-
ment in navigation showed so much of daring and original
genius as the man who first set any kind of boat afloat on
the water. The one was strictly an inventor ; the other
simply worked on the inventions of another. But again,
two answers miaht be made to this kind of argument. It
XL] INVENTION AND IMPROVEMENT. 259
might be said with some plausibility that the chances are
that the inherent genius of the two men was kindred and
equal, and that each, in the circumstances of the other,
would have done what the other did. Or again it may be
said that most likel}^ there never was any invention in the
strictest sense of all, that the earliest stages of any ai-t are
just as much matters of gradual developement as the latest,
and that in the earliest stages there is much more room for
accident than in the latest. Still, with all this, it is hard
not to allow a good deal of inventive genius to the first
beginners of the very simplest things. If Argo was the
first ship, great honour is due to Tiphys and his brother
Argonauts. And at anv rate the first man who ever got
on the back of a horse must have been a bold man and a
decided genius in his own line. Endless questions of this
kind may be raised, and endless answers may be found for
them, all tending to show that no general rule can be given
on the subject. Certain forms of genius, certain forms at
any rate of something lower than genius, of intellectual
activity, are undoubtedly most likely to appear under cer-
tain forms of political or social life. But genius, and mere
intellectual activity also, take such endless forms that it is
hopeless to lay down any general rule as to this or that
form of government or state of society being most favour-
able to one or the other in the abstract.
We have been led into this train of thought, as into
many other trains of thought, by an article in the Times.
The writer was trying to account for the real or alleged
decay of intellectual life in France under the present
Government of that country."^ And, whether we accept
all his facts and conclusions or not, what he says on that
head, as well as on the present state of things in England,
Spain, and Italy, is worth thinking over and weighing.
He has evidently looked with care and intelligence at the
present condition of all those countries with regard to their
* [That is, in the year 1869.]
S 2
260 AUGUSTAN AGES. [Essay
current literature. It is only when he tries to deal with
past times, and to draw general principles from what he
fancies to be the facts of history, that he gets beyond his
depth. We will give the passage at length: —
'Genius works in cycles ; it has its rich and poor crops, its prize and
blank seasons, its so-called Golden Ages, Augustan or Medicean,
influenced, indeed, by political causes, as crops by atmospheric ac-
cidents, but obeying also other more general, less obvious or super-
ficial rules, acting, not only independently of all political influence,
but sometimes even in antagonism to it. The stage in the life of a
nation in which mental energy is apt to be at its greatest height is
that in which, after a spell of great political convulsions, a period of
comparative ease and repose succeeds. Thus the golden age of
Roman literature dates from the closing of the Temple of Janus by
the First Emperor; that of modern Italy from the termination of
mediaeval feudh ushering in domestic tyranny and foreign domination ;
that of England from the subsiding of religious dissensions under the
sceptre of Elizabeth. Golden ages of this description are always of
short duration, and are followed by eras of silver, of iron, of bronze,
and even of lead. A cluster of a score or so of stars of the first
magnitude blaze out in the firmament, but these give way before
minor galaxies, and presently to mere nebulae and utter obscurity.'
The context seems to show that by ' genius ' in this passage
we are to understand, if not exclusively literary genius,
yet genius taking the direction of some form of literature,
science, or art. For it must be evident to every one that
some sliapes of ' mental energy ' never have so much scope
as in the actual ' spell of great political convulsions.' The
genius of the real statesman or the real general is as much
a display of ' mental energy ' as the genius of the poet or
the painter. And it is clearly while the great political
convulsions are going on that the real statesman and the
real general find their best opportunities. Besides this,
some of the works of great times of change cannot be dis-
tinguished by any hard line from strict works of literature.
What does the writer say to oratory ? Whether the speeches
of any given public speaker become or do not become part of
the literature of his country depends largely upon accident
or upon the custom of his age and country. The speeches of
XI.] ORATORY. 261
Demosthenes form part of the hterature of Greece ; the
speeches of Perikles do not. There is no reason to be
given for this difference except that in the days of Perikles
it had not become the custom for orators to write down
and preserve their speeches, while in the days of Demo-
sthenes it had. It may be answered that one or two speeches
of Perikles are preserved by Thuc^'dides, and doubtless, as
regards the general sentiments of Perikles, they are pre-
served. But no one supposes that the report of Thucydides
gives us any idea of the style of Perikles ; what he gives
us is the sentiments of Perikles translated into his own
style. As a literary composition then the funeral oration
of Perikles is as much lost to us as the countless other
speeches of Perikles which Thucydides did not report at
all. But though the speeches of Demosthenes form, while
the speeches of Perikles do not form, a part of the literature
of Greece, there is no real difference between the two.
There is simply the accident that the one set of speeches
were written down and that the others were not. The two
sets of compositions were essentially of the same kind.
Perikles and Demosthenes alike composed real speeches
for real delivery, and, as far as we know, they composed
nothing else. They did not sit down, like Isokrates, and
write essays or pamphlets which were meant, not to be
listened to but to be read. As far then as oratory is a form
of ' mental energy,' we always run the risk of giving one
age an unfair preference over another, simply because the
speeches of one age were written down while the speeches
of another age were not.
But we will go on to the general rules laid down by the
writer in the Times. Is his general doctrine true "? Do
his instances bear it out? The first sentence of our extract
sounds to us a little hazy ; but the second is clear enough.
Mental energy, that is the particular kind of mental energy
which the writer has in his eye, is to be mainly looked for
in times when, ' after a spell of great political convulsions,
a period of comparative ease and repose succeeds.' The in--
262 AUGUSTAN AGES. [Essay
stances of ' Golden Ages ' which the writer gives, Augustan,
Medicean, Elizabethan, allow us to guess what he
by great political convulsions. He does not mean a reign
of terror like certain stages of the French Eevolution ; he
means times of great political change, times of warfare, times
of religious reform, times when men's minds are naturally
awakened and put on the stretch. Now a mere reign of
terror certainly does not lead to great displays of mental
energy in the writer's sense. ' The Republic had no need of
chemists ' ; neither had it much need of poets or historians.
But surely times of great political excitement, where the
excitement does not quite reach that height, are directly
favourable to mental energy. The crop may sometimes be
gathered in a later and quieter time, but it is the days of
political excitement that stirred uj) the mental energy and
sowed the seed which the quieter days reap. The writer in
the Times gives us the usual conventional talk about the
'Augustan age' of Rome. 'The golden age of Roman litera-
ture dates from the closing of the Temple ' — perhaps rather
the Gate — ' of Janus by the First Emperor.' Now is this
proposition true in any sense 1 We might of course murmur
something about the received Roman literature not being
Roman at all, about the Cam cense weeping over the grave
of Nsevius. But take the Roman literature as we have it.
Whatever may be meant by a Golden Age of literature, do
the so-called Augustan writers really surpass the ante-
Augustan writers ? Without going further back, we may
fairly ask whether Virgil, Horace, Livy, and the rest, great
geniuses as they undoubtedly were, were greater geniuses
than the men of the Commonwealth, Lucretius, Catullus,
Cicero, Sallust, Caesar himself^ For mere genius, as dis-
tinguished from artificial finish, the earlier poets are at
least the equals of the later, and the later period can
boast of one great prose writer only. And in talking
about the Augustan Age we are apt to forget that the men
who did it honour were men who were born, and many of
whom had begun to write, before the Augustan Age began.
XI.] THE MEDICEAN AGE. 263
To go no further, the writer in the Times has quite forgotten
how large a portion of the writings of Horace was written
before the Gate of Janus was shut, while the civil war
was still raging. The Augustan Age itself, the men born
in that age, produced very little indeed. The only way in
which the early Empire really encouraged genius and mental
energy of any kind was by drawing forth direct or indirect
protests against itself, in the shape of the writings of Lucan.
Juvenal, and Tacitus. That is to say, the first crop of
Roman literature was due to men who were formed in days
before the Empire, the second crop was due to men whom
the Empire schooled into opposition to itself. For the
mental energy which is called forth by Imperialism pure
and simple^ we must go to Statins and Martial.
As to the Medicean age in Italy, that may mean either
the last half of the fifteenth century or the first half of the
sixteenth, or both together. It is by no means clear what
exact time the writer whom we have quoted means. The
' Golden Age of modern Italy/ he tells us, ' dates from the
termination of mediaeval feuds ushering in domestic
tyranny and foreign domination.' It is by no means clear
whether it was the mediaeval feuds themselves, or the
termination of the mediaeval feuds, which ushered in
domestic tyranny and foreign domination. The Medicean
period is generally held to take in at least the days of
Lorenzo, and in the days of Lorenzo, whatever we say about
domestic tyranny, foreign domination can hardly be said
to have been as yet ushered in. And whichever period we
take for the Golden Age, whether the days of Lorenzo or
the days of his son, can we call the Medicean period a time
of real mental energy ? A time of great mental activity it
undoubtedly was, an age of revived art, of revived scholar-
ship, of much curious study in many ways. But for real
mental energy we must surely go to an earlier time. Surely
the one name of Dante, the true child and type of free Italy,
outweighs all the elegant scholars and makers of pretty
Latin verses who swarmed around Lorenzo and Leo.
264 AUGUSTAN AGES. [Essat
To turn to our own land, the description which the writer
gives of the time of Elizabeth sounds rather odd. ' Under
her sceptre ' we are told that religious dissensions subsided.
Surely we cannot say that religious dissensions subsided
under Elizabeth, but rather that they took new forms and
were put into the shape of more definite formulae. Under
Henry, Edward, and Mary, there had been no small stock
of religious dissensions, but they were all dissensions within
the same body. Some thought that change had gone too
far, others that it had not gone far enough ; but there was
no setting up of altar against altar. In Elizabeth's time
we get the beginning of religious dissensions of the modern
type ; we find the first separatists from the established
religion, the first Papists and the first Dissenters strictly so
called. And surely the reign of Elizabeth, though only in
a small measure a time of political convulsion within the
kingdom, was a time of intense political excitement, any-
thing but a time of ease and repose. And again, the
display of mental energy during the Elizabethan age was
of quite another sort from that of either the Augustan or
the Medicean age. It was essentially a display, not of
mere scholarship and imitation, but of the boldest original
genius.
It is somewhat strange that the writer makes no re-
ference whatever to the literature of old Greece. Certainly
there is no literature whose history more thoroughly upsets
his theory. To whatever date we assign the Homeric
poems, we can hardly fancy that they are the work of an
age of special ease and repose. And it is certain that the
recorded literature of Greece, from Archilochos to De-
mosthenes, was the work of very stirring times indeed.
Its greatest displays of mental energy took place in the
midst of the political convulsions of the Persian, the
Peloponnesian, and the Macedonian wars. For the Augustan
or Medicean age of Greek literature we must look to the
days of the Ptolemies, when such Greek intellect as was
left took shelter in the ease and repose of the court of
XL] ENGLAND AND GREECE. 265
Alexandria. There we see plenty of learning, plenty of
science, plenty of imitative poetry ; but the nearest ap-
proach to original genius is to be found in the pastorals of
Theokritos. And they can hardly be set against Homer,
Pindar, and the dramatic poets. The one really great
Greek writer of this age is surely Polybios ; and he passed
the best of his days as the citizen and statesman of a free
commonwealth.
266 ENGLISH CIVIL WARS. [Essay
XII.
ENGLISH CIVIL WARS.
It is an old complaint that history is made up of crimes,
and the complaint is so true that it draws near to the
nature of falsehood. The proper answer to it doubtless is
that, in this imperfect world, good is chiefly shown in its
antagonism to evil, and that, where we have the richest
crop of crimes, we have also the chance of finding the
richest crop of virtues. Where there are no oppressors there
can be no deliverers ; where there are no enemies to with-
stand there can be no heroes or martyrs. If everybody else
had been as good as Saint Lewis, Saint Lewis could not
have been so good as he was. In such an angelic com-
munity his virtues must have been mainly passive ; he
would have had few or no temptations to strive against ;
the occasions for doing most of his best deeds would never
have happened. And again, it by no means follows that
those parts of history which stand out before us as fullest
of crimes were really the times of the greatest wickedness
or the greatest unhappiness. A desolating wai* or revolu-
tion stands out before us in all its native ugliness ; yet we
may doubt, as Arnold doubted long ago, whether any war
or revolution inflicts so much suffering, or does so much to
corrupt and degrade a people, as some of those long periods
of dull, grinding oppression which go on year after year,
generation after generation, without leaving any particular
mark behind them. A war or a revolution, if it gives special
opportunity for great crimes, also gives special opportunity
for great virtues ; but there are times when men seem so
utterly crushed by a long and wearing misgovernment as to
XII.] THREE TIMES OF CIVIL WAR. 267
bo unable to do anything great in the way either of good or
of evil. The wars of relioon in France were bad enoujxh, but
it would have been better to live in times which at any rate
were alive than to have draoged on our being; throno-h the
long and dreary deadness of Spanish misgovernment in Italy.
It is only when we come to the Thirty Years' War that we
begin to doubt whether quiet, however gained, is not better
than an endless state of war and tumults.
In our own country we have had three great times of civil
war, and two of the three are undoubtedly times to which
we look back, and rightly, with feelings of national pride.
The civil wars of the thirteenth and of the seventeenth
centuries stand out among the most brilliant periods in
English history, and we may fairly say that they combine
an unusually large share of the good side of national com-
motions with an unusually small share of the evil. It is
possible to sympathize with both sides, at all events with
particular men on both sides. One reason is that, though
the appeal to arms on the popular side was in both cases
thoroughly justified, yet it was not called forth by any
particularly monstrous oppression. It is quite certain that
there were parts of the world either in the thirteenth
and in the seventeenth century where the misgovernment
of Henry the Third or of Charles the First would have
seemed unusually good government. It shows how much
higher the English standard in these matters was at any
given time, as compared with that of most other nations,
that our forefathers thought it worth while to draw the
sword in either case. The earlier part of the thirteenth
century is indeed somewhat different. King John and his
Braban9ons were positive evils in the land of a different
kind from anything that went on under either Henry or
Charles. Neither Henry nor Charles was a vulgar oppressor.
Henry the Third, in truth, we cannot call in his own person
an oppressor at all. In his personal character the ' King
of simple life ' was a most resjDectable gentleman ; only he
let his kingdom go to utter ruin, because he could not bear
268 ENGLISH CIVIL WAES. [Essay
to say No to his wife or his mother. Charles we may with
more reason call an oppressor, but he was not a wanton
oppressor. He was a despot on principle. Such a despot
is politically far more dangerous than a mere vulgar wrong-
doer ; but his position is not inconsistent with much that
entitles him to personal respect. Both these great struggles,
that of the thirteenth and that of the seventeenth century,
drew a certain elevation of character from the circum-
stances out of which they rose. The men who fought on
the popular side were not like men who are goaded into
revolt by mere brutal oppression, and who are therefore
tempted to repay in kind what they have themselves un-
dergone. They were men fighting for a principle, for the
old constitution and laws of England, and on the whole
they bore themselves in both cases in a manner worthy of
the cause in which they rose. And, on the other hand,
something of the same elevation of character was shared
by their adversaries also. The Royalists of the days both
of Charles and of Henry were fighting on what we hold to
be the wrong side, but they were not in either case fighting
for a system of gross oppression which it was plain at the
first blush that they ought to have been ashamed to sup-
port. From one point of view we may be sorry to see
good men on both sides coming together to take away one
another's lives. But it is really honourable to the national
character that, when great national struggles could not be
avoided, they should have been of such a kind that good
men could be found on both sides. In an ideal state of
things, Hampden and Falkland ought never to have been
arrayed against each other ; but it is something, as things
actually were, to have a Hampden and a Falkland to array
against each other. And in the earlier struggle, if we weep
for the overthrow of Simon the Righteous, it is something
that it was by the hand of the great Edward that he was
overthrown.
Our third great period of civil war, the struggle which
comes in point of time between the days of Evesham and
XII.l THIRTEENTH AND SEVENTEENTH CENTURIES. 269
the days of Naseby, is a less satisfactory spectacle than
either the earlier or the later time with which it has to
be compared. The thirteenth and the seventeenth cen-
turies are eminently attractive parts of our history ; the
fifteenth, in its internal aspect, is certainly somewhat re-
pulsive. It is not so easy to get up an interest in the
Wars of the Roses as in either of the other two great
struggles. The \xg\y features of civil strife come out into
special prominence. A war in which fellow-countrymen
butcher one another is not in any case an agreeable sight ;
and it becomes still less agreeable when fellow-countrymen
butcher one another, as it would seem at first sight, with-
out any cause whatever. The civil wars of the thirteenth
century and the civil wars of the seventeenth are both
perfectly intelligible. There is no doubt as to what the
combatants were fighting for on either side. But the civil
wars of the fifteenth century are by no means equally
clear. Our first impression is that men were fighting out
of mere blind attachment to personal leaders, or perhaps
that they were fighting without any intelligible reason
whatever, out of sheer love of giving and taking blows.
The name by which the struggle is commonly known is
significant. The other two have political names ; they
are the Barons' War and the Parliamentary War. With
the former of these names we may perhaps feel inclined
to quarrel. The name of the Barons' War sounds as if
it had been a struggle for aristocratic dominion, instead
of a struggle in which the barons simply acted as the first
rank of the people. Still names like the Barons' War,
the Parliamentary War, set forth well enough the political
nature of the struggle, a struggle between the nation and
its ruling powers. But the war of the fifteenth century has
no political name ; it is called, not after parties or classes
in the State, but after the accidental badges of two par-
ticular families. It is the War of the Poses ; and it might
seem at first sight that it really was little more than a
strife about a white and a red rose, a dispute in fact about
270 ENGLISH CIVIL WARS. [Essay
the colour of a shield, a dispute such as the dispute be-
tween blue and yellow still is to a good many who shout
on either side. But we may be quite sure that in a
country which had made such advances in civilized and
political life as England had made in the fifteenth century,
men did not go out to kill one another without some
better reasons than these. If we look a little below the
surface, we shall see that questions were involved a good
deal deeper than the colours of the two roses.
In the disputes of the fifteenth century, the issue was
by no means so simple as it was in the thirteenth or
in the seventeenth. In the seventeenth century, the
difficulty is that there was so much to be said on both
sides. In the fifteenth century the difficulty rather is
that there was so little to be said on either side. Or it
might be put that there was a good deal to be said on
both sides, but that the case on both sides was confused
and inconsistent. The formal claim of the House of York
rested on the dullest and most slavish doctrine of heredi-
tary right. That doctrine, as it was put forth by the
heads of that house, took a form yet duller and more
slavish than it took in the mouths of the Jacobites. The
Stewart pretenders were at least the male heirs of former
kino;s ; the elder of the two was what our fathers would
have deemed a true -^theling. the born son of a crowned
king. The strictly family sentiment could therefore gather
round them in a way in which it could not gather round
pretenders whose claim rested on an intricate pedigree of
female succession. The houses of Lancaster and York both
came of the direct male stock of Edward the Third, and,
according to male descent, York came of a younger branch
than Lancaster. But, by a diligent reckoning of great-
grandmothers, York could make itself out to be in the
female line the representative of an elder branch than
Lancaster. On the streng-th of such an hereditary claim
as this, men were called on to brand as a dynasty of
usurpers a dynasty which had reigned for three genera-
XIL] THE WARS OF THE ROSES. 271
tions by a thoroughly good parliamentary title. Yet,
notwithstanding the monstrous nature of the Yorkist
claim, it is not hard to see that there was practically a
good deal to be said on the Yorkist side. It is plain that
the dead conservatism of the country was on the side of
Lancaster, and that the advancing elements were for the
moment on the side of York. It is further plain that the
claim of the House of York was put forth as a kind of
afterthought. Wars and fiofhtinojs and merciless butcheries
had begun before it was thought of. We might say that
men had risen against oppression, and then, as if that were
not enough, cast about for some means of putting them-
selves formally in the right.
It does not therefore follow that the permanent in-
terests of the country were on the Yorkist side. When
we get to Edward the Fourth we feel as if we were
somehow getting into the region of Lewis the Eleventh
and Ferdinand of Aragon.* When Lord Lytton called
his novel the Lad of the Barons, he did not hit on
the most appropriate description of the personal Richard
Earl of Warwick. But the title well enough expresses the
change which came in with the accession of the house of
York. Henry the Eighth was through his mother the grand-
son of Edward the Fourth ; with the blood of Henry the
Fifth he had nothing to do in any way. But, when Bichard
Duke of York first put forth his claim to the crown, all
this could not be foreseen. The country at large most
likely did not greatly trouble itself about the different
stages of his pedigree. Men thought more of the plain
fact that the country had been shamefully mismanaged
by Margaret of Anjou and her favourites, and that Duke
Richard, a man of winning and popular character and the
best statesman and soldier that England then had, seemed
likely to manage things much better. It was in short a
strife which, like the other two, arose out of the actual
* [When this was written, the well-known name of ' the New
Monarchy ' had not yet been thought of.]
272 ENGLISH CIVIL WARS. [Essay
misgovernment of the time, but it put on a lower character
than either of the others, from its presently coming to take
the form of a dispute between two competitors for the
crown. The particular crimes of Margaret and her
favourites were greater than anything that could be laid
to the charge of either Henry the Third or Charles the
First. The cry for redress of grievances was as just in
the fifteenth century as it was in the thirteenth or the
seventeenth ; but when that cry was mixed up with the
claims of a particular family to the crown, it lost its real
national character and soon sank into a mere personal
and family dispute. And, as is sure to happen, men
showed themselves far more bloody, far more merciless,
in the war of a disputed succession, than they showed
themselves in either of the wars which were waged for
right and freedom. It was well for the men who were the
leaders of England at the earlier and at the later time that
they lay under no temptations to put themselves in the
place of their country. The strife of the seventeenth cen-
tury did not put on anything of a personal character till
the main dispute was settled. The war of the fifteenth
century had a personal character from the beginning ;
when the crown was once claimed, yet more when Duke
Richard was dead, it became on both sides a mere merci-
less butchery, a mere sacrifice to personal ambition.
If we turn from the purely domestic character of the
English civil wars to their aspect when looked at as parts
of general European history, the lower position of the
struggle of the fifteenth century, as compared with that
of either the earlier or the later time, stands out still more
clearly. The shaping of the English Constitution into its
existing form was the great contribution of England to
that work of universal creation and destruction which the
thirteenth century carried on through all Europe and civil-
ized Asia. That century was the time when old powers
fell and when new powers arose — the time when the
Eastern and the Western Empire, the Eastern and the
XIL] THEIR EUROPEAN ASPECT. 273
Western Church, the Eastern and the Western Caliphate,
all put on forms which made them, for greater strength
or for greater weakness, something utterly unlike what
they had been before. It was the time wdien the chief
nations of Europe became more definitely marked, when
languages put on something like their present form, when
states began to be marked by something like their present
boundaries. The changes which were the result of the
English civil wars of that age, the changes which dis-
tinguish the England of Edward the First from the Ene:-
land of John, were the share which England bore in the
great work which was going on throughout the world.
In the seventeenth century the connexion between English
affairs and those of other nations is less obvious, but is
none the less real. The direct connexion between our
civil war and the great struggle on the continent is mani-
fest; but there is something more than this. The war
of the seventeenth century was a war waged in order to
keep what the war of the thirteenth century had given
us. It was a war waged to save the last of those free
constitutions which had once been common to all the
kingdoms of Western Europe. In France and in Spain
the old institutions had vanished ; in England they still
lived on. It rested with England whether the fire of
freedom should still go on burning on one spot, ready,
when the time came, to be handed on once more to other
lands. Had Charles established his despotism in England,
as his brethren in France and Spain had established theirs,
the one coal that was left would have been quenched ;
the hearth of the Prytaneion of Europe would have be-
come cold. In this way the English civil war of the
seventeenth century was a struggle, not only for English,
but for European interests. The common welfare of man-
kind was at stake.
No such wider interests as these belong to the Wars
of the Roses. Great events were going on in other lands,
but the civil war of England had no reference to them.
T
274 ENGLISH CIVIL WARS. [Essay
The generation which fought for York and Lancaster was
the veneration which beheld the final overthrow of the
O
Empire of the East, which beheld the stamping out of the
last hopes of Lombard freedom, and which, on the other
hand, in the growth of the Burgundy of the Valois Dukes,
beheld the best chance of carrying out the hopes of a
thousand years by fixing a lasting barrier between Ger-
many and France. With the progress of these events,
Englishmen, busy in tearing one another in pieces within
their own four seas, had little or nothing to do. No doubt
the ill success of the English arms in France had much
to do with awakening that spirit of discontent without
which Duke Richard would have had but little chance of
pressing his claims. And at a later time Charles of Bur-
gundy had a certain amount of influence on the afiairs of
the island of whose royal house he deemed himself a
member. But to the general European character of either
the earlier or the later struggle the civil war of the
fifteenth century can make no claim. It is a time which,
when looked at carefully, has its interest, but on the whole
there is no part of our English history on which we can look
back with less satisfaction.
XlII.l THE BATTLE OF WAKEFIELD. 275
XIII.
THE BATTLE OF WAKEFIELD.
We spoke lately of the English civil wars of the fifteenth
century as contrasted with the earlier and later struggles
of the thirteenth and of the seventeenth. We wish now to
give some account of one of the particular battles which
took place between the supporters of the rival Koses, a
battle at once remarkable in itself and specially worthy of
examination as having been made the subject of several
popular misconceptions. It will be borne in mind that in
the Parliament of October 1460 a compromise was agreed on
between the claims of Henry the Sixth, as the actual possessor
of the crown, and the claims of Richard Duke of York by
virtue of an alleged hereditary right. Henry was to keep
the crown for life, and Richard was to succeed at his death,
and in the meanwhile to be Regent or Protector of the
kingdom. The effect of this award was to cut oif the
succession of Edward, the son of the reigning King, and
to put the Duke in his place as heir-apparent. Such an
award was not likely to be acceptable to Queen Margaret,
the mother of the prince who was thus shut out, and it is
especially noticed that several of the chief nobles of her
party, the Dukes of Exeter and Somerset, the Earls of
Northumberland and Devon, and many of the lords of the
North, were not present at the Parliament. The Queen
and her party therefore treated the award as a nullity, and
thus the settlement which was meant to bring matters to
a peaceful agreement led only to a continuance of the war.
The one battle fought at this stage of it was that of
T a
276 THE BATTLE OF WAKEFIELD. [Essay
Wakefield, in which Duke Richard lost his life ; and in this
his last fight he was at least formally in the right. He
went forth as the acknowledged Protector and heir-apparent
of the realm to put down a rising which had for its object
the disturbance of a parliamentary award. In this cause,
on the 30th of December, 1460, Duke Richard died in the
fiarht wasfed in the fields between the town of Wakefield
and the castle of Sandal.
In the narrative of this battle, as commonly told, two
ugly stories stand foremost. Queen Margaret is made to
be present in person ; the Duke is taken prisoner and be-
headed, with every circumstance of cruel mockery, and his
head is presented to the Queen. Again, one of the Duke's
sons, Edmund Earl of Rutland, described in the common
story as a boy of tender years, is said to have been killed
by Lord Cliff'ord with his own hand, under circumstances
of special cruelty. In both of these stories there is a great
deal of exaggeration, and it will be well to test the evi-
dence on which they severally rest. But before this is
done, it will be better, for the clearer understanding of the
story, to give some description of the site where the battle
took place.
The scene of the battle, the scene in any version of
the death of the Duke, lies in the low ground between
Wakefield and the Duke's head-quarters at Sandal. The
town itself stands on a slight eminence above the left bank
of the winding stream of the Calder, the river which re-
ceives the more famous stream of the Aire, the stream by
whose banks the Conqueror tarried so long on his great
march to win back Northumberland, The river flows
through low and marshy ground on either side, rising on
each side into irregular and not very lofty heights. One
of the most picturesque of ancient bridges connects the
town with the country to the south of it on the right bank
of the river. And the bridge on its eastern side is crowned
by a gem of medipeval art — perhaps we should moi'e strictly
say, by a facsimile of the gem, which has the same effect as
XIII.] WAKEFIELD TOWN AND BRIDGE. 277
the original in calling up the general aspect of the place.
This is the gi-aeeful chapel projecting over the river from the
eastern side of the bridge, a chapel which has been restored
almost to rebuilding in modern times, but which still repro-
duces the beautiful workmanship of the fourteenth century.
Compare the chapel over the Calder at Wakefield with the
boasted chapel by the Arno at Pisa, and we shall see how
little Englishmen — least of all Yorkshiremen — need to
crowd their streets with buildings which forsake the forms
of England for the forms of Italy. This 'right goodly
chapel of our Lady,' as Leland calls it, on ' the fair bridge
of stone of nine arches under the which rennith the river
of Calder,' was a foundation of the townsmen of Wake-
field ; but as the Dukes of York had obtained the license
in mortmain for them, they were formally held to be the
founders. Out of this connexion with the House of York
has probably grown the mythical belief that this chapel,
whose architecture shows it to be a hundred years older
than the battle, was founded for the good of the souls of
those who died in it.
Standing on the bridge and looking eastward, west-
ward, and southward, as far as the smoke of Wakefield
chimneys will let us look any way, several special points
may be made out among the low and wooded hills
which rise on either side. To the east, close above the
right bank of the river, rises the hill crowned by the
picturesque Elizabethan mansion of the Heath, which,
as far as we know, does not connect itself with any of
the events of the battle. But to the west^ on the left
bank of the river, lies the high ground of Thornes and
Lupsett, and there is one special point which is said to
have played a part in the battle, and which at all events
is remarkable on its own account. This is the small
peaked hill, just outside the park of Thornes, immediately
overlooking the town to the west, which bears the name,
varied by endless local spellings, of Lawe or Lowe Hill.
The former part of the name is of course the same as that
278 THE BATTLE OF WAKEFIELD. [Essay
which is found in the names of many heights in Northern
Britain, the Old-English hloew, the Gothic Idaiv, the word
used by Ulfilas for the holy tomb, and which lives in a most
corrupted shape in the Cuchamsley, the Civichelmeshloeiu,
of Berkshire topography. A central mound, seemingly,
like so many others, a natural mound raised and improved
by art and surrounded by a deep ditch, crowns a series
of slighter fortifications on the slope of the hil]. The name,
purely descriptive and not connected with any Teutonic
eponymos, may suggest that it was a work of the conquered
Welsh, which the English conquerors of the Brigantian
land found in much the same state as it is now. It is
a hill-fort which might have grown into a castle or into
a city, but which the caprice of human affairs has left
untouched among the surrounding dwellings of man. The
very meaning of its name has been forgotten ; the word
Idoew ceased to carry any meaning to modern ears, and,
as so often happens, another word of the same meaning
was added as an explanatory description of the word
which had passed into an unintelligible proper name. This
Lowe or Lawe Hill, already so distinguished in the six-
teenth century, has been thought, we know not exactly on
what authority, to have been the head-quarters of the Lan-
castrian side. It is more certain that it connects itself most
temptingly with the spot on the other side of the river
which undoubtedly was the head- quarters of the Yorkists.
This is the castle of Sandal, lying nearly due south of the
town. A local legend preserved by Leland, one of a class
which turns up everywhere, distinctly connects the history
of the two hills. The castle which was built at Sandal
was to have been built on Lawe Hill : —
'A quai-ter of a mile withowte Wakefeld apperith an Hille of Ertli
caste up, wher sum say that one of Erles Warines began to build, and
as fast as he buildid violence of Winde defacid the Work. This is
like a fable. Sum say that it was nothing but a Wind Mille Hille.
The place is now caullid Lohille.'
Now there would seem to be thus much of truth in the
XIII.] SANDAL CASTLE. 279
legend, that a process actually did take place at Sandal
which did not, thouo;h it might almost have been looked
for, take place at Lawe Hill. A primaeval fortress was
taken advantage of in the building of the mediaeval castle.
In the present state of the place primaeval and media3val
works are hopelessly confounded, or rather, as so often
happens, the earlier works have survived the later. The
works of the castle crown the highest point of a long
sloping hill, lying between the river and the village of
Sandal, whose cross church can hardly fail to draw atten-
tion by its central tower and choir of unusual length.
The castle itself, a work of the Earl Warren of the days of
Edward the Second, has sunk, save in one place where
some small remains of wall are left, into a confused heap
of mounds and fosses, which it would need the eye of
Mr. Clark to cover once more with the buildings which
they once upheld and defended. A notion of the general
effect may be got from a rude drawing of the Elizabethan
age, which was published by the Society of Antiquaries.
The castle itself was slighted in 1648, and the greater part
of the stones seem to have been carefully carried away.
But the ruin of the mediaeval works brings out only more
strongly the great mound with its ditch, of the same type
as its fellow the Lawe Hill, but of considerably greater
height and depth. Its value as a military post must have
been great in days when the country could really be seen,
whereas now the abiding smoke which turns the white
fleeces of the sheep into black makes it hard to do more
than guess at its features. On this height it was that Duke
Richard took up his quarters on the 21st of December,
1460. The lords of the Queen's party who had rejected
the award had gathered together their forces at York, and
the Duke had marched northwards to hinder their designs.
He had come accompanied, among others, by his son
Edmund Earl of Rutland, and by Richard Earl of Salisbury,
the father of the renowned King-maker. On their march
they lost some men in an encounter with Somerset's forces
280 THE BATTLE OF WAKEFIELD. [Essay
at Worksop, but they reached Sandal, as has already been
said, at the head of 6,000 men. The Lancastrian forces
were at Pontefract, and on the 29th or .30th of December
the battle took place.
The received account of the battle comes from the
chronicler Hall in the time of Henry the Eighth. His
version may be compared with several earlier authori-
ties. There is one which, according to some theories of
history, ought to be the most trustworthy of all, namely
the preamble to the Act of Parliament which declares the
three Lancastrian kings to have been usurpers, and Duke
Richard to have been the king de jure. We have also the
Chronicles of William Worcester, of John Whethamstede,
Abbot of St. Alban's, and that of an anonymous monk of
Crowland, commonly known as the ' Continuatio Crowland-
ensis.' Their different accounts do not exactly agree with
each other, but any one of them would be enough to con-
vict Hall's version of a good deal of misrepresentation.
First of all, was the Queen there ? According to the version
given by Hall and Fabyan, she would seem to have been
in actual command, and the rash determination of Duke
Richard to give battle is thrown by Hall into the form of
a magnanimous speech, in which he refuses to keep himself
shut up ' for dread of a scolding woman, whose weapon is
only her tongue and her nails.' But the more trustworthy
Crowland writer says of the Queen, ' in partibus borealibus
morabatur.' Just at this point there seems to be something
lost in his narrative, and he gives us no actual account of
the battle. But if we follow William Worcester, who seems
to be by far the best authority, Margaret was certainly
not now in Yorkshire, although she was in a part of the
world which might still more truly come under the head of
' partes boreales.' According to this chronicler, Margaret
had fled into Scotland in July, as soon as the Parliament
had been summoned for October (' Ft dicta regina Marga-
reta, cum principe Edwardo filio suo, de Wallia per mare
fugit in Scotiam '), and she did not come from Scotland to
XIII.] VERSIONS OF THE BATTLE. 281
York till after the battle was over (' dicto bello finito, regina
Margareta venit de Scotia Eboraco '). The Act of Parliament
makes no mention of Margaret at all, and Abbot Whet-
hamstede, though he attributes the action of the Northern
lords to her agency (' ad instantiam dominas Margaretse
reginse '), has not a word to imply that she was there in
person. We can therefore have no doubt whatever in
rejecting this part of Hall's story, and in setting down the
alleged immediate share of the Queen in the death of Duke
Richard as one of the exaggerations which were sure to
gather round such a story.
Of the battle itself, we have, setting aside the later ver-
sion of Hall, two distinct accounts. That of Worcester is
very sober and circumstantial; that of Abbot Whethamstede
is far more loose and high-flown, and seems to be quite
romantic in some of its details. The Abbot also shows a
less accurate knowledge of the ground than Worcester.
He gives no names to the places occupied by the two
parties, and he says that the Duke's force chose a place
and encamped near the town (' elegerunt ibi juxta villam
sibi campum stationis erigentes tentoria '), while the Lan-
castrians were encamped not far off (' castrum metati non
multum distantem a castris suis '). This is certainly not
an accurate description of Sandal and Pontefract. We
have also the Act of Parliament, but any one who wrote
history wholly from the Statute-book would never find
out that there was any battle at all. In the words of
the Act, the Duke was ' falsely, traitorously, horribly,
cruelly, and tyrannyously murdered.' This, when trans-
lated into everyday language, simply means that he was
killed in what, whatever we think of the justice of the war
on either side, was at any rate a fair fight. According
to Whethamstede a day was agreed upon for a battle
(' dies inter partes appunctuatus super tempore prselia-
tionis ') ; but the Lancastrians treacherously set upon the
Yorkists with superior numbers before the appointed day,
when they were out foraging. This is a kind of story
282 THE BATTLE OF WAKEFIELD. [Essay
which turns up in a great many times and places, and the
foraging party seems to be the only element of truth
in it. It is of course out of this story that the tale grew
about the challenge sent by the Queen and her party to
the Duke, and the Duke's answer about her tongue and
nails. But from Worcester it is plain that the battle was
brought on by accident, owing to an attack made by the
Lancastrians on the Duke's foraging parties (' gentibus
ducis Eborum vagantibus per patriam pro victualibus
quoerendiS; factum est execrabile bellum '). At all events
the Duke was tempted down from the height of Sandal,
and it is just at the foot of the sloping hill that tradition
places the place of his death. One huge and aged willow-
tree and the stump of another, the remains of three which
once stood there, are said to mark the exact spot. It is
plain that the battle must have raged over all the low
ground between the castle and the town. One peninsula
formed by a bold bend of the river bears the name of
Pugnells, a name which we do not profess to explain ; but
we need not say that local imagination has seized on it,
and sees in it a Latin memory of the fight.
Now comes the question as to the manner of the Duke's
death. We may set aside all versions of the story which re-
present Margaret as an actor or a spectator, but Whetham-
stede distinctly says that the Duke was taken alive, crowned
and saluted in mockery, and then beheaded. But then he
almost pronounces the condemnation of his own story
when he brings in the dangerous comparison : — ' Non aliter
quam Judsei (?) coram Domino incurvaverunt genua sua
coram ipso.' The story too seems set aside by the distinct
words of the Act of Parliament that the Duke and his com-
panions, ' after they were dede,' were ' heded with abhomyn-
able cruelte and horrible despite, against all humanite,
and nature of nobles.' It is plain from Worcester that the
Duke was killed in actual fighting, as was Thomas Neville,
son of the Earl of Salisbury, and a number of men of all
ranks amounting to 2,000. The Earl of Salisbury was
XIII.] DEATH OF DUKE RICHARD. 283
taken prisoner the next night, not, as Hall says, wounded
and taken prisoner in the conflict. In the flight the Earl
of Rutland was stopped and killed on the bridge by Lord
Clifford. This is really all that we know for certain.
Earl Edmund, born, as Worcester carefully tells at the
proper point of his annals, at Rouen on Monday, May 1 7th,
1443, at seven o'clock in the evening, was certainly not, as
Hall makes him, a boy of twelve in December, 1460. We
may therefore suspect that the pathetic tale in Hall, which
has grown into a pathetic scene in Shakspeare, has a large
mythical element in it. The plain story in Worcester runs
thus : —
' In crastino apud Pountfrett bastavdus Exonise occidit dictum comi-
tem Saram, ubi per concilium dominorum decollaverunt corpora
mortua ducis Eborum et comitis Sarum et Ruttland. . . . posuerunt-
que capita eorum super diversas partes Eboraci. Capud quoque ducis
Eboraci in despectu coronaverunt carta.'
Leland seems to confound the death of the father and the
son: —
' Yn the flite of the Duke of York's Parte, other the Duke hymself,
or his sun therle of Rutheland, was slayne a little above the Barres
beyond the Bridge going up into the Toune of Wakefeld that standith
ful fairely apon a clyving ground. At this place is set up a Crosse in
rei memoriam. The commune saying is there that the Erie wold
have taken ther a poore Woman's house for socour, and she for fere
shet the Dore and strait the Erie was killid.'
The story of this battle is worth examining, as showing
at how late a time in our history a legendary element is
still to be found, and as showing also, in the case of Abbot
Whethamstede's version, how soon after the event that
legendary element arose. And it is perhaps something to
clear the character of Queen Margaret from any direct share
in the base treatment of the Duke dead or alive, thoug-h,
as we do not read that she ordered his head to be taken
down from the gate, she may still be looked on as in some
sort an accomplice after the fact.
284 NATIONAL PROSPERITY AND THE REFORMATION. [Essay
XIV.
NATIONAL PROSPERITY AND THE
REFORMATION.*
The ' Reformation,' the ' Blessed Reformation,' is an
event of which, in England at least, it is not easy to fix the
exact date. There are not a few who talk as if the re-
ligious changes of the sixteenth century were with us, as
they were in some foreign lands, a single act done at a
particular time. And to this supposed single act the most
astonishing results are sometimes attributed. Among many
sayings of the kind one made by a well-known peer in his
place in Parliament may be taken as setting forth a large
mass of opinion on the subject.
'It was important to observe bow entirely tbis nation bad been
blessed and made great since tbe Reformation. We were certainly a
respectable European Power before that event, but gave no promise
of our subsequent power and influence. But since that period, and
especially during the time of Elizabeth, our Colonial Empire had
been established, and we had extended our name, language, and
religion over a very large portion of the globe.'
It may perhaps be thought by some to be a somewhat
Jewish way of looking at things to estimate the advantages
* [In reprinting this article I have added a few things. I have
also struck out most of the immediate and temporary comments on
particular persons and their sayings. But it is fair to say that the
one saying which was taken as a text came from a speech of
the late Lord Redesdale. I had often, in the course of my Saturday
Review writings, to comment on speeches of his. And liord Redesdale
was the kind of opponent whom one is always glad to have to deal
with. For, whatever one thought of his position, he always knew his
own meaning and he always set it forth honestly.]
XIV.] DATE OF THE REFORMATION. 285
of a religious change by the temporal prosperity which
it is supposed to bring with it. But the assertion has often
been made before, and it will most likely often be made
again. It may therefore be worth while to look a little
further into the facts of the case, without special reference
to any particular statement on the subject. And for this
purpose it will not be needful to dive into the exact
meaning of the word ' Reformation.' People use that word
in the vaguest way, without attaching any kind of meaning
to it, and jumbling together a great many quite distinct
events. The Reformation sometimes means the throwing off
the authority of the Pope ; sometimes it means the disso-
lution of the monasteries, sometimes the setting forth of
the English prayer-book. Now all these are distinct events
which happened with some space of years between them.
We might even say that none of the events themselves was
strictly speaking one event ; for each was done by degrees.
Each is quite distinct in idea ; moreover it is conceivable,
though certainly not likely, that any one of the three might
have happened without either of the others following. All
three undoubtedly have a connexion ; all three, in the view
of general history, were parts of one general movement ;
but the mere annalist would have to set them down as
events which had nothing whatever to do with each other.
In England the Reformation, Blessed or otherwise, was not
a sinsfle act done at a single time, but the final result of a
great number of changes, backwards and forwards, spread
over a time of more than thirty years. One can hardly
conceive any one being really so ignorant as not to acknow-
ledge this for a true statement of the facts. But this is
one of the endless cases in which men do not use their
knowledge, one of the cases in which they would, if closely
pressed in an examination, give a right answer, but in
which they habitually speak and act according to quite
another way of looking at things. Laying all this aside,
there is the fact that the religious condition of England
in 1570 undoubtedly differed not a little from its religious
286 NATIONAL PROSPERITY AND THE REFORMATION. [Essay
condition iu 1520. How far is there any reason to suppose
that the advances made since that time by England, whether
in war, commerce, external dominion, or internal good go-
vernment, are the direct results of those religious changes 1
National prosperity, it must be remembered, is of two
kinds, which may go together or may not. A state may
be great in the sense of being powerful, great in extent and
population ; its counsels may be listened to in peace, and
its armies may be dreaded in war. It may be placed be-
yond all fear of being conquered itself, and it may have the
means of conquering other states, if it chooses to use them.
On the other hand, there may be a state whose physical
extent and power could not successfully resist some of its
neighbours, whose voice is never heard in diplomacy except
with regard to its own affairs, and yet which may be
thoroughly free, well governed, and materially prosperous
within its own borders. It may well be better off in all
these things than many of the powers which in physical
strength far surpass it. Of course either kind of prosperity
is more likely to be permanent when it is backed up by
the other. The external power of a state cannot last if it
is thoroughly ill governed and discontented at home. On
the other hand, there is always a fear that the internal
prosperity and good government of the small state may be
put an end to by its conquest by some greater state.
Now we Englishmen are apt to fancy, and there is a
germ of truth in tlie fancy, that we have the advantage
over all other nations in the union of various forms of what
the prayer-book calls health and wealth. Internal freedom,
external importance, material prosperity, are three excel-
lent things. Other nations have one or two of them
separately. Frenchmen, notwithstanding that they live
under a despotism,'^ contrive to get rich at home and to
make a noise all over the world. Dutchmen, Belgians,
Swiss, are free and happy in their own fashion at home,
but nobody cares about them as European powers. Even
* [1868.]
XIV.] PROSPERITY OF ENGLAND. 287
Russia, however lacking in the other points, is at least very
big, and is not to be meddled with without due forethought.
As for Spain, Greece, and the dominions of the Turk, they
are supposed to lack everything at home and abroad. We,
on the other hand, are supposed to unite all advantages.
We are as great as the great powers, as free and happy as
the small ones. If we are all thiS;, and if the Blessed
Reformation has made us all this, then the Blessed Reform-
ation is very blessed indeed, and is the cause of much
blessedness. It is Beatrix as well as Beata.
In England indeed, if we understand by the Reformation
the whole series of events which are commonly confounded
under that name, it was only accidentally that the Re-
formation was theological at all. Henry the Eighth did
little more than succeed in doing what Henry the Second
had failed in trying to do ; and Henry the Eighth had
hardly any more serious thought of theological change than
Henry the Second. The utmost he did was now and then
to coquet with the enemies of his enemy. Patriotic men
wished to get rid of a foreign authority and to correct
manifest practical abuses in the Church. Amongst other
things, they saw that the enormous wealth and power of
the clergy, above all of the regulars, needed to be greatly
lessened. There is no doubt that King Henry saw all this
as well as any man. But he also wished to get rid of his
wife anyhow, and he and his courtiers wished to enrich
themselves anyhow. Through all these causes, the Papal
authority was abolished, the monasteries were suppressed,
the wings of the secular clergy were effectually clipped.
To many no doubt all these things seem part of the Blessed
Reformation ; some, for aught we know, may think that
they were all done by the Blessed King Edward himself.
In the eye of history, all this is simply the consummation
of what Englishmen had been striving after for ages. The
motives of many of the actors in those days were doubtless
very base ; many of the means taken, many of the incidents
of the change, were shameful and wicked. But the changes
288 NATIONAL PROSPERITY AND THE REFORMATION. [Essay
themselves did nothing but cany out fully what English
legislation had long been aiming at partially. Henry the
Second had tried to accomplish too much, and he had
therefore broken down. But, from Edward the First on-
ward, there was hardly a reign in which some statute or
other was not passed aiming in the same general direction
as the statutes of Henry the Eighth. Ecclesiastical corpor-
ations too had been freely suppressed in all ages, whenever
the needs of the kingdom called for such suppression. The
suppression of the alien priories under Henry the Fifth was
the great example, but it was not the only one. What was
peculiar to the suppression under Henry the Eighth was
its far more sweeping extent, and the details of unbridled
rapacity and sickening desecration with which it was
carried out. But the movements in both these directions,
spread over so many centuries, were begun, continued, and
ended without any thought of theological change. The
theological change came later, under the Innocent and
Blessed Prince.* Another theological change back again
came under his Bloody sister. Edward and Mary alike
were sincere religious zealots, and made their theological
changes from real motives of religious duty. Both these
reigns of theological change were reigns of manifest national
decline. England, great under Henry, became small under
Edward and Mary. She became great again under Eliza-
beth. But Elizabeth was only accidentally a theological
reformer. Her real inclination was to the system established
by her father, to Popery without the Pope ; she was Pro-
testant only because it was found that Popery without
the Pope could not stand, and that it was needful to be
one thing or the other. In that age the European posi-
tion of England rose and fell, as it has risen and fallen in
earlier and in later times, according to the character of its
rulers. Fluctuations of this kind have gone on from the
earliest days of our history. The difference between the
* [Such was the style in those clays, perhaxDs it is still, of the popular
canonization of Edward the Sixth.]
XIV.] THE REFORMATION HOW FAR THEOLOGICAL. 289
Eno-land of ^thelstan and the England of iEthelred is
essentially the same as the difference between the England
of the elder Pitt and the England of Bute and North.
The Reformation in short was no one event, no special
outpouring of divine grace, as we may fairly believe the
fu'st preaching of Christianity to the English to have been.
We may indeed be sure that, as England became more and
more closely connected with the continent, its conversion
to Christianity would have followed sooner or later ; but,
as a matter of fact, the conversion was begun by the preach-
ing of one company of strangers. The Reformation was
nothing like this. It was a political movement which in-
cidentally became a theological one. Let no one think
that we undervalue even its purely theological aspect.
There can be no doubt that the Protestant theology suits
a free people far better than the Roman Catholic theology
does. No mistake indeed can be greater than to look on
the Reformation as the establishment of freedom of thought
or of religious liberty. Its immediate result was simply to
put one intolerant system in the stead of another. But a
system founded on a revolt was itself more open to revolts,
and in this indirect way religious liberty was the result of
the Reformation. The truth is that men's minds were
stirring ; they were busy inventing printing, discovering
continents, ransacking the remains of forgotten ages. At
such a time people could not keep quiet ; one change
led to another ; the changes were far from being every-
where in the same direction ; but there were changes of
some kind everywhere. Here in England, we finished our
work with the Pope which we had been at so long, and we
began to devote our superfluous energies to colonizing
America instead of to conquering France. All these things
were not the results of theological change, but they and the
theological change were joint results of the same causes.
A Teutonic nation dwelling in an island, we had ad-
vantages above all other nations. We were called on to
be free, enterprising, dominant by sea. We had begun to
u
290 NATIONAL PROSPERITY AND THE REFORMATION. [Essay
be all these things long before any theological change was
thought of. We did not become free, enterprising or domi-
nant, because we had embraced certain theological dogmas.
We rather embraced certain theological dogmas because we
instinctively found them to be those which best suited
a free, an enterprising, and a dominant nation.
Now, laying aside all mere exaggerations of national
vanity, it really does seem that England does combine a
greater number of advantages of different kinds than most
other nations, and that it has, on the whole, done so pretty
steadily for a long time past. We never threatened all
Europe as the Spaniard and the Turk once did ; but then
we have never utterly broken down like the Spaniard and
the Turk. Our greatness has not been the transitory great-
ness of Holland or Sweden, nations which have fallen from
a great European position, and have found it prudent to
withdraw within their own borders. We have not, like the
House of Austria, lived from hand to mouth, getting on
somehow by dint of hopes, memories, titles, and accidents.
We have kept up our external importance, not quite, but
nearly, as steadily as France, and we flatter ourselves, not
without reason, that we have got on much better than
France at home.
It is very easy to say that all this is owing to the
Blessed Reformation. It is just as easy to say that it
is owing to causes altogether different. On any showing
we must not look at England, or at the United Kingdom,
apart from the rest of Europe. Lord Macaulay, in a well-
known essay, pointed out the general advantages of the
Northern or Protestant part of Europe above the Southern
or Roman Catholic part. Admitting this as generally true,
perhaps less conspicuously true now than it was when Lord
Macaulay wrote, still the question arises, Is the superiority
owing to its being Northern or to its being Protestant?
Prima facie one cause is as likely as the other, and it is
unfair to assume either as the one necessary cause without
examination. The battle of the two religions is perhaps
XIV.] NORTHERN AND SOUTHERN EUROPE. 291
best fought on a nan-ower field. If, as may be seen in so
many parts of Germany and Switzerland, communities are
found side by side alike in blood, language, and political
constitution, but differing in religion, here is 'pr'iDia facie
the best opportunity for testing the practical working of
their several religions. Yet even here the comparison is
not always quite fair. We are constantly told to contrast
the prosperity of Protestant Vaud with the poverty and
lack of progress in Catholic Wallis, as if the signature of
all the articles in the w^orld could get the same amount of
wealth out of the soil of Wallis as out of the soil of Vaud.
A comparison between Ziirich and Luzern would be much
more to the purpose. Still difficulties attend the com-
parison on such a narrow field as this, simply because it is
such a narrow field. We are constantly tempted to make
a grand and broad inference, and to neglect all kinds of
local circumstances, which nevertheless may have just
as much to do with the matter as any more general theory.
But returning to the wider comparison of one large part of
Europe with another large part, neither the explanation
grounded on difierence of religion nor the explanation
grounded on difference of race or climate has any real
jjrima facie claim to preference as against the other. The
question cannot be decided in an offhand way on either side ;
it calls for a much deeper examination. Perhaps on the
whole we may be inclined, not so much to look on the
prosperity of England, or of any other Protestant country,
as the result of its religion, as to look on the religious
change of the sixteenth century as merely one among
several efforts by which that prosperity was won.
It has been said, over and over again, that the Reforma-
tion w^as a Teutonic movement, and the saying is perfectly
true. The Protestant nations and the Teutonic nations of
Europe so nearly coincide that the exceptions either way
manifestly are exceptions. Some people in Germany and
Switzerland of the purest Teutonic blood and speech still
cleave to the old religion. On the other hand, the Romance-
U 2
292 NATIONAL PROSPERITY AND THE REFORMATION. [Essay
speaking cantons of Switzerland are mainly Protestant.
But these exceptions plainly are exceptions, and in many
cases they can be accounted for by special causes. Catholic
Germany, for instance, was largely made so by the Catholic
reconquest under Jesuits and Austrian Emperors. As a
rule, the Teutonic nations are Protestant, the Romance
nations are Catholic. The appendages, as we may call
them, to Western Europe, nations like Poland and Hungary
which are neither Romance nor Teutonic, hardly affect our
argument ; but on the whole they are Catholic. That is
to say, the Reformation, as a Teutonic movement, though
it affected both Poland and Hungary, was not finally suc-
cessful in those non-Teutonic lands. So it affected both
Spain and Italy, and France, we need not say, infinitely
more. But in Spain and Italy it was easily stamped out,
and in France it yielded in the long run. In most of these
countries it was a purely theological movement. A few
Spaniards and a few Italians changed their theological belief,
and that was about all. In the Teutonic countries, above
all in England, the case was widely different. In England,
before all other lands, the movement was strictly national.
It is easy to scoff at the way in which the nation followed
its rulers backwards and forwards. But it did follow them,
and for the more part willingly. The nation, as a whole,
went heartily with Henry in getting rid of the Pope. As
to the dissolution of the monasteries and the change of the
services men were more divided. And they were divided
locally ; each measure caused a local insurrection, but only
a local one. When Mary restored the old ritual, we may
be pretty sure that she carried the majority of her people
with her. It was the restoration of the papal authority,
followed by a persecution which fell mainly on the poor,
the lame, the halt, and the blind, which distinctly turned the
English nation the other way. One may doubt whether the
intermediate system of Henry could have stood in any case;
but the reign of Mary made it hopeless.
XV.]
CARDINAL POLE. 293
XV.
CARDINAL POLE*
Lives of (he Archbishops of Ccmterhury. By Walter Farquliar Hook,
D.D., F.R.S. Volume III.— Reformation Period. London: Richard
Bentley 1869.
We have looked forward to this volume of Dean Hook's
series with more than usual interest. The Life of Pole
was, as it were, cut out to make a crucial test for a
biographer of Archbishops. We open the volume with
our^ears still remembering the paneg^^ic of Macaulay on
' the last and best of the Roman Catholic Archbishops of
Canterbury, the gentle Reginald Pole.' Without professing
to determine whom Lord Macaulay may have meant by
' the Roman Catholic Archbishops of Canterbury,' we feel
that the praise is meant to be high, and we suspect that
it is exaggerated. If by 'Roman Catholic Archbishops,'
Lord Maclulay meant all the Archbishops from Augustine
to Pole, or even from Lanfranc to Pole, we need not stop
to show that it is exaggerated. On the other hand, we
remember how unpleasant a figure Pole cuts in the sixth
volume of Mr. Froude, and we long to see what Dr. Hook
will make of him. In dealing with a much earlier part
of Dr. Hook's history we held that he had failed to do
justice to Anselm, and that he had succeeded in doing
justice to Thomas. And the reason we took to be that
* [In reprinting these articles on subjects connected with the last
essay, I have left them in their original shape of reviews, leaving out
only a few points of criticism in detail. Nor have I attempted to
work in anything from later wi-iters. In the case of Pole, Mr. R. W.
Dixon has lately gone over the same ground.]
294 CARDINAL POLE. [Essay
to do justice to Thomas needed a greater and more con-
scious effort, and that the effort had therefore been made.
It seems at first sight tliat it calls for an effort of the same
kind on Dr. Hook's part to do justice to Pole. But we
are not sure that the cases are strictly parallel. Dr. Hook's
strono- belief in the historical Church of Eno-land sometimes
CD O
draws near to the verge of a doctrinaire theory, but it
effectually helps him to deal fairly with the particular
characters of the sixteenth century. The Roman Catholic
partisan and the Protestant partisan are bound to one side
or the other. Such an one may try to be fair ; he may
avoid actual misrepresentation ; but he cannot help colour-
ing ; it is a point of honour with the one to make out the
best case for Pole, and with the other to make out the best
case for Cranmer. Dr. Hook would say that each alike
writes in the interest of a sect. At all events no such
necessity is laid upon himself. In his eyes Warham,
Cranmer, Pole, and Parker, are all alike Primates of the
historical Church of England. Each administered the law
of this Church and realm as he found it. Dr. Hook may
hold the law of this Church and realm to have been better
at one time than at another ; he may hold that this Arch-
bishop administered that law with more of wisdom and
righteousness than another ; but to none of them is Dr.
Hook bound as his own immediate representative in oppo-
sition to the others. The four lawfully succeeded each other
in the same offi,ce, and Dr. Hook's part and lot in each of
them is equal. Now this view may to some seem stiff
and formal ; it may seem to make too much of the official
acts of Kings, Parliaments, and Convocations, and too
little of the moving spirit which underlay all of them.
But, however this may be, Dr. Hook's position is one
which distinctly makes it easier to deal fairly with indi-
vidual characters. In his view Cranmer and Pole are not
the heads of two opposing sects, under the banners of one
or other of which every man must enrol himself. To him
they are simply successive chief officers of the Church of
XV.] DR. HOOK'S POSITION. 295
which he is himself a member. He can therefore afford
to judge each of them ahke without any fear of conse-
quences to his own position. Of the four Primates whom
we mentioned, if Dr. Hook were to deem himself in any
measure bound to any one of them above the rest, it would
clearly be neither Cranmer nor Pole, but Parker. Parker
might be looked upon as the representative of the existing
settlement of the Church of England, while Cranmer and
Pole represent in Dr. Hook's eyes successive past states of
things, each of which was lawful at the time, but both
of which have been lawfully abolished.
On the whole Dr. Hook's estimate of Pole does not differ
very widely from Mr. Froude's ; at any rate he comes
much nearer to Mr. Froude than he comes to Lord Mac-
aulay. We mean with regard to the great question as
to Pole's share in the persecution under Mary. It is really
wonderful how every fresh inquirer into these times does
something fresh to sweep away the old vulgar tradition
which threw all blame on the shoulders of Bonner and
Gardiner. In Dr. Hook's pages a large share of the guilt
of the persecution is transferred from Gardiner to Pole.
Nor must we not forget how deeply the lay statesmen
of Mary's reign were concerned, and above all the first
Marquess of Winchester. And, in his view, Pole's perse-
cution assumes a very hateful character. He did not
persecute either as a statesman or as a fanatic. Mary's
share in the persecution was undoubtedly that of a sincere
fanatic. Gardiner, so far as he persecuted at all, persecuted
as a statesman. He believed that the threat of persecution,
the actual execution, if it proved needful, of a few of the
chiefs of the party, would at least silence the heretics, if it
did not convince them. It seems to have been Pole more
than any one else who must bear the blame of the great
numbers of utterly obscure persons who were sacrificed.
And to what were they sacrificed ? They were sacrificed,
according to Dr. Hook, to keep up Pole's own character
for orthodoxy. Pole, a fanatical believer in the Papal
296 CARDINAL POLE. [Essay
supremacy, was Lutheran, or Protestant, or whatever it
is to be called, on some points of theological dogma, espe-
cially that of Justification. His system might almost be
called Protestantism with the Pope, as the system of Henry
and Gardiner was Popery without the Pope. Dr. Hook
explains that, up to the later sessions of the Council of
Trent, this position involved no formal departure from
Eoman orthodoxy. But it was a position which might
easily bring a man under suspicion. And indeed Pole did
fall under suspicion of heresy more than once in his life.
In the days of Paul the Third, his known theological views
and his leniency towards the Reformers caused his ortho-
doxy to be called in question. And in the days of his
personal enemy Paul the Fourth, Pole, Cardinal, Legate,
Archbishop, chief adviser of the Queen of England and
reconciler of her realm to the Roman obedience, was
actually made the object of a formal charge of heresy,
which charge of heresy was never formally withdrawn.
It was, so Dr. Hook holds, to clear his own character
for orthodoxy, to wipe out all suspicion of heretical pra-
vity, that Pole became so eager a destroyer of heretics
as to go beyond all English precedent, and to order his
officers to search for heretics. To do this, simply to keep
up his own reputation, is far more hateful than either
the fanaticism of Mary or the cruel policy of Gardiner.
Yet we must not forget that Mary, Pole, and Gardiner
were all of them simply executing the law as they found
it, a law which had just before been sharpened for their
use by the ready zeal of the two Houses of Parliament.
The question in any case was. Shall we interfere to miti-
gate the severity of the law? Pole, hitherto known as
a man of gentle and lenient conduct, as soon as his own
ecclesiastical reputation was at stake, allowed a crowd of
his fellow-creatures to die for his own good name. Yet,
after all, in so doing he only let the law take its course,
when he mio-ht have interfered to soften it.
These bloody doings towards the end of Pole's life form
XV.] CHARACTER OF POLE. 297
a strange contrast to his general disposition and conduct.
They form a contrast also to the other works on which
he was engaged at the time, the instructions which he
put forth for his clergy, and the devotional books which
he put together for his people. In both these last, allow-
ing for those points on which Pole's notions dift'er from
ours, it is hard to see anything but good sense and
sincere piety and benevolence. The Popery, if we may
so call it, of Pole's Primer is of the mildest kind ; it is
something widely different from the rampant Popery of
modern converts and Ultramontanes. There is no fore-
shadowing of the worship of Saint Joseph or of any other
of the strange devotions of later times. The cidtus of the
Virgin does not get beyond a simple ' Ora pro nobis.' The
devotions addressed to the Saviour are fervent, and what
people would call evangelical. But while all this was
going on, the burnings, more inexcusable in Pole than
in any other persecutor, were going on too.
Pole was a man whose destiny placed him in a position
too high for his abilities. To trace him through his career
both in Italy and in England is exactly the sort of task
which suits Dr. Hook, with his keen insight into human
nature and with that tone of good-humoured sarcasm of
which he is so fond. Without any claim to be called the
best of Roman Catholic Archbishops or of any other large
class of men, Pole was a man whose faults were, on the
whole, decidedly outweighed by his virtues. As a contro-
versialist his invective was savage, and as a ruler he
showed in the last days of his life that he could even
bring himself to be cruel. But his natural disposition was
eminently gentle and concihatory, and we may be sure
that, whenever he left the path into which that natural
disposition would have guided him, he sincerely believed
that he was doing God service. His private life was
blameless, and how amiable his private character was is
shown by the warm and lasting personal friendships which
he formed with so many of the best men of the time. But
298 CARDINAL POLE. [Essay
he was weak, vain, and passionate ; he vastly overrated
his own powers and his own importance, and he was for
ever seeking the management of affairs which called for
a much stronger hand than his. As a statesman and
diplomatist he utterly failed. Men like Charles the Fifth
and his ministers soon saw through him, though the Em-
peror seems always to have had a kindly feeling for
him personally. Like exiles in general, he misunderstood
the feelings of the country from which he was banished,
and deluded others on the subject till he was gradually
found out. And besides the general tendency of exiles to
overrate themselves and their influence and to forget
changes which have happened in their absence, Pole was
specially led astray by over-valuing his own hereditary
position. This last is a curious point, and one on which it
may be well to speak a little more at length.
One point in which Reginald Pole fancied that he held a
more important place in the eyes of Englishmen than he
really did, was that he looked on himself as a prince, as he
seems to have been looked on as a prince in foreign lands.
But Englishmen had as yet hardly learned to take in the idea
of princes at all, and they certainly did not reckon Reginald
Pole among the class. He was the son of the daughter of
Clarence, the son of the last Plantagenet. But his father
was only a private gentleman, and his distant and doubtful
chance of succession to the crown was far from giving him
the position which modern etiquette would possibly give to
the second cousin of the sovereign.* Henry the Eighth
acknowledged Reginald as a kinsman, and provided magni-
ficently for him without any cost to himself. He de-
signed him for the highest honours of the Church, and, on
the strength of what he was to be, he loaded him with
ecclesiastical preferment while still a layman. But Henry
* [When this was written, it had not been ruled that the direct
descendants of a sovereign, if by female descent only, may have only
the precedence due to them by birth on the fathers sitle. Their
claim to the crown is of course in no way barred.]
XV.] PERSONAL POSITION OF POLE. 299
was slow in acknowledging the claims of the family, even
by such an act of justice as restoring to Pole's mother the
estates and honours to which she was entitled by female
succession. And it certainly never seems to have come
into Henry's head to show any favour to the scheme which
was the dream of Pole's life till within its last four years,
the scheme of a marriage with the Lady Mary. How far
Queen Katharine may have encouraged such hopes is an-
other matter. Dr. Hook has drawn an eminently char-
acteristic and by no means improbable picture of the
relations between her and the Countess of Salisbury on the
subject. It may have been, as he suggests, an event which,
if it so happened, would have given the Queen a certain
satisfaction, but which she felt in no way inclined to labour
to bring about. But Pole never gave up the thought till
Mary's marriage with Philip put an end to all such hopes.
It was clearly this hope which made him, holder of eccle-
siastical benefices and devoted to ecclesiastical studies and
objects, forbear so long actually to enter into holy orders.
Dean of Wimborne and of Exeter as he was, Pole did
not receive the tonsure till he was made a Cardinal, and
he did not take priest's orders till he was named to the
archbishopric of Canterbury. This long-continued dream
illustrates his character. One cannot suppose that the
Cardinal was, in any ordinary sense, in love with the
Princess, whom he never saw for many years. He would
no doubt have said, and said truly, that it was only
with the view of promoting the Catholic cause in Eng-
land that he continued to wish for a marriage which in
his younger days would have been less grotesquely in-
congruous. But why should he have dreamed of this
particular way of promoting the cause, when to promote
it, as he did in the end, as Legate or Archbishop, or even as
Pope, would seem so much more naturally in his line of
life ? He had doubtless brooded all his days on his
royal descent, perhaps with the feelings of one who felt
himself the representative of York against Lancaster, and
300 CARDINAL POLE. [Essay
who forgot that Henry the Eighth in no way represented
Lancaster and was a nearer representative of York than
himself. The grandson of Clarence was eager to do what
he could for the cause of the Church in England ; but
while everything obviously prompted him to serve her as
one of her ministers, his own ambition was to serve her as
a nursing father, as a king, or at least as a queen's husband.
Whatever other motives may have combined, no doubt
these utterly vain fancies helped to make him refuse the
archbishopric of York at an early stage of his life, and to
make him in later days throw away his chance of the
Popedom.
And yet it was to this man, who so utterly miscal-
culated his powers and his position, who failed so hope-
lessly in all his attempts at statesmanship, who was
through life the tool of men craftier than himself, that a
mission fell such as never fell to any other mortal. From
Pole's point of view no exaltation could be so great as
when it became his duty to pronounce the solemn absolu-
tion of his repentant country. Others had seen kings
standing at their gates or grovelling at their feet ; but Pole
alone received the submission of a nation. He alone among
men ever saw the people of England, represented by
the Lords and Commons of England, kneeling at his feet
as his penitents. Our feelings, both national and theolo-
gical, are so offended at the bare notion that we find it
hard to take in the full sublimity of the scene as looked at
from the papal point of view. If we can put ourselves
for a moment in Pole's position, we can understand the
mingled feelings with which he went — with a demeanour
worthy of the occasion — through a duty the like of which
has fallen to no man before or since.
The conduct of Pole, whatever else we may think of it,
is for the most part so strongly marked by honesty of
purpose that one is rather surprised to find Dr. Hook
speaking of lack of sincerity as one of his failings. No
one would apply such hard words to him because he talked,
XV.] THE RECONCILIATION. 301
in a half sincere, half conventional way, of his wish to
give up his mission to England and to retire into private
life, and then, when he had a serious oifer of being relieved
from his duties, found out that he was quite able and
ready to discharge them. It is more damaging when Dr.
Hook produces two letters from Pole to Henry the Eighth,
from which it appears that Pole was actively employed in
bringing about the judgement of the University of Paris
in favour of the King's divorce. This he afterwards, when
he wrote his book He Unitate, strongly denied. Now Dr.
Hook allows that, if Pole, at that time, had acted on the
Kino-'s behalf in the matter of the divorce, there would
have been nothing discreditable or inconsistent in so doing.
The question is, whether Pole's later denial was a wilful
falsehood. It does not seem to us that it need be. It is
wonderful how easily people can, without any conscious
lying, forget things which they wish to forget. Another
charge against Pole, which certainly does not seem in har-
mony with other parts of his character, that of love of
money, appears to stand on better grounds. He wished to
hold the see of Winchester with that of Canterbury, and
when that was not allowed, he made White, who was
appointed to the bishopric, pay him a thousand pounds
yearly, a sum which in those days must have been a large
part of the revenues of the see.
Dr. Hook has, in this volume, been carried a long way
out of the usual field of his studies, among the scholars
and reformers of Italy in the sixteenth century, and he
has produced a clear and interesting picture of the society
which gathered around the banished Cardinal. His present
volume has also more connexion than usual with the
general history of Europe. But we are not sure that, on
the whole, it quite equals the more purely English interest
of the lives of Warham and Cranmer. And the mechanical
arrangements of the book become more perplexing than
ever. There is something very grievous about a volume
consisting of one unbroken chapter, and headed by a table
302 CARDINAL POLE. [Essay
of contents which does not refer to pages. And in a narra-
tive in which close attention to chronology is of special
importance, it is disappointing, when we cast our eye to
the margin in order to learn the exact date, to see only the
well-known fact, repeated in every page, that Pole was
Archbishop of Canterbury from 1556 to 1558. And we
would call Dr. Hook's attention to one or two points in
his book. Does he not overrate the exploits of the English
contingent at the battle of Saint-Quentin ? And is his
law right when he says that, if the Chapter of Canterbury
had failed to elect Pole, they would have been liable to
a 2?raimunirel Surely, after the statutes of Henry and
Edward were repealed, and before Henry's statute was
revived by Elizabeth, the election of bishops was left in
the same uncertain state in which it was before the statute
of Henry.
But we heartily congratulate Dr. Hook on his book. It is
a great matter to write of such a time in the impartial way
in which he does throughout. Few men could write the life
of Pole without writing as partisans of one side or another.
Dr. Hook writes in the spirit of the conge cVelire and
letter missive of Elizabeth which recommended Matthew
Parker for election to the see left void and desolate by the
death of the Most Reverend Father Reginald Pole. Those
documents are the embodiments of that historical continuity
of the Church of England which it is the great merit of Dr.
Hook's work clearly to set forth. The mere fact that Pole
and the Pope acknowledged the orders conferred, not only
under Henry but under Edward, is a fact of the highest
moment.* It has its strictly theological bearing also, but
* [I suspect that I have here set my foot in a hornet's nest. I do
not claim the knowledge of a specialist on this particular period ; and
I had rather not speak over positively on a point which seems to
admit of controversy. But I gave some attention to the instances
bearing on this point which comes in Mr. Dixon's History ; and it
struck me that the rule in Mary's day was a little fluctuating. One
can understand that it might be expedient sometimes to assert the
invalidity of the ordinations of Edward's reign, and at other times
silently to accept them.l
XV.] THE HISTORIC CHURCH. 303
it is likewise of no small importance as against those who
cannot be made to understand that, in law and history,
there is no break between the Church of Warham and the
Church of Parker, and that there is no special allegiance
due either to Cranmer or to Pole beyond any of the Arch-
bishops before or after them.
304 ARCHBISHOP PARKER. [Essay
XVI.
ARCHBISHOP PARKER.
Lives of the Archbishops of CcDiferhio'i/. By Walter Farqubar Hook.
D.D.. F.R S. Volume IX. — Reformation Period. London : Bentley
and Son. 1872.
The volume which Dean Hook now gives lis contains,
like the one which went before it, a single Life, but a Life
of great moment in the series which he has undertaken.
The last volume contained the Life of Reginald Pole ; the
present contains the Life of Matthew Parker. Parker, as
Dr. Hook several times tells us, was not a great man ; but
he held a great position in a most important time, and his
personal character was certainly not without influence on
the course of events. It was in his time, and in a large
degree by his means, that the Church of England finally
put on its present shape. He and the mistress whom he
served embody, more than any other persons, the position
which that Church finally took up at the end of a period
of endless shiftings to and fro. If ' the Reformation '
happened at any particular time, it certainly was under
the reign of Elizabeth and under the primacy of Parker
that it did happen. The first Primate of All England
appointed after the final throwing off the authority of the
see of Rome, the first who was consecrated according to
a reformed ritual in the English tongue, Parker eminently
represents the new state of things which was then finally
established. But he no less eminently represents the conti-
nuity of that new state of things with the old. The conge
iVelire under which Parker was elected Archbishop is a
very speaking document. It does not contain a word to
imply that any great revolution was going on, least of all
XVI.] PARKERS ELECTION. 305
that any old Church was being pulled down or any new
Church set up. Everything bears the stamp of antiquity.
The Queen issues the document by virtue of her ' fund-
atorial ' powers, powers which we may conceive at pleasure
as being derived from ^thelberht or from her own father,
but which at all events were possessed, and exercised by
Mary in the case of Pole, just as much as by Elizabeth in
the case of Parker. It sets forth that the metropolitan
church of Canterbury, ' by the natural death of the most
reverend father and lord in Christ, the Lord Reginald Pole,
Cardinal, the last Archbishop thereof, is now vacant and
destitute of the solace of a pastor,' and the Dean and
Chapter are required to * elect such a person Archbishop
and pastor who may be devoted to God and useful and
faithful to us and our kingdom.' Of course it is easy to
say that all this is mere legal formality, in no way re-
presenting the real state of the case. The conge delire
does not bring out the fact that there was anything un-
usual about the circumstances of Parker's election, thousfh
they undoubtedly were very unusual. But the point
is that, though the circumstances were unusual, they
still were not such as involved any change in the usual
form of such a document. And this was in itself some-
thing. The fact that Parker was not, in the eyes of any
one concerned, appointed to any new office in any new
Church, but was simply chosen in regular order to fill a
vacant office in the existing Church — that Pole was still,
after the breach with Rome, described as ' the most reverend
father and lord, the Lord Reginald Pole, Cardinal,' and
that the church of Canterbury was said to be by his natural
death ' vacant and destitute of the solace of a pastor ' — is
the legal expression of the legal and historical continuity
of the new state of things with the old. We may even
conceive that the document was studiously so drawn up
that it might in the clearest way express that continuity.
Now all this belongs strictly to the domain of history and
law, and does not trench at all on the domain of theology
X
306 ARCHBISHOP PARKER. [Essay
proper. The purely theological question is, Did the con-
secration of Parker or of any other bishop endow him with
real spiritual powers which, without such consecration, he
could not have possessed ? Was it of any real importance
to men's souls that an order of men so consecrated should
be kept up? With questions like these history proper
does not meddle at all. It does not even search very
minutely into the personal belief of Archbishop Parker, or
of Queen Elizabeth, on such points. But history is con-
cerned with the facts that, whatever were their exact
views as to the nature of the episcopal succession, whether
they did or did not think it necessary for the existence of
a Church, they at least thought it desirable for the good
order of a Church, and that they acted in such a way as
to make, not the greatest but the least, breach possible
between the new state of things and the old. We may
be pretty sure that, whatever the Queen thought in her
own mind, her prelates and statesmen did not look on
what divines call the ' Apostolical Succession ' as something
absolutely essential to the being of a Christian commu-
nity. The position which they took with regard to the Re-
formed Churches on the Continent, the occasional admission
of men who had had only Presbyterian ordination to offices
in the English Church, makes this pretty plain. At the same
time, men who insist on this point sometimes forget that
it is possible to hold as high a view as any one likes of the
Christian ministry, and yet to hold that the office may be
conferred by presbyters as well as by bishops. Exalted
views about the priesthood and a belief in the sole ordain-
ing power of bishops do commonly go together, but they
are in no way logically tied together. But what really
concerns us in the matter is that those who ordered things
in Elizabeth's reign at least did not look on the rites of
consecration and ordination as superstitious and ungodly,
and that they thought it worth taking a good deal of pains
to preserve, in fact and in form, the unbroken succession
between the new state of the Church and the old.
XVI.] THEOLOGY AND HISTORY. 307
All these are simple facts ; the question whether Elizabeth
or Parker or any else did rightly or wisely in doing what
they did is quite another matter, and a matter which we
gladly leave to theologians. The question of the spiritual
succession is for them ; it is the outward succession, the
outward continuity between the Church before Parker and
the Church after him, which is a matter of law and history,
and with which alone we have to deal. It is not always
easy to steer clear of theological quicksands on one side
or the other. The strictly impartial historian, who simply
sticks to the historical facts, is liable to be assaulted on
both sides. In acknowledging the historical fact he may
possibly offend those who attach spiritual importance to it,
because, while o'oinsr so far along with them, he declines to
go further. On the other hand, it is equally likely that he
may offend those who are so fiercely set against the theo-
logical doctrine that they will hardly endure the historical
fact, and are stirred up to wrath at its statement, as if it
involved the theological position which they dislike.
We say all this, because of the exact degree to which, in
considering the present volume and the time with which
it deals, we can keep company with Dr. Hook. Our facts
and his are pretty much the same ; but we look at them
from a point of view somewhat different from his. What to
him is of importance theologically is to us of importance
historically. It is of great importance to Dr. Hook to show
that the consecration of Matthew Parker was a good and
valid consecration. The fact one way or the other does in
his view make a real difference in the theological position
of the English Church. The old dispute about Parker's
consecration really involves three questions. First, Was
there any formal ceremony of consecration at all, in oppo-
sition to the Nag's Head story 'I This is purely a question
of fact. Secondly, Was the ceremony which actually took
place such as to be a valid consecration of a bishop 1 This
is a question of canon law. With both these the historian
is concerned : with the former in a greater, with the latter
X 2
308 ARCHBISHOP PARKER. [Essay
in a lesser, degree. But beyond both lies the further ques-
tion whether it really mattered to Parker or anybody else
whether he was validly consecrated or not. This is a
question of pure theology with which the historian does
not meddle. History can look quite calmly on those who
hold that, however regular the consecration may otherwise
have been, yet, as being done without reference to the
centre of unity at Rome, it must have been of no spiritual
validity. It can look equally calmly on those who are so
indignant at the notion of any spiritual validity at all as
hardly to put up with the facts which may be construed as
implying a regard for it. And it can look as calmly on
those who believe that the spiritual position of the English
Church, or of any of its members, does depend in some way
on the fact or on the canonical validity of the consecration
of Parker. Yet of the three classes it has in the present
matter the greatest degree of sympathy with the third,
simply because they are the class which has least interest
in perverting the facts of history. Dr. Hook in the present
volume repeatedly tells us that the object of Elizabeth and
Parker was, not to establish a Protestant sect, but to re-
form the old Catholic Church of England. To Dr. Hook
this position is of strictly theological importance. From
our point of view we pass over the strictly theological bear-
ing of the position as not coming within our range. But
the historical facts implied in the position we fully accept.
Nothing can be plainer than that it was the object of
Elizabeth and Parker to preserve a legal and corporate con-
tinuity between the unreformed and the reformed Church of
England. And we hold that Dr. Hook does a real service, not
only to his own school of theology, but to the actual facts
of history, by bringing this truth prominently forward.
It is much the same again with regard to another point,
closely connected or rather in truth identical with this one.
We hold that Dr. Hook does good service by pointing out,
though perhaps he stops to point it out a little too often,
that England was not, during the period which we call the
XVI.] DR. HOOK'S POSITION. 309
Reformation, divided into two parties, or rather sects, by a
hard and fast line. The real state of the case will never be
understood unless we take in the fact that for a long time the
spiritual forefathers of the later Roman Catholics and of the
later Protestant Dissenters were simply two parties within
the one national Church, parties which severally held that
reform had gone too far and that reform had not gone far
enough. We do not always admire Dr. Hook's vocabulary
of party-names ; abstractedly the name of "Anglo-Catholics'
is in our eyes even worse than 'Anglo-Saxons ' ; for 'Anglo-
Saxon ' is a perfectly good word if it is only used in its
right meaning, while "Anglo-Catholic ' seems to us to have
no meaning at all. All that is to be said for it is that it
follows the analogy of 'Roman Catholic,' and that since
the early days of the Tractarian movement it has passed
into vogue.* We are still more puzzled when Dr. Hook, if
we rightly understand him, sometimes applies the name
' Protestant ' in a special way to those whom elsewhere he
calls 'Anglo-Catholics.' But, notwithstanding all this, Dr.
Hook does a real service to historic truth by bringing out
the true position of those who, at Elizabeth's accession,
must have formed the great mass of Englishmen. Cecil un-
doubtedly went to mass durhig Mary's reign ; and as Parker
stayed in England, we conceive that he too must have done
the same. Were they hypocrites, who, to save their lives or
their goods, took part in a worship which they looked on
as sinful and idolatrous ? We see no necessity for thinking
so. On Dr. Hook's showing, they would of course have
wished to change the mass for an English service altered
in many respects, but their feeling against the mass need not
have been stronger than that which strong High Churchmen
and strong Low Churchmen feel nowadays towards the
doings of one another. That is to say, the dislike to the
mass did not go so far as to oblige them formally to secede
from the religious body in which the mass was practised.
* [In the nineteen years which have passed since this was written,
the name seems to have pretty well gone out of use.]
310 ARCHBISHOP PARKER. [Essay
This brings us to a question which is always suggesting
itself in these times, namely the seeming inconsistency
of those who went a long way in the path of change under
Henry and Edward and then drew back under Elizabeth.
Their course was perfectly intelligible ; but it is plain
that their scruples were not looked for by Elizabeth herself.
When she offered the primacy to her own sister's minister
Wotton, when it could even be believed that she offered
it to Abbot Feckenham, it is plain that she hoped to
carry with her what we may call the party of Thirlby
and Tunstall. Of course the gap kept constantly widening.
The enemies of change kept going back, the friends of
change kept going onwards, till, long before Elizabeth's
reiwn was over, there was a hard and fast line indeed be-
tween Papists and Protestants, or whatever we are to call
them. When the Pope excommunicated the Queen of
England, when Romish zealots taught that her murder was
an act of religious duty, the breach was complete. The
point to be borne in mind is that no such hard and fast
line can be drawn at Elizabeth's accession.
And now for some notice of Matthew Parker himself
and his biography as given by Dr. Hook. We fancy that
Parker's name is less known to the ' general reader ' than
it should be. If ' the Reformers ' or ' the Reformation ' is
spoken of, people at once cry out ' Cranmer, Ridley, and
Latimer.' If this is simply because those three were burned,
it is unfair to Hooper and Farrar ; if it is because they are
believed to have been specially prominent in organizing
the Reformed system, Latimer at least has no business on
the list. But, if the Reformation of the Church of England
is to have the name of any particular bishop attached
to it, it should clearly be that of Parker rather than
any other. It was in his time that the Church took,
after the shiftings of the reigns of Henry, Edward, and
Mary, the form which, with little change, it has kept ever
since. Perhaps if Parker had been burned, he might have
XVI.] EARLY LIFE OF PARKER. 311
been as famous as the others. But then it was unluckily-
inherent in Parker's peculiar position that he should not be
burned. If the Reformation was to be finally set up, it was
needful that some people should live through the persecution
to set it up. This particular duty fell to the lot of Parker
and those with whom he acted. They could not be Marian
martyrs, because they had to be Elizabethan Reformers.
Parker did not rise to any high place, or take any-
prominent part in affairs, till he had reached a mature
time of life. In no man's life is it more needful to re-
member, what we all sometimes unconsciously forget, that
men are not born at the time when their names first appear
in history^ Parker plays no important part in history till
the reign of Elizabeth ; but he was born in the reign of
Henry the Seventh. Born in 1504, he was four years
younger than his predecessor Pole, twenty years younger
than his predecessor Cranmer. When those questions
beofan to be discussed which led to the chancres which
he had a hand in bringing to their final shape, Parker
was a young man at Cambridge, taking his degrees,
being elected to his fellowship, being ordained deacon
and priest. He thus saw the whole thing with his own
eyes, and he saw the beginning of it at a time of life
when men are apt to be carried away with the newest
fashion of thought and teaching, whatever it may be.
But there is nothing to show that Parker was one of
those who suddenly or eagerly took up the new teaching.
He was a friend of Bilney, and he attended him at his
burning ; but there is nothing to show that he shared
Bilney's opinions, which, after all, were political or social
rather than theological. He went on during the reign of
Henry the Eighth, distinguished as a scholar and preacher,
heaping together, after the fashion of the time and of times
long before and long after, a number of smaller ecclesias-
tical and academical preferments, but more than once de-
clining a bishopric. He was chaplain to Anne Boleyn, and
he was chaplain to Henry after her death. As Queen's
312 ARCHBISHOP PARKER. [Essay
chaplain, he was appointed Dean of the college of Stoke
by Clare in Suffolk, a foundation of the house of Mor-
timer, but which had somehow got into a special relation
to the Queens of England. This was in 1535. Nine years
later, in 1544, he was chosen, after no uncommon fashion,
by royal mandate, to the post in which, next to the primacy
of all England, he did most to make himself remembered,
the mastership of Corpus Christi or Bene't College, Cam-
bridge. On his college Parker has left his mark, both in
the increase of its foundation and in the creation of that
precious library of which so many scholars have felt the
benefit. Of his deanery at Stoke Dr. Hook gives a
pleasant account ; Parker seems to have used it as a sort of
country house to withdraw to from Cambridge. But he
did not treat it as a mere sinecure ; by his preaching, by
his care for education and the general well being of the
neighbourhood, he seems to have won general respect and
influence. On the establishment of secular canons at Ely,
Parker received one of the first prebends, and he held, to-
gether or successively, several parochial benefices. But Dr.
Hook remarks that all his preferments lay in one district,
as if he were anxious that none should be altogether be-
yond his power of at least occasionally looking after it.
We know not whether Dr. Hook has any authority for
the surmise that Parker declined any higher office than
his deanery and mastership, because he designed to marry.
But it is certain that he did marry, and that before
clerical marriage was strictly legal. The time of his mar-
riage with Margaret Harleston was significant ; it was in
June 1547, five months after the death of Henry the
Eighth. There was now no danger in such a step, but
clerical marriages were not formally legalized till the Act
of 1549, and then somewhat grudgingly. This should
be remembered when we come to the story of Queen
Elizabeth's famous speech to Mrs. Parker years after at
Lambeth ; ' Madam I may not call you. Mistress I would
not call you.' Of this speech Dr. Hook hardly brings out
XVI ] HIS PREFERMENTS AND MARRIAGE. 313
the full force. The word ' Mistress ' makes it uglier to a
modern ear than it was meant to be. ' Mistress ' — now cut
short into 'Miss' — was, then and long after, the common
title of an unmarried lady. The Queen's meaning in modern
language would be, ' I cannot quite call you Mrs. Parker,
and I don't like to call you Miss Harleston.' And we can-
not wonder at this, when Parker had married before the
law allowed him to do so, and when, years afterwards, as
Archbishop, he found it prudent to have his children
specially legitimated. And it is worth notice that there
was no married Archbishop of Canterbury between Parker
and Tillotson. Grindal and Whitgift, Abbot and Laud,
were alike in that matter.
When the collegiate churches were first placed at the
mercy of Henry, Stoke was saved by the intercession of
his last Queen. But of course it fell, along with all kindred
foundations, in the first year of the new reign. This sup-
pression of colleges was a mere job, which, it should be
remembered, Cranmer and Bonner withstood side by side.
It is hard to see how Church or State was profited when
the college estates passed from Parker and his prebendaries
— teachers and preachers as they were, at least under him
— to Sir John Cheke and Walter Mildmay, subject to a
pension to Parker and, we suppose, to the other members
of the college. The only thing to be said is that they
might easily have fallen into worse hands. A few years
after this Parker reached the highest preferment which he
reached at this stage of his life, namely, the deanery of
Lincoln. During this whole time he seems purposely to
have kept himself in the background, and Dr. Hook quotes
several letters in which he is pressed to take a more promi-
nent part in the affairs of Church and State. Once or
twice during Henry's reign he seems to have been suspected
of heresy, but nothing was ever proved against him, and
he went on through the reigns of Henry and Edward con-
forming without scruple to all successive changes, though
Dr. Hook assures us that he preferred the First Prayer Book
314 ARCHBISHOP PARKER. [Essay
of Edward to the Second. His name is twice mentioned in
connexion with public affairs. At the time of Rett's rebel-
lion Parker was at Norwich, and he was popular with the
insurgents. On this Dr. Hook comments that ' it is further
to be remarked, that through his preaching, and the preach-
ing of his associates at Stoke College, this was the only-
place in which the Reformation was received by the com-
mon people without opposition, and, we may even say,
with some measure of favour.' At any rate, Parker ven-
tured to go out to Rett's camp at the Oak of Reformation,
and to exhort the people to strive after a peaceful instead
of a violent redress of their grievances. The other time
was when John Dudley, Duke of Northumberland, came to
Cambridge to proclaim Queen Jane. Parker seems to have
trimmed ; he supped with the Duke, but he did not after-
wards come forward on either side, so that, when the tide
turned in favour of Mary, he had, according to an obscure
story, to fly from Cambridge in haste, when he fell from
his horse and broke his leg. After the accession of Mary
he was deprived of all his preferments, not however at
once, but gradually, and to most of them he was allowed
to name his successors. He remained in England during
the whole of Mary's reign, and there is no evidence that he
was in any way molested. In a passage which Dr. Hook
marks with inverted commas Parker describes himself as
' living as a private individual,' and enjoying ' delightful
literary leisure.' We do not doubt as to the fact, but we
confess to be a little puzzled as to the language ; for such
phrases as ' private individual ' and ' literary leisure ' do
not seem exactly to belong to the age of Parker. But the
fact that Parker lived quietly through Mary's reign is
worthy of all the importance which Dr. Hook gives to it.
It seems not to have satisfied the class whom Dr. Hook
speaks of as ' Protestant hagiologists,' who have invented
divers persecutions for him. But it seems plain that he
suffered nothing beyond the loss of his preferments. Dr.
Hook takes this opportunity to enlarge in his usual way
XVI.] PARKER UNDER MARY. 315
on the state of parties at the time. With his classification
of them we generally agree, though we wish that he would
not talk about ' Medigevalists with Protestant proclivities.'
And we do not understand when, after giving a generally
correct, though perhaps a little exaggerated, picture of the
secular clergy as accepting, and the regulars as rejecting,
the successive changes of the Reformation, we come to the
following passage : —
' Some of the Regulars, by assuming the character of secular priests,
occasionally obtained possession of preferments in the Church ; but
these were exceptional cases, not noted by the historian.'
We really do not know how to reconcile this with Dr.
Hook's own account, in his Life of Cranmer (vii. 23), of the
way in which, on the reconstitution of the metropolitan
church of Canterbury, a very large proportion of the
members of the dissolved monastic body received prebends
and other offices on the new foundation.
We have dwelled at some length on Parker's earlier life
for more than one reason. It is important to see what
manner of man it was whom Efizabeth picked out to
receive the highest ofiice in the English Church. The
earlier life of Parker throws more light on this than the
later. Elizabeth first offered the primacy to one or more
men who had been actually employed by her sister. She
then offered it to a man of known learning and sino-ular
moderation, who had never taken any extreme part, and
whom her sister had not thought fit to molest further than
by the loss of his preferments. This clearly points to a wish
to change as little as possible. And this really proves more
as to the character and objects of both the Queen and the
Primate than the events of their actual administration. Cir-
cumstances made both of them go further in the way of change
than either, if let alone, would most likely have wished.
The middle position which Henry kept, and which Elizabeth
no doubt wished to keep, could not be kept. Thirlby and
Parker had once held the same position; the events of Mary's
reign made that position an impossible one, and they parted
316 ARCHBISHOP PARKER. [Essay
off in opposite ways. The moment when Elizabeth offered
the primacy to Wotton, possibly to Feckenham, and, failing
them, to Parker, marks the last moment when the middle
position even seemed to be possible.
For this reason the early life of Parker, when he acted
more directly according to his own opinions and feelings,
is in some points more important than his administration
as Primate when he had to act as circumstances made him
act. And we also think that this earlier part is the better
part of Dr. Hook's present volume. We somehow seem to
care more for Parker in his deanery at Stoke and in his
college at Cambridge than we do when he gets to Canter-
bury and Lambeth. One thing is that, though Dr. Hook's
division of his volume into chapters is a great improve-
ment on the volume of a single unbroken chapter which
contain the life of Pole and Cranmer, yet he has divided
them too much by subjects and too little by periods, so that
we sometimes lose the chronological thread of the narra-
tive. On the whole, we are not very sorry that we have
run on so fast about Parker's early life, and still more
about the important and often misunderstood position
which he represents, as to leave us little space to talk
about the actual events of his primacy. But in one point
of his character, spreading over both periods of his life,
we must join with Dr. Hook in doing him honour. Parker
had very odd notions of the duty of an editor, but it is
owing to him, more than to any other man, that there is
anything to edit and anything to read about the early his-
tory of England. In this matter his biographer, who has
had such opportunities of testing the value of his services,
does him full justice. To the chief preserver and reviver of
English historical learning we can even forgive that, in de-
fending the independence of Canterbury against Rome, he
partly rested his argument on the independence of the early
British Church. Under a Tudor reign there was perhaps
special temptation to do so. The worthiest monument of
Parker is his college at Cambridge and its renowned library.
XVII.] DECAYED BOROUGHS. 317
XVII.
DECAYED BOROUGHS*
Ix times past the phrase of ' rotten boroughs ' used to be
a favourite weapon of political controversy. If we have
not ventured to put the ancient formula at the head of this
article, it is out of deference to the prejudices of our readers.
They may by this time shrink from the phrase which used to
be so stirring ; for we believe that the adjective 'rotten' —
except when it happens to be followed by the substantive
* Row ' — is one of those words which are beginning to be
thought unseemly, and to stand in some need of an
euphemism. But, besides this, it is not political rottenness
in itself of which we now wish to speak, except so far as
it has to do with outward historical and physical rotten-
ness. Boroughs politically rotten, boroughs whose rotten-
ness has brought on them the punishment of political
extinction, have still been livino; and even flourishino;
habitations of men. Bridgewater is a busy place, and
Great Yarmouth is a busier, and even Saint Albans is not
altogether a howling wilderness. We wish to speak rather
of certain spots, once parliamentary boroughs, which have
well-nigh ceased to be habitations of men at all. Rotten
at one time politically, they are moreover ' decayed '
physically. In some indeed decay has reached the full
stage of physical as well as political extinction.
* [The state of things taken for granted in this essay is that which
followed the Reform Bill of 1867. Many towns had lost their repre-
sentatives, but the sejjarate representation of a town was not the
exceptional thing which it has become since.]
318 DECAYED BOROUGHS. [Essay
The boroughs whose political life has been put an end to
by our successive Reform Bills naturally fall into two or
three classes. When it is clear that a town does not
possess that degree of relative importance in the general
aspect of the country which gives it a fair right to parlia-
mentary representatives of its own, it is not a matter
of practical consequence how that state of things came
about. If it is for the public good that the place should
be disfranchised, or shorn of a member, or united to some
other borough, it must be so dealt with, whatever were
the causes which brought it into such a plight. But the
historical investigation of those causes is often curious
and instructive, and they are widely different in different
cases. The rottenness of some boroughs was an inci-
dental misfortune : the rottenness of others was the law
of their nature. We might add that the rottenness
itself was of two kinds ; there was the rottenness of
bribery and the rottenness of influence. There was the
rottenness of those boroughs where electors, free to use
their votes as they chose, chose to sell them for money.
And there was the rottenness of those boroughs whose
electors never thought of selling their votes for money,
because they knew that their votes were not their own
to sell. It is among this last class that we have to look
for our boroughs which are not only politically rotten
but physically decayed, and the various causes of their
decay are well worth studying and comparing with one
another.
Firtt of all, there is a wide distinction between those
boroughs which, when they were first called upon to re-
turn members, had a fair claim to do so, and those which
were rotten from the beginning, and which were enfran-
chised simply in order that they might be rotten. The
Parliamentary existence of the first class commonly dates
from the thirteenth century, that of the second class
from the sixteenth. We may be sure that neither Earl
Simon nor King Edward summoned members from any
XVII.] TWO CLASSES OF ROTTEN BOROUGHS. 319
particular borough with any underhand views as to the
way in which the parliamentary franchise would work in
that borough. To say nothing of the character of the two
men, such designs are quite foreign to their times and their
position. The beginnings of all institutions are commonly
honest ; it is only at a later stage that ingenious men find
out that it is possible to work them corruptly for their own
ends. If there was any dishonest dealing in early times,
it was on the part of local ofiicers, not of the general
government. The Sheriff of each county had to cause two
citizens or burgesses to be chosen by each city or borough
in his county, and, whatever we say of cities, he seems to
have had a good deal of license as to the places to be under-
stood by the name of boroughs. In the days of our early
Parliaments, the places which sent members to one Parlia-
ment were by no means always the same as those which
sent members to the next. We know enough of the matter
to see that, in days when constituencies paid their repre-
sentatives, some towns looked on representation simply as
a burthen, while others had sense enough from the begin-
ning to see that it was a privilege. In such a state of things
the favor Vicecomitis went for something, and we find one
place taken and another left, according to what, at our
distance of time, seems no certain rule. But on the whole
we may say that the places which were summoned to send
members to our earliest Parliaments were places which
at the time had a fair right to be summoned. That all
alike, great and small, sent two members is in no way
wonderful. The notion of apportioning members to popu-
lation is the subtlety of a far later age ; the real reason
for sending two members seems to have been that each
might act as a check upon his fellow, and hinder him
from voting contrary to the interests and wishes of their
common constituents. As long as the Commons were
young and weak, as long as the King could safely refuse
the wishes of his people, he had no mind or motive to seek
to hinder the people from freely telling him what their
320 DECAYED BOROUGHS. [Essay
wishes were. It was when Parliaments came to be at once
powerful and subservient, when each member began to be
a person of importance, that the days of influence and
management began.
It is plain that throughout the Tudor reigns, the sovereign
looked with no small care as to the character of the per-
sons chosen to seats in the Commons House of Parliament,
and they used more than one way of shaping the House
to their purposes. In the days of Henry the Eighth
came the beginnings of a system of Government inter-
ference with parliamentary elections almost as carefully
organized as it was under the late state of things in
France. Later on in the Tudor times, we find places called
on to send members which, if they had ever been of any
importance, had certainly ceased to be so then, and which
we must conceive to have been enfranchised simply
that they might send members who were likely to be
under the influence of the court, or of persons on whom
the court could rely. In the case of the older boroughs,
a good many of them were rightly swept away by the first
Reform Bill, but we can commonly see by what causes it
came about that their disfranchisement became a matter of
justice. It is an instance of the law that, while in France
the towns which are of importance now have mostly been
of importance from the beginning, matters in England
have for the most part run an opposite course. The towns
which were of the first rank in early times have sunk
into the second or third class, or even lower. Winchester,
Exeter, Lincoln, Chester, York, even Bristol and Norwich,
have all been utterly outstripped by younger rivals. No
one would think of disfranchising any of these towns ; still,
among them all, Bristol is the only one which can assert
the feeblest claim to rank now as a city of the first class.*
Most of them are positively far greater than they were
* [Tlieir fate under the last changes of all are worth studying.
There is something new indeed in Exeter and Oxford city each cut
down to a single seat, while London itself keeps two only.]
XVII.] BOROUGHS DESIGNED TO BE CORRUPT. 321
anciently, but relatively they have fallen back. In other
cases, places which were once of great military or com-
mercial importance have more than relatively gone back.
In many cases they have positively decayed ; in some cases
they have been wholly forsaken. But the point is that they
were places of real importance once, and that, when they
were first called upon to return members, they were called
upon to do so in perfect good faith.
The case is very different with the boroughs which were
called on to return members for the first time in the six-
teenth century. It can hardly be doubted that they were
enfranchised expressly in order to be corrupt. When we
find that places from which no one had thought of summon-
ing members at any earlier time, and from which the right
of sending members has been taken away in our own time,
were first called on to send them in the days when the
influence of the Crown was at its height, the presumption
seems complete. The Tudor sovereigns fully understood
the advantage of doing everything regularly by parlia-
mentary authority ; they wished therefore to have Parlia-
ments which would serve their own purposes, and one means
of getting such Parliaments was to enfranchise boroughs
which were pretty sure to send subservient members. It
is at this time that many of those Cornish boroughs which
were a byword at the time of the first Reform Bill first
obtained Parliamentary representation. The fact is of
itself enough to prove our case. There could not have
been any honest motive for calling on such places to return
burgesses. It does not at all follow that the members for
Cornish or other rotten boroughs were always subser-
vient. As the influence of the Crown lessened again,
the choice of members for such places became a matter
of private influence or of mere bargain and sale. The
man who had bought his seat, whatever we may say of
his position in other ways, was at all events independent
of everybody.
We have been led into this train of thought by lately
Y
322 DECAYED BOROUGHS. [Essay
seeing a decayed borough in its bodily presence. Such
places are always curious sights. It is not perhaps fair
to speak of Kenfig, because the Parliamentary rights of
Kenfig are still untouched.* For the same reason we
ought perhaps not to speak of Winchelsea, because, though
it no longer returns distinct members of its own, it is in-
cluded within the boundary of another borough. But
Winchelsea is not the less, from the point of view of a
municipal and parliamentary antiquary, one of the most
interesting places in England. The new town of Win-
chelsea, moved from its earlier site in the days of Edward
the First, was meant to be a great borough and a great
haven, but it never became such. Kingston-on-HulI grew;
Winchelsea did not. It is most striking to see the prepara-
tions which were made for what was to be ; the walls which
fence in nothing, the gates which lead to nothing, the large
and splendid church begun but never finished,f the streets
laid out in regular order according to the plan always
followed in the foundations of the great King, but streets
which have never yet grown into the form of houses. The
one thing which was finished, the Friars' church, is now a
ruin ; a country house with its usual appendages stands
within the walls of the town, and all that has come of the
great borough which was designed is a small village. Why
Winchelsea should still form part of a parliamentary
borough is perhaps not very clear ; but that it does so is
not more wonderful than that large rural districts should
be included within the boroughs of Cricklade, Shoreham,
and others. Still, as it has lost its separate representa-
* [The very name of Kenfig may be puzzling to some. It is a
small place in Glamorgan which, when this paper was written, was
contributory to Swansea, and of which I had had to speak once or
twice. It seemed to consist of very little besides a town-hall over a
public-house, where were some very beautiful charters in a cupboard.
One would at least like to know whither the latest reforms have
carried these last.]
+ [So I thought in 1871. I believe that it was finished, and that
the nave has been destroyed.]
XVII.] WINCHELSEA AND OLD SARUM. 323
tion, we may perhaps venture to reckon it as one of the
class with which we are dealing. Old Sarum, so long the
byword of bywords, is an undoubted case. But there the
difficulty is of another kind. When we look on the vast
ditches of the primaeval fortress, the ring within ring of the
British Ekbatana, it is hard to carry ourselves back to
times so recent as the thirteenth or even the eleventh
century. The Briton has here outlived all his conquerors.
The church has altogether vanished ; of the castle only
a few stones are left. There is nothing to remind us that
the elder Salisbury' ever was a city, that from the days of
William to those of Henry the Third it was at once a great
military post and a seat of civil and ecclesiastical rule.
The parliamentary representation of Old Sarum must have
been an anachronism from the beo-innin<T. It was doubt-
less called on to return members because it still kept the
formal rank of a city. But its fall had begun before Earl
Simon's Parliament met. The Church had already forsaken
the place, and a new minster had arisen in the plain.
In the course of the next century the ruin of Old Sarum
seems to have been pretty well accomplished.
Old Sarum then is not so good a case of a decayed
borough as some others, because there is nothing about it
to remind us that it ever was a borough at all. A more
speaking case will be found in a far obscurer spot, at the
thoroughly decayed borough of Newtown in the Isle of
Wight. It is the very model of utter decay, a decay made
more suggestive by the seeming claim to newness in the
name of the place. New College, the New Forest, and
the Campanian Neapolis, if no longer what their names
imply, are at least among existing things ; but the Neapolis
of Wight, while still calling itself new, has passed out of
being altogether. There never was so clear a case of life in
death. The old lines of street are to be seen keeping their
old names ; one of them, the Quay Street, keeps up the
memory of the time when Newtown was a haven. But
the streets are now green lanes, and the market square,
\ 3
324 DECAYED BOROUGHS. [Essay
still keeping its name, cannot even be called the village
green, because it is a green without any village. The
narrow strips of ground which formed the ancient burgage-
tenures are still in many cases to be seen fringing the
forsaken streets. How many houses there may be besides
the public-house and the town-hall, which last is now ir-
reverently dwelled in, we do not accurately know, but we
suspect that they might be counted on the fingers. Cer-
tainly, through all the streets and squares of Newtown we
saw but a single inhabitant. He was but an old man
driving a cow ; still, as he was the only man whom we saw
at all, our heated imagination at once clothed him with the
dignity of Portreeve of the fallen commonwealth. But on
more minute inquiries we found our mistake. Newtown
never was so highly honoured. London once had her
Portreeves so had Yeovil; Kenfig and Langport have their
Portreeves still."^ But Newtown never had anything better
than a French Mayor ; nay, the town itself once had a
French name. The borough was incorporated in the days
of Henry the Third by the King's half-brother, Aylmer
Bishop of Winchester, whose name, which had wandered so
far from its Teutonic root. Englishmen seem to have pleased
themselves by translating back again into ^thelmar. In
his days the town was Francheville, and the name of
Francheville may still be seen on the corporate seal, and
the corporate seal may be seen, if nowhere else, as the sign
of the local ale-house. The town had charters from Edward
the Second and Edward the Third, but the first and greatest
of the name is not mentioned in connexion with Franche-
ville. Yet one is strongly tempted to see his hand — the
hand of the founder of more than one Francheville — in the
regularly laid out streets, reminding us of Winchelsea and
Libourne. Local history tells us that an attack in the
French war ruined Francheville or Newtown, that it never
* [They have perished since. I know of no more thoroughly
wanton piece of innovation than the suppression of those harmless
and picturesque survivals of an elder time.]
XVII.] NEWTOWN. 325
recovered from the blow, and that the neighbouring town
of Newport rose to prosperity on its downfall. And now
here comes the fact which should be remembered ; Fran-
cheville or Newtown never sent members to Parliament
till long after the day of its ruin. The creation of Bishop
Aylmer had no share in the national councils till the reign
of Elizabeth. It is plain that the claim of Newtown to
parliamentary honours was that it had already sunk into
decay.
326 THE CASE OF THE DEANERY OF EXETER. [Essay
XVIII.
THE CASE OF THE DEANERY OF EXETER,
1839-40.
The suit in the Court of Queen's Bench which followed
the election made to the deanery of Exeter in 1839 brings
out several questions which, though in form legal, may
seem to come within the understanding of some laymen.
The matter has now become purely historical, and the
questions debated in the pleadings are never likely to be
raised again. Good care indeed was taken that they
should not be raised again. The story in short comes to
this. After an illegal interference on the part of the
(Jrown for more than two hundred and fifty years, the
Chapter of Exeter asserted their right to the choice of their
own Dean. They proved their right in the Court of
Queen's Bench, and the right thus proved was immediately
taken from them by Act of Parliament.
If at any time from Henry the Eighth onwards, and
j^erhaps for some time before Henry the Eighth, an ordinary
man had been asked in what hands was the appointment
to the deaneries of the cathedral churches of England (not
reckoning Wales), he would most likely have answered,
without a moment's stopping to think, that it was in the
hands of the Crown. And, at any rate from Henry the
Eighth's time onward, the answer would have been formally
true in some cases and practically true in all. I feel safe
in saying that, at least from Henry the Eighth's time till
now, only one dean of an English cathedral church has
been appointed without the nomination of the Crown. This
was Thomas Hill Lowe, who was elected Dean of Exeter
XVlir.J APPOINTMENTS TO DEANERIES. 327
in 1839. He was elected, not only without the nomination
of the Crown, but in direct opposition to a nomination of
the Crown, The next year, in the judgement given in a
suit brought by the Crown against the Chapter, he was
declared by the Court of Queen's Bench to have been law-
fully elected, and he kept his deanery for life. The thing
must have been a little startling; it was a stirring incident
in the commonly quiet routine of capitular matters. There
had been nothing like it, in England at least, since the
time of James the Second. Mr. Lowe filled an unique place
in ecclesiastical history. All other English deans for some
centuries past had either been directly appointed by the
Crown or elected under a nomination from the Crown. Mr.
Lowe alone was elected in the teeth of three successive
attempts of the Crown to put other people in his place.
How this came about needs some explanation, and the
story which explains it has, possibly from the point of
view of the lawyer, certainly from the point of view of the
ecclesiastical antiquary, a good deal of interest. For my
own part, I took some heed to such matters early, and I
have always had a certain remembrance of the questions
at issue, though of course not with the clear memory of an
older person. Some local studies on the history of Exeter
have lately drawn me again to the subject, and I have
looked at the matter, both in more obvious documents
and in the technical Report of the late Mr. Ralph Barnes.*
The story opens a good many points in that mixed region
where the historian is truly glad of the help of the lawyer,
but where he ventures to think that he can sometimes otvc
a little help back again.
In going through the law and the facts as to the appoint-
ment to deaneries, everything that has to do with the new-
foundation deaneries, those founded by Henry the Eighth,
* Report of the Case of The Queen v. The President and Chajiter of
the Cathedral Church of Saint Peter in Exeter, regarding the Deanery
of Exeter in the Queen's Bench in Easter and Trinity T^rms, 1840.
By Ralph Barnes, Chapter Clerk. London, 1841.
328 THE CASE OF THE DEANERY OF EXETER. [Essay
has to be put aside. To these the Crown appoints directly.
And to them may be added the old-foundation deanery of
Wells, which was transferred to the direct appointment of
the Crown by certain transactions in the reign of Elizabeth
which might themselves form a curious subject of inquiry.
What we have to deal with now is the rest of the old-
foundation deaneries of England proper, a class of which
the deanery of Exeter is the youngest. The position of the
old and new deaneries must be carefully distinguished.
The distinction rests on a very simple principle, but a
principle which involves the whole law of patronage. The
Crown had the absolute nomination to the new-foundation
deaneries, because of them it was founder and patron. It
had of right nothing to do with the appointment to the old-
foundation deaneries, because of them it was not founder
or patron. The words ' patron ' and * patronage ' are words
which have not exactly changed their meaning, but from
which the greater part of their meaning has dropped oif.
The notion of appointing to something, the notion which
has now become the main or rather sole idea of patronage,
the notion from which indeed the word 'patronage' has
been transferred to rights of appointments of other kinds,
is rather an accident of the position of ' patron ' than its
essence. The ' patronus ' or ' advocatus ' of an ecclesiastical
body was in idea the founder or his representative. He was
strictly the patron, the advocate, the defender in words or
deeds, of his own foundation or that of his forefather.*
As such, he kept some rights and privileges over the found-
ation, a foundation which he might be called on to defend
at the cost of some trouble or even risk ; above all, he had
some voice, in some shape or another, in its elections and
appointments. The monastic or collegiate body, when its
chief seat was vacant, applied to its ' patron ' or ' founder '
* [There were ' advocates ' who became such by the choice of the
monastery or other foundation ; but the original advocates seem to
be the founders. The same thing took place with towns and other
communities, which found that a Scliirmvogt was useful.]
XVIII.] PATRONAGE AND CONGE D'ELIRE. 329
for leave to elect a successor. What would have happened if
that leave had been altogether refused, lawyers must explain;
history can witness that, especially in the case of royal
patrons, the leave was often delayed, and that, when the
patron gi-anted leave to elect, there was a strong tempt-
ation at least to express a wish as to the person to be
elected. Out of these elements, stiffened, first by usage,
then by law, comes what at fii'st sight seems the strange
process of appointment to an English bishopric. The
Crown is in law held to be founder of all English bishop-
rics, and it would most likely be found to be so in historic
fact. To the Crown therefore the electors, the Chapter,
apply on a vacancy for leave to elect. The leave is
granted, by virtue, the document itself says, ' of our
fundatorial rights.' But by the Great Charter, the election
is to be free ; and, as far as the conge d'elire itself goes,
there is not a word that interferes with the fullest freedom
of choice. The Sovereign simply gives the electors a little
good advice as to the kind of person, a godly, learned, and
loyal person, whom they would do well to choose. But
along with the conge d'elire is slipped in, as a kind of
afterthought, another document called a letter missive. In
this the Sovereign, considering the excellent qualities of
A. B. and his thorough fitness for the bishopric of C, re-
commends him to the electors as the person to be chosen.
The electors meet and elect; their act is, to all outward
show, as free as the Great Charter meant it to be, while
in point of fact the person recommended in the royal letter
is invariably chosen. It is rare indeed, though it has
happened twice in our own time, for the slightest objection
to be made to his election. And why ? Because behind all
this traditional show of free election lurks a certain statute
of Hemy the Eighth, which requires the electors, under
penalties not the less frightful because they are a little
mysterious, to choose the person named in the letter mis-
sive, ' and none other.'
The Crown then, as patron of all bishoprics, nominates
330 THE CASE OF THE DEANERY OF EXETER. [Essay
the persons to be elected to those bishoprics.* That is, the
right of recommendation, which can hardly be shut out
where leave to elect is needed, has, under the act of Henry
the Eighth, stiffened into a power of nomination which is
none the less effectual because it is indirect. The Crown
too, as patron of certain deaneries, has, ever since their foun-
dation — in the case of Wells, since its alleged new founda-
tion — nominated to them directly. From both these states
of things, the case of the old-foundation deaneries (other
than Wells), as they stood in 1839, must be carefully dis-
tinguished. It does not appear that the Crown was patron
of any old-foundation deanery ; at Exeter it certainly was
not. There the bishop was patron of the deanery. The
deanery of Exeter was the newest of the old-foundation
deaneries. The office did not exist till 1225. Then, by an
act of Chapter, confirmed by Bishop William Briwere,f it
was ordained that one of the canons of the church of
Exeter, chosen by themselves, should be head of the
chapter by the title of Dean. On a vacancy, the canons
asked leave of the Bishop to elect ; the leave was granted,
and the Dean was elected, always of course from among
the canons themselves. How far the choice of the canons
was in all cases practically free, whether the bishops ever
interfered with it, does not appear from the evidence pro-
duced. It is plain that the bishops had not the same
means of interfering with effect which the King had in
the case of bishops, even before the statute of Henry the
Eighth.
The main point here is that with the election of a Dean
of Exeter — and, as far as I know, the case is the same with
every other old-foundation deanery — the Crown had ab-
solutely nothing to do. The part which, in the election of
a Bishop of Exeter, was played by the Crown was, in the
* [To certain newly-founded sees, which have as yet no Chapters,
the Crown ai^points directly; but this state of things is only pro-
visional.]
t It IS printed in the Monasticon, ii. 534. See also Barnes, iii. 11.
XVIII.] ROYAL INTERFERENCE WITH ELECTIONS. 331
election of a Dean of Exeter, played by the Bishop. But
it must be remembered that this absence of legal interest
in the matter by no means shut out the possibility of
irregular interference. Nothing was for a long time more
common than the interference both of kings and of sub-
jects high in power v/ith the rights of patrons and electors
of all kinds, ecclesiastical and academical. We hear most
of it in the seventeenth century, but it was rife long before.
It is significant that the munificent Hugh Oldham, Bishop
of Exeter, was led to transfer his intended bounty from
Exeter College to his friend Fox's new foundation of
Corpus, because he had been refused a fellowship at Exeter
which he had asked for a friend. One would think that
the Fellows of Exeter must have been unusually bold, to
meet their own Visitor with such a refusal. Such ap-
plications, especially when they came from the Crown,
were commonly successful. The gallant resistance of Mag-
dalen College to James the Second was provoked by the
amazing folly of the King in attempting to force on them
a man who was in every way, legally, statutably, and
personally, unqualified and disqualified. Other colleges
had elected heads under letters of recommendation from
the Crown ; Magdalen itself had done so in the case of the
President whose death caused the vacancy. If James
had recommended any one whom the Fellows could have
elected, any man of good character, qualified by the law
of the land and the statutes of the college, there is no
reason to suppose that they would have stood out for ab-
solute freedom of choice. What took place with colleges
also took place with chapters, and more abundantly. For
the practice of electing a Crown nominee to the deanery
became, though without the sHghtest legal obligation, the
established custom which lasted down to our own day,
while interference with college elections has ceased for a
long while. At last, in our own day, during the present
reign, the Magdalen case came over again. The canons of
Exeter, after humbly electing the royal nominee for three
332 THE CASE OF THE DEANERY OF EXETER. [Essay
centuries, dared to choose for themselves. But they did
so only when the Crown nominated a candidate who could
not be elected without a breach of the statutes of the
church of Exeter and of the law of the land itself
The first recorded instance of interference with the
elective rights of the canons of Exeter was in the reign of
unlaw under the keepers of Edward the Sixth.* But we
may be sure that kings had meddled long before. When
we find Richard Pace, Henry the Eighth's minister, suc-
ceeded in the c'eanery by Reginald Pole, Henry the Eighth's
kinsman, we may be sure that Henry had something to do
with the election of both Pace and Pole. There is no need to
suppose any formal recommendation, such as we meet with
afterwards ; f but the Chapter at least knew that such a
choice would be pleasing to the King. But those who bore
rule in 1553, John Duke of Northumberland at their head,
did much more than meddle with an election ; they at-
tempted to oust the capitular electors altogether, and to
appoint to the deanery by letters patent. They attempted
in short to deal with Exeter as if they had been dealing
with Canterbury or Winchester. This was in truth one of
those interferences with the rights of the ' churches ' of his
kingdom which the King at his coronation swears that he
will abstain from. The death of Edward stopped the
carrying out of the attempt ; but soon after the accession
of Elizabeth the question arose again. The deanery became
vacant in 1559 ; the Queen did not, like her brother,
attempt to appoint by letters patent, but she recommended
Gregory Dodds, B.D., to the canons for election. But Dodds,
not being a canon of Exeter, could not statutably be elected.
A very remarkable correspondence follows. The canons
explain the case to the Queen, who seems to have been
perfectly ready to hear reason. A way out of the difficulty
was found by which the canons could at once keep to their
* Barnes, 25.
t The proceedings at Pole's election are given in Barnes, Appendix
xxiii. There i& of course no mention of the King.
XVIII.] FIRST CASE OF INTERFERENCE AT EXETER. 333
statutes and carry out the Queen's wish. The see of Exeter
was vacant ; its spiritualities were therefore in the hands
of Archbishop Parker, its temporalities in the hands of the
Queen herself. She had therefore the nomination to the
prebend vacated by the death of the late Dean. To that
prebend she named Dodds ; the canons, under the Arch-
bishop's mandate, installed him as prebendary; then the
Archbishop issued his licence for the election of a Dean ; '^
the canons chose Dodds, now a qualified candidate ; he was
confirmed by the Archbishop and installed. The thing was
done to her Majesty's content, without any breach of statute,
and without any mention of her Majesty's name in the pro-
cess of election. f
The election of Dodds became a precedent in cases where,
the see of Exeter being full, the Bishop could himself
exercise his natural powers, instead of their being in this
way divided between the Queen and the Archbishop. In
some cases in the reigns which followed, the records are
lost, and there is no evidence as to a royal nomination or
not ; in other cases the Crown recommended a candidate.
So did Charles the First in 1629, and Charles the Second
in 1661, 1662, and 1663. But the fii-st nomination of
Charles the Second, that of Seth Ward in 1661, contains
words which are not to be found in the nominations of
Elizabeth or of Charles the First. The King now says of
the deanery, that that ' office and dignity appertaineth to
our disposition.' Still the chapter is required to elect and
not merely to admit, and in the nominations of 1662 and
1663 the words claiming the deanery as in the disposition
of the Crown are left out. It is again a simple recom-
mendation and command to elect. But in 1681 Charles
the Second went a step further. We have now come to
* [Wliy did not the Queen issue the licence ? One would have
thought that the right of granting it, being part of the temporal
right of patronage, would have lapsed to the Crown during the
vacancy. The confirmation of the election, a spiritual act, would of
course be in the Archbishop.]
t Barnes, Appendix, xxx-xxxviii.
334 THE CASE OF THE DEANERY OF EXETER. [Essay
another reign of unlaw, just as we came in 1553. Charles
now did something more than ' require and command ' the
Chapter to elect the royal nominee. He issued letters
patent 'giving and granting to our beloved in Christ
Richard Annesley, Bachelor in Divinity, the deanery of our
cathedral church of Saint Peter in Exeter, by the death of
George Carew the late Dean there now void, and to our
donation belonging.' The Chapter is not called on to elect
Annesley, but simply to ' assign ' to him ' the stall in the
choir and place and voice in the Chapter ' belonging to the
office of Dean. And this, or something to the same effect,
became the usual form of nomination down to our own
time.
Notwithstanding all this, both when candidates were
simply recommended and when the Crown directly nomin-
ated a Dean and called on the Chapter simply to admit,
the Bishop and Chapter always acted according to the old
statutable forms. Not only the candidates who were
recommended for election, but Annesley and his successors
whom the Crown directly nominated, were still elected,
just as in the days of WilUam Briwere. The Bishop issued
his licence, his conge d'elire ; the canons elected ; the
Bishop confirmed. Only the canons always elected the
royal nominee. If he was already a canon, there was no
difficulty. If he was not, he became qualified by the
Bishop collating him to the prebend vacated by the death
or other avoidance of the late Dean. And another and
seemingly needless stage was gradually introduced. Up
to the reign of Elizabeth there had been no distinct class
of canons residentiary in the church of Exeter ; the resi-
dentiaries had been a fluctuating body. By a statute of
Bishop Alley in 1560, nine of the prebendaries or canons
were to be permanent canons residentiary, and were to fill
up vacancies in their own body by calling one of the other
canons into residence. Hence gradually came the practice
— a. mere abuse of languaffe — of confining the name of
canon to those canons or prebendaries who were members
XVIII.] PROCESS OF ELECTION. 335
of the residentiary body. And hence came a notion, quite
foreign to the original charter; that the person to be chosen
Dean was bound to be, not only a canon but a canon
residentiary, not merely one of the twenty-four, but one of
the inner nine. Therefore, if the royal nominee was a
stranger to the church of Exeter, the Bishop first collated
him to the vacant prebend ; the residentiary body then
called him into residence ; lastly the whole Chapter elected
him Dean. This whole process seems to have been gone
through in every case down to the election of 1839. No
notice was taken of the royal claim to an absolute nomin-
ation or of the royal command to admit the person so
nominated without more ado. But the will of the Crown
was carried out by electing the royal nominee, after first
qualifying him for election, in the cases where such a course
was needful.
Now it must be borne in mind that all this time there
was not the slightest legal obligation on the Chapter to
elect the person recommended by the Crown. We must
not be led away by the analogy of bishoprics. Of the
bishoprics the Crown was the patron ; the election was
always held by the licence of the Crown ; by the act of
Henry the Eighth the Crown was bound to recommend
a candidate, and the Chapter (or Convent) was bound to
elect that candidate. Of the deaneries, not the Crown but
the Bishop was patron ; the election was held under the
Bishop's licence ; no statute ever either bound the Crown
to nominate or bound the Chapter to elect the royal
nominee. That the claim, dating from some of the worst
times of English history, from Edward the Sixth and
Charles the Second, to deal with the deanery of Exeter as
a royal donative, needing no capitular election, was a
simple piece of usurpation, is plain from the facts. So also
ruled the Court of Queen's Bench, if not exactly in those
words. And the milder form employed by Elizabeth and
Charles the First, the recommendation of a candidate for
election, was, both in the case of Exeter and seeminglv of
336 THE CASE OF THE DEANERY OF EXETER. [Essay
every other old-foundation deanery, simply of a piece with
the interference of Charles the Second and James the
Second with free election to offices in academical colleges.
It is wholly the confusion, sometimes with bishoprics,
sometimes with those deaneries where the Crown was the
lawful patron, which gives the royal interference with
the old-foundation deaneries another look from the royal
interference with the academical colleges.
Thus patiently did the Chapter of Exeter submit for
more than two hundred and fifty years to have one of its
chief powers taken from it without a shadow of legal right.
During all that time successive bishops and canons, instead
of resisting the royal will, were satisfied to devise ingenious
ways by which that will might not be thwarted, and yet
the statutes of their church might remain unbroken. At
last a time came when these two conditions could no longer
be reconciled. The canons were bidden to admit as their
Dean a nominee of the Crown whom the statutes of the
church of Exeter forbade them to elect as he stood, and
whom the law of the land forbade them to qualify for
election in the way which had become usual. This strange
state of things came about in our own times, in the reign of
our present Sovereign, under the administration of Lord
Melbourne. And the most grotesque part of the business
was that what hindered the will of the Crown from being
complied with as usual was nothing else than a very recent
act of Parliament, an act which certainly was not designed
to lessen the powers of the Crown or to increase the rights
and liberties of capitular bodies.
The whole story is told in Mr. Barnes' Introduction to
his Report, and the documents will be found in his Ap-
pendix. The deanery became vacant by the death of Dean
Landon on December 29th, 1838. On January 9th, the
Bishop, the famous Henry Phillpotts, issued his licence to
the Chapter to elect a Dean. On January 24th the full
Chapter, that is the whole body of canons or prebendaries,
both residentiary and non-residentiary, met. At that
XVIIL] VACANCY OF 1838. 337
meeting letters patent from the Crown were produced,
asserting in the strongest terms the absolute right of the
Crown to nominate to the deanery, nominating the Rev.
Lord Wriothesley Russell to the deanery and all that be-
longed to it, and commanding the canons to admit him as
Dean. The canons represented to the Queen, through
Lord Melbourne, that it was impossible to admit as Dean
one who had not been elected to that office, and that it was
impossible to elect Lord Wriothesley Russell, because he
was not a canon or prebendary of the church of Exeter.
But why could not Lord Wriothesley Russell, according to
many precedents in the like case, have been collated to the
late Dean's prebend by the Bishop, then called into resi-
dence by the residentiary body, and then elected Dean by
the full Chapter ? The hindrance lay in one of the acts of
Parliament which were passed in the course of the legisla-
tion about capitular matters, a temporary act of William the
Fourth, continued by another act passed in 1838, by which
no prebendaries or canons were to be collated or called
into residence up to August 1st, 1839. It was therefore
no action of the Chapter, but the civil power itself, which
hindered the Chapter from complying as usual with the
recommendation of the civil power. The canons represented
to Lord Melbourne that it was impossible for them to elect
Lord Wriothesley Russell, because he was not a prebendary
or canon of the church of Exeter, and because there was no
longer any means of making him one. But they somewhat
weakened their own argument by resting their objection
on the fact that he was not a canon residentiary. This is
a curious illustration of the confusion which had come of
the common practice of confining the name canon to the
residentiary body. It is quite certain that there is nothing
in the original act of foundation — where indeed there could
not be — nor yet in any later document, to confine the choice
of the Chapter to canons residentiary. Every canon or
prebendary of the church of Exeter, residentiary or non-
residentiary, was alike eligible.
338 THE CASE OF THE DEANERY OF EXETER. [Essay
It is plain therefore that the Chapter might have made
an election of any one of their own body; the claim of the
Crown to appoint directly to the deanery had no legal
ground. But they were not yet disposed to press matters
to extremities. They adjourned the election, and, at Lord
Melbourne's request, sent him all the documents bearing
on the subject. These seem to have had some effect on his
mind. The nomination of Lord Wriothesley Russell was
silently withdrawn. When the Chapter met again on April
4th, new letters patent were produced granting the deanery
— still granting it — to the Rev. Thomas Grylls, one of the
prebendaries of the church of Exeter. At this stage I
conceive that both parties put themselves in the wrong.
The letters patent in favour of Mr. Grylls were as illegal
as those in favour of Lord Wriothesley Russell ; but Mr.
Grylls, as a prebendary of the church of Exeter, was a
perfectly eligible candidate whom the Chapter might have
chosen. But, under the influence of the confusion already
mentioned, they made it part of their grounds for declining
to elect Mr. Grylls that he was not a canon residentiary.
They passed a resolution to hold another meeting, and then
to elect one of the existing canons residentiary, and they
announced that resolution to Lord Melbourne. A com-
promise might possibly have been come to, if the Minister
had withdi'awn Mr. Grylls. as he had withdrawn Lord
Wriothesley Russell, and had recommended one of the
residentiary body. It was well that it was not so : the
question would then have been settled on a false issue,
instead of being tried on its real merits, as it was in the
end. Lord Melbourne chose another course, that of taking
away by legislation the supposed objection to Mr. Grylls.
The act passed June 4th, 1839, with special reference to
the Exeter election, curiously shows how the confusion
about canons residentiary affected all minds. In that act
it is stated that ' doubts are entertained whether any colla-
tion to a prebend or any election to a canonry can be made
in the present circumstances of the Chapter of the said
XVIIL] TWO ROYAL NOMINATIONS. 339
church, and similar doubts may arise on the vacancy of
the deanery of other churches ; it is therefore enacted that
nothing in the said acts [7 Will. IV. and 1 & 2 Vict. 108]
shall, during the vacancy of the deanery of any cathedral
church, prevent any spiritual person from being appointed
to the prebend or canonry in such church held by the last
Dean, for the purpose of qualifying such person to be
appointed or elected Dean thereof.'
This is a very odd kind of legislation, and the clause is,
to say the least, rather awkwardly w^orded. The words
' appointed to the prebend or canonry ' must be understood
as taking in the collation by the Bishop to the prebend of
a candidate not a member of the Chapter and his further
calling into residence by the residentiary body, and also the
calling into residence of a candidate who was already a
canon or prebendary. The words ' election to a canonry '
are, strictly speaking, meaningless. But the truth is that
hardly anybody then understood these technicalities of
ecclesiastical foundations ; the whole modern legislation on
the subject is therefore full of contradictions. But one thing
is plain : the act simply allowed the Chapter to do something ;
it did not compel them to do anything. The residentiary
body might now, if they chose, call Mr. Grylls into residence,
and the full Chapter might elect him Dean, as indeed the
full Chapter might have elected him Dean without his
being called into residence. But there was nothing in the
act obliging them to do either. The Chapter met again on
June I4th. A third royal document was ready for their
consideration. In the second letters Lord Wriothesley
Russell was withdrawn, but Mr. Grylls was directly no-
minated by the Crown ; in the third letters the Crown
tacitly surrendered the right of direct nomination ; the
new letters abandoned the style which had been usual ever
since the later days of Charles the Second, and fell back on
the lowlier style of Elizabeth, Charles the First, and the
earlier days of Charles the Second. Mr. Grylls was re-
commended to the canons ; the canons are even ' required
Z 2
340 THE CASE OF THE DEANERY OF EXETER. [Essay
and commanded ' to elect him Dean ; but there is no longer
anything about the deanery being in the undoubted gift of
the Crown. The Chapter might perfectly well have elected
Mr. Grylls as a prebendary ; or, if they thought such a cere-
mony desirable, the residentiary body might, by virtue of
the late act, have called him into residence. But they were
under no obligation to do either. They adjourned once
more to June 27th. Then they met and unanimously
chose one of themselves, the Rev. Thomas Hill Lowe,
Prsecentor and residentiary. On August 1st Mr. Lowe's
election was confirmed by the Bishop, and the next day he
was admitted to the deanery in the usual form.
It was a daring step ; but it was simply asserting a right
which had been unlawfully interfered with for two hundred
and fifty years. It will be seen at once that the case had
altogether changed since the first nomination of Lord
Wriothesley Russell. Then the Chapter was asserting the
law of the land. It was in a somewhat grotesque form
certainly. They were defending a very modern law, one
passed contrary to their interests and against their petition,
and they were defending it against those by whom it had
been passed. Still it was the law, and the Chapter defended
it against the Minister who would have had them break it.
In the two refusals to admit or elect Mr. Grylls — in the
second avowedly, and really in the first also — they were
standing up for the ancient rights of their church to free
election. Every old-foundation Chapter since Charles the
Second had been submissive to an unwarrantable require-
ment on the part of the Crown ; the Chapter of Exeter in
1839 would be submissive no longer. But it could hardly be
expected that so bold a course should remain unchallenged.
Litigation naturally followed, and the cause of The Queen
V. lite President and Chapter of the Cathedral Church of
Saint Peter in Exeter was heard in Easter Term, 1840, in
the Court of Queen's Bench before Lord Denman C.J., Mr.
Justice Littledale, Mr. Justice Patteson, and Mr. Justice
Coleridofe.
XVIII.] THE ELECTION AND LAW-SUIT. 341
The pleadings and judgement in this cause are deeply
instructive to the unprofessional student of history, and
they must surely have some instruction for lawyers also.
To the layman perhaps the most interesting side is the
illustration which they give of the different ways in which
a strictly historical question can be treated in a court of
justice. One counsel only on each side was heard, the
Attorney-General, Sir John Campbell, afterwards Lord
Camj^bell, for the Crown, and Sir William Follett for the
Chapter. Sir William Follett had in one sense an easy
task ; for the facts and the law were wholly on his side.
But they were facts and law of a rather out-of-the-way
kind, which it must have needed no small skill thoroughly
to grasp and to put in the most convincing shape and
order. To be sure, Sir William Follett was likely on his
own account to have some knowledge and to feel some
interest about an Exeter matter ; he was ' instructed ' too
by one who could really give instruction, for surely no
man was better versed in these matters than Mr. Barnes.
Sii' John Campbell, on the other hand, was, and most
likely knew that he was, in the position of a man who is
officially bound to say something when there is really
nothing to be said. But one feels that, if the counsel
had changed sides, Sir John Campbell could never have
grasped the case of the Chapter as Sir William Follett
grasped it ; it is also possible, though it is hard to see
how, that Sir William Follett might have found something
st]-onger to say for the Crown than Sir John Campbell
did find. It is curious to see how both counsel treat the
one weak point in the case of the Chapter, the objection
to Mr. Grylls as not being a canon residentiary. This did
not really affect the merits of their argument, but it con-
fused it ; it was a defence of a right course on wrong
grounds. Sir William Follett clearly saw this, and he
wisely said as little about it as he could ; his case was
perfectly strong without it. To Sir John Campbell, on
the other hand, it was the very breath of his nostrils ; he
B42 THE CASE OF THE DEANERY OF EXETER. [Essay
instinctively pounced on it at the very beginning of his
reply, as the only approach to a flaw in the case on the
other side. It doubtless made a happy beginning for a
speech, but it could not carry him very far in the region
of fact or law, and it is significant that the Court, in its
judgement, passed by the point yet more completely than
Sir William FoUett had done. Another feature in the
proceedings which causes the lay student some wonder
is the time spent — the layman is apt to think, wasted—
on the not very amazing fact that some writers of law-
books had known nothing whatever about the history of
old-foundation deaneries. Sir Edward Coke had confused
the processes of election to bishoprics and to deaneries ;
so had Mr. Hargrave. To the lay mind this last name
conveys no idea ; Sir Edward Coke bears an illustrious
name in his own department, but it really does not seem
wonderful that he should go astray in points which were
quite out of his province, though Selden and Prynne
doubtless knew all about them. But here, as so often, to
the layman's wonder, happens in legal proceedings, the
mistakes of mere commentators are treated as if they were
contradictions in real evidence. The historical mind says :
' Here are the documents ; by them must the matter be
judged ; commentators doubtless have their use ; but they
are liable to err in a sense in which documents are not.
If the commentators contradict the documents, there is an
end of them, and we may pass on.' Now in this case the
commentators were set aside and the case did pass on.
Eoth Sir William Follett and the Judges expressly declare
that not only Mr. Hargrave, but Sir Edward Coke, was
quite wrong ; only they seem to see a greater difficulty in
the fact than can be seen by a lay historian of the church
of Exeter, to whom documents are everything and law-
books very little. At any rate it is a comfort that the
matter had not to be argued or judged by my legal col-
league whose story I have told in another place,* who
* See Methods of Historical Study, p. 74.
XVIII.] ARGUMENT OF SIR JOHN CAMPBELL. 343
would admit of no appeal from Blackstone's amazing
dream that William the Conqueror 'introduced the Feudal
System' at the Gemot of Salisbury in 1085.
The case was opened by Sir John Campbell, as counsel
for the Crown, moving for a rule calling on the Chapter
to show cause why a writ of mandaTiius should not issue,
directing them to elect Mr. Grylls to the deanery, and, if
need be, to qualify him for election by making him canon
residentiary. An affidavit of Mr. Grylls was produced,
reciting the facts from his point of view, maintaining that
the election of Mr. Lowe was null, that the deanery was
still vacant, and that the Chapter were bound to elect him-
self. It is characteristic that Sir John Campbell, at the
very beginning of his speech, sets off with talk about the
'Reformation,' and a little way on he is so kind as to give
an approach to a date for that event. He implies that it
happened before the year 1559, the date of the nomination
of Gregory Dodds. And so he goes on, suggesting that
' until the Reformation it does not appear but that there
might have been a letter missive from the Crown to the
Chapter on the election of a Dean. There i& no evidence
that there ivas.' Certainly not, and at this rate one might
suggest anything in the world for which there was no
evidence. I have already said that there is a strong
historical likelihood that under Henry the Eighth, and
even before, kings did in some way meddle with these
elections ; but there is no kind of legal proof that they
did, and for the suggestion of a formal letter missive there
is not even historical likelihood. So in those elections
under Elizabeth and James the First of which the records
are missing, it is extremely likely that there was a recom-
mendation from the Crown. But there is no proof that
there was ; there is not even that likelihood, amounting
to moral certainty, which there is that an election during
the last century of which the records chance to be lost
followed the process which had then become usual. One
thing which constantly follows Sir John Campbell is this
344 THE CASE OF THE DEANERY OF EXETER. [Essay
odd notion, that ' the Reformation ' had, or must have had,
or ought to have had, something to do with the matter. He
cannot keep the Pope out of his argument. From the
election of deans he wanders to that of bishops, and tells
us that their election by the Chapters ' was a mode said
to have been resorted to by the See of Rome for the pur-
pose of giving to the pope the power of nominating.' We
are told several times that the case is full of difficulties.
The great difficulty in Sir John Campbell's path was what
he calls 'the difficulty of accounting for the manner in
which that power had become vested in the Crown, because
before the Reformation they were elective, and there is no
statute transferring the potuer from the Cha2)ter to the
Croiun.' But he comforts himself by saying, ' But in reality
this power has been exercised by the Crown ; it is con-
sidered hy all tJie books of authority as belonging to the
Crown ; and it would not become me to allow the Crown
to be stripped of this power without a judicial decision.
I trust the Court will be of opinion, that this power, de
jure, does belong to the Crown, and has been rightfully
exercised.' And so he totters on, like a man walking on
unfamiliar ground, with just enough knowledge to see that
his path will lead him nowhere. He has much to say
about Mr. Hargrave, and tries by his help to confuse the
election to deaneries with the election to bishoprics, though
he does see the difference made by the fact that the statute
25 Henry VIII says a good deal about bishoprics and
nothing about deaneries. One amusing little bit is where
Sir John Campbell says that ' the deanery was founded so
far hack as 1225.' Sir John Campbell seemingly thought
that date a remarkable age for a deanery. Sir William
FoUett, who knew his story, was presently able to point
out, quietly enough, that Exeter was the youngest among
the old-foundation deaneries.
The Court granted the rule. Presently came the affidavit
of Mr. Barnes, a full and luminous statement of the whole
matter from Leofric to Phillpotts. And on that followed the
XVIIL] ARGUMENT OF SIR WILLIAM FOLLETT. 345
adiniral)]e argument of Sir William Follett. Never surely
cau a brief have been better prepared or better mastered.
The speech is a clear historic statement, bringing out every
fact and every point of detail with the most perfect clearness.
Every point in the story is put in its proper place, and is
made to have its proper bearing. Some parts of the speech
indeed concern only the lawyer. The layman will not
venture to touch a large part of Sir William Follett's dis-
quisition on the general law of patronage, still less will he
touch the argument whether mandamus or qvMve irivpedit
was the proper way to proceed, in case the Crown had
suffered any wrong. But the layman as well as the lawyer
may thank Sir William Follett for bringing out that
principle of the law of patronage on which the whole case
really turns, that where there is election, but election
needing a licence, the licence can come only from the
founder or patron. He thus sweeps aside the confusions
of Coke and Hargrave which mixed up the licence from
the Crown in the case of a bishop with the licence from
the Bishop in the case of a dean. This all-essential point,
that the election to the Exeter deanery had, from the
thirteenth century to the nineteenth, been made under the
licence of the Bishop without any reference to the Crown,
Sir William Follett brings out with as perfect clearness
and mastery as if his whole life had been given to the
history of the church of Exeter. He brings in another
crushing point against the other side. It was not only
the Chapter tliat was concerned, but the Bishop. In some
cases the nominee of the Crown had been qualified for
election only by the Bishop collating him to a prebend.
He asks triumphantly whether in such case, if the Bishop
had collated some one else to the prebend, a onandamas
would lie against him also to make him collate the person
whom the Crown wished to be made Dean. The one
possible weak point, the objection to Mr. Grylls as not
being a residentiary, he passes by in his argument, simply
mentioning it among the facts of the case. He shows that
346 THE CASE OF THE DEANERY OF EXETER. [Essay
there is no evidence, no recorded sign, of any interference
on the part of the Crown, till the vain attempt of Edward
the Sixth to make the deanery a donative.'^ He shows
that the recommendation of Dodds by Queen Elizabeth
neither implied nor claimed any right in the Crown. ' It
was a mere recommendation ; and the recommendation
from the Crown at that time would in all probability have
been attended to by all, not only clicipters of cathedral
churches, but any one, to whom she thought fit to send
a letter of this description.'! In the same spirit he deals
with the more daring usurpation of Charles the Second —
follow^ed, be it remembered, by all later sovereigns. He
likens it to other usurpations in the case of colleges, and
adds,
'Your lordships will also find in the cathedrals of this country,
every one, attempts made by King Charles the Second, and it is with
regard to Exeter, not only to interfere with the election of Dean, but
to interfere with the election of other offices which the Crown never
pretended or could pretend to have any right over. There are letters
missive of that king directing elections to other offices in that cathe-
dral. It was like many other prerogatives attempted to be set up,
on the part of the Crown, by the last kings of the House of Stewart,
which were indeed without any foundation, either in law or right, by
the constitution of this country.'
Sir William Follett had indeed got the sow by the right
ear. All the sovereigns from Charles the Second onwards,
most of them no doubt without the least knowing what
they were doing, had been systematically trampling on
the legal rights of a body of Englishmen, rights none the
less to be regarded because that body of Englishmen hap-
pened to be an ecclesiastical corporation. He goes on to
say that the claim to treat the deanery as a donative was
at least intelligible, but to show how little foundation it
had in fact. If any of the Judges, he said, whom he ad-
dressed should chance to preside at a trial turning on that
claim of the Crown, he could not fail to direct the jury
* Barnes, p. 25. t Ibid., p. 40.
XVIIL] ANALOGOUS CASES. 347
' that there ^Yas no foundation of legal right in the Crown
at all.' He shows that the second claim in the case of Mr.
Grylls, when the claim to grant the deanery was with-
drawn and the Chapter was simply bidden to elect the
Crown nominee, had just as little groundwork of law and
fact as the other, and that it could l)e accounted for only
by a confusion with the process of electing Bishops. He
goes through two other cases, that of the deanery of York
in the fourteenth century, and that of Saint Patrick's at
Dublin in the eighteenth. The York case had nothing to
do with the ordinary election to deaneries, but with the
question whether, when the Dean of York was elected
Archbishop of York, the nomination to the deanery did
not fall to the Crown as holding the temporalities of the
archbishopric."^ The Saint Patrick's case was much more
like the Exeter case, and was decided in favour of the
Chapter. Both cases are of deep interest, and throw much
light on the Exeter case ; they also supply Sir William
Follett with the technical argument with which he Avinds
up his speech, that in no case could a 'mandamus lie ; if
the Crown had any case against the Chapter, it must pro-
ceed by way of quare mipedit.
Then came the turn of Sir John Campbell to reply. The
lawyer may perhaps be better able to enter into his case ;
to the layman it seems a pitiable one, when he could hardly
have failed to see that fact and law were against him, but
was still bound in duty to say something against fact and
law. To dispute against Sir William Follett's argument
was like disputing against a demonstration in Euclid ; there
was nothing to be done except to try again to confuse the
points which Sir William Follett had so clearly dis-
tinguished, and to make a last desperate attempt at
awakening theological prejudice. After firing his first shot
about the position of Mr. Grylls as not being a residentiary
canon. Sir John Campbell really brings forward nothing —
* [This goes on the same principle as the question which I stated
in the note on p. 333.]
348 THE CASE OF THE DEANERY OF EXETER. [Essay
except a purely technical argument about mandamus and
qtmre impedit — which does not come under one or othej'
of those heads. One passage is remarkable :
' From the time that the records of the Chapter are forthcoming,
we again find that the Crown does appoint. And how does it ap-
point ? And this is most material. Uniformly by calling on the
Chapter to elect the person nominated by the Crown. Tlie Croivn has
never pretended to have de pleno jure the advotvson of the deanery of
Exeter. All that the Crown has claimed with regard to the deanery
of Exeter has been, to require the Chapter to elect the nominee of the
Cyo^w, just as the Crown requires the Chapter to elect the nominee of the
Crown to be Bishop.^
All this was directly in the teeth of the facts of history,
as so clearly set forth by Sir- William Follett. The Crown,
by a formula used, with a few verbal changes, both in 1681
and 1839, had declared the deanery to be ' to our donation
belonging,' ' in our gift in full right ' ; and yet Sir John
Campbell says that the ' Crown had never claimed to have
de x>l€.no jure the advowson of the deanery of Exeter.'
From 1681 to 1839 the Crown had not said a word about
' election,' but only about 'assigning and admitting' ; the
second document in behalf of Mr. Grylls, for the first time
since 1663, speaks of 'election,' and yet Sir John Campbell
says that during all that time the Crown had done nothing
beyond ' requiring the Chapter to elect.' Sir William
Follett had shown that there was no point of likeness
between the election of bishops and the election of deans,
that in the one case the law required the Crown to nomin-
ate and the Chapter to elect the nominee, while in the other
case the law said nothing about the matter. Yet Sir John
Campbell could say that the Crown required the election
in the one case 'just as' it required it in the other.
So he goes on to make confusions about the conge d' el ire
— from the Crown or from the Bishop — which Sir William
Follett had just so clearly explained. This to be sure was
a bit of loyal service to the ' authorities,' Coke and Har-
grave, whom Sir William Follett had so mercilessly bowled
over. Sir John Campbell, in his desperate case, tries to
XVIII.] SIE JOHN CAMPBELL'S REPLY. 349
show that the recommendations of candidates by the Crown
were a conge cVelire. Yet words have a meaning ; even
in the election of bishops, the conge iVelire is one thing,
the letter missive, which contains the recommendation, is
another thing. He allows that till 1553 there is no trace of
interference on the part of the Crown ; but tliere may have
been a change by act of pa^'liament — for did not Lord
Mansfield say that in certain cases he would suppose an
act of parliament ? Or there may have been some com-
position between the Crown and the Chapter ; there may in
short have been anything that any one chooses to guess, but
of which law and history know nothing. A man must — so at
least the layman thinks — have been very hard up before he
could talk in this way ; but the theological appeal is even
finer. ' By no Protestant Chapter of Exeter has this right
ever been questioned.' Why was not Edward the Sixth's
illegal nominee elected or admitted or done something to ?
' If there was any doubt about it, it arose from his being-
succeeded by a sovereign not of the Protestant religion.'
This and that might have happened ' before the Reforma-
tion ' ; Sir John Campbell even lets us into some of his
own ' beliefs ' as to times ' before the Reformation.' ' But
we are now considering,' he proudly adds, ' what has been
done in Protestant times, u'hen the Sovereign is Head of
the Church.' As Sir John Campbell in 1839 believed the
Sovereign to be Head of the Church, he perhaps also be-
lieved that the Sovereign could not marry a subject, and
was one of the Estates of the Realm.
Lastly comes the Judgement, dry, clear^ and every word
to the point. The Court was not moved by Sir John
Campbell's Protestant rhetoric ; there is not a word about
the Reformation or the Head of the Church in that calm
statement of fact and law. The Court will hear nothing:
of Sir John Campbell's possible act of Parliament, of his
possible composition between Crown and Chapter. It is
ruled that Coke and Hargrave may err, and that in this
case they have erred. The facts are stated, dryly but
350 THE CASE OF THE DEANERY OF EXETER. [Essay
accurately ; the natural inference is drawn that the Crown
has no right in the matter ; further it is ruled that, if it
had had any right, quare impedit and not niandainus was
the way to assert it.
Thus did a body of Englishmen, by fair trial at law,
recover an ancient right, after an usurpation on the part
of the Crown which had lasted two hundred and fifty years.
Now if that body of Englishmen had been something other
than an ecclesiastical corporation, if for instance it had been
a municipal or even an academical corporation, I venture to
think that their successful resistance to a long-standing
encroachment on the part of the executive would have
been hailed at the time and remembered afterwards as a
distinct victory of English freedom and English law. But, as
the assertors of freedom and law happened to be a cathedral
chapter, the matter aroused but little public attention ;
it seemed to be a mere uninteresting ecclesiastical squal:)ble,
and it is now most likely pretty well forgotten. I might
not have thought about it again myself, if my thoughts had
not been specially called to it in late studies on the history
of the city and church of Exeter. Not the least remark-
able part of the story is what followed the judgement.
The Minister was wholly beaten in the trial. Before the
trial he had had to withdraAV point after point ; he had
been driven to give up the claims brought in by Charles
the Second and continued by every sovereign since, and to
fall back on the less imperious practice of Ehzabeth and
Charles the First. And the result of the trial had shown
that even for this milder claim there was not a shadow of
legal ground. No attempt was made to disturb the judge-
ment in any way, or to try whether an attempt at quare
impedit might be more lucky than an attempt at inandaTiius.
It was silently acknowledged that the pretensions of the
Crown to dispose of the deanery of Exeter by any process
direct or indirect had no foundation in law. But it might
be possible to change the law, and to make that rightful
XVIIL] THE JUDGEMENT AND WHAT FOLLOWED. 351
which the Judges had declared to be wrongful. In most
oases it would be thought a somewhat strange proceeding
thus to make the sentence of a court of law of none effect
b}' a legislative act immediately following it. It would
liardly be thought consistent with liberal and progressive
policy to take away the rights of any man or body of men
the very moment that the law had declared that they were
his or their rights. Sir John Campbell, in the last sentence
of his reply, had made an appeal to expediency. The rio-ht
— to interfere illegally with capitular elections— was a right
which ' he believed the Crown for many reigns had usefully
exercised for the benefit of the Church.' Such an argument
was hardly in its place in a court of law, though it would
have been quite in its place in either House of Parliament.
Yet when this useful right had just been declared to be an
usurpation, it might have been only decent to give the
lawful electors a fair trial, to see whether deans freely
elected by the Chapter proved much worse than deans
elected under a recommendation from the Crown. A
generation or so later, if capitular electors had shown
themselves very foohsh or very corrupt their right might
have been taken from them. But no ; one free election
had been held ; but there should never be another. The
judgement could not be disturbed ; Mr. Lowe could not be
turned out of his deanery ; but it might be ruled that he
should not have a successor chosen after the same fashion.
Within two months after the judgement of the Court of
Queen's Bench, an Act of Parliament was brought in and
passed, by which the Old-foundation deaneries were put on
the level of the New, and their future holders were to be
directly nominated by letters patent from the Crown.
The case immediately at issue touched only the sino-le
deanery of Exeter, and I am not able to say exactly what
the course of things might have been if the same question
had arisen in some other old-foundation church. But we
may be pretty sure that the same general principles would
352 THE CASE OF THE DEANERY OF EXETER. [Essay
have equally applied to any other church of the class. All
the old-foundation churches have constitutions drawn on
essentially the same lines, but with small peculiarities of
detail in each. I should expect that in any one of them
we should find that the Bishop was patron of the deanery,
and that he issued his licence to the Chapter to elect. I can
conceive the statutes of different churches differing as to
the qualification of the Dean, whether he need be already
a member of the Chapter, or whether he need be a resi-
dentiary in churches where the residentiary system is
older than it is at Exeter. And we must remember that
at Bangor and Saint Asaph the Bishop always appointed
the Dean, just like the other dignitaries, without any
election by the Chapter. I cannot conceive the Crown
having anywhere any part or lot in the matter, except, as
in the York case, during the vacancy of the bishopric, when
the bishop's patronage is of course for the time vested in
the Crown. It would be well worth the while of any
ecclesiastical antiquary to compare the experiences of
Exeter with those of other churches of the same class.
There must be some curious analogies with our Exeter
story, not only in the case of deaneries, but in the way,
whatever it was, by which the Crown came to name the
canons residentiary of Saint Paul's, a thiug without parallel
in any other old-foundation church. But the Exeter case
is enough by itself^ as illustrating some remarkable points
in ecclesiastical history, and, as I venture to think, suggest-
ing some reflexions of a wider kind than anything touching
the powers of a single ecclesiastical body. The old saying
of our Chronicler, ' The more they spake of law, the more
they did unlaw,' seems singularly applicable to men who,
as soon as a right is proved by witness of law and fact, at
once proceed to take it away by an abuse of the legislative
power.
XIX.l THE GROWTH OF COMMONWEALTHS. 353
XIX.
THE GROWTH OF COMMONWEALTHS.*
There is much talk just now in the world about changing
monarchies into republics, and about changing republics into
monarchies. To judge from the way in which people speak
about the current politics of France and Spain, one might
think that a chano-e of this kind was the easiest thing in
the world. And one might think that it was not only the
easiest thing in the world, but that it was also a simple
and definite thing, something which could be done within
the four corners of an Act of Parliament, or voted by the
briefer Yea or Nay of a real or a sham 2^lebiscituiii. The
modern history of France and Spain is perhaps beginning
to give people a dim notion that there may be many kinds
of republics and many kinds of monarchies. And when
we constantly see in polite newspapers such a phrase as
' Conservative Republic,' it may be that the general public
is beginning to awake to the fact that a republic is not
necessarily a state of things in which everybody picks
* [The moment when this was written will be seen at once. In
1873 the French rei^ublic was something new, and was looked on as
unlikely to last. And there was also a Spanish republic, which has
not lasted. All this is another instance of the great law that no
general proposition can be made about forms of government, and
that everything turns on time, place, and circumstance. And I hope
that there are now more people than there were then who would at
once support constitutional kingship— or queenship— on reasonable
grounds, and who would at the same time see nothing necessarilj^
wicked in those who may prefer another form of Executive. Certainly
the word ' democracy ' no longer awakens the horrors that it once did.
There is even a ' Tory democracy.']
A a
354 THE GROWTH OF COMMONWEALTHS. [Essay
everybody else's pocket and cuts everybody else^s throat.
Otherwise, the word ' Republican ' has commonly been
used in England as if it were a term of moral reproach.
A man may be Whig, Tory, Conservative, Liberal, even
Radical ; he may be for or against the present state of
the Legislature, the Church, the army — perhaps even the
game-laws and the succession to land. Thus far — though
it is perhaps not quite clear about the last two points — a
man may hold his own notions, whatever they are, and at
most his error is mourned over ; he is not at once set down
as a rogue. But if a man goes on from speculating on
all these things to speculate further upon the form of the
Executive government, he is at once set down as morally
wicked. If he thinks that it might be better to have the
actual rulers of the country chosen directly, instead of in-
directly, by Parliament or by the people, then he is a ' Re-
publican,' and the word 'Republican,' in the mouths of most
people, does not belong to the same class of words as Whig
and Tory, but to the same class of words as thief and mur-
derer. A Republican must be a Democrat, and for a De-
mocrat no words can be too bad. The Democrat must be
a foe to religion and social order, to life and property and
everything else. To be sure there are men still living who
may have seen, by the banks of the Aar or on the isles of
the Hadriatic, republics which were not democracies.* To
be sure any man who chooses may still go any day and see
for himself that the most Conservative and the most Ca-
tholic people in Europe are also the most democratic. To
reasoning like this it would most likely be thought answer
enough to say that one set of republicans cut off the head
of Charles the First and that another set of republicans
cut oH' the head of Lewis the Sixteenth. An English
Puritan f and a French Jacobin were about as unlike one
* [The class, if it lingers still, must now be a very small one.]
t [I ought not, in strictness, to have applied the name 'Puritan'
to those who beheaded Charles the First. But the meaning is clear
enough.]
XIX.] THE ' CONSERVATIVE republic: 355
another as any two kinds of men can be ; but both were
Republicans, both upset kings, and, with thus much in
common, any differences between them ought in loyal eyes
to seem but small. There must surely have been some
degree of revolt against this kind of talk, when the ' Con-
servative Republic ' is daily discussed as being, for one at
least of the great nations of Europe, the form of govern-
ment under which there is most chance of union, order,
and stability. It is at least not from the Conservative
point of view that either M. Thiers or those who have
displaced him can be railed at as chiefs of a gang of cat-
throats.
Now I am not arguing in favour of a republican form
of government either in England or anywhere else. I am
only claiming on behalf of those who are in favour of a
change in the form of the Executive, that their notions are
not to be looked on as something wicked in themselves,
any more than the notions of those who are in favour of a
change in any other of our institutions. I am only arguino-
that the hereditary King is simply, like the elective Town-
Councillor, something created by an Act of Parliament, and
that it is no more sin to discuss the repeal of the Act which
establishes the King than to discuss the repeal of the Act
which establishes the Town- Councillor. As for discussions
about any one ideal form of government, they are simply
idle. The ideal form of government is no government at
all. The existence of government in any shape is a sign
of man's imperfection. If we were all so wise and good
as always to do exactly the right thing of our own accord,
there would be no need of laws, lawgivers, or judges ; the
King and the Town-Councillor would be equally uncalled
for. In an imperfect world some kind of government is
needful ; but what is-the best kind of government for any
particular community depends on endless circumstances
which are perhaps not exactly the same in any two com-
munities. Anything worthy to be called government — 1 shut
out mere tyranny and mere anarchy as not being worthy
A a 2
356 THE GROWTH OF COMMONWEALTHS. [Essay
to be called government — may be the best or the worst
in its own time and place. What is best in an early
state of society may not be the best in a state of highly
elaborate civilization. What is best for a single city may
not be best for a large nation. What is best for one race
or one climate may not be best for another race or another
climate. As a rule — again setting aside mere tyranny and
mere anarchy — that form of government is best for any
particular society which the circumstances of its history
have given it. I do not mean that such a government
may not need great reforms. But when a nation which is
possessed of an historical form of government makes from
time to time such reforms as are needed, it is simply carry-
ing on the process by which that form of government came
into being at all. The circumstances of our history have
made us a constitutional monarchy, and I at least see no
reason to wish to change that form of government for any
other. We have got King, Lords, and Commons, and I
believe that we shall go on best by keeping King. Lords,
and Commons, only making such changes in the constitu-
tion of any of those branches as experience may show to
be needful. All I ask is that the constitution, or even the
existence, of one of the three shall be not thought more
sacred, more beyond the reach of argument, than the con-
stitution or the existence of the other two.
Our constitutional kingship, like any other form of govern-
ment deserving to be called government, has its good and
its bad side. But change, radical change, change which
is not the mere improvement of detail but which breaks
the continuity of institutions, is in itself an evil. Those
who seek to change a monarchy into a republic — just like
those who seek to change a republic into a monarchy —
must be prepared to show, not only that the proposed
change will be abstractedly for the better, but that it will
be so much for the better as further to counterbalance the
inherent evil of an organic change, of the snapping of a
link between the past and the present. No doubt there
XIX.] ASPECTS OF CONSTITUTIONAL KINGSHIP. 357
are times and places where such a case may be made out ;
but it is incumbent on the man who proposes so great
a change to make out such a case. I myself see no case
for the abolition of kingship ; I only ask for toleration
for those who think otherwise. It seems to me that any
radical chanofe in the form of our Executive would do
more harm than good. The worst side of our present
system is not political but social. Where the existence
of kingship works badly is in the spirit of grovelling flat-
tery which it encourages. The habit of cringing to princes,
of hiding or putting fair names on their vices, must have a
bad moral effect ; it must tend to deaden men's feelings of
truth and right. And I suspect that this habit of prince-
worship is one of the special evils of a constitutional mon-
archy, that it has more influence, and appears in a worse
form, in a constitutional monarchy than it does in a de-
spotism. But the spirit which goes down into the dirt at
the mere hearing of the name of a Royal Highness would,
under any other form of government, find something else
to go down into the dirt before. For my own part I have
no wish to disturb the existing form of our Executive, ex-
cept perhaps in one way. The experience of the present
reign shows that the duties of a constitutional sovereign
are best discharged by a woman, and I suspect that, in
order to make constitutional monarchy at once respectable
and lastino- the wisest thing would be to entail the Crown
in the female line. The only real objection to such change
is, that the substitution of enactment for tradition might
give the institution a shock. Otherwise it would be likely
to give constitutional royalty a new lease of another century
or two. The chance of another Charles the Second or George
the Fourth is always far more likely than the chance of a
Russian Catharine or Elizabeth.
But the object which I have now before me is to show,
by the experience of history, that, when any state does
make a change in the form of its Executive, whether it
changes from a kingdom to a commonwealth or from a
358 THE GROWTH OF COMMONWEALTHS. [Essay
commonwealth to a kingdom, the way to make the change
lasting is to change as little as possible, to make no inno-
vation beyond what is absolutely needed to bring about
the object in hand. The received idea nowadays seems to
be that, when a people makes a change of this kind, it is
a necessary part of the business to make a clean sweep of
everything, to upset the whole fabric of the State as well
as the particular branch of it which it is wished to recon-
struct. It is in short held to be the right thing to take a
clean sheet of paper and to write out the whole constitution
afresh, because it is needful to strike out some clauses and
to write some others instead. This fancy is surely one
main cause which has made it so impossible for France to
set up any stable government of any kind since the over-
throw of the old royal despotism. Commonwealth, King-
dom, Tyranny, all have in this matter been the same. Each
has arisen as something altogether new ; each has striven
to cut itself off as much as might be from whatever went
before it.'^ Neither Commonwealth, Kingdom, nor Tyranny
has had anything firmer to stand upon than the preference
of the moment. Not one of them has had any historic basis,
any roots going down into the past. It is the one good
feature in the present provisional state of things that it
has, more than any other government before it, come of
itself. It is not the result of any theory. A Legislature
was wanted ; an Executive chief was wanted ; and the
Legislature and the Executive chief came into being at
the bidding of necessity. A government like this, if only
people would let it alone and give it time to shape itself,
is more likely to grow into something really suited to the
national wants than either kingdom or commonwealth
* This is curiously shown in the way in which the mere records of
fallen powers are wiped out. At Rouen, for instance, a street built
during the tyranny was called 'Rue de I'lmperatrice.' Under the
Republic it has become ' Rue Jeanne d'Arc' Would it not have been
better to keep the record of the fallen state of things, and to point
to it with some such moral as
rjiMels Toi Trarepoiv fiey' nfieivoves ev^ofxfd^ eivai ;
XIX.]
MODERN FRANCE. 359
elaborately sketched out on blank paper. The Republic
without Eepublicans is so far really more hopeful than
any more cunningly devised thing that could be put in
its place. The thing is rough and imperfect— the form of
its Executive I hold to be thoroughly bad— but it vrould
be wiser to smooth it and fill up its gaps than to pull it
down and set up something else from the ground. But if
it or anything else is to live, it must avoid the evil which
has sapped all other French governments. Commonwealth,
Kingdom, and Tyranny have been alike in one thing.
While they have rooted up things good, bad, and indif-
ferent, they have all carefully kept and nourished up the
evil thing of all. All alike have done their best to root out
all real national hfe, to crushing all free local institu-
tions, to make everything depend, as by a mechanical
law, on the one central power. It really matters little
whether that central power be Commonwealth, King, or
Tyrant, as long as it sets its Prefects openly to meddle at
elections.
In looking at some of the most striking cases in which
states have changed from kingdoms to commonwealths or
from commonwealths to kingdoms, I wish to look at the
matter, as far as may be, as a scientific study of political
history, without entering on the moral aspect of the case
either way. I wish to look at the process rather than at
the object. My position is that a change of any kind is
most likely to be done with the least amount of immediate
mischief, and with the best hope of the new institutions
being lasting, if those new institutions depart as little as
possible from the old ones. This is equally true whether
the change be one of which I or any one else may approve,
or one which we may utterly condemn. It is equally true
whether the change be from monarchy to republic or from
republic to monarchy, from oligarchy to democracy or from
democracy to oligarchy. But I may say that the greater
ease with which changes of this kind may be wrought under
360 THE GROWTH OF COMMONWEALTHS. [Essay
any particular form of government is so far a merit on
tLie part of that form of government. Of the two evils,
despotism and oligarchy, it may be argued that oligarchy
is the worse, because in a despotism there is at least the
chance of the personal good disposition of the despot. But
on the other side it may be argued that a despotism cannot
be changed into a free government of any kind without
altogether upsetting the existing state of things, without
either setting up something new from the beginning or
trying to call back again something which has altogether
passed away. But an oligarchy may be changed into a
democracy without any such sudden break. It may not
even be necessary to change the names, the powers, or the
terms of office of the magistrates and assemblies in which
power is actually vested. It is very likely that all that is
immediately wanted may be gained by decreeing that the
right of electing and being elected to those magistracies
and assemblies shall be thrown open to the whole people,
and no longer confined to some particular class of the
people. No doubt, in a state where such a change as this
is called for, other changes will be needed as well. But in
the case which I have put, when the strictly constitutional
changes are once made, the new magistrates and assemblies
will be able to make any needful changes in detail by the
ordinary course of legislation.
Of successive changes of this kind, wrought from time to
time as they are needed, without ever building up again
the constitutional fabric from its foundations, the history
of Rome is the greatest of all examples. That most con-
servative of states was at various times an example of
almost every form of government ; but it never once had
altogether to pull down and to build up again from the
ground. Rome indeed never was, in form at least, a pure
example of any of the three great forms of government.
Monarchic, aristocratic, and democratic elements were
mingled in her constitution from the beginning ; and all
three went on to her latest days, if not in actual working,
XIX.] EXAMPLE OF ROME. 361
yet at least in the shape of formulae and survivals. With-
out going into any disputed minutiae of Roman constitu-
tional history, it is plain that our earliest glimpses set
before us the three elements of the King, the Senate, and
the popular Assembly. And the analogy of other states
may lead us to guess that the purely elective kings of
Rome had, by a process familiar everywhere, succeeded
to an ancient kingly house, just as, by a process no less
familiar, the kingdom was, at the time of its abolition, fast
passing away into the hands of a new kingly house. This
however is a mere inference from analogy;* but it is certain
that, when the kingly office was abolished at Rome, the
kingly power was not abolished, nor were the powers and
relations of the other two branches of the state, the Senate
and People, at all formally altered. All that was done was
that, instead of choosing a king for life, the people now
chose two magistrates clothed with kingly power, but
holding it only for a year. Indeed the very title of king-
lived on in the priestly personages who were appointed to
discharge the religious duties of kingship.
Presently it was found that the revolution which got
rid of kings had turned more to the advantage of one
class of the people than of the people at large ; by getting
rid of the kings, the aristocratic element of the constitution
gained the upper hand, and a series of struggles against
patrician domination followed. But what was the nature
of those struggles ? No man at Rome ever proposed wholly
to wipe out the existing state of things and to start afresh.
No man ever proposed to write out a new and symmetrical
Roman constitution on a clean sheet of parchment or on a
blank tablet of brass. No man ever proposed to abolish
the Senate or the consulship, or even very greatly to lessen
their powers. The utmost that was ever done was, as the
kingly power had been put into commission in the hands
of two consuls, to put it again further into commission in
the hands of a greater number of military tribunes. The
object of all the plebeian struggles was, not to abolish any-
362 THE GROWTH OF COMMONWEALTHS. [Essay
thing, but to establish the right of the Commons to a voice
and a share in everything. The Senate lost some of its
powers ; but it lost them, not by the setting up of any new
body in the State, but by a transfer of power from the
Senate to bodies which were already in being. The great
magistracies were thrown open to the Commons ; but they
were thrown open one by one, as a particular grievance
was felt in a particular quarter. There was so little
thought of mere symmetry on the point, that, in the case
of a few offices wdiich were either of small political im-
portance or which seldom needed to be filled, no special
measure was ever brought forward, and they remained
confined to patricians to the last. New magistracies were
often created ; but their creation was simply the further
carrying on of a process which had already begun ; the
kingly or consular power was further divided among a
greater number of holders. The process, though different
in form, is the same in principle as that which happens
among ourselves whenever, instead of a personal Lord High
Treasurer or Lord High Admiral, a body of commissioners
is appointed to discharge his office.
In the history of Roman constitutional progress the
most distinct innovation is the foundation of the plebeian
tribuneship, with its wonderful power of checking the
action of every other branch of the State. But it can
hardly be thought that the tribuneship was actually called
into being for the first time at the moment when it thus
became one of the chief powers of the commonwealth.
It is far more likely that the tribunes had all along been
the chiefs of the Plehs in its character of a separate body,
but that they were now first recognized as officers of the
commonwealth as a whole. And their whole position is
truly Roman. A check was needed on the arbitrary power
of the patrician consuls. A less conservative state would
have abolished the consulship, or cut its powers down
to something much smaller. The Roman remedy was to
set up a plebeian office by its side, with a power of for-
XIX.] GRADUAL CHANGES AT ROME. 363
bidding no less arbitrary than the consul's power of acting.
In this way Rome gradually changed the whole spirit and
form of her government without ever having to fall back
on first principles, without ever having, like modern states,
to draw up a fresh constitution. It would not be perfectly
correct to say that Kome changed from an aristocracy to a
democracy, because she never was at any time an ex-
ample of either of those forms of government in its purity.
But she changed from a state in which the aristocratic
element had the upper hand into one in which the demo-
cratic element had the upper hand. And no one could
point to any particular moment at which the one element
linally got the better of the other. Till the days of the civil
wars , there was no moment, as there was in many a Greek
city, when the oligarchs drove out or massacred the com-
mons, or when the commons drove out or massacred the
oligarchs. The Roman constitution was always changing,
but it was alw^ays changing by the strictly conservative
process of changing only what there was distinct need
for changing at that particular time. Rome had her reward
in a degree of combined permanence and power to which
no other commonwealth ever reached.
As in this way the Roman state changed, as we may
roughly say, from monarchy to aristocracy, from aristocracy
to democracy, without any sudden or violent sweeping
away of things old or setting up of things new, so the like
happened when the commonwealth changed back again
from democracy to monarchy. The Roman Empire owed
its wonderful permanence to the fact that it was not
brought in by a revolution, that it was not even brought
in by one sweeping legislative vote. The Romans of the
last days of the commonwealth were split up into parties
and used to civil w^ars, but every man would have voted,
every man would have fought, against an open proposal
for abolishing the powers of the Senate and People, and
setting up an avowed monarch instead. They would even
have voted and fought against a proposal which, without
334 THE GROWTH OF COMMONWEALTHS. [Essay
destroying the powers of the Senate and People, should
have again united the powers of all the curule magistrates
in the person of a single king. It is plain that the first
Caesar, without proposing anything like this, still went too
far even for his own partizans in his evident Avish for an
avowed kingship, to be held perhaps in the provinces only.
The younger Ciesar knew better. He abolished nothing ;
he changed nothing ; he simply set up a new power which
gradually and stealthily ate up all other powers. He re-
ceived, as several others had received before him, extra-
ordinary commissions for a term or for life. He combined
offices and powers which had hitherto been kept separate,
and so, without formally overthrowing anything old, with-
out formally creating anything new, he founded a dominion
which grew step by step into an acknowledged monarchy.
The old institutions of the Commonwealth lived on, some-
times to die out without record of their extinction, sometimes
to be formally abolished, not in the Old Rome but in the
New. The first Caesar wished to be King ; the second
Csesar was satisfied with being practical master ; and his
power went on in one shape or another, under one title or
another, till at last there came a King of the Romans in
the eleventh century, and a King of Rome in the nineteenth.
The motion of Antonius was at last carried ; but those to
whom Rome gave the kingly title could hardly be said
to rule over her with the same full powers as those who
had been contented with being chiefs of the Senate and
the" army, and who shrank with at least well-acted horror
from the title of King or Lord.
Such is the lesson of Rome. A republic can supplant a
monarchy ; a monarchy can supplant a republic ; and both
can do the work all the more thoroughly and all the more
lastingly by keeping as much as possible, by destroying as
little as possible, of the institutions which it supplants.
Nor is the lesson of Athens different. It was only step by
step that the old kingship changed into a board of nine
magistrates taken by lot, magistrates first in rank, but least
XIX.] EXAMPLE OF ATHENS. 365
in power, among the great officers of the commonwealth.
It was only step by step that the exclusive dominion of
the old patricians changed into the universal sovereignty
of an assembly in which every citizen had an equal vote.
Therefore the Athenian democracy was more stable, more
lasting, than that of any other Grecian city. Its existence
was interrupted by fewer revolutions, and those of a less
violent kind, than any other Greek democracy. Once only,
and that in her very earliest times, had Athens to bow to
a tyranny, and that was the tyi-anny of one who scrupu-
lously respected the outward forms of law. She had twice
to bow to an oligarchy, but the oligarchy of the Thirty,
under which her democratic institutions were for a moment
utterly swept away, was simply forced upon her by a
foreign power, and was overthrown the first moment that
her citizens had won back strength enough to overthrow it.
But the earlier oligarchy of the Four Hundred is, both in
its rise and in its fall, an instructive example of the lesson
which I am trying to teach. Its power lasted only four
months ; yet it arose step by step, and it was overthrown
step by step. All that the oligarchs openly proposed was,
not to abolish the Senate and the Assembly, but simply
to make some changes in their constitution and mode of
appointment. It was a transparent fallacy to say that it
was no great change to limit the right of voting in the
Assembly to five thousand citizens, because it was not
often that so many as five thousand citizens appeared in
any particular meeting of the Assembly. But it was a
fallacy which implied the principle, however insidiously
professed, not of recklessly upsetting the existing constitu-
tion, but. to say the least, of letting it down easily. And
when the cheat was found out. when the shortlived oli-
garchy was overthrown, the full democracy was not re-
stored at a single blow. The first cry was for the Five
Thousand, the promised popular branch of the new consti-
tution, as against the Four Hundred, the oligarchic branch.
And several characteristic features of the old democracy
366 THE GROWTH OF COMMONWEALTHS. [Essay
remained in abeyance for a while. This was the only
revolution, strictly so called, in Athenian history, the only
time since the usurpation of Peisistratos when the constitu-
tion was changed in an illegal or in-egular manner by the
sole action of parties within the commonwealth, without
any intervention of foreign force. In most Greek cities
democracy succeeded to oligarchy and oligarchy succeeded
to democracy, tyrannies were set up and were overthrown,
far oftener and far more suddenly. At Athens the whole
people had advanced so far in the great lesson of constitu-
tional morality that even the plotters of an oligarchic
revolution were obliged in some measure to assume a
virtue, and to profess that they were only reforming the
existing constitution, and not sweeping it away.
The later history of Europe goes on to teach us exactly
the same lessons which are learned from the examples of
the two great ancient commonwealths. At various times
in European history, nations have broken away from
kingly rule and have grown up into independent common-
wealths, while in other states the sovereignty of a single
man has taken the place of an older republican freedom.
Several states both of Europe and of America owe their
origin to changes of this kind. But where the change
either way, the change from monarchy to republic or the
change from republic to monarchy, has been really lasting,
where the new government has really taken firm root, it
will be found that there seldom was any particular moment
when the new government could be called a new govern-
ment. Except in cases of foreign intervention, where a new
system has been brought in by force of arms, the change
has commonly been made gradually and silently ; the nation
has gained its freedom or it has lost it, without its being
possible to fix any exact date to the time when it was
gained or lost. The institutions of the country have
been changed only so far as was needful for the objects
of political change, and in many cases they have been
changed quite silently, as if without any set purpose, but
XIX.] CASES OF SPLITTING OFF. 367
merely by the gradual force of circumstances. The common-
wealths which have been most lasting and most successful
did not arise by changing the form of government in an
existing nation, by falling back on first principles, and
drawing up, as something quite new, a republican instead
of a monarchic constitution. We nowadays see a country
like France or Spain keeping its old boundaries and its con-
tinuous national being, but changing its form of govern-
ment from monarchy to republic or from republic to mon-
archy. But in the older commonwealths the nation was
commonly formed along with the commonwealth. Most of
them were parts of some larger dominion, where the central
power was sometimes weak, sometimes oppressive, where
it sometimes was thrown off, sometimes simply died out,
so that the existing local authorities gradually grew into
sovereign authorities, and the municipal liberties of a pro-
vince or a city grew into the absolute independence of a
sovereign people. These states were in fact formed rather
by separation from an existing government than by revolu-
tion in an existing government. Their growth has com-
monly made a change in the map of Europe or of the world
as well as a change in the political constitution of some
one of the existing states of Europe or of the world. It
would seem, in short, that a commonwealth is more likely
to be successful when it is formed by splitting off from some
larger whole, than when the whole itself deliberately changes
its form of government. Many principalities and kingdoms
as well as commonwealths have been formed in this way ;
over and over again in the history of the world have huge
dominions split into pieces, through the governors of dis-
tant provinces, the satraps, pashas, dukes, counts, or nabobs,
throwing off their allegian^ce to the common sovereign, first
practically and then openly. The process is exactly the
same as that of which I am speaking in the case of com-
monwealths. In either case the immediate authority is not
changed, but what was before local and subordinate gradually
becomes sovereiun.
368 THE GROWTH OF COMMONWEALTHS. [Essay
This process of forming principalities and common-
wealths, by splitting off from a greater whole, may even
go on in the case of principalities and commonwealths
side by side. It did so in the case of the states, monarchic
and republican, which split off from the old German
Kingdom, and many of which have now come together
again to form the new German Empire. Step by step,
lieutenants of the King, landowners great and small, pre-
lates and ecclesiastical corporations, shook off the au-
thority of the common sovereign, till he became some-
thing between a nominal feudal lord and the president of
a lax confederation.* The new princes grew, till, almost
within our own day, some of them took upon themselves
to become kings on their own account. But while this
process was going on with principalities, it was also
going on with commonwealths, and it is with the com-
monwealths that we are now most concerned. The free
cities of Germany, the commonwealths of Switzerland,
both cities and lands (Stddte unci Lander), all arose in
this way, by the royal authority dying out, and by the
local authority, aristocratic or democratic, thereby be-
coming sovereign. There was no moment when the people
of any German city or any Swiss canton deliberately
said, ' We will be a republic,' and drew up a wholly
new constitution accordingly. They might from time
to time have to make changes in the powers and con-
stitution of their magistrates, councils, and assemblies ;
as the royal power became weaker and weaker, the local
power became stronger and stronger ; the city or district
became an independent commonwealth, instead of a munici-
pality. But there was no moment when they had to create
* [One must not forget that the Gennan kingdom had first of all
grown out of the union of several national powers. This fact doubtless
made the process of dissolution easier ; but it did not affect the
nature of the process. And the states which came out of the dis-
solving process had very little in common with the states by whose
union the kingdom had been formed.]
XIX.] GERMAN CITIES AND DISTRICTS. 369
magistrates, councils, and assemblies, all fresh, to take the
place of a royal power which they had altogether cast
aside. Indeed it cannot be said that the royal power ever
was cast aside. The cities and lands had commonly to
defend their rights, not against the Emperor but against
some neighbouring lord. The Emperors often found it
their interest to favour the freedom of the growing com-
monwealths, as some counterpoise to the more dangerous
power of the princes. The city or district did not think
of claiming complete independence ; its object was to win
for itself the Reichsfreiheit. the Reichsunmittelharkeit.
That is, it would have no lord between it and the Em-
peror ; in other words, it would have no king but Caesar.
Such a condition amounted to practical independence ;
but such independence did not sever the formal tie be-
tween the commonwealth and its Imperial lord. In the
case of those cities which remained within the boundaries
of Germany in the later sense, the connexion between the
Emperor and the cities — a connexion closer and more
friendly than that between the Emperor and the princes —
lasted till the Empire fell in pieces altogether. A coin of
Hamburg in the last century, with the Towers of the city
on one side and the Eagle of Csesar on the other, is a
speaking sign of the way in which a commonwealth could
combine full practical independence with the formal ac-
knowledgement of a lord. For in truth it was not Csesar,
but the Count of Holstein, who was dangerous to the
commonwealth of Hamburg. The Swiss cities and lands
went a step further ; indeed it is the fact that they did
go a step further which makes the difference between
Germany and Switzerland. Switzerland, the old Switzer-
land, the Thirteen Cantons, is simply that part of Ger-
many where the commonwealths did take that further step.
There the royal power did utterly die out, partly no doubt
because, when kingship and Empire were lodged in the
hands of Austrian archdukes, they were no longer the
harmless and friendly powers which they had been in the
Bb
370 THE GROWTH OF COMMONWEALTHS. [EssAr
hands of Frederick of Hohenstaufen and Lewis of Bavaria.
When the Confederates refused to have anything to do
with the new institutions of Maximilian, when they refused
to submit to the jurisdiction of the Imperial Chamber, we
may look on their practical connexion with the Empire as
coming to an end. But the tie was not formally broken
till the solemn acknowledgement of their independence at
the Peace of Westphalia.
The commonwealths of Germany and Switzerland thus
set before us one side of the process of which we speak,
how commonwealths may best be formed by the dying out
of kingly power, without its being overturned by revolution,
even without its ever being formally abolished. Happily
those commonwealths are not able to give an example of
its other side, of the way in which a commonwealth may
pass in the same way, silently and stealthily, under princely
rule. They have shrunk up into oligarchies within, or
they have been suppressed bodily from without ; but no
renegade aristocratic or democratic leader has ever founded
a permanent dominion as prince or tyrant in any Swiss or
German city. The Italian cities which also split off from
the Empire teach us both how freedom may be won and
also how it may be lost. In any Italian city it would be
hard to say at what exact moment the Imperial power
finally came to an end, as the Emperors so commonly kept
certain external rights, sometimes profitable, sometimes
honorary, long after the commonwealths enjoyed full in-
ternal independence. But there is this difference between
the Italian and the German examples, that in so many
cities of Italy, in all that ever formed part of the Lom-
bard League, their liberties were largely won by an armed
struggle against the Emperors. Still even here there
was no one moment when a republican constitution was
set up as something fresh and complete. By the peace of
Constance, Frederick Barbarossa practically acknowledged
the independence of certain revolted commonwealths ; in
form he put forth a law — a novel — for the regulation of
XIX.] ITALIAN COMMONWEALTHS AND TYRANNIES. 371
certain cities of his dominions. The Milanese themselves
would have been amazed if they had been told that they had
broken all ties with the Roman Empire and the Roman
Caesar. In fact, in the cities of Northern Italy we can
hardly say that there was any time when they were ab-
solutely free at once from the external sovereign and from
the internal tyrant. But as the power of the sovereign
died out step by step, so the power of the tyrant grew up
step by step. In some cases doubtless, in mediaeval Italy
as in old Greece, the tyrant reigned by sheer force ; but he
was more usually a leader of one party or another, who
obtained a power which was inconsistent with freedom, and
which gradually grew, first into an acknowledged lordship,
and then into an hereditary principality. Florence, whose
day of greatness was later and longer than that of the
Lombard cities, gives us the best examples of the stages by
which a family of popular leaders could grow into a princely
house. The power of the Medici grew up even more
stealthily than the power of the Caesars ; for the Caesars
received special commissions and combined powers which
were meant to be checks on each other, while the power of
the Medici began in a mere power of influence. Yet it
was an influence which soon became hereditary, so truly
hereditary that it could pass to the great Cosmo's incapable
son, and could be exercised by others on his behalf, just as
if it had been a power known to the law. In the next
generation Lorenzo begins to have the feelings of a prince,
and when the family are driven out in the generation after
that, they begin to be looked on, not as ordinary banished
citizens, but as princes deprived of their inheritance. In
fact, each time that they are driven out they seem, in their
banishment, to draw nearer to the character of acknow-
ledged princes. After the final fall of Florence, she has to
receive one of the now hated house, with the title of Duke,
with the power of tyrant, though he is even now in name,
like the Duke of Venice or Genoa, Duke of what is still
called a commonwealth. One stage more, and Florence
B b 2
372 THE GROWTH OF COMMONWEALTHS. [Essay
vanishes as a separate state, and becomes simply the capital
of a Tuscan Grand Duchy. All this came step by step.
Had it been proposed a hundred years earlier openly to
abolish the democratic constitution, and to make Cosmo
Duke of an avowed principality, most likely not a vote,
certainly not the vote of Cosmo himself, would have been
given for such a scheme.
The near neighbour of Italy, the mistress for so long a
time of no small portion of her soil, the commonwealth of
Venice, gives also, in its long history, some of the best
examples of a gradual change from one form of govern-
ment to another. Her Dukes first gradually changed from
lieutenants of the Eastern Emperor into princes of a vir-
tually independent state, and then from princes into repub-
lican magistrates. In this last character they were watched
more closely as to their actual powers than other re-
publican magistrates, because, in the titles which they bore
and in the duration of their office, the shadow, and now and
then the substance, of their old princely powers still clave
to them. So again, in the constitution of the councils and
assemblies of the commonwealth, it was only step by step,
by a series of enactments and by their gradual practical
effects, that there arose that rigidly oligarchic Great
Council by whose side the old popular assembly gradually
died out without ever being formally abolished. In
the thirteen hundred years of her history, Venice went
through endless changes in her form of government, with-
out ever starting altogether afresh. It would be hard to
fix the exact moment at which she ceased to be part of the
dominions of the Eastern Csesar, It would be equally
hard to fix the exact moment at which the oligarchic
element in her internal constitution finally swallowed up
both the princely and the popular elements. The law is
the same, whether a prince is to be overthrown or a prince
is to grow up, whether a people is to break down the
privileges of an oligarchy or an oligarchy is to set aside
the ancient rights of a people. In either case, where the
XIX.] VENICE. 373
work for good or for evil has been lasting, we shall find
that it has not been the work of a moment of revolution,
not the work of theoretical reformers who have pulled
down one thing to the ground and built up another in its
place. It has rather been the work of men who, whether
they were serving their own interests or those of the state,
whether they were guided by happy instinct or by a con-
scious conviction, practically knew that the system which
they set up would be more stable and more lasting, if it
could be made to grow out of the system which it sup-
planted, instead of suddenly taking its place.
Let us take the case of another famous European com-
monwealth, which shone for a while in European history
with a brilliance quite out of proportion to its lasting
physical strength. The Kingdom of the Netherlands, the
successor of the Confederation of the United Provinces,
would probably, like the kingdom of Sweden, hold a
higher position in Europe than it now does, if it had held
a somewhat lower position two hundred years back. But,
however this may be, this small corner of the world, once
so mighty and still so flourishing and peaceful, gives us
further examples of the same law which we have been
tracing throughout. Like the other confederation at the
other end of the German kingdom, Holland, Zealand, and
their sister provinces, were simply members of that king-
dom, which circumstances caused to split off' from the main
body, and thus to found a new state and a new nation.
The process of separation however was different in the two
cases. The Seven Provinces, along with the kindred
provinces to the south of them, became gradually united
in the hands of the Dukes of Burgundy, and the Dukes
of Burgundy, by the accidents of female succession, grew
into Kings of Spain. States of the Empire held by such
princes as these virtually ceased to be states of the Empire.
Their momentary reunion with the Empire under Charles
the Fifth, their separation from it at his abdication, only
helped to show where the true power of Charles really
374 THE GROWTH OF COMMONWEALTHS. [Essay
lay, how weak the Empire was when the Emperor was
mightiest. Having virtually fallen away from their Im-
perial overlord, they next fell away from their immediate
sovereign, or rather they did not fall away, but were
driven away. The first founders of the commonwealth
did not begin with any wish to abolish princely govern-
ment, or even to throw off the authority of the par-
ticular prince whom so strange a chain of accidents had
given them. Had Philip of Spain chosen to govern his
distant dependencies according to law and justice, they
would assuredly not have revolted against him, either to
get rid of kings altogether or to exchange the King of
Spain for any other king. The distant dependency of a
powerful state, if ruled in strict conformity to its own laws,
has a strong tendency to loyalty. Such a state unites in
a great degree the freedom of a small state with the security
of a ffreat one ; the distant master is not so much a master
as a powerful ally and protector. If Philip had simply
known how to deal with his distant possessions, they might
have remained as warmly attached to Spain as Bordeaux
and Bayonne were to England in the fifteenth century, or
as the Channel Islands are in the nineteenth. It was long
before the revolted provinces formally threw otf their
allegiance to Philip ; when ih.ej did so, their first object
was to seek a prince elsewhere ; they drifted into a republic
simply because neither England, France, nor Austria could
give them a prince fit for their purpose. Then again a
time came when the contrary process began to work, when,
in the hereditary Stadholder, a step was taken towards a
return to princely rule. Then came the time when the
United Provinces were swallowed up in the general chaos,
and came out of it at last with the hereditary Stadholder
changed into an acknowledged king. In such a history
as this we might almost forget to notice that, at a time
long after the provinces had grown into a practically
independent state and into a practically separate nation,
among the changes made at the Peace of Westphalia, their
XIX.] THE NETHERLANDS. 375
immediate sovereign, King of Castile, Duke of Burgundy,
Count of Holland, and all the rest, and their overlord the
King of Germany and Roman Emperor-elect, both formally
acknowledged that no jurisdiction over the Seven Provinces
belonged to either of them in any of their many characters.
Here again the central, or rather external, authority was
thrown off, and the authority of the immediate sovereign
was thrown oft' only by dint of a long and fearful war.
But even in this case things did not start again from the
beginning. The authorities which had been local and
subordinate now became national and sovereign; the officer
who had been the representative of a prince became the
chief magistrate of a commonwealth ; a new bond of union
was put in the place of the old ; a new state and a new
nation were founded. But the continuity of the essential
institutions of the country was never broken till the later
days of foreign invasion ; it was in fact to preserve those
essential institutions unbroken that the authority of a
sovereign who disregarded them was cast aside.
We may even go a step further, and appeal to the
example of the great English commonwealth beyond the
Ocean. The United States certainly separated themselves
from the Crown of Great Britain by a single formal act,
by an act which largely appealed to first principles, by an
act which, as compared with the history of the United
Provinces, came early in the struggle for independence.
But the example of the United States none the less shows
that the most successful commonwealths are those where
the state and the nation are founded together, where a
government which was formerly municipal becomes sove-
reign by casting off" the external power, and where no more
change is made than is really needful for the object in
hand. The separation of the United States from England
was sudden as compared with the separation of Switzer-
land from the Empire, or even with that of the United
Provinces from Spain. But it was not done hastily ; the
Declaration of Independence was not the first act of the
376 THE GROWTH OF COMMONWEALTHS. [Essay
war ; still less was it the first act of the struggle. A new
power, a new nation, was formed by the union of the
thirteen colonies, which before had been united only by
common allegiance to the British Crown, into a Confedera-
tion, joined together, first by a laxer, then by a closer,
federal tie. And in the Federal Constitution which in the
end was formed, we ought, under the circumstances, to be
lar more struck by its points of likeness than by its points
of unlikeness to the constitution of the mother country.
As at Rome, the kingly power was not abolished. It was
simply transferred from a hereditary chief holding his office
lor life to an elective chief holding his office for a term.
The chief so chosen was clothed with powers certainly far
smaller than those with which the written law clothes an
English king, but certainly far greater than any powers
which the conventional constitution allows an English
king to exercise according to his personal pleasure. The
authors of the American Constitution lighted on the truth
that, whatever may be thought of the system of two
Chambers in an ordinary kingdom or commonwealth, in
a Federal State the two Chambers are absolutely necessary,
if the two elements in a Federal system are both to be
fairly represented. But we may doubt whether this truth
would have been so clearly brought home to their minds,
if they had not been familiar with the system of two
Houses, both in the mother country and in many of its
colonies. Even as regards the Federal Constitution, where
there was necessarily most change, there was as little change
from the English model as circumstances would allow. But
it is not in the Federal Constitution, which, as a treaty
between independent States, was necessarily what is called
a paper constitution, that we are to look for the real con-
tinuity of the United States. We must look for it in the
States themselves. By virtue of the Declaration of In-
dependence, each of the colonies changed from a dependency
into a sovereign State. But it was not thereby called on
to break with the past, and to begin its political life afresh.
XIX] THE UNITED STATES. 377
As with the Swiss Cantons, as with the Batavian Provinces,
the governments which had before been dependent and
municipal went on as independent and sovereign. Each
State made such changes in its constitution as it found
expedient; some change was needed wherever the Executive
had in the days of dependence been nominated in the
mother country. But the mere title of Governor, still the
title of the chief magistrates of the several States, a title
whose sound seems to tell of dependence and monarchic rule,
is, like that of Stadholder, a remarkable witness to the con-
tinuity between the dependent government of the Colony
and the sovereign government of the State. In Rhode
Island above all, where the colonists always chose their own
executive and where the whole constitution of the colony
was highly democratic, the new State went on under the
unchanged Charter of Charles the Second far into the
present century. The original constitutions of the States
were by no means drawn up closely according to one
pattern, and some of them were very far from being examples
of extreme democracy. The points in which the States, or
any of them, have, whether for good or for evil, departed
most widely from English models, are due mainly to later
changes, and not to anything that was done at the time of
the separation. Still all has been done in the way of
gradual and regular legislation. The change at the time
was as small, the breach was as slight, as well could be
under the circumstances. The gap between dependent and
independent America, though it involved not only a change
in the form of government but the formation of a new
power and a new nation, is hardly so wide as the gap
which divides France under her old kings from France
under any of the shifting forms of government which have
risen and fallen since her great Revolution.
We may end our examples by coming down from the
greatest of commonwealths to one of the smallest. Two of
the great nations of Europe now call themselves republics ;
one of the greatest European questions is whether re-
378 THE GROWTH OF COMMONWEALTHS. [Essay
publican forms can live and thrive in either of them. It
has perhaps not come into the mind of the statesmen of
either France or Spain that an old unchanged republic lies
between them. No telegram, no special correspondent,
ever deigns to tell us, but the students of political science
would be glad to know, with what feelings the ancient
commonwealth of Andorra looks at such a moment as
this upon the younger sisters on either side of her. France
and Spain are republics of yesterday, republics founded on
theories ; Andorra is a republic of the same class as living
Uri and fallen Dithmarschen, a commonwealth which has
kept its local freedom while the central power has fallen
asunder. Such another is San Marino, which it is to the
honour of the kingdom which surrounds it to have left in
full enjoyment of its immemorial rights. Andorra indeed
is not a perfectly independent state ; it has always had an
external lord or an external protector. But so had Dith-
marschen ; so had Uri, till the superiority of the Emperors
was formally abolished. The superiority, or rather protect-
orate, of the Bishops of Urgel and the Counts of Foix did
not interfere with the internal independence of the common-
wealth. Neither does the protectorate which, having been
held by several Kings of France in theii' character of Counts
of Foix, has, by what right is not very clear, passed not
only to French kings but to French commonwealths and
tyrants. Andorra, like most other parts of the world, may
possibly need changes within, but she is not likely to seek
to better herself by incorporation with either of her greater
neighbours. The question rather is whether France or
Spain might not be led to seek for peace and stability in
incorporation by Andorra.
I may here meet two possible objections which in truth
are only two forms of the same. It may be asked whether
the only way of forming republics is by division, by making
states smaller in days when the general tendency of things
is to make states larger. I answer that the experience of
XIX.] SEPARATION AND UNION. 379
Europe for the last six hundi-ed years certainly shows that
the most sviccessful commonwealths have been those which
have split oil" from larger states, but that it also shows that
no states have had so strong a tendency to grow as these
same commonwealths when they have split off. It is in
the nature of a federation, wdienever its geographical
position allows it, to be constantly annexing new members
or throwing off new branches. This is true alike of Achaia,
-^tolia, Switzerland, and the United States. Only in the
j:Etolian and Swiss cases there was the great blot — re-
dressed in the present state of things in Switzerland — that
so much territory was annexed in the form, not of equal
confederates, but of subject districts. Of this last evil
there at least is no chance in our times. All modern states,
whatever their form of government, make it their principle
to admit all their members — save where geographical
position makes it impossible — to equal rights. And again
it may be asked whether my argument shows that it is
absolutely impossible for an existing kingdom to exchange
its monarchic form of executive for a republican one. I
answer that the experience of modern Europe certainly
shows that the process is easier in cases where a province
asserts its independence of the common king, than when a
whole state changes its form of executive from monarchic
to republican. But modern experience does not prove that
the latter process is impossible, while the examples of the
ancient commonwealths clearly show that it is possible.
What my argument goes to show is that it is a thing not
to be done either lightly or hastily, not to be done out of
mere love of a theory, but only if practical needs plainly
call for it. And, when the change is made, it will be wise
to let it be done as smoothly and warily as possible, and, if
it can be, to leave other changes that may be needed to be
matter for future legislation. I am far from saying that either
a French or a Spanish Republic is impossible, though it
certainly strikes me that a separatist kingdom in the North
of Spain and a separatist commonwealth in the South have
380 THE GROWTH OF COMMONWEALTHS. [Essay
either of them more chance than a commonwealth taking
in the whole country."^
There is moreover one feature of modern times which
affects all these questions. In our state of publicity and
discussion and what we may call universal consciousness, it
is hardly possible for circumstances to work, and for changes
to be made, in the same silent and gradual way in which
they were made in simpler states of political life. The virtue
of all those cases of gradual change of which we have
been speaking lies in the fact that each stage, in whatever
direction, came of itself as it was wanted at any particular
time ; none of them were, or could have been, planned
beforehand. The men of the Three Lands, when they made
their League in 1291, took a step which led in the end to the
separation of themselves and their neighbours from the
Empire and to the creation of a new European nation.
But they most certainly di-eamed of nothing of the kind ;
and, if they had dreamed of it, and had tried to do it all
at once, they would most certainly have failed. In our
state of things we cannot always act in this way. They
carried out part of a whole, because they had no idea that
it was part of a whole, because they simply did what was
needful in their own times, without thinking of what might
be needful in times to come. We live faster than they did ;
we see further than they did. We cannot, if we would,
help planning and making theories in a way which never
came into their heads. If we change at all, our changes
must be more sudden, more complete, more conscious, than
theirs. Still we may learn some lessons from the experience
of past times : we may learn the lesson that, whenever
changes in forms of government are necessary, it is well to
take care that nothing is changed for the mere sake of
change, that such changes only are made as the practical
needs of the case clearly call for. «
It may perhaps be said that, in some late revolutions,
* [I leave these words as I wrote them. None of these possible
or impossible things have actually happened ]
XIX.] CONTINUITY THROUGH REVOLUTIONS. 381
this is exactly what has been done, that, among the ]ate
changes in France, and even in Spain as far as formal
enactments are concerned, there has been no such general
breaking up of everything as there was in France at the
time of the great Revolution. The confusions in Spain, it
may be said, are not so much owing to any changes made
by the new republican Government as to two parties in
opposite directions which refuse to accept the new repub-
lican Government. It may be said that both in France
and in Spain something very like the old relations between
the Executive and Legislative powers go on, notwithstand-
ing the removal of the monarchical head. There is, as there
was before, a Ministry whose chief and whose other mem-
bers appear in the Assembly, announce their policy, make
their explanations, receive the approval or the censure of
the Assembly for their conduct. In France again, what-
ever we may say of Spain at this moment, the general local
administration of the country goes on exactly the same,
notwithstanding all wars and revolutions. Now this last
fact, as I have already said, is the thing of aD. others which
most needs changing. And, though France will assuredly
do best by starting from the point where she actually is,
yet the form of the Executive, if it can be said to have any
form, is one of the first things to be got rid of. The con-
tinuance of something like the ordinary relations between
Ministry and Parliament is, under the existing state of
things, not a good but a bad feature. The relations be-
tween the French Executive and Assembly are essentially
unstable. In England we can change our actual rulers at
any moment by a vote of the House of Commons.* A change
of Ministry, a ' change of Government ' as it is now more
ominously called, is really no interruption to the ordinary
course of government. The whole machinery of the public
administration goes on just the same during a ' ministerial
crisis ' as at any other time. There is no break ; there is
no interregnum ; the old Ministers go on with their duties
* [It can now be clone by a vote at the polling-booths.]
382 THE GROWTH OF COMMONWEALTHS. [Essay
till the new Ministers are actually clothed with their office;
the administration of justice, the regular carrying on of the
endless branches of public business throughout the country,
suffers no interruption, no shock of any kind. But this is
because there is something behind the actual rulers, be-
cause, beyond the changing ministers, there is the Sovereign
who remains unchanged, and in whose name everything
goes on just as usual, whoever his advisers at headquarters
may be. Here is the great advantage of a constitutional
monarchy; it gives one form of stability. In the United
States again, from another cause, a change of government,
though perhaps more serious than in England, involves no
break, no interregnum, no general upsetting or shaking of
things. The old President stays on till the day when his
term of office comes to an end, and then the new President,
already elected, takes his place. Here is another form of
stability. It is purchased indeed by the disadvantage that
there is an Executive and a Legislature, each of which, as
being chosen by popular election, may alike claim to repre-
sent the popular will, and neither of which can get rid of the
other during the time for which it is chosen. It is therefore,
as experience has shown, perfectly possible for the executive
and the legislative branches of the government to be almost
in a state of war during a whole presidency. The ad-
vantages and disadvantages of these two systems may be
balanced against one another, and both may be compared
with that third form which knows no personal chief, whether
hereditary or elective, but which vests the executive power
in a Council chosen by the Assembly for the term of
its own being, and whose members can appear and join
in debate in either house of the Assembly at pleasure.*
But there can be little doubt that any of these systems is
better than that which lacks the stability alike of King,
President, and Council. There is nothing revolutionary
about the process by which an English Minister is
made to feel that he had better resign, and an English
* [See the Essay on Presidential Government in the First Series.]
XIX.] KINGS AND PRESIDENTS. 383
King is made to feel that he had better accept his minister's
resignation. There is nothing revolutionary about the pro-
cess by wliich a new President in America, a new Federal
Council in Switzerland, succeeds to the one which has
just gone out of office ; but there is something revolu-
tionary about the process by which Marshal MacMahon has
succeeded to M. Thiers, and by which somebody else may
succeed to Marshal MacMahon. An Executive of this
kind is a sort of confusion between the English and the
American idea, and it certainly does not possess the ad-
vantages of either. Under no system is the legislature so
constantly tempted to neglect the practical work of legis-
lation for movements to keep in or to turn out this or that
executive chief. Under no system is the executive chief
himself placed under such constant temptations to attempt
an illegal extension or prolongation of his powers. The
ministry, the cabinet, the ministerial crisis, are all things
belonging to the subtle conventional system of a constitu-
tional monarchy; in an avowed commonwealth they are
out of place."^
Another point is that, because Spain has fallen into a state
of great confusion at the moment of the announcement of
* [A good deal has changed since this was written, largely owing
to the modest discretion of the late President, M. Grevy. There
was certainly nothing revolutionary in the way in which he was suc-
ceeded by M. Carnot, and the remarks in the text certainly do not
apply to either of them. But the incongruity of the position of the
President in the French system has been brought out only the more
strongly. The constitutional king succeeds by hereditary right.
There is therefore no security for his having any qualifications for
government. He therefore does not govern, but only reigns ; a
Minister acts in his name. The American President is elected —
presumably on account of his capacity for government. He is there-
fore allowed — one may fairly say so, with the needful limitations — to
govern ; at all events he is allowed to come much nearer to governing
than the constitutional king does. The French President is elected —
presumably again on account of some personal qualification ; but he
does not govern, at least not ostensibly. He has a Ministry set over
him, just like a constitutional king.]
384 THE GROWTH OF COMMONWEALTHS. [Essav
the Federal principle as one to be followed in the new
state of things, shallow people are of course beginning to
cry out that here is a proof of the badness and weakness
of tlie Federal principle everywhere.* Of course, if any
one had ever said that a Federal form of government was
the best for all times and places, there would be force in
the argument. But as no sane person ever maintained that
a Federal form of government, or any other form of govern-
ment, was the best for all times and places, the question is
simply whether a Federal system is or is not suited to the
circumstances of Spain in the nineteenth century. Hitherto
confederations have been formed, not by dividing what was
already more closely united, but by joining more or less
closely what was before more widely separated. This is
the history of the great Federal states of Europe and
America. The states of which they were formed had very
often already split off from some central power, but the
object of the Federal tie was to bring them gradually to
form a new power. Its effect has generally been to bring
them nearer and nearer together ; and, if it should so happen
that either Switzerland or the United States should ever
forsake the Federal form of their constitutions, and should
form themselves into indivisible commonwealths, that will
be no argument against the Federal system, in its proper
time and place, but quite the contrary. A number of
separate units which could not have been forced into one
whole by any sudden process, will have been gradually
fused together by going through the intermediate stage of
a Federal union. I myself greatly doubt whether Switzer-
land can be made into a perfectly united state, except at
* [Here again is the most remarkable of all changes. Since the
text was written, the name of ' federation ' has become one of the
most popular of all names. Only, when it has any meaning, it seems
to have definitely taken a meaning which is the opposite to that
which it used to bear. The Spanish case referred to in the text
would seem to be the first case, or proposed case, of a process of what
we have heard a good deal lately, that of disruption calling itself
federation.]
XIX.] WORKING OF FEDERATIONS. 385
the cost both of the Romance and of the Catholic cantons.
But, if it can be done, it will prove, not the weakness of
the Federal tie, but its strength ; it will show how strong
that tie has been in binding together what could not have
been bound together in any other way. But the Spanish
experiment is of a directly opposite kind ; Federalism there
does not mean closer union but further division. Never
before in European history have the provinces or counties
or departments of a consolidated kingdom or commonwealth
deliberately set to work to undo the closer tie, and to fall
back upon the form of independent cantons of a confedera-
tion. The late German Confederation certainly arose out
of the fragments of a kingdom, but it arose by putting to-
gether fragments which had already split asunder. The
old Bund, lax as was its union, awkward as were its forms,
was still, when it was set up, a step in the direction, not of
division, but of consolidation. But the Spanish experiment
is like nothing which has ever before been tried in Europe.
If it fails, its failure cannot prove anything against former
experiments of a wholly different kind which have suc-
ceeded. If it succeeds, it will have established a new
truth in the science of politics, namely, that a Federal
system may succeed under circumstances unlike any under
which such a system has ever been tried before. A Federal
union may be looked on as the half-way house between
total separation and perfect union. But it is the nature of
a half-way house that people should meet at it whose faces
are turned different ways. And it often makes all the dif-
ference in the world as to success or failure in which way
a man^s face is turned. The people who have begun to
babble in this kind of way seem not to have learned this
very simple truth.
' Stand fast in the old paths ; ' ' Respect the wisdom of
your forefathers ; ' are the sayings which the dull Conser-
vative throws in the teeth of Reformers. If his scholar-
ship goes as far as a little ecclesiastical Greek, he perhaps
adds TO. ap^ala eOi] KparetVco. All these are very good say-
c c
386 THE GROWTH OF COMMONWEALTHS. [Essat
ings : but it is to the Reformer and not to the Conservative
that they belong. The Reformer obeys them ; the Conser-
vative tramples them under foot. The wisdom of our fore-
fathers consisted in always making such changes as were
needed at any particular time ; we may freely add, in never
making greater changes than were needed at that particular
time. The old path was ever a path of reform ; the ancient
customs will ever be found to be far freer than these modern
innovations which men whose notion of the good old times
does not go back beyond Charles the First or Henry the
Eighth fondly look upon as ancient. If a man will cast
aside the prejudices of birth and party, if he will set him-
self free from the blind guidance of lawyers, he will soon
learn how very modern indeed is the antiquity of the Tory.
All his idols, game-laws, primogeniture, the hereditary king,
the hereditary legislator, the sacred and mysterious nature
of anything that is called ' Royal Highness,' the standing
army with its commands jobbed for money* — all these
* [Here at least there lias been one reform in later times. Purchase
has been got rid of, but the way in which it was got rid of has given
rise to some strange misconceptions. It was said over and over again
that Mr. Gladstone abolished purchase by an act of 'prerogative.' He
did nothing of the kind. It is perhaps not very easy to define ' pre-
rogative ' ; but the name is surely out of place when it is applied to
the exercise of powers conferred or retained by the express words
of an Act of Parliament. This was the case with the abolition of
purchase. By the terms of a statute of George the Third, the Crown
could abolish purchase at any moment. If Mr. Gladstone had made
use of that power in the first instance, nothing could have been rea-
sonably said against him ; very likely nothing would have been said.
Men might have objected to the abolition of purchase ; they could
not have objected to the way in which it was abolished. What gave
the act an ill look was the falling back on this power when an
attempt at abolition by Act of Parliament had failed. But ' pre-
rogative' had nothing to do with the matter. The process always
reminded me of the way in which the House of Commons in the
Long Parliament, when the regular impeachment of Stratford broke
down, brought in a bill of attainder against him. The bill of
attainder would have looked much less ugly if it had been brought
in first of all, without any impeachment.]
XrX.] PRINCIPLES OF REFORM. 387
venerable things are soon found to be but things of yester-
day, by any man who looks with his eyes open into the true
records of the immemorial — there are lands in which we
may say the eternal — democracy of our race. The two
grand idols of lawyers, the King and the Lord of the
Manor, are soon found to be something which has not been
from eternity, something which has crept in unawares,
something which has gradually swallowed up the rights
and the lands which once belonged to the people. Do I
plead for any violent dispossession of either ? There is no
man from whose mind such a thought is further removed.
Whatever exists by law should be changed only by law,
and when things, however wrongful in their origin, have
become rightful by long prescription, even lawful changes
are not to be made hastily or lightly. But it is well to
remind babblers that the things which they most worship,
which they fondly believe to be ancient, are, in truth, in-
novations on an earlier state of things towards which every
modern reform is in truth a step backwards. It is well to
remind them that the prerogatives of the hereditai-y king,
of the hereditary noble, of the local territorial potentate,
can all of them be historically shown to be encroachments
on the ancient rights of the people. It does not follow that
anything is to be changed recklessly ; it does not follow
that anything need be changed at all. But it does follow
that none of these things is so ancient and sacred as to
be beyond the reach of discussion, that none is so ancient
and sacred that it is wicked even to think of the possibili-
ty of changing it. I see no reason to meddle with our
constitutional monarchy — that is, to make a change in the
form of our executive government — because I hold that,
while it has its good and its bad points, its good points
overbalance the bad. But I hold that a man who thinks
otherwise has as good a right to maintain his opinion, and
to seek to compass his ends by lawful means, as if it were
an opinion about school-boards or public-houses or the
C C 2
388 THE GROWTH OF COMMONWEALTHS. [Essay
equalization of the county and borough franchise.^ I re-
spect the kingly ofSce as something ordained by law, and
I see no need to alter the law which ordains it. But I can
go no further. I cannot take on myself to condemn other
nations, nor can I hasten to draw general inferences from
single instances. But I do hold that the witness of history
teaches us that, in changing a long-established form of exe-
cutive government, whether it be the change of a kingdom
into a commonwealth or of a commonwealth into a king-
dom, the more gently and warily the work is done, the more
likely it is to be lasting.
* [Later changes have made discussion on this point idle. We
have happily got rid of the privileges of the Rape of Brainber,
the hundred of Bassetlaw, and such strangely favoured districts.
But need such a change have carried with it the cutting up of the
whole country into small divisions ? Need it have carried with it
the cutting down of London to two representatives and of Exeter to
one, or have brought in a state of things in which no man can call
himself member for the whole city of Bristol ?]
XX.] CONSTITUTION OF THE GERMAN EMPIRE. 389
XX.
THE CONSTITUTION OF THE GERMAN EMPIRE*
We are going to aim at a mark which is somewhat hard
to reach — namely, to try to look at the main result of the
great struggle which has just turned Europe upside-down
as a matter of purely dispassionate and scientific inquiry.
We have before us the original text of the Imperial German
Constitution, the Verfassung des deutschen Reiches, and
we wish to examine it with as calm and critical an eye as
if we had lighted on the earliest constitution of Phokis or
Lokris in a newly-discovered fragment of Aristotle. f It
is not simply the latest form of political being which has
been chosen by what is now the foremost nation in Europe.
To the scientific student of these matters it is something
more. It is the first real attempt to solve a problem which
has often suggested itself to political thinkers ; it is the
first ascertained example of a form of government which
has often been spoken of as possible, but which has hitherto
existed in theory only. It is a confederation — even in be-
coming a Reich it has not cast aside the name of a Band —
yet its constitution is not republican, but monarchic. Its
chief is an hereditary king who, in virtue of his chieftain-
ship, has been clothed with the rank of Emperor ; its other
members are mainly monarchies ruled by kings, dukes, or
other princes ; three only are free cities, whose constitu-
tions are of course republican. Now for ages past all the
chief federal systems of the world, Achaia, Switzerland,
* [1871.]
t [Pity that, instead of Phokis or Lokris, I did not dream of the
coming Athenian discovery. Only that is not federal.]
390 THE CONSTITUTION OF THE GERMAN EMPIRE. [Essat
America, and a crowd of others of less fame, have all been
republican. For an union of princes really worthy to be
called a federal system we shall look in vain in the pages
of undisputed history. It has always been plain that the
thing might be ; but for actual examples the student has
had to grope into distant or mythical times or places, to
flatter himself that something of the kind might possibly
be found in the days of the Twelve Kings of Egypt or the
Seven Lords of the Philistines, or, at the very least, among
the Tetrarchs of Galatia. If it be objected that the German
Confederation which vanished in 1866 and on the ruins of
which the present Empire has grown was a confederation
of princes, the answer would naturally take the form of a
question whether that body was, in any strict sense, a con-
federation at all. At the outside it was only a Staaten-
bu7id, while its present successor at least aims at being in
the strictest sense a Bundesstaat. It has its Federal Exe-
cutive and its Federal Legislature, with its two Houses, the
one representing the States as States, the other representing
the nation as the nation, just as naturally as America and
Switzerland. The nature of the Executive and that of one
House of the Legislature are widely different from the Swiss
and American models, and the functions of the different
powers of the Bund are by no means the same in the Em-
pire as they are in the two commonwealths. Still there
it is, an union of States with a Federal Executive and
a Federal Assembly of two Houses, If it does not answer
the perfect Federal ideal, it at least comes so near to it that
it would be mere pedantry to refuse it a place among federal
systems. Yet, if it be a confederation at all, it is eminently
a monarchic confederation. Its President is an Emperor,
and one House of its Legislature is chiefly made up of Kings
and Dukes or their representatives.
The fact that the chief of the new League or Empire is
an hereditary king is the most obvious difference between
the new League and its republican fellows. It is a differ-
ence on the surface which every one can see at a glance.
XX.] A MONARCHIC CONFEDERATION. 391
But in truth it helps to hide a difference which is really
more important still. It is not merely that the powers,
and more than the powers, which America gives to its Pre-
sident, and Switzerland to its Federal Council, are given to
an hereditary chief. Something like an hereditary chief of
a Confederation had already been seen in the Stad holder in
the commonwealth of the United Provinces. Though such
a form of Executive may seem eccentric, there is nothing
in it abstractedly contrary to any federal principle. The
arguments for and against hereditary succession would be
very much the same in a federal government as the argu-
ments for and against it in any other government. The
really more important point is that the hereditary chief of
the Empire is also the hereditary chief of one of its States,
and that incomparably its greatest State. The rank of
German Emperor, with the Federal authority vested in
that office, is attached by the constitution to the crown of
Prussia."^ This is the real novelty. No doubt under the
old German Bund the presidency was vested in Austria.
* [The Imperial crown was accepted by the first Emperor William
for himself and his successors in the king-dom of Prussia. This
suggests a question. If the house of Hohenzollern should become
extinct, and the Prussian Parliament should raise some other family
to the crown, must the Empire accept the new Prussian king without
having any voice in the matter ? The question would be harder still
if Prussia should at any time dispense with kings altogether.
At the death of the Emperor William the First, Prince Bismarck an-
nounced that ' the Imperial Crown of Germany had passed to Frederick
the Third, King of Prussia.' This was perfectly accurate. To know who
was the new Emperor, it was first necessary to know who was the new
King of Prassia, and the proper description of the new King of Prussia
was undoubtedly Frederick the Third. But the newspapers at once
began to talk about ' the Emperor Frederick the Third.' Now in
reckoning the holders of the new Empire, either the old Emperors
and Kings are to be reckoned, or they are not. If they are not to be
reckoned, the second Emperor was undoubtedly Frederick the First.
If they are to be reckoned, he was Frederick the Fourth, or, according
to Austrian measure. Fifth. In no case could he be Frederick the
Third in the Empire. The Emperor Charles the Fifth was Charles
the First in Castile and Aragon.]
S92 THE CONSTITUTION OF THE GERMAN EMPIRE. [Essay
But then the League was so much laxer, and the powers of
the federal President were so much smaller, that there is
no great likeness between the two cases. In this case the
presidency of the League, with very important powers in-
deed, is vested in a chief, who is not chosen by the Federal
Legislature or by the League itself in any shape, a chief
whose feelings and interests are necessarily bound up with
one particular State of the League, and that the State
which is more powerful than all the rest put together. To
translate from royal into republican language, it is as if the
Governor of the State of New York should be ex officio
President of the United States. We know not whether
this analogy ever struck any one before, but, so far as the
arrangement of the several federal powers and their rela-
tions to one another are concerned, the analogy is exact.
The real difference between the two cases is that in the
German case the hereditary nature of the presidency goes
far to counterbalance the evils which would be so glaring
in our supposed American case. The absurdity of the Go-
vernor of New York being ex officio President of the Union
need not be pointed out. It would be far worse than the
privileges of the Vorort in the old state of things in Switzer-
land, because the powers of the American President are so
much greater. The President so chosen would be almost
sure to dii'ect the policy of the Union, so far as he had the
means of guiding it, to the interest of his own particular
State and not to that of the whole Union. He would be
almost sure to be chosen for the direct object of so doing,
and that object would be only the more consciously followed
because New Yoi'k, though the greatest State in the Union,
is by no means so much greater than the other States as
Prussia is greater than the other German States, Hereditary
succession, whatever may be said against it, is really likely
to do much to lessen evils of this kind. The chief of the
German Empire, not being chosen at all, will at least never
be chosen with any particular factious motive. Succeeding
by right of birth to the Imperial crown of Germany as well
XX.] THE PRESIDENCY OF PRUSSIA. 393
as to the local crown of Prussia, brought up, it may be
hoped, with a view to the greater post as well as to the
smaller, a German Emperor may easily learn to feel as a
German and not merely as a Prussian. He may learn to
make the interests of the lower office, if the two should
ever clash, yield to those of the higher. If the headship of
the League is to be attached to the headship of a particular
State, it is plain that in this case monarchical forms have
an advantage over republican forms. The hereditary Em-
peror may easily rise above any temptations to sacrifice the
interests of his Empire to those of his kingdom. The anal-
ogous temptations could hardly be withstood by Boeotarchs
chosen by Thebes only to be federal magistrates of all
Boeotia.
In fact, under the circumstances in which the North-
German League was founded, the presidency, or rather the
supremacy, of Prussia was a thing which could not be
helped. It was in fact, and it could not help being, so un-
disguised a supremacy that it hardly occurred to political
thinkers to discuss the North-German League, while it
remained a North- German League only, as a real example
of a federal system. It had the form of a League ; it was
hardly possible that it could have the spirit. The accession
of the Southern States, States not at all the equals of
Prussia, but still quite strong enough to have a will and
a voice of their own, has brought the German League or
Empire much nearer to the true federal type than its
North-German forerunner. And this is the case none the
less because the accession of the Southern States has
carried with it a certain departure from strict federal forms.
It is certainly against the idea of a perfect federation that
any of its States should have exceptional privileges, or
that Federal law, within its own range of sulyects should
not have the same authority in every corner of the lands
forming the Confederation. Yet the German Empire is
placed in this position by the accession of Bavaria. Ba-
varia was strong enough to make her own terms, and to
394 THE CONSTITUTION OF THE GERMAN EMPIRE. [Essay
stand out for privileges which certainly are inconsistent
with general federal principles. The result is the insertion
in the German Constitution of such a curious proviso as
the following, for which in the merely North-German
Constitution there was no place. In describing the func-
tions of both the Houses of the Federal Legislature, the
Bundesrath and the Reichstag, provision is made for
certain cases where matters shall be discussed which are
not common to the whole League. In these cases the
members for those States which are not concerned are not
to be allowed to vote. Thus the 28th Article of the North-
German Constitution stood thus : —
' Der Reichstag bescliliesst nacli absoluter Stimmenmehvheit. Zur
Giiltigkeit der Beschlussfassung ist die Anwesenheit der Melnheit der
gesetzlichen Anzahl der Mitglieder erforderlich.'
In the new Constitution the following restriction has to be
added : —
' Bei der Beschlussfassung iiber eine Angelegenheit welche nach
den Bestimniungen dieser Verfassung nicht dem ganzen Bunde
gemeinschaftlich ist, warden die Stimmen nur derjenigen Mitglieder
gezahlt, die in Bundesstaaten gewahlt sind, welchen die Angelegen-
heit gemeinschaftlich ist.
The constitution of the Bekltdag — a body answering to
the Nationalratli in Switzerland and to the House of Re-
presentatives in America — is in no way remarkable, though
its mode of election for three years by secret and universal
suffrage (' der Reichstag geht aus allgemeinen und direkten
Wahlen mit geheimer Abstimmung hervor ') certainly is
remarkable when we think of its author. It is in the
Bundesrath that the monarchic nature of the Confederation
comes out. This body does not answer to the Swiss Bun-
desrath, which is the Executive of the League, but to the
Swiss Stdnderath or the American Senate. All these bodies
represent the States as States, while the other House of the
Legislature in each case represents the Confederate nation
as a nation. But the constitution of the German Bundes-
rath differs in two important points from the constitution
XX.] THE BUNDESRATH. 395
of the Stdnderath and the Senate. In both the Swiss and
the American systems each State, great and small, has the
same number of votes in the Upper House of the Federal
Assembly. This is, of course, the true federal idea. The
American States and the Swiss Cantons differ widely among
themselves in extent and population. Therefore in one
House of the Legislature each has a number of representa-
tives in proportion to its population. But, as independent
and sovereign States, united by a voluntary tie, the rights,
powers, and dignity, of all the States are equal. Therefore
in the other House of the Legislature the smallest State
has an equal number of representatives with the greatest.
But the Swiss and American Confederations were in their
origin really voluntary unions of independent States which
have since admitted other States to the same rights as
themselves. In Switzerland indeed the original Cantons
which formed the kernel of the League are now among the
smallest of them all. The political equality of Bern and
Uri, of New York and Rhode Island, is therefore among
the fii-st principles of the two Confederations. It would
be childish to expect that the same sort of equality could
be established between Prussia and the conquered enemies
or dependent allies out of which she made a nominal Con-
federation after her victories in 1866. The Confederate
nation, as a nation, might have, just as much as Switzer-
land and America, equality of representation throughout
its extent ; but it could not be expected that the States, as
States, should have the same equality of representation.
It could not be that Prussia should have no greater voice
in the Federal body than Schaumburg-Lippe and Schwarz-
burg-Sondershausen. And in truth there was the precedent
of the old League which the new one supplanted to go
upon. Each State therefore of the North -German League
kept in the new Bundesrath the number of votes which it
had held in the Plenum of the old German League, Prussia
adding to its own number of votes those of Hanover and
the other States which it absolutely incorporated. As this
396 THE CONSTITUTION OF THE GERMAN EMPIRE. [Essay
gave Prussia not more than seventeen votes out of forty-
three, the proportion can hardly be called unfair. Since
the accession of the Southern States, Prussia has seventeen
votes out of fifty-eight. Here then is one obvious and
unavoidable difference between the Senate of the new
Confederation and those of the two older ones. Another,
equally unavoidable, is a still more direct consequence of
the monarchic character of the German League. The Swiss
Constitution simply provides that the members of the
Stdaderatli shall be chosen by the Cantons; the American
Constitution prescribes that the Senators shall be chosen
by the Legislatures of the several States. It would not
have come into any man's head to make the Stdnderath
consist of the chief magistrates of the several Cantons or
their representatives. But in a Confederation whose States
are monarchies, it would be hardly possible wholly to shut
out the Executive Governments of the several kingdoms or
duchies from some direct place in the federal body. The
German Constitution therefore makes the Bundesrath con-
sist of representatives of the several States {' Vertretern der
Mitglieder des Bundes '), who may seemingly be either the
princes themselves or their ambassadors. Each State may
send as many representatives as it has votes, but the votes
of each State must be given as a whole (' Jedes Mitglied des
Bundes kann so viele Bevollmachtige zum Bundesrathe er-
nennen, wie es Stimmen hat ; doch kann die Gesammtheit
derzustcindigen Stimmen nureinheitlich abgegebenwerden').
Bavaria may send six representatives ; it has in any case
six votes, but the six votes must all be given in the same
way. This is going back to the arrangements of the ancient
league of Lykia, and is unlike those of America and Switzer-
land, where each member of the Senate or the Stdnderath
has an independent vote.
One most important provision appears in the Constitu-
tion of the Empire which did not appear in that of the
North-German League. In the latter the President — that
is, the King of Prussia — had the absolute power of making
XX.] POWERS OF THE EMPEROR. 397
war and peace. He had to obtain the consent of the Legis-
lature onl}^ when the articles of a treaty concerned matters
which came within the competence of the Legislative body
to deal with. (' Insoweit die Vertrage mit fremden Staaten
sich auf solche Gegenstande beziehen, welche nach Artikel
4 in den Bereich der Biindesgesetzgebimg gehoren, ist zu
ihrem Abschluss die Zustimmung des Bundesrathes und zu
ihrer Giiltigkeit die Genehmigung des Reichstages erforder-
lich '). By the new Constitution the Emperor can declare
war only with the consent of the Bundesrath, except in
cases of sudden invasion ('Zur Erkliirung des Krieges im
Namen des Reichs ist die Zustimmung des Bundesrathes
erforderlich, es sei-denn dass ein AngrifF auf das Bundes-
gebiet oder dessen Kiisten erfolgt '). The power of the
Emperor, thus limited with regard to war, is much the
same as that of the President of the United States with
regard to peace ; but the powers of the Executive with
regard to war and peace are quite different in the three
confederations. Switzerland vests the power of making war
and peace wholly in the Federal Assembly. In America
the Congress declares war, but the President makes peace
with the assent of the Senate. In Germany the Emperor
makes peace with the limitations above mentioned, but he
can make war only with the consent of the Bundesrath.
We have by no means gone through all the articles of
the Constitution ; we have only picked out those which
seemed most important in themselves and best suited for
a comparison with the other two chief federal states, and
especially for marking those points in which a confedera-
tion of principalities necessarily differs from a confederation
of commonwealths.
398 NOBILITY. [Essat
XXL
NOBILITY.-^
The word ' nobility ' is one of those words which are
constantly misapplied. It is misapplied by way of confusion
with things with which ' nobility ' may have something in
common, but which are essentially distinct from it. In Eng-
land nobility is apt to be confounded with the peculiar insti-
tution of the British peerage. Yet nobility, in some shape or
another, has existed in most places and times of the world's
history, while the British peerage is an institution purely
local, and one which has actually hindered the existence of
a nobility in the sense which the word bears in most other
countries. Nor is nobility the same thing as aristocracy.
This last is a word which is often greatly abused ; but,
whenever it is used with any regard to its true mean-
ing, it is a word strictly political, implying a particular
form of government.! But nobilit}^ is not necessarily a
* [This essay, the more part of which is reprinted with little change
from, the Encyclopaedia Britannica, is brought in at this stage mainly
with reference to the more substantial essay which follows it. Before
dealing with the subject of peerage, as part of the subject of the House
of Lords, it was well to have a definition of nohility to refer to. I need
hardly say that an article in the Encyclopaedia was necessarily some-
what different in point of style from most of the pieces collected in
these volumes.]
t [The use of the word * aristocracy ' to express, not a form of
government, but a social class, is essentially a vulgarism ; but there
is something instructive in the way in which the use came about.
The word ' aristocracy ' was used in order that it might take it some-
thing wider than 'nobility,' as nobility is commonly understood in Eng-
land. And that peculiar use of ' nobility ' is itself a fruit of our special
institution of the peerage, to which we shall come presently. But if
XXL] COMMON CONFUSIONS. 399
political term ; the distinction which it implies may be
accompanied by political privileges or it may not. Again,
it is sometimes thought that both nobility and aristocracy
are in some special way connected with kingly government.
To not a few it would seem a contradiction to speak of
nobility or aristocracy in a republic. Yet, though many
republics have eschewed nobility, there is nothing in a
republican, or even in a democratic, form of government
inconsistent with the existence of nobility ; and it is only
in a republic that aristocracy, in the strict sense of the
word, can exist. Aristocracy implies the existence of
nobility; but nobility does not imply aristocracy; it may
exist under any form of government. The peerage, as it
exists in the three British kingdoms, is something which
is altogether peculiar to three British kingdoms, and which
has nothing: in the least decree like it elsewhere.
Nobility then, in the strict sense of the word, is the
hereditary handing on from generation to generation of
some acknowledged pre-eminence, a pre-eminence founded
on hereditary succession, and on nothing else. Such
nobility may be immemorial or it may not. There may
or there may not be a power vested somewhere of con-
ferring nobility; but it is essential to the true idea of
nobility that, when once acquired, it shall go on for ever
to all the descendants — or, more commonly, only to all the
descendants in the male line — of the person first ennobled
or first recorded as noble. The pre-eminence, so handed
this misuse of the word ' aristocracy ' has in this way some kind of
faint excuse, there is no kind of excuse for the abuse of the word
' democracy,' which has come more lately into vogue, and which has
evidently been suggested by the misuse of ' aristocracy.' Both
•aristocracy' and 'democracy' are, in any correctness of speech,
names of forms of government, not of social classes. But aristocracy
is the rule of a class ; democracy is the willing out (for political
puqDOses) of all distinctions of class. It is the rule of the whole
people, not of any class among them. To use the name ' democracy '
as the name of a class is therefore yet more foolish than the like
abuse of the word ' aristocracy.']
400 NOBILITY. [Essay
on, may be of any kind, from substantial political power
to mere social respect and precedence. It does not seem
necessary that it should be formally enacted by law, if it
is universally acknowledged by usage. It may be marked
by titles or it may not. It is hardly needful to prove that
nobility does not imply wealth, though nobility without
wealth runs some risk of being forgotten. This definition
seems to take in all the kinds of nobility which have
existed in different times and places. They have differed
widely in the origin of the noble class and in the amount
of privilege implied in membership of it ; but they all
agree in the transmission of some privilege or other to
all the descendants, or to all the male descendants, of the
first noble.
In strictness nobility and gentry are the same thing.
This fact is overshadowed in England, partly by the
habitual use of the word ' gentleman ' in various secondary
uses, partly by the prevalent confusion between nobility
and peerage. But that they are the same is proved by
the use of the French word gentilkomme, a word which has
pretty well passed out of modern use, but which, as long
as it remained in use, never lost its true meaning. There
were very wide distinctions within the French noblesse,
but they all formed one privileged class as distinguished
from the ovturier. Here then is a nobility in the strictest
sense. If there is no such class in England, it is simply
because the class which answers to it has never been able
to keep any universally acknowledged privileges. The
word ' gentleman ' has lost its original meaning in a variety
of other uses, while the word 'nobleman' has come to be
confined to members of the peerage and a few of their
immediate descendants.
That the English peerage does not answer to the true
idea of a nobility will be seen with a very little thought.
There is no handing on of privilege or pre-eminence to
perpetual generations. The peer holds a great position,
endowed with substantial powers and privileges, and those
XXL] NO NOBILITY IN ENGLAND. 401
powers and privileges are handed on by hereditary suc-
cession. But they are handed on to one member of the
family only at a time. The peer's children, in some
cases his grandchildren, have precedence accompanied by
titles or honorary epithets, but they have no substantial
privileges. His remoter descendants have no advantage
of any kind over other people, except their chance of suc-
ceeding to the peerage. The remote descendant of a duke,
even though he may chance to be heir presumptive to the
dukedom, is in no way distinguished from any other
gentleman ; it is even possible that he may not hold the
social rank of gentleman. This is not nobility in the true
sense ; it is not nobility as nobility was understood either
in the French kingdom or in the Venetian commonwealth.
Nobility thus implies the vesting of some hereditary
privilege or advantage in certain families, without de-
ciding in what such privilege or advantage consists. Its
nature may differ widely according to the causes which
have led to the establishment of the distinction between
family and family in each particular case. The way in
which nobility has arisen in different times and places is
very various, and there are several nations whose history
will supply us with examples of a nobility of one kind
giving way to a nobility of another kind. The history of
the Roman commonwealth illustrates this perhaps better
than any other. What we may call the nobility of elder
settlement makes way for the nobility of office.* Our
first glimpses of authentic Roman history set before us two
orders in the same state, one of which is distinguished
from the other by many exclusive privileges. The privi-
leged order— the j^opulus, j)atr€8, patricians— has all the
characteristics which we commonly expect to find in a
privileged order. It is a minority, a minority strictly
marked out by birth from other members of the common-
wealth, a minority which seems further, though this point
* [I have said something on this head in the History of Sicilj^, vol.
ii. p. II.]
Dd
402 NOBILITY. [Essay
is less clearly marked, to have had on the whole the
advantage in point of wealth. When we are first entitled
to speak with any kind of certainty, the non-privileged
class possess a certain share in the election of magistrates
and the making of laws. But the privileged class alone
are eligible to the greatest offices of the state ; they have
in their hands the exclusive control of the national re-
ligion ; they have the exclusive enjoyment of the common
land of the state. A little research shows that the origin
of these privileges was a very simple one. Those who
appear in later times as a privileged order among the
people had once been the whole people. The patricians,
patres, housefathers, goodmen — so lowly is the origin of
that proud name — were once the whole Roman people, the
original inhabitants of the Roman hills. They were the
true pojndus Romaiivs, alongside of whom grew up a
secondary Roman people, the 'plehs or commons. As new
settlers came, as the people of conquered towns were moved
to Rome, as the character of Romans was granted to some
allies and forced on some enemies, this ph^s, sharing
some but not all of the rights of citizens, became a non-
privileged order alongside of a privileged order. As the
non- privileged order grew larger, while the privileged
order, as every exclusive hereditary body must do, grew
smaller, the larger body gradually put on the character
of the nation at large, while the smaller body put on the
character of a nobility. But their position as a nobility
or j^rivileged class arose solely because a class with in-
ferior rights to their own grew up around them. They
were not a nobility or a privileged class as long as there
was no less privileged class to distinguish them from.
Their exclusive possession of power made the common-
wealth in which they bore rule an aristocracy ; but they
were a democracy among themselves. We see indeed
faint traces of distinctions among the patrician houses,
which may lead us to guess that the equality of all pa-
tricians may have been won by struggles of unrecorded
XXL] THE ROMAN POPULUS AND PLEBS. 403
days, not unlike those which in recorded days brought
about the equality of patrician and plebeian. But at
this we can only guess. The Roman patricians, the true
Roman populus, appear at our first sight of them as a
body democratic in its own constitution, but standing out
as an order marked by very substantial privileges indeed
from the other body, the ^^Ze/js, also democratic in its own
constitution, but in every point of honour and power the
marked inferior of the 2>oi)ulus.
The old people of Rome thus grew, or rather shrank up,
into a nobility by the growth of a new people by their side,
a people which they declined to admit to a share in their
rights, powers, and possessions. A series of struggles raised
this new people, the jxebs, to a level with the old people, the
pojndus. The gradual character of the process is not the
least instructive part of it. There are two marked stages
in the struggle. In the first the plebeians strive to obtain
relief from laws and customs which were actually oppressive
to them, while they were profitable to the patricians.
When this relief has been gained by a series of enactments,
a second struggle follows, in which the plebeians win poli-
tical equality with the patricians. In this second struggle
too the ground is won bit by bit. No general law was ever
passed to abolish the privileges of the patricians ; still less
was any law ever passed to abolish the distinction between
patrician and plebeian. All that was done was done step
by step. First, marriage between the two orders was made
lawful. Then one law admitted plebeians to one office,
another law to another. Admission to military command
was won fii'st, then admission to civil jurisdiction ; a share
in religious functions was won last of all. And some ofiices.
chiefly those religious ofiices which carried no political
power with them, always remained the exclusive property
of the patricians, because no special law was ever passed
to throw them open to plebeians. In this gradual way
every practical advantage on the part of the patricians was
taken away. But the result did not lead to the abolition
D d 2
404 NOBILITY. [Essay
of all distinctions between the orders. Patricians and
plebeians went on as orders defined by law, till the dis-
tinction died out in the confusion of things under the
empire, till at last the word ' patrician ' took quite a new
meaning. The distinction in truth went on till the ad-
vantage turned to the side of the plebeians. Both consuls
might be plebeians ; both could not be patricians. Nor could
a patrician wield the great powers vested in the tribunes
of the commons. These were greater advantages than the
exclusive patrician possession of the offices of the interrex.
the Tex sacrorum, and the higher flamens. And, as the old
distinction survived in law and religion after all substantial
privileges were abolished, so presently a new distinction
arose of which law and religion knew nothing, but which
became in practice nearly as marked and quite as important
as the older one.
This was the growth of the new nobility of Rome, that
body, partly patrician, partly plebeian, to which the name
jiohilitas strictly belongs in Roman history. This new
nobility gradually became as well marked and as exclusive
as the old patriciate. But it differed from the old patriciate
in this, that, while the privileges of the old patriciate rested
on law or immemorial custom, the privileges of the new
nobility rested wholly on a sentiment of which men
could remember the beginning. Or it would be more
accurate to say that the new nobility had really no
privileges at all. Its members had no legal advantages
over other citizens. They were a social caste, which strove
to keep, and which largely succeeded in keeping, all high
office and political power in its own hands. Such privi-
leges, even of an honorary kind, as the nobles did enjoy by
law belonged to them, not as nobles, but as senators and
senators' sons. Yet practically the new nobility was a
privileged class ; it felt itself to be so, and it was felt to be
so by others. This nobility consisted of all those who, as
descendants of curule magistrates, had the Jus imaginum, —
that is, who could point to forefathers ennobled by office.
XXI.] THE ROMAN NOBILITAS. 405
That is to say, it consisted of the remains of the old
patriciate, together with those plebeian families any mem-
bers of which had been chosen to curule offices. These
were naturally those families which had been patrician in
some other Italian city, but which were plebeian at Rome.
Many of them equalled the Roman patricians in wealth and
in antiquity of descent, and, as soon as intermarriage was
allowed, they became in all things their social equals. The
practical result of the Licinian reform was that the great
plebeian families became, for all practical purposes, patri-
cian. They separated themselves from the mass of the ple-
beians to form a single body with the surviving patricians.
Just as the old patricians had striven to keep plebeians
out of high offices, so now the new nobles, patrician and
plebeian alike, strove to keep ' new men,' men who had not
the jus imaginum, out of high office. But there was still
the difference that in the old state of things the plebeian
was shut out by law,* while in the new state of things no
law shut out the new man. It needed a change in the
constitution to give the consulship to Lucius Sextius ; it
needed only union and energy in the electors to give it to
Gaius Marius.
The Roman case is often misunderstood, because the
later Roman writers did not fully understand the case
themselves. Livy could never get rid of the idea that the
old struggle between patrician and plebeian was something
like the struggle between the nobility and the people at
large in the later days of the commonwealth. In a certain
sense he knew better; at any rate, he often repeats the
words of men who knew better ; but the general im-
pression given by his story is that the plebeians were a low
mob and their leaders factious and interested ringleaders
of a mob. The case is again often misunderstood because
the Avords ' patrician ' and ' plebeian,' like so many other
technical Roman and Greek words, have come in modern
* [Most likely not by any enactment, but by immemorial practice
and sentiment which needed an enactment to set it aside.]
403 NOBILITY. [Essay
language to be used in a way quite unlike their original
sense. The word plebeian, in its strictest sense, is no
more contemptuous than the word commoner in England.
The flehs, like the English commons, contained families
differing widely in rank and social position, among them
those families which, as soon as an artificial barrier broke
down, joined with the patricians to form the new nobility.
The whole lesson is lost if the words ' patrician ' and ' ple-
beian ' are used in any but their strict sense. The Catuli
and Metelli, among the proudest nobles of Rome, were
plebeians, and as such could not have been chosen to the
purely patrician office of interrex and Jiamen of Jupiter.
Yet even in good writers on Roman history the words
' patrician ' and ' plebeian ' are often misapplied by being
transferred to the later disputes at Rome, in which they
are quite out of place.
We may now compare the history of nobility at Rome
with its history in some other of the most famous city-
commonwealths. Thus at Athens its history is in its main
outlines very much the same as its history at Rome up to
a certain point, while there is nothing at Athens which at
all answers to the later course of things at Rome. At
Athens, as at Rome, an old patriciate, a nobility of elder
settlement, a nobility which had once been the whole
people, was gradually shorn of all exclusive privilege, and
driven to share equal rights with a new people which had
grown up around it. The reform of Kleisthenes answers
in a general way to the reform of Licinius, though the
different circumstances of the tvvo cities hinder us from
carrying out the parallel into detail. But both at Rome
and at Athens we see, at a stage earlier than the final
reform, an attempt to set up a standard of wealth, either
instead of or alongside of the older standard of birth. This
same general idea comes out both in the constitution of
Servius and in the constitution of Solon, though the appli-
cation of the principle is different in the two cases. Servius
XXL] THE ATHENIAN EUPATRIDAI. 407
made voting power depend on income ; by Solon the same
rule was applied to qualification for office. By this change
power is not granted to every citizen, but it is put within
the reach of every citizen. No man can change his fore-
fathers ; but the poor man may haply become richer. The
Athenian ev-naTpihai, who were thus gradually brought
down from their privileged position, seem to have been
quite as proud and exclusive as the Roman patricians ;
but, when they lost their privileges, they lost them far
more thoroughly, and they did not, as at Rome, practically
hand on many of them to a new nobility, of which they
formed part, though not the whole. While at Rome the
distinction of patrician and plebeian was never wiped out,
while it remained to the last a legal distinction even when
practical privilege had turned the other way, at Athens,
after the democracy had reached its full growth, the dis-
tinction seems to have had no legal existence whatever.
At Rome down to the last it made a difference whether
the candidate for office was patrician or plebeian, though
the difference was in later times commonly to the ad-
vantage of the plebeian. At Athens, at any rate after
Aristeides, the eupatrid was neither better nor worse off
than another man.
But, what is of far greater importance, there never arose
at Athens any body of men which at all answered to the
nobilitas of Rome. We see at Athens strons: siofns of
social distinctions, even at a late period of the democracy ;
we see that, though the people might be led by the low-
born demagogue — using that word in its strict and not
necessarily dishonourable meaning — their votes most com-
monly fell on men of ancient descent. W^e see that men of
birth and wealth often allowed themselves a strange licence
in dealing with their low-born fellow-citizens. But we see
no sign of the growth of a body made up of patricians and
leading plebeians who contrived to keep office to themselves
by a social tradition only less strong than positive law.
We have at Athens the exact parallel to the state of things
408 NOBILITY. [Essay
when Appius Claudius shrank from the thought of the
consulship of Gaius Licinius ; we have no exact parallel
to the state of things when Quintus Metellus shrank from
the thought of the consulship of Gaius Marius. The cause
of the difference seems to be that, while the origin of the
patriciate was exactly the same at Eome and at Athens,
the origin of the commons was different. The four Ionic
tribes at Athens seem to have answered very closely to the
three patrician tribes at Rome ; but the Athenian demos
grew up in a different way from the Roman j^lebs. If we
could believe that the Athenian demos arose out of the
union of the other Attic towns with Athens, this would be
an exact analogy to the origin of the Roman pZe&s ; the
iVTTaTpibai would be the Athenians and the dem.os the
Atticans ('ArriKot). But, from such glimpses of early
Attic history as we can get, the union of the Attic towns
would seem to have been completed before the constitu-
tional struggle began. That union would answer rather
to the union of the three patrician tribes of Rome. Such
hints as we have, while they set before us, just as at Rome,
a state of things in which small landed proprietors are
burthened with debt, also set before us the Attic demos
as, largely at least, a body of various origins which had
grown up in the city. Kleisthenes for instance enfran-
chised many slaves and strangers, a course which certainly
formed no part of the platform of Licinius, and which
reminds us rather of Gna^us Flavius somewhat later. On
the whole it seems most likely that, while the kernel of
the Roman 2^lebs was rural or belonged to the small towns
admitted to the Roman franchise, the Attic demos, largely
at least, though doubtless not wholly, arose out of the
mixed settlers who had come together in the city, answer-
ing to the jxeTOLKOL of later times. If so, there would be
no place in Athens for those great plebeian houses, once
patrician in some other commonwealth, out of which the
later Roman nobilitas was so largely formed.
Thus the history of nobility at Athens supplies a close
XXL] SPARTA. 409
analogy to the earlier stages of its history at Rome, but it
has nothing answering to its later stages. At Sparta we
have a third instance of a people shrinking up into a
nobility, but it is a people whose position differs altogether
from anything either at Rome or at Athens. Sparta is the
best case of a nobility of conquest. This is true, whether
we look on the -n^pioiKoi as Achaians or as Dorians, or as
belonging some to one race and some to the other. In any
case the Spartans form a ruling body, and a body whose
privileged position in the land is owing to conquest. The
Spartans answer to the patricians ; the TTcptotKot, answer in
some sort to the ^j^e^s ; the helots are below the position of
]jlehs or demos. The only difference is that, probably owing
to the fact that the distinction was due to conquest, the
local character of the distinction lived on much longer than
it did at Rome. We hardly look on the Spartans as a no-
bility among the other Lacedaemonians ; Sparta rather is
a ruhng city bearing sway over the other Lacedaemonian
towns. But this is exactly what the original Roman
patricians, the settlers on the thi-ee oldest hills, were in
the beginning. The so-called cities (-n-oAets) of the Treptouot
answered pretty well to the local plebeian tribes ; the dif-
ference is that the ir^pioiKoi never became an united corporate
body like the Roman ijlebs. Sparta, as a city, remained to
the last what Rome was at the beginning, a city with a
2Mpulus (8^/jios) but no />Ze6s. And, as at Rome in early
times, there were at Sparta distinctions within the populus ;
there were ojxolol and v-noix^lov^s, like the majores and
minores gentes at Rome. Only at Rome, where there was
a |jZe6s to be striven against, these distinctions seem to
have had a tendency to die out, while at Sparta they seem
to have had a tendency to widen. The SjDartan patriciate
could afford to disfranchise some of its own members.
The other old Greek cities, as well as those of mediaeval
Italy and Germany, would supply us with endless exam-
ples of the various ways in which privileged orders arose.
Venice, a city not exactly belonging to any of these classes,
410 NOBILITY. [Essay
essentially a city of the Eastern Empire and not of the
Western, gives us an example than which none is more
instructive. The renowned patriciate of Venice was as far
removed as might be from the character either of a nobility
of conquest or of a nobility of elder settlement. Nor was
it strictly a nobility of office, though it had more in common
with that than with either of the other two. As Athens
supplies us with a parallel to the older nobility of Rome
without any parallel to the later, so Venice supplies us
with a parallel to the later nobility of Rome without any
parallel to the earlier. Athens has Fabii and Claudii, but
no Catuli or Metelli ; Venice has Catuli and Metelli, but no
Fabii or Claudii.
In one point however the Venetian nobility differed from
either the older or the newer nobility of Rome, and also
from the older nobilities of the mediaeval Italian cities.
Nowhere else did nobility so distinctly rise out of wealth,
and that wealth gained by commerce. In the original
island territory of Venice there could be no such thing
as landed property. Neither the agricultural plebeian of
old Rome nor the feudal noble of contemporary Europe
could have any place at Venice. The Venetian nobility
is an example of a nobility which gradually arose out
of the mass of the people as certain families step by step
drew all political power into their own hands. The i^lehs
did not gather round the ^ja^i'es, neither were they con-
quered by the patres ; the patres were developed by natural
selection out of the p)l^^^^ ^^^ more strictly, out of the an-
cient populus. The commuyie of Venice, the ancient style
of the commonwealth, changed into the seigniory of Venice.
Political power was gradually confined to those whose fore-
fathers had held political power. This was what the later
nobility of Rome was always striving at, and what they
did to a great extent practically establish. But, as the ex-
clusive privileges of the nobility were never recognized by
any legal or formal act, men like Gains Marius would ever
and anon thrust themselves in. The privileges which the
XXL] VENICE. 411
Venetian nobility took to themselves were established by-
acts which, if not legal, were at least formal. The Roman
nobility, resting wholly on sufferance, was overthrown by
the ambition of one of its own members. The Venetian
nobility, resting also in its beginnings on sufferance, but
on sufferance which silently obtained the force of law,
lasted as long as Venice remained a separate state.
The hereditary oligarchy of Venice was established by a
series of changes which took place between the years 1297
and 1319. All of them together really go to make up the
' Shutting of the Great Council,' a name which is formally
given to the act of the first of those years. In 1172 the
Great Council began as an elective body ; it gradually
ousted the popular assembly from all practical power. It
was, as might be looked for, commonl}^ filled by members
of distinguished families, descendants of ancient magistrates,
who were already beginning to be looked on as noble. The
series of revolutions already spoken of first made descent
from former councillors a necessary qualification for elec-
tion to the council ; then election was abolished, and the
council consisted of all descendants of its existing members
who had reached the age of twenty-five. Thus the 079^/-
mates of Venice did what the optimates of Rome strove to
do : they established a nobility whose one qualification was
descent from those who had held ofiice in past times. This
is what the nobility of office, if left unchecked, naturally
grows into. But the particular way in which oligarchy
was finally established at Venice had some singular results.
Some of the great families which were already looked on
as noble were not represented in the council at the time
of the shutting ; of others some branches were represented
and others not. These families and branches of families,
however noble they might be by descent, were thus shut
out from all the political privileges of nobility. When one
branch of a family was admitted and one shut out, we have
an analogy to the patrician and plebeian Claudii, though
the distinction had come about in quite another way. And
412 NOBILITY. [Essay
in the Great Council itself we have the lively image of the
aristocratic popular assembly of Rome, the assembly of the
poindus, the assembly of the curiw, where every man of
patrician birth had his place. The two institutions are
the same, only the way in which they came about is exactly
opposite. The assembly of the curica at Rome, originally the
democratic assembly of the original people, first grew into an
aristocratic assembly, and then died out altogether as a new
Roman people, with its own assembly, grew up by its side.
It was a primitive institution which gradually changed its
character by force of circumstances. When it became alto-
gether unsuited to the times, it died out, supplanted by
other and newer powers. The Great Council of Venice was
anything but a primitive institution ; it was the artificial
institution of a late age, which grew at the expense of
earlier elements in the state, of the prince on the one side
and of the people on the other. But the two different roads
led to the same end. The Great Council of Venice, the curioe
of Rome, were each of them the assembly of a privileged
class, an assembly in which every member of that class
had a right to a place, an assembly which might be called
popular as far as the privileged class was concerned, though
rigidly oligarchic as regarded the excluded classes. But,
close as the likeness is, it is merely a superficial likeness,
because it is the result of opposite causes working in oppo-
site directions. It is like two men who are both for a moment
in the same place, though their faces are turned in opposite
ways. If the later nobilitus of Rome had established an
assembly in which every one who had the jus hnaginum
had a vote and none other, that would have been a real
parallel to the shutting of the Venetian Great Council ; for
it would have come about through the workinoj of causes
which are essentially the same.
The nobility which was thus formed at Venice is the
very model of a civic nobility, a nobility which is also an
aristocracy. In a monarchy, despotic or constitutional,
there cannot in strictness be an aristocracy, because the
XXI.] ABISTOCRACY. 413
whole political power cannot be vested in the noble class.
But in the Venetian commonwealth the nobility was a real
aristocracy. All political power was vested in the noble
class ; the prince sank to be a magistrate, keeping only
some of the outward forms of sovereignty ; the mass of the
people were shut out altogether. And, if no government
on earth ever fully carried out the literal meaning of aris-
tocracy as the rule of the best, this kind of civic nobility
comes nearer to it than any other form of government. A
nobility of this kind really seems to engender a kind of
hereditary capacity in its members. Less favourable than
either monarchy or democracy to the growth of occasional
great men, it is more favourable than either to the con-
stant supply of a succession of able men, qualified to carry
on the work of government. Its weak point lies in the
necessary conservatism of such a body ; it cannot advance
and adapt itself to changed circumstances, as either monarchy
or democracy can. When therefore the goodness is gone, the
corruption becomes worse than the corruption of either of
the other forms of government.
All this is signally shown in the history both of Venice
and of other aristocratic cities. But we are concerned with
them now only as instances of one form of nobility. The
civic aristocracies did not all arise in the same way. Venice
is the best type of one way in which they rose ; but it is
by no means the only way. In not a few of the Italian
cities nobility had an origin and ran a course quite unlike
the origin and the course which were its lot at Venice.
The nobles of many cities were simply the nobles of the
surrounding country changed, sometimes greatly against
their will, into citizens. Such a nobility differed far more
widely from either the Roman or the Venetian patriciate
than they differed from one another. It wanted the ele-
ment of legality, or at least of formality, which distinguished
both these bodies. The privileges of the Roman patriciate,
whatever we may call them, were not usurpations ; and, if
we call the privileges of the Venetian nobility usurpations,
414 NOBILITY. [Essay
they were stealthy and peaceful usurpations, founded on
something else than mere violence. But in many Italian
cities the position of the nobles, if it did not begin in vio-
lence, was maintained by violence, and was often overthrown
by violence. They remained, in short, as isolated and un-
ruly within the walls of the cities as they had ever been
without. A nobility of this kind often gave way to a de-
mocracy which either proved as turbulent as itself, or else
it grew into an oligarchy ruling under democratic forms.
Thus at Florence the old nobles became the opposite to a
privileged class. The process which at Rome gradually
gave the plebeian a political advantage over the patrician
was carried at Florence to a far greater length at a single
blow. The whole noble order was disfranchised ; to be
noble was equivalent to being shut out from public office.
But something like a new nobility presently grew up among
the commons ; there were 2^opolani gross i at Florence just
as there were noble plebeians at Rome. Only the Roman
commons, great and small, never shut out the patricians
from office ; they were satisfied to share office with them.
In short, the shutting out of the old nobility was, if not
the formation of a new nobility, at least the formation of
a new privileged class. For a certain class of citizens to
be condemned, by virtue of their birth, to political disfran-
chisement is as flatly against every principle of democracy
as for a certain class of citizens to enjoy exclusive rights
by reason of birth. The Florentine democracy was, in truth,
rather to be called an oligarchy ; that is, if we accept the
best definition of democracy, that given by Athenagoras
in the Syracusan assembly,"^ namely, that it is the rule
of the whole, while oligarchy is the rule of a part only.
It is in these aristocratic cities, of which Venice was the
most fully developed model, that we can best see what
nobility really is. It is in these states only that we can see
nobility in its purest form, nobility to which no man can
rise and from which no man can come down, except by the
* Thucydides, vi. 39.
XXL] TRUE NOBILITY CONFINED TO REPUBLICS. 415
will of the noble class itself. In a monarchy, where the
king can ennoble, this ideal cannot be kept. Nor could it
be kept in the later nobility of Rome. The new man had
much to strive against, but he could sometimes thrust him-
self through, and when he did so, his descendants had their
jus imaginum. But at Venice neither prince nor people
could open the door of the Great Council ; only the Great
Council itself could do that. That in the better times of
the aristocracy nobility was not uncommonly granted to
worthy persons, that in its worse times it was more com-
monly sold to unworthy persons, was the affair of the
aristocratic body itself. That body, at all events, could
not be degraded save by its own act. But these grants
and sales led to distinctions within the ranks of the noble
order, like those of which we get faint glimpses among the
Roman patricians. The ducal dignity rarely passed beyond
a circle of specially old and distinguished families. But
this has often been the case with the high magistracies
of commonwealths whose constitutions were purely de-
mocratic.
From this purest type of nobility, as seen in the aristo-
cratic commonwealths, we may pass to nobility as seen
in states of greater extent, that is, for the most part in
monarchies. There are two marked differences between the
two. They are differences which seem to be inherent in
the difference between a republic and a monarchy, but
which it would be truer to say are inherent in the differ-
ence between a body of men packed close together within
the walls of a city and a body of men— if we can call them
a body— scattered over a wide territory. The member of
a civic nobility is more than a member of an order ; he is
a member of a corporation ; he has no powers, he has hardly
any being, apart from the body of which he is a member.
He has a vote in making the laws or in choosing those
who make them ; but when they are made, he is, if any-
thing, more strictly bound by them than the citizen of the
416 NOBILITY. [Essay
non-privileged order. To be a fraction of the corporate
sovereign, if it had its gains, had also its disadvantages ;
the Venetian noble was fettered by burthens, restrictions,
and suspicions from which the Venetian citizen was free.
The noble of the large country, on the other hand, the
rural noble, as he commonly will be, is a member of an
order, but he is hardly a member of a corporation ; he is
isolated ; he acts apart from the rest of the body and wins
powers for himself apart from the rest of the body. He
shows a tendency — a tendency whose growth will be more
or less checked according to the strength of the central
power — to grow into something of a lord or even a prince
on his own account, a growth which may advance to the
scale of a German elector or stop at that of an English
lord of a manor. Now many of these tendencies were
carried into those Italian , cities where the civic nobility
was a half-tamed country nobility ; but they have no place
in the true civic aristocracies. Let us take one ty3)ical
example. In many parts of western Europe the practice of
private war long remained the privilege of every noble, as
it had once been the right of every freeman. And in some
Italian cities, the right, or at least the privilege, of private
war was continued within the city walls. But no power of
imagination can conceive an acknowledged right of private
war in Rome, Venice, or Bern.
The other point of difference is that, whatever we take
for the origin and the definition of nobility, in most countries
it became something that could be given from outside, with-
out the need of any consent on the part of the noble class
itself. In other words, the king or other prince can en-
noble. We have seen how much this takes away from the
true notion of nobility as understood in the aristocratic
commonwealths. The nobility is no longer all-powerful ;
it may be constrained to admit within its own body
members for whose presence it has no wish. Where this
power exists, the nobility is no longer in any strictness an
aristocracy ; it may have great privileges, great influence,
XXL] NOBILITY IN KINGDOMS. All
even great legal powers, but it is not the real ruling body,
like the true aristocracy of Venice.
In the modern states of Western Europe the existing
nobility seems commonly to have had its origin in per-
sonal service to the prince. And this nobility by personal
service seems often to have supplanted an older nobility,
the origin of which was, in some cases at least, strictly
immemorial. We had an example of this process in
England in the substitution of the later nobility of the
pegnas for the older nobility of the eorlas. The analogy
between this change and the change from the Roman
patriciate to the later Roman riohilitas is obvious. In
both cases the older nobility gives way to a newer ; and
in both cases the newer nobility is a nobility of office.
Under a kingly government, office bestowed by the sove-
reign holds the same place which office bestowed by the
people holds in a popular government. This new nobility
of office supplanted, or perhaps rather absorbed, the older
nobility, just as the later nohilUas of Rome supplanted
or absorbed the old patriciate. In our first glimpse of
Teutonic institutions, as given us by Tacitus, this older
nobility appears as strictly immemorial,^ and its im-
memorial character appears also in the well-known legend
in the Rigsnial-saga of the separate creation of Jarl, Karl,
and Thrall. These represent the three classes of mankind
according to old Teutonic ideas, the noble, the simple free-
man, and the bondman. The kingly house, where there
is one, is not a distinct class ; it is simply the noblest of
the noble. For, as almost everywhere else, this Teutonic
nobility admits of degrees, though it is yet harder to say in
what the degrees of nobility consisted than to say in what
nobility itself consisted. This older nobility is independent
of the possession of land ; it is independent of office about
the sovereign ; it is hard to say what were the powers and
privileges attached to it ; but of its existence there is no
doubt. But in no part of Europe can the existing nobility
* See Waitz, DeutscJie Verfassiingsgeschichte, i. 185 sq.
E e
418 NOBILITY. [Essay
trace itself up to this immemorial nobility of primitive days ;
the nobility of mecli?eval and modern days springs from
the later nobility of office. The nobles of modern Europe
arejjegnas and not eorlas. The eorl of the old system would
doubtless commonly become a thegn under the new, as the
Roman patrician took his place in the new nobilltas ; but
others could take their place there also. The Old-English
laws point out ways by which the churl might rise to
thegn's rank, and, in the centuries during which the change
went on, we find mention, complaining mention, both in
England and elsewhere, at the court of Charles the Simple
and at the court of ^thelred, of the rise of new men to
posts of authority. The story that Earl Godwine himself
was of churlish birth, whether true or false, marks the
possibility of such a rise. A still wilder tale, preserved
by Dante, spoke of Hugh Capet as the son of a butcher of
Paris. Stories like these prove even more than the real
rise of Hagano and Eadric.
The older Teutonic nobility then is immemorial ; the
later is ofiicial. But both arose, or might arise, within the
bounds of the same nation. The question further arises
how far either was modified, in its decay or in its growth,
by the circumstances of Teutonic conquest in the Roman
lands. In other words, Is the nobility of any part of Europe,
specially of Western Europe, a nobifity of conquest 1 We
have seen that the elder nobility of most Italian cities con-
sisted of the nobility of the surrounding districts who often
became citizens against their will. This is quite enough
as regards the mere history of the cities, but we have still
to find out the origin of the nobility which they possessed
before they entered the cities. It is likely enough that
the nobles of Lombardy were mainly the men of Lombard
descent as distinguished from the Roman inhabitants ; but
it would be too much to afiirm, without more proof than we
have, either that every Lombard was necessarily noble, or
that no Roman was ever admitted to equal rights with the
conquerors. So it has been a favourite political theory that
XXL] TEUTONIC AND SLAVONIC NOBILITY. 419
the French noblesse y,^gy6 the descendants of the Franks, and
the Tiers Etat the descendants of the Gauls and Romans.
Here again there is doubtless a large element of truth, if the
thing is not pressed too far, and if people remember that
in a large part of modern France they have to do, not with
Franks and Gauls but with Goths and Basques. So, in a
large pai^t of Germany, it is open to any one to maintain
that the nobles were conquering Germans and the subject
classes conquered Wends. But in another large part of
Germany the utmost that could be thought of would be the
conquest of one Teutonic tribe by another. In the Slavonic
countries, in Poland and Russia, the theory of conquest
breaks down more completely still. Nowhere has nobility
been more definitely marked ; nowhere has the mass of the
people been more thoroughly enslaved. The nobles, in Poland
above all, were almost like a conquering army encamped
in the country ; they seem to have more in common with a
horde of invading Turks than with an orderly aristocracy
like that of Venice. Yet both in proper Poland and in
proper Russia there is no sign of conquest ; there is no trace
of any difference in blood between noble and peasant. It
will hardly be argued that the Russian nobility are the de-
scendants of the Scandinavian followers of Ruric. Though
we do not know the origin of the Russian or Polish nobility,
we do know something of the steps by which they con-
trived to bring the mass of the people into utter bondage at
a time when the condition of the serf and the villain in
Western Europe was gradually improving. Things really
look as if an aristocracy arising gradually among a people
of the same blood was more permanent and more oppressive
than one which began in conquest. Yet it would be very
dangerous to make any such inference without collecting
and weighing a great many instances from different times
and countries.
To turn to our own land, however our /jegnas arose, they
were a class among Englishmen ; they were not Englishmen
as distinguished from Britons. If any one chooses to argue
E e 2
420 NOBILITY. [Essay
that Hagano was a Roman unduly lifted up at the court of
a Frankish king, no one will argue that Eadric was a Welsh-
man in the like case. If we had anything like a nobility
of conquest, it came later, and it was not very like it when
it did come. The English nobility of the thegns was to a
great extent personally displaced, so to speak, by the re-
sults of the Norman Conquest. But the idea of nobility did
not greatly change. The English thegn sometimes yielded
to, sometimes changed into, the Norman baron, using that
word in its widest sense, without any violent alteration in
his position. The notion of holding land of the king became
more prominent than the notion of personal service done to
the king ; but, as the land was held by the tenure of per-
sonal service, the actual relation hardly changed. But the
connexion between nobility and the holding of land comes
out in the practice by which the lord so constantly took
the name of his lordship. It is in this way that the pre-
fixes de and von, descriptions in themselves essentially
local, have become in other lands badges of nobility. This
notion has died out in England by the dropping of the
preposition ; but it long lived on whenever Latin or French
was used. And before long nobility won for itself a dis-
tinguishing outward badge. The device of hereditary coat-
armour, a growth of the twelfth century, did much to define
and mark out the noble class throughout Europe. As it
could be acquired by grant of the sovereign, and as, when
once acquired, it went on from generation to generation, it
answers exactly to the^us imaglnum at Rome, the here-
ditary badge of nobility conferred by the election of the
people. Those who possessed the right of coat-armour by
immemorial use, or by grant in regular form, formed the
class of nobility or gentry, — words which, it must again be
remembered, are strictly of the same meaning. They held
whatever privileges or advantages have in different times
and places attached to the rank of nobility or gentry. In
England indeed a variety of causes hindered nobility or
gentry from ever obtaining the importance which it obtained.
XXL] FRANCE AND ENGLAND. 421
for instance, in France. But no cause was more important
than the growth of the peerage. That institution at once
set up a new standard of nobility, a new form of the
nobility of office. The peer — in strictness, the peer in his
own person only, not even his children — became the only
noble ; the ideas of nobility and gentry thus became divorced
in a way in which they are not in any other country. Those
who would elsewhere have been counted as the nobility, the
bearers of coat-armour by good right, were hindered from
forming a class holding any substantial privilege. In a
word, the growth of the peerage hindered the existence in
England of any nobility in the continental sense of the
word. As the peerage is not a nobility, so neither is any
other class in England. We have nothing, we have for
ages had nothing answering to the noblesse, the Eclel, the
Uitterschaft, of other countries. We have had no hereditary
order, possessing defined privileges, out of which no member
can fall and to which no new man can rise, except by
certain defined processes.
Herein comes the origin of the class of gentlemen in Eng-
land, a name which has come to have a meaning, so different
from that of the French gentilhomme. The esquires, knights,
lesser- barons, even the remote descendants of peers, that
is, the noblesse of other countries, in England remained
gentlemen, but not noblemen. That is, they were simple
commoners, without legal advantage over their fellow-
commoners who had no jus iniaginum to boast of. There
can be no doubt that the class in England which should
naturally answer to the noblesse of other lands is the class
that bears coat-armour, the gentry strictly so called. Had
they been able to establish and to maintain any kind of
privilege, even that of mere honorary precedence, they
would exactly answer to continental nobility. That coat-
armour has been lavishly granted and often assumed with-
out right, that the word ' gentleman ' has acquired various
secondary senses, proves nothing. That is the natural result
of a state of things in which the status of gentry carries
422 NOBILITY. [Essay
with it no legal advantage, and yet is eagerly sought after
on social grounds. If coat-armour, and thereby the rank of
gentry, has been lavishly granted, some may think that the
rank of peerage has often been lavishly granted also. In
short, there is no real nobility in England. The smaller,
untitled, nobility of foreign countries answer in many re-
spects to our country gentlemen, but they differ in the fact
of the one forming, and the other not forming, an hereditary
order. The descendants of an English squire may fall from
their rank without being formally degraded, and the de-
scendants of a merchant or an attorney may step into their
place without being formally ennobled. But, where there
is a real nobility, its rights are in no way lost by poverty,
and they cannot be gained except by formal grant from
whatever is the proper authority. That is to say, the
position of the English country gentleman is one purely
conventional, while the position of his nearest foreign
equivalent is a legal one. The English gentleman inherits
that natural influence of descent and property which laws
do not give and which laws cannot take away ; he inherits
a kind of traditional claim to be appointed to local offices of
authority ; but he has in himself no legal datiDi different
from that of a day-labourer. In short, with us the class
which should answer to foreign nobility has so long ceased
to have any practical privileges that it has long ceased to
be looked on as a nobility. Meanwhile the word noh'dity
has been transferred to another class which has nothing-
answering to it out of the three British kingdoms. This
last class in strictness takes in only the peers personally ;
at the outside it cannot be stretched beyond those of their
children and grandchildren who bear the courtesy titles of
Lord and Lady.
Once more, it must be borne in mind that, while it is
essential to the idea of nobility that it should carry with
it some hereditary privilege, the nature and extent of that
privilege may vary endlessly. In the last century the
nobility of France and the nobility of Poland alike answered
XXL] FRANCE AND POLAND. 423
to the strictest definition of nobility ; but the two were as
broadly contrasted in their political position as any two
classes of men could be. The nobility of France, keeping
the most oppressive social and personal privileges, had been
shorn of all political and even administrative power ; the
tyrants of the people were the slaves of the king. In
Poland sixty thousand gentlemen, rich and poor, famous
and obscure, but all alike gentlemen, rode out to choose a
king by an unanimous vote, and to bind him when chosen
by such conditions as they thought good. Those sixty
thousand, like the pojmlus of Rome, formed a narrow
oligarchy as regarded the rest of the nation, but a wild
democracy among themselves. Poland, in short, came nearer
than any kingdom or country of large extent to the nature
of an aristocracy, as we have seen aristocracy in the aristo-
cratic cities. The chief power of the state was placed
neither in the prince nor in the nation at large ; it was
held by a noble class. The kingly power in Poland, like
the ducal power at Venice, had been so narrowed that
Poland, though she still kept a king, called herself a republic
no less than Venice. And whatever was taken from the
king went to the gain of the noble order. But the nobility
of a large country, even though used to act politically as
an order, could never put on that orderly and legal character
which distinguishes the true civic patriciates. It never
could come so nearly as a civic patriciate could to being
something like the rule of the best in any sense of those
words.
The tendency of modern times has been towards the
breaking down of formal hereditary privileges. In modern
commonwealths, above all, they have been thought to be
essentially inconsistent with republican institutions. The
truth of the matter is rather that the circumstances of
most modern commonwealths have been unfavourable to
the preservation, and still more to the growth, of privileged
bodies. Where they existed, as in Switzerland, they have
been overthrown. Where they did not exist, as in America,
424 NOBILITY. [Essay
everything has made it more and more impossible that they
should arise. And, as modern changes have commonly
attacked the power both of kings and of nobles, the common
notion has come that kingship and nobility have some
necessary connexion. It has seemed as if any form of
nobility was inconsistent with a republican form of govern-
ment, while nobility, in some shape or other, has come to
be looked on as a natural, if not a necessary, appendage to
a monarchy. And as far as regards the social side of king-
ship, this is true. A court seems more natural where a
chain of degrees leads gradually up from the lowest subject
to the throne than when all beneath the throne are nearly
on a level. And from one point of view, that from which
the kingly house is but the noblest of the noble, kingship
and nobility are closely allied. But in the more strictly
pohtical view monarchy and nobility are strongly opposed.
Even the modified form of absolute monarchy which has
existed in some Western countries, while it preserves,
perhaps even strengthens, the social position of a nobility,
destroys its political power. Under the fully-developed
despotisms of the East a real nobility is impossible ; the
prince raises and thrusts down as he pleases. It is only in
a commonwealth that a nobility can really rule ; that is, it
is only in a commonwealth that the nobility can really be
an aristocracy. And even in a democratic commonwealth
the sentiment of nobility maj^ exist, though all legal privi-
lege has been abolished or has never existed. That is to
say, traditional feeling may give the members of certain
families a strong preference, to say the least, in election to
office. We have seen that this was the case at Athens ; it
was largely the case in the democratic cantons of Switzer-
land ; indeed the nobility of Rome itself, after the privileges
of the patricians were abolished, rested on no other founda-
tion. It is important to bring these historical facts into
notice, as they are likely to be confused or forgotten among
modern practical tendencies the other way.
XXII.] THE HOUSE OF LORDS. 425
XXII.
THE HOUSE OF LORDS.*
The House of Lords may be looked at from several
points of view ; or more strictly there are two points of
view Avhich contain all the others, and which, in any
rational argument, ought to imply one another. One of
these is the historical origin of the House ; the other is its
practical aspect in our own times. The present state, the
present practical working, of the House of Lords, has given
rise to much controversy. The House has been warmly
attacked and warmly defended. But it cannot be either
reasonably attacked or reasonably defended without know-
ing what it is. And this is specially a case in which no one
can really know what it is without knowing how it came to
be. Indeed some of the popular talk on both sides would
* [This paper has been put together from a number of writings,
put forth at various times, and ranging in character from a grave
historical and gwrtsZ-legal treatise in the Encyclopaedia Britannica to
articles so temporary as one on the relations of the House of Lords
to the new County Councils. Most of them were written for some
momentary occasion ; something had happened or something had been
said which called for notice at the moment. Not one therefore, save
the article in the Encyclopaedia, a little too didactic jjerhaps, as it
stands, for the present collection, could have been reprinted as it stood.
The same things were necessarily said over and over again in each.
At the same time, each contained something, some particular argu-
ment or way of putting things, which was peculiar to itself, and
which seemed worth keeping. I have therefore done as I have done
with some of the pieces in the Third Series, I have worked them
together as well as I could, taking the solid stuff of the Encyclopgedia
article as a centre round which the often lighter matter of the other
aiiicles might gather.]
426 THE HOUSE OF LORDS. [Essay
seem to imply that the disputants do not know — at least
they speak as if they did not know — what the actual con-
stitution of the House is at this moment. The House of
Lords is one of the endless cases in which an institution
comes into being in the way in which institutions do
come into being, and then ages after, is attacked and
defended on grounds which in its earlier days were never
thought of. Now in such a case both the attack and the
defence may be perfectly fair. An institution may have
been founded with a certain object, or it may have grown
up by force of circumstances without any formal object
at all. In the course of ages it comes to work in some
particular way, a way which most hkely one party thinks a
good way and another a bad one. It is then attacked and
defended on the ground that it does work in that particular
way. And this may be done with perfect fairness on both
sides, as regards the immediate practical argument. An
institution must be kept on or got rid of or modified,
according to its practical working at the present time, not
according to what may have been its practical working in
some long-past time. Yet the origin and the first objects of
an institution cannot be left out in dealing with its present
state. And in point of fact they never are left out, either
by its friends or its enemies. Only they are commonly
used by both fr-iends and enemies in such a way as to con-
fuse the argument. Both sides unconsciously assume that
the institution was designed from the beginnina; to work
as they see it working. Those who hold its working to be
good think that they strengthen their argument by appeal-
ing to the wisdom of our forefathers who founded it in
order that it mi2:ht so work. Those who hold its workino^
to be bad are tempted to answer that the wisdom of our
forefathers must have been great folly if they sought any
such object as that which they see at work before them.
Both arguments are out of place ; for it will almost always
be found that the institution anciently worked^ perhaps was
meant to work, in some quite different way from that in
XXIL] NEED OF THE HISTORIC ARGUMENT. 427
which it works now. Any ancient institution is sure to
have gone through great changes. Tlie question is, Have
those changes been for the better or for the worse ■? have
they been wholesome developements, or have they been
corruptions? In other words, Does it work well or ill
now 1 That is the immediate practical question, and it is
according to the answer to that question that our practical
course must be shaped. Now if the answer is that the
institution is so perfect that it needs no change at all, then
there is nothino- more to be said or done. If the answer is
that it is so hopelessly bad as to be past all reform, then there
is nothing more to be said, but there is something to be done.
But if it is held that the institution is neither perfect nor
hopeless, if it need not be ended but may be mended, then
the beginnings and history of the institution are sure to
throw great light on the kind of way in which the mending
ought to be done. We may say roughly that most institu-
tions need some change, but that most institutions have
something in them which it is better not to change. It
will commonly be found that the details and the actual
working of an ancient institution are in many ways un-
suited to modern purposes ; but it wall also be found that
there is something at the bottom which is worth keeping.
We shall commonly do most honour to the wisdom of our
forefathers by keeping to their main principles and re-
forming their details. No one does less honour to that
wisdom than he who refuses to change at all ; for that is
what our forefathers never did.
Now, to make the case clearer as to this particular sub-
ject of the House of Lords, I will draw out a few propo-
sitions, which most likely nobody will allow that he holds
when put forth in so many words, but which are none the
less practically held by a great many. That is, many
people speak and argue and act exactly as if they did hold
them.
First, At some unknown time it seemed to the wisdom of
428 THE HOUSE OF LORDS. [Essay
our forefathers that the affairs of the nation would be better
managed by an assembly consisting of two houses than by
an assembly of one only.
Secondly, It seemed to the same wisdom that it would
be well that, of these two houses, one should be elective
and the other hereditary, and that the chief function of the
hereditary house should be to act as a check on the elective
house, to revise and modify its measures.
To these propositions must be added another which does
not come so often into sight ; namely.
Thirdly, It seemed to the same wisdom that it would be
well, for the advancement of religion and morality — some
would add, for the defence of the interests of the Established
Church — that the hereditary house should, besides its here-
ditary members, contain a few of the chief ministers of the
Established Church.
One is tempted to add yet two propositions more.
Fourthly, That though the hereditary house received the
duty of checking the action and modifying the measures of
the elective house, yet it was meant that it should use
great caution in so doing, and should always be ready to
yield whenever the will of the elective house is often and
clearly expressed.
Fifthly, That those non-hereditary members of the here-
ditary house who received seats there as representatives of
religion and morality were meant to confine themselves to
questions touching religion and morality and not to meddle
with the general business of the house.
Now in drawing up these propositions, I cannot believe
that there are many people — very likely there are none at
all — who, if they were actually examined on the subject,
would deliberately give in all five as their serious views on
constitutional history. I can hardly believe that anybody
would give in the last two. People who might perhaps
go astray about the first three could hardly help seeing
that the last two can have nothing to do with the wisdom
of our forefathers. Everybody must see that the present rela-
XXII.] POPULAR MISCONCEPTIONS. 429
tions between the two houses, and the present position of the
bishops in the House of Lords, were never formally designed
by anybody, but have come about by force of circumstances
in quite modern times. But I am sure that a vast number of
people who, if pressed, would disown all five as setting forth
their historic belief, do still practically believe, many of them
all five, most of them the first three. That is, as I put it just
now, they speak, argue, and act exactly as if they did believe
them. People unconsciously think that, because the House
of Lords now acts as what is called a ' second chamber,'
it must have come into being in order to act as a second
chamber. They unconsciously think that, because the
House of Lords is now mainly an hereditary body, there-
fore to be hereditary is part of its original nature, and that
the presence of a few members who are not hereditary is
a kind of anomaly which has to be explained by some
special cause. Indeed the subject is very often discussed
as if the House of Lords contained none but hereditary
members. It is constantly spoken of as ' the hereditary
house,' ' the hereditary branch of the legislature.' The
use of such phrases clearly implies a certain notion that
' the hereditary principle ' is the essential foundation of
the House. It implies forgetfulness of the facts that the
House of Lords even now is not wholly hereditary, that it
is only in comparatively modern times that it has become
chiefly hereditary. It perhaps implies actual ignorance
of the fact that the presence of any hereditary element
at all is as truly the mere result of circumstances as the
special position which the House of Lords has held towards
the House of Commons in later times.
In speaking of the origin and former state of the House
of Lords, I do not forget the universal law which afiects
all discussions. I have had to notice in other essays on
other subjects, how any reference to past history, however
little to the purpose, is always welcomed with delight
by those on whose side it seems to tell, while, however
much it may be to the purpose, it is always sneered at
430 THE HOUSE OF LORDS. [Essay
by those against whose side it seems to tell. I believe
this is impartially true of all parties as such and of most
disputants of any party. But in this case above all, to
trace out how a certain state of things came about is no
' antiquarian rubbish,' but a practical contribution to a
practical question. If we once take in that the House of
Lords was not designed to be a ' second chamber,' but that
its position as a ' second chamber ' came upon it gradually
by force of circumstances, we shall none the less be able to
discuss the question of a ' second chamber 'as a question of
practical usefulness. So if we accept the ' second chamber,'
but take in that it was only gradually, b}^ force of circum-
stances, that it became a mainly hereditary body, we shall
none the less be able to discuss the question of a here-
ditary second chamber as a practical question of our own
time. Only we shall be set free from any superstition
which mistakes accidental features for the essence of the
institution. We can discuss the practical merits and demerits
of an hereditary or partly hereditary second chamber all
the more fully and fairly if we never forget that it is only
by accident, by force of circumstances, that the institution
which we are discussing gradually became hereditary or
mainly so in its constitution, and gradually drifted into
the position which modern political language describes as
a ' second chamber.'
The House of Lords in truth is an institution which has
come into being by the same force of circumstances as
other institutions. And the features in it which are most
warmly attacked and most warmly defended are really
incidental features which have grown up incidentally.
I just now put into the mouth of a supposed adversary, a
series of plain propositions. I will now take another such
series into my own mouth, and I will then examine the
evidence for those propositions more at length.
First then. Whatever may be the merits or demerits of
the system of two Houses of Parliament, as opposed to one
XXII.] GENERAL PROPOSITIONS. 431
House or to more Houses than two, that system was not
established in England with a view to any of those merits
or demerits. It came about wholly by force of circum-
stances, through the different ways in which the kings
summoned different classes of people to the national as-
sembly. Elements which might easily have joined to form
one House, elements which were very near parting into
three, which might easily have parted into four or five,
did, as a matter of fact, after a good many shiftings, settle
down into two. The system of two Houses may have
worked well or ill ; it never was deliberately called into
being in order to work in any particular way.
Secondly (which in fact follows from the first proposition),
Of the two Houses thus formed the Upper House or House
of Lords was not designed as a ' Second Chamber,' as a
body standing in a special relation to another body, and
specially designed to revise the acts of that body. So far
as the House of Lords discharges any such functions, those
functions have come upon it by gradual force of circum-
stances, without any deliberate purpose at any time.
Thirdly, The House of Lords was never deliberately
intended to be contrasted with the House of Commons as
a hereditary body, or indeed to be a hereditary body at
all. For
1. To this day it is not a wholly hereditary body.
2. It has never been wholly hereditary except for two
short times in the seventeenth century.
3. For some centuries the non-hereditary element in it
was the more numerous.
4. That element in it which is hereditary was not pur-
posely designed to be hereditary, but has become so gradually
and by force of circumstances.
Fourthly, The steps by which the purely hereditary
character of any part of the House has been gradually
established, have been made, not by enactments regularly
passed by Parliament, but mainly by resolutions voted by
the House of Lords itself.
432 THE HOUSE OF LORDS. [Essay
In going more at length into the historical evidence for
these propositions, it will be well to see, first of all, what
is the present constitution of the House of Lords, and what
are its present legal — as distinguished from conventional —
functions. Then we may see how the House came to have
that constitution and to discharge those functions. When
we have fixed these points, we shall be better able to
judge what changes may be needed in its constitution and
functions. And it w\Y[ be easier, by way of clearing the
ground, to see first what the actual constitution and powers
of the House of Lords are.
The House of Lords is, as every one knows, one of two
Houses which, when summoned by the King to meet him
in Parliament make up, together with the King, the Legis-
lature and the supreme authority of the kingdom. Of those
two Houses, Lords and Commons, the House of Lords is
higher in rank and dignity. In their powers, the two Houses
are for the most part exactly on a level. Bills may be
brought in alike in either House. Each House is bound to
take into consideration the bills which are sent to it by the
other. Each may accept, reject, or amend those bills. No
bill can go to the Crown for its assent till it has passed
both Houses in its final shape.- But each House has some
special powers of its own. A money bill, a bill making
a grant to the Crown, must be brought into the Commons.
The Lords cannot originate such a bill, neither can they
amend such a bill when it comes from the Commons; they
must accept or reject it as it stands. On the other hand,
in the judicial powers which belong to the British Parlia-
ment, as to most other ancient assemblies, the Commons
have no share. Besides the bearing of appeals from inferior
courts by the House of Lords, there is the Court of our
Lord the King in Parliament, in which the Lords are judges,
while the Commons can only impeach. Both these difierences
are of importance to our argument. That the Commons
have no share in the judicial power means that, while the
XXII.] POWERS OF THE HOUSE OF LORDS. 433
Commons have in other points won for themselves equality
"with the Lords, in this case they have not done so. And
that they have won the control of the national purse
almost to the exclusion of the Lords shows that this power
was thought an object worth striving after, while the
judicial power was not. And it need not be said that the
unwritten system of constitutional understandings which
rules everything has made the practical relations between
the two Houses very different from what they are in legal
form. We should further remember that, when we speak
of legal form, we mainly mean law as ruled by precedent,
not law resting on formal enactments. Almost always in
earlier times, not uncommonly in later, the relations between
the various powers of the State have formed themselves in
the course of things without any formal enactments at all.
From the functions of the House, which have fixed them-
selves in this gradual vay, we may now turn to its consti-
tution, which has fixed itself as gradually.
What then is the House of Lords 1 It consists of the Lords
Spiritual and Temporal ; that is its formal description. But
who are the ' Lords ' of either class 1 Except when we speak
of the ' lord ' of a manor, or when we go back to the ancient
relation between a man and his ' lord,' the word ' lord ' has
become a mere title, a title constantly given by usage to
others besides members of the House of Lords. It would
save trouble if for Lords we could substitute Peers, and there
was a time Avhen we could have done so. But the House
itself has ruled that some of its members are not peers, and
it has also ruled that there may be peers who are not its
members. Still we shall hardly understand the constitution
of the House unless we make some attempt to d.(t^nQ peerage
both in its older and its later English meanings. In the
historic use of the word it takes in all the members or pos-
sible members of the House of Lords, and no other persons.
But modern usage and modern decisions limit it on one side,
and extend it on another. There is no kind of doubt that,
according to the earliest precedents — precedents reaching
rf
434 THE HOUSE OF LORDS. [Essay
up to the earliest official use of the word^^eer — the Spiritual
Lords are equally peers with the Temporal. But it has
been held, at least from the seventeenth century, that the
Spiritual Lords, though Lords of Parliament equally with the
Temporal Lords, are not, like them,pee?"s. Again, in earlier
times no peers were heard of except members of the House
of Lords, but membership of that House, even as a Temporal
Lord, was not necessarily hereditary. But a decision of the
House in the present reign has ruled that a life-peerage is
possible, but that the holder of such a peerage has no right
to a seat as a Lord of Parliament. And an Act of Parlia-
ment of the present reign of later date has actually called
into being a class of Lords who, it would seem, may possibly
be either Lords of Parliament without being peers, or peers
without being Lords of .Parliament. These doctrines, which
must be supposed to declare the modern law, establish the
possibility of peers who are not Lords of Parliament, as
well as of Lords of Parliament who are not peers. The
question whether all Lords of Parliament were peers has
been debated for several centuries ; that all peers were in
esse or in posse Lords of Parliament, that the right to a seat
in Parliament was the essence of peerage round which all
other rights have grown, was surely never doubted till the
year 1856.
Still these later doctrines, though founded on altogether
wrong historical grounds, give us a definition of peerage
which is intelligible and convenient. Setting aside the
possible peers who are not Lords of Parliament, the two
decisions between them rule that the parliamentary peerage
is confined to the Temporal Lords, and that, unless perhaps
in the case of the very modern official lords, their peerage
is necessarily hereditary. This definition is convenient in
practice, because it is the hereditary temporal peerage whose
growth and constitution is of that unique kind which dis-
tiuQ-uishes it from all other bodies which bear the same
name or which present any likeness to it in other ways.
It will save trouble in this inquiry if we use the word
XXII.] PEERAGE OF THE SPIRITUAL LORDS. 435
peerage in what — with the possible exception of the last-
created official lords — seems now to be its legal sense, as
meaning the hereditary temporal peerage only.
In this sense then the peerage of England — continued
after the union between England and Scotland in the peer-
age of Great Britain, and after the union between Great
Britain and Ireland in the peerage of the United Kingdom
— is a body of men possessing privileges which are not
merely personal but hereditary, privileges which descend
in all cases according to some rule of hereditary succession,
but which pass only to one member of a family at a time.
In this the peerage differs from nobility strictly so called,
in which the hereditary privileges, whatever they may con-
sist in, pass on to all the descendants of the person first
created or otherwise acknowledged as noble. The essential
and distinguishing privilege of the peer, as defined above,
is that he is an hereditary Lord of Parliament, that he has,
by virtue of his birth, a right to a summons from the Crown
to attend personally in every Parliament and to take his
seat in the House of Lords. He is thus, by right of birth,
a member of the Great Council of the Nation, an here-
ditary legislator and an hereditary judge. The peer of
Parliament thus holds a different position from the Lords
Spiritual, equally Lords of Parliament with himself, but
holding their seats by a different tenure from that of an
hereditary peerage. He holds a different position from
the possible non-parliamentary peers implied in the de-
cision of 1856. He holds a different position from the
official Lords of Parliament created by the last Act. The
number of the peerage is unlimited ; the Crown may raise
whom it will to any of its ranks ; but it is now understood
that, in order to make the persons so raised peers in the
full sense, to make them Lords of Parliament, the creation
must extend to their heirs of some kind as well as to them-
selves.
The special character of the British peerage, as distin-
guished from privileged orders in any other time or place,
F f 3
436 THE HOUSE OF LORDS. [Essay
springs directly from the fact that the essence of the peer-
age is the hereditary right to a personal summons to Par-
liament.* To determine the origin of the peerage — that is,
to determin^e how the House of Lords came by its most
characteristic element — we must find out how a certain
body of men came to possess this hereditary right of
summons. But, before we enter on this inquiry, one or
two remarks will be needful which are naturally suggested
by the definition of peerage which has just been given.
It has been said above that the holder of a peerage as
defined is a Lord of Parliament in esse or in posse. It has
become necessary during the present and last centuries to
add these last words to the definition. For it is plain that,
since the successive unions of England and Scotland and
of Great Britain and Ireland, an hereditary peerage has not
always in practice carried with it a seat in the House of
Lords.f For since those unions certain persons, namely
those peers of Scotland and Ireland who are not represen-
tative peers and who do not hold peerages of England, of
Great Britain, or of the United Kingdom, have been un-
doubted peers, they have enjoyed some or all of the per-
sonal privileges of peerage, but they have had no seats in
the House of Lords. But this is a modern accident and
anomaly. The persons spoken of hold peerages which en-
titled their holders to seats in the Parliaments of Scotland
and Ireland as long as those Parliaments were distinct
bodies. And their present holders, if not members of the
House of Lords in esse, are such iii p)Osse. They have a
capacity for seats in that House which is not shared by
other persons. Their membership of the House is ra,ther
suspended than altogether taken away. Their anomalous
case hardly afiects the general principle that, as far as
* In the former Swedish, and still abiding Finnish, system of Four
Estates, each noble family is represented in the House of Nobles by
its head. In his absence the family may be represented by another
member. This is quite different from our peerage.
+ See the Lords" Report on the Dignity of a Peer, ii. 16.
XXII.] CONNEXION OF PEERAGE AND PARLIAMENT. 437
the hereditary peerage is concerned, peerage and member-
ship of the House of Lords are the same thing.
A few words are also needed as to the effect of the ear-
lier doctrine which rules that peerage is an attribute of the
Lords Temporal only and not of the Lords Spiritual."^ This
is doubtless meant to imply a certain inferiority on the
part of the Spiritual Lords, as not sharing in that nobility
of blood which is looked on as the special attribute of the
hereditary peerage. But the inferiority thus implied, as it
has nothing to do with parliamentary powers, has also no-
thing to do with precedence. The Lords Spiritual as a body
are always mentioned first ; one class of them, namely the
archbishops, take precedence of all temporal peers who are
not of the royal family, as the other bishops take preced-
ence of the temporal barons. What the distinction is con-
cerned with is simply certain personal privileges, such as
the right of being tried by the Court of our Lord the King
in Parliament, instead of in the ordinary way by a jury.
The doctrine which denies ' peerage ' to the Spiritual Lords
is against all earlier precedents ; but it was the natural
result of the ideas under whose influence the temporal peer-
age grew up and put on its distinguishing character.
And now as to the use of the word peers [pares) to denote
the members of the House of Lords. It first appears in the
fourteenth century, and it was fully established before the
end of that century. The name seems to be rather a direct
importation from France than anything of natural English
or even Norman growth. In the twelfth and thirteenth
centuries the great men of the realm appear under various
names, English, Latin, and French, witaii, sapientes, mag-
nates, j^t'oreres, grantz, and the like ; they are pares only
incidentally, in their relations to one another, as other
men might be. In the Great Charter the word 2)cl'^^8, in
the phrase judicium pa^'iwni, has simply the general
meaning which it still keeps in the rule that every man
* See Lords' Report, i. 323, 893 ; ii. 75.
438 THE HOUSE OF LORDS. [Essay
shall be tried by his pee7\s, the peer (in the later sense)
by his peers and the commoner by his. In the thirteenth
century this seems to have still been the only meaning
of the word in England. This is illustrated by the story
of Peter des Roches, Bishop of Winchester,* when in 1233
the right of being tried by their peers was asserted on
behalf of Richard Earl Marshal and others. The Bishops
and other Lords exhort the King to make peace with cer-
tain of his nobles and other subjects, ' quos absque judicio
parium exsulaverat,' &c. The Poitevin bishop, either
through ignorance or of set purpose, misunderstood the
phrase, and answered that in England there were no peers
{jKtres) as there were in France, and that therefore the
King might deal with all his subjects as he chose by means
of his own justices only.f The word pares is here clearly
used in one sense and understood in another. The English
Lords used the word in its older general sense ; they meant
that the accused persons ought to have been tried, each man
by his -peers or equals, whoever those peers might be. Peter
des Roches used the word in the special sense which it bore
in France, and therefore said there were no ^jee^'s in Eng-
land. Neither used it in the sense which it took in England
in the next century. It was perfectly true that there was in
England no body of men answering to the peers of France.
But there is every likelihood that the name, as describing
a particular body of men in England, was borrowed from
the peers of France. J The earliest use of the word in any-
* See R. Wendover, iv. 277 ; M. Paris, ed. Luard, iii. 252 ; Stubbs,
Const. Hist. ii. 48, 183.
t ' Quod non sunt pares in Anglia, sicut in regno Francorum, unde
licet regi Anglorum per justitiarios quos constituerit quoslibet de
regno suo exulare et mediante judicio condemnare.'
X It is not our business now to inquire minutely into the origin of
the Twelve Peers of France, who were most likely devised, whether by
Philip Augustus or not, out of the romances of Charlemagne, it is
enough to say that they were the six bishops who held of the King of
the French immediately as King and not as Duke, and the six great
lay princes of the kingdom. The institution, so far as it ever existed,
XXII.] USE OF THE NAME PEER. 439
thing like its present meaning, that is as describing the
House of Lords, is found in the Act passed against the
Despensers in 1322 * where, as Bishop Stubbs says, 'it is used
so clumsily as to show that it was a novelty.' f It is used
again in the act of deposition of Richard the Second, J in
the form '^xtres et proccres regni Anglise, spirituales et
temporales.' Nothing therefore can be plainer than that
the Spiritual Lords were looked on as peers no less than
the Temporal. The point indeed was formally settled at
an intermediate time, namely by the Act of 1341,§ when
Archbishop Stratford secured the right of the ' piers de la
terre' of both classes to be tried only by their peers in
Parliament. II
Such was the ancient law. At present we must look on
' peerage ' as a special possession of the Lords Temporal.
' Peerage,' in this sense, means the hereditary right to a
personal summons to Parliament. As thus hereditary
legislators and hereditary judges, all peers are strictly ^^'ee^'s,
2Kires, equals, equals as a political class, sharers in some-
thing in which no other class has a right, equals in this
sense, though they are divided by marked differences of
precedence among themselves. This right to the heredi-
tary summons is the kernel round which the personal privi-
leges of the peers have grown. The definition just given
applied to the peers of Scotland and L-eland, as long as
there were separate parliaments of those kingdoms. The
Scottish Representative Peers are not personally summoned,
died out through the annexation of the great lay fiefs to the Crown.
The later French peerages, the rank of ' duke and peer ' and, less
commonly of ' count ' or ' baron and peer,' throw no light on our sub-
ject. And the French Chamber of Peers in our own century, first as
a hereditaiy, then as a nominated body, was a mere imitation of the
English House of Lords, just like any other modern ' Second Chamber.'
* Lords' Report, i. 281. t Const. Hist. ii. 188.
X Lords' Report, i. 349.
§ Lords' Report, i. 313 ; Stubbs, Const. Hist. ii. 389.
II ' En pleyn parlement et devant les piers ou le roi se fait partie.'
The King has deep speech (parlement) with his Witan [piers).
440 THE HOUSE OF LORDS. [Essay
because they have no personal seats. The Scottish peerage,
as a body, is summoned to appear by certain chosen mem-
bers, just like a constituency which sends representatives to
the House of Commons. But the Irish representative peer,
chosen for life, has a personal seat.
We have now to trace the steps by which this body of
hereditary peers came, together with the Spiritual Lords
to whom they refuse the title of peerage, to form a separate
house in the English Parliament. One thing at least may be
safely said, that of all our institutions there is none which
has so utterly drifted away from its original character as
the House of Lords. We have said that there was no time
in our recorded history when either the people of England
or any particular English king or lawgiver came to the
conclusion that it would be a good thing to have a House
of Lords possessing its actual constitution, or answering any
of the ends which either its champions or its accusers
attribute to it. And it is no mere truism to say this. It
is not quite true to say that institutions are not made, but
grow. Institutions do grow; but some of them are made
as well. It would be a very slight exaggeration to say of
the House of Commons all that has just been denied of the
House of Lords. The House of Commons has grown not
a little ; but it was made. We may fairly say that, at a
particular time, namely in the thirteenth century, the
people of England or its leaders did come to the conclusion
that it would be a o;ood thinaf to have a House which
should possess many of the characters which the House of
Commons still keeps, and which should answer many of the
ends which the House of Commons still answers. They
certainly did not put their wishes into so neat a formula,
but they did something which practically came to the same
thing. The House of Commons distinctly owed its being
to the conviction that a political change in a particular
direction was needed. The exact shape which it now takes,
the exact powers which it now claims, have all grown ; they
XXII.] GROWTH OF THE COMMONS. 441
have come by the gradual working of causes ; they have
largely come by the results of a series of experiments. But
the general notion out of which they all grew came into
being and took a definite practical shape in the course of
the thirteenth century. At the beginning of that century,
if any prying eye can see the germs of a separate House of
Commons, it can hardly distinguish them from the kindred
germs of Trial by Jury and of other things which were
also already in being but still undeveloped. At the end
of the century any eye may see, no longer the germs of the
House of Commons, but what we may fairly call the House
of Commons itself. There the thing is. young and imperfect
doubtless, and needing a good deal of licking into shape.
But there it is, abeady clothed with the personal identity
which it still keeps, needing, down to our own day, no
reconstruction, but only improvement in detail. We shall
be putting things into too finished and modern a dress, but
we shall not be goino- far from the essential truth of the
case, if we say that the House of Commons was set up in
the thirteenth century in order to meet certain political
needs of the thirteenth century.
Now in the case of the House of Lords nothing like this
ever happened. Everything about that House, good or
bad, has come of silent, unconscious, growth. The con-
stitution of the House, its objects, its duties, its relations
to the other House of Parliament, to the Crown, and to
the nation, have all come about by accident, in the only
sense in which we can allow accident to be an agent
in history at all. They have come about by accident in
a sense in which we could not with any fitness apply that
word to the history of the House of Commons. The
special position and character of the House as a ' Second
Chamber' — in older English phrase, 'an Other House' —
came in the nature of things of the fact that it was one of
two Houses, in other words that the House of Commons
arose alongside of it. A single political body is neces-
sarily something widely difierent from a body that is one
442 THE HOUSE OF LORDS. [Essay
of two. But the special position of the House of Lords as
one House of two is above all things that which has most
purely come about by accident. It might be straining a
point, but it would not be substantially untrue, to say
that the wisdom of our forefathers in the thirteenth century
did determine to have more Houses than one. It certainly
determined that new classes of people should have a place
in Parliament, whether in the form of separate Houses
or any other. But least of all was it part of the wisdom
of our forefathers, at any rate of their wisdom acting of
set purpose, to have the particular number of two Houses.
That we happened to have two, that many other nations have
imitated us in having two, simply came about, like other
things, by the chapter of accidents. Things settled them-
selves as it was natural that they should settle themselves,
most likely as it was at the time best that they should settle
themselves. The wisdom of our forefathers commonly
means the wisdom of King Edward the First, and things
did not in the end settle themselves exactly as King
Edward meant them to do. The House of Commons arose
out of the calling of new classes of people to take a share
in the affairs of the kingdom. The new members thus
added to the old assembly might have sat in one House
with the old, or the new might have been divided into
more Houses than one. Each of these things happened
in different countries. In Scotland the three estates sat
together in one House ; in Sweden there were till very
lately four Houses; in Finland there are four Houses still.
The commonest number was three, as in France, where
the three estates were Clergy, Nobles, and Commons.
And it is certain that King Edward designed something
of the same kind in England. His three Estates differed
widely in their constitution from those of France, but the
general notion was doubtless suggested by them. All this
early legislation — if we can call it legislation when eveiy-
thing went by precedent — was in the nature of a series
of experiments. Sometimes King Edward seems to have
XXII.] EFFECT OF THE COMMONS ON THE LORDS. 443
thouffht of a greater number of Houses than three. We see
dim signs of a House of Merchants and a House of Lawyers,
as thini>-s that miffht have been. But his final scheme
clearly was that of a Parliament of three Houses — Lords,
Clergy, and Commons. The great fact that we have two
Houses and no more comes out of the accident that the
clergy obstinately refused permanently to act as a House
of Parliament. Of this accident it came that we have a
House of Lords and a House of Commons, one representing
the great body of the nation, the other formed of certain
special classes. That is, of this accident came the system
in which so many other nations have followed us, that
' Bicameral System,' on the merits and defects of which a
great deal has been said and written, but which, ifc should
always be remembered, was the child of an accident, and
not the deliberate device of any man.
But the appearance of another body — or of other bodies
— alongside of an elder body not only in the nature of
things afiected, or rather determined, the future position
of the elder body; it had a most important effect on its
constitution. As soon as that elder body had another
body alongside of it, it became more necessary than before
to determine minutely what persons had a right to a place
in the elder body. This leads us to ask, What was the
older body, the body which gradually came to be called
the House of Lords, the body alongside of which the
Commons came to sit as another House, and alongside of
which the Clergy refused to sit as a third House? It
consisted, we may safely say, of all those men whom
the King summoned to come in their own persons, and
of none other. So it does to this day.* The usage of
ages has fixed that the King shall always summon certain
persons ; but it is not to be forgotten that he can still
summon at pleasure any one else. Only, if he does sum-
mon an}^ one else, certain consequences are now held to
* Of course with the exception of the Scottish Representative Peers
mentioned above.
444 THE HOUSE OF LORDS. [Essay
follow which King Edward hardly thought of. But what
if those who came to Parliament because the King sum-
moned them were simply a remnant of a much greater
body who had once come together, assuredly by a general
summons of the King to the whole body, most likely by
special summons to some of its members, but in which the
summons was certainly not a condition of membership ? I
am thus driven to put forth once more an old position of
mine which I have often maintained in various shapes.
I hold that the House of Lords is, by personal identity
by unbroken succession, the ancient Mycel Gemot, and
further that the ancient Mycel Gem6t was a body in
Avhich every freeman in the realm had, in theory at
least, the right to attend in person. No doubt there
were two elements in the assembly, elements in which
we may, if we choose, see the germ of Lords and Com-
mons. We see those elements plainly enough when King
William gathers at once his Witan and his landsitting
rtien. As before Ilios, there were those who debated and
those who simply shouted, and those who debated were most
likely personally summoned. But the ' whole folk ' was
there in one shape or another. The unbroken continuity
of our national assemblies before and after the Norman
Conquest is manifest to every one who reads English history
with common care. They gradually changed in character,
in constitution, in range of functions ; they lost powers and
they won them back again ; but there was no moment in
England like those many moments in France when an
assembly of one kind was abolished, and an assembly of
another kind was set up in its stead. The real continuity
of our assemblies is disguised by seeming changes of name
which are often mere translations from one language to
another. Magnurti concilium is simply Latin for mycel
gemot ; when the English Chronicler says that King
William held ' deep speech, with his Witan,' he would, if
he had been writing in French, have said that he held a
jxirlement. Now the House of Lords is the body which
XXII.] THE WITENAGEMOT. 445
keeps on the unbroken continuity of the ancient assemblies.
Such direct continuity cannot be looked for in the House
of Commons which manifestly grew up by the side of the
House of Lords. It is the elder assembly alone which can
claim personal identity with the assemblies of earlier days.
No line can be drawn between the existing House of
Lords and those assemblies which of old times chose and
deposed kings and confirmed the laws which the kings
laid before them. In many things there is a wide difference
between the two ; but there is no change which implies any
break in what we may call their corporate succession.
But I must go further. Allowing for the difference
between those who debated and those who only shouted,
between those who were personally summoned and those
who were summoned only in the mass, I still cleave to my
old belief that the Mycel Gemot of the kingdom was open to
every freeman, and that the right of every freeman to appear
in it simply died out in practice and was never formally
taken away. That is to say, the existing House of Lords is,
by strict corporate succession, identical with an assembly —
it is at least the one surviving element of an assembly — in
which every freeman in the land once had a place. Certainly,
if I am right in this view, no greater change can be conceived
as happening in any human institution. And yet, if we
look at the course of events, there is nothing inconceivable
in it. It is simply an instance of w^hat Aristotle speaks
of when he tells us that some institutions are democratic
in appearance but oligarchic in practice."^" A primary as-
sembly of a district so large that its inhabitants cannot
habitually come together in one place is pre-eminently an
institution of this class. As long as the whole people can
habitually come together, that is, as long as the state
consists only of a single town or a small district, so long a
primary assembly is the most democratic of all institutions.
As soon as this limit is passed, it shrinks up into oligarchy
Politics, iv. 5, 3. rljv fxev Kara tovs j/cI/xou? etVai 7To\iTfiap driiJ.OTiKu>-
repav, rrj d dywyf/ Kal rots edeaiv oXiyap^fiadai /xaXXof.
446 THE HOUSE OF LORDS. [Essay
by the working of natural causes, without any formal
enactment. There is no need to limit the numbers of the
assembly, to shut out the mass of its members, by any
formal vote ; the numbers of the assembly are limited, the
mass of its members are shut out, by the simple fact that
they cannot come. Of itself, without any formal change,
the democratic assembly shrinks up into an assembly of
such of its members as are rich enough and zealous
enough to take long journeys on the public service. If the
assembly is held in a great city, it may be swollen by an
unusual number of the inhabitants of that city ; at times of
great general excitement many will come who in ordinary
times stay away. But the tendency will be to shrink up
into an assembly of the chief men and the chief men only.
And if the state has a kingly head, this tendency will be yet
further strengthened in another way. All experience shows
that the working of the practice of summons gradually
leads to the exclusion of all who are not summoned. As a
rule, they will cease to attend. It will next be held that
they have no right to attend. On the other hand, the sum-
mons, now become the badge of membership, will become
a matter of right. The great men of the realm, bishops,
earls, and the like, will establish their right to the
summons ; for others it will still for a while depend
on the King's will. The King will still be able to
summon personally to his counsels any men whose advice
he may wish to have, without binding himself always
to summon the same men, and certainly without bind-
ing himself to summon their sons after them. But
gradually the favour will stiffen into a right. It will
first be held that he who has been summoned once has a
right to be summoned always ; it will next be held that the
son of him who has been summoned has a right to be sum-
moned after him. By these successive and gradual changes,
the assembly which was once so specially democratic will
become very aristocratic indeed. From a popular assembly
it becomes an official assembly ; from an official assembly
XXII ] SHRINKING UP OF PRIMARY ASSEMBLIES. 447
it may become an assembly containing a large element
which is strictly hereditary. The popular element is gone ;
the official element may abide ; but the hereditary element
may come to be so much greater that the official element
comes to look like something exceptional. Men may begin
to wonder how it came there. And meanwhile a new
body may grow up by the side of the old, to win back for
the mass of the nation its ancient rights in a more prac-
tical shape. Besides the older body which no longer repre-
sents the nation, there stands a younger body which does
represent it. The truth of history does indeed demand
that we should heap paradox upon paradox. We shall
first find the House of Lords to be, by unbroken personal
identity, identical with the primitive democratic assembly.
We shall next find that the Lords Spiritual, or some of
them, are the only men in the realm who still keep their
places in the national assembly by the old democratic right
of the simple freeman. What others have lost, they have
kept ; what others have got again in later fashions, they
have kept in the older fashion.
Such is my theory of the origin of the House of Lords.
It is an assembly once democratic, which the silent work-
ing of historical causes has changed into an assembly
mainly hereditary, but still partly official. Parts of this
theory are sure to awaken controversy ; but I feel sure that
scholars in general will accept quite as much of it as is
needful for my immediate purpose. The many passages in
our early writers in which very popular language is used,
those in which the gathering of great crowds is spoken of,
still seem to me to agree better with my view than with
any other. There is nothing wonderful in supposing that
the great mass of the qualified members of an assembly
habitually stayed away ; it is much harder to believe that
ever and anon crowds of unqualified persons thrust them-
selves into an assembly in which they had no right to
appear at all. But we need not argue this point. It is
enough for our present purpose if the ancient national
448 THE HOUSE OF LORDS. [EssAr
assembly consisted formally — as in any case it very often
did practically — only of those whom the King was likely to
summon personally. Such an assembly would certainly
not be a very popular assembly ; but it would be almost as
unlike the present House of Lords as the most popular
assembly could be. The hereditary element, the supposed
distinctive feature of the House of Lords, is utterly lacking.
Every man would sit, not simply because his father had
sat before him, but because of some position, personal or
official, of his own, because, in virtue of that position, the
King thought good personally to summon him. We have
come to our position that the summons is the essence of
the whole thing, that the hereditary summons is the essence
of hereditary peerage.
The question now comes, Whom was it usual for the
King to summon personally to Parliament in the days of
King Edward the First, and long before 1 One must answer
that it was usual for the King to summon the great men of
the realm, without attempting any very careful definition
who the great men of the realm were. But two classes of men
were never left out, the Bishops and the Earls, That is to say,
if my view of the history of our national assemblies is a
true one, Bishops and Earls are simply those two classes of
English freemen who have kept the ancient right of personal
attendance which was once common to all English freemen.
It was of course the importance of their oflicial position
which enabled them to keep the right while others lost it ;
but the right was not granted to them because of their
official positions. That is to say, the Bishops do not sit to
defend religion and morality, they do not even sit because
they are the holders of certain baronies ; they sit simply
because — with some exceptions to be presently mentioned
— they have never lost the right to sit. And, if the Bishops
do not sit to represent religion and morality, the Earls sit
still less to represent any hereditary principle. They sit,
like the Bishops, because they have never lost the right
to sit. We now look on an earldom as simply a hereditary
XXIL] EARLDOMS BECOME HEREDITARY. 449
rank in the peerage, which puts its holder above barons
and viscounts but below dukes and marquesses. But for
our purpose, it is the Earl and the Bishop that go together ;
great oflScers both of them, but neither of them hereditary
officers. The root of the matter is that in the beginnincr
the Earl is as strictly an official person as the Bishop. He
holds the highest temporal authority in the shire or shires
within which he is earl, just as the bishop holds the highest
spiritual authority in the diocese where he is bishop. He
is appointed to a great office by the King and his Witan,
and by the King and his Witan he may be removed from
that office. That office is in itself in no way hereditary ;
but it has a strong tendency to become hereditary. In
some ages all things, from the Crown downwards, have a
tendency to become hereditary ; and earldoms had a special
tendency so to do. For the Earl often came of the old
kingly line in an ancient kingdom which had sunk to be-
come a division, a shire or more than one shire, of the greater
kingdom of England. In such a case a strong feeling would
plead for his earldom passing to his son. Thus the Earl's
office gradually became hereditary ; the Bishop's office could
not. And more than this, while the Bishop's office always
remained an office, the Earl's office gradually sank into a
mere rank. The Earl ceased to have any practical duties or
powers within the shire of which he was called earl. Next
— rather early in its beginnings — came the innovation of
giving the rank of earl without any official earldom, without
even giving the name of any shire or its head town. The
present Earl (better known as Marquess) of Salisbury has
no official position in Wiltshire ; Selborne and Lytton are
not places which would in old times have been thought
to need the care of an earl of their own ; for the earldoms
of Earl Spencer and Earl Russell we shall look in vain on
the map.
Thus it was that the earldom, from a nominated office,
sank to be a mere hereditary rank, while bishoprics always
remained elective or nominated offices. In King Edward's
G fif
450 THE HOUSE OF LORDS. [Essay
day earldoms had become fully hereditary ; but they had
not quite lost all local connexion with the shires whose
names they bore. We have then bishops and earls, one
class of Lords Spiritual and one class of Lords Temporal, as
the kernel of the House, the two classes which have kept
their place in the council of the nation by a right strictly
immemorial. Their right has been handed down from days
earlier than the exclusive practice of summons, and, after
the practice of summons began, to them alone it could not
be rightly refused. No doubt cases may be found of a
King trying to shut out an earl or a bishop whose presence
might be inconvenient ; there is a memorable instance in
the case of the well-known Earl of Bristol as late as the
time of Charles the First. But such refusal was like any
other irregular or illegal act, such as were common enough
till the reign of law is fully established. But alongside of
Earls and Bishops who cannot be shut out, there are others
about whom the King has more freedom whether to sum-
mon them or not. There is another class of Lords Spiritual
besides the Bishops, another class of Lords Temporal besides
the Earls. The King always summons some abbots, but
not always the same abbots ; he always summons some
barons, but not always the same barons. And this suggests
another important question. Who are the Barons?
We have now reached a venerable name, a most important
name in parliamentary history, and, like many other very
important names, a name not very easy to define. Its par-
liamentary use, even as we see it in its first beginnings, is
a late and incidental use of the name. In that use it comes
to us in a French shape, but, like many other words that do
so, it is good English to start with. The word, meaning
in its first usage simply man. has in itself nothing to do
with peerage or with seats in Parliament. Yet there is a
kind of foreshadowing of its later use when ^thelstan
appears in the Song of Brunanburh as
Eorla drihten,
Beorna beahsrifa.
XXII.] THE BARONS. 451
Survivals of its earlier and wider meaning may still be
traced in the titles of the Barons of the Exchequer and
the Barons of the Cinque Ports, and in other uses of the
word, more common perhaps in Scotland and Ireland than
in England. Baro often translates the older English
tJiegn, itself perhaps not very easy to define. By the
thirteenth century the name huron had come specially
to mean the highest class among the King's lay tenants-
in-chief under the rank of earl ; the Baron was the
holder of several knifjhts' fees. In a wider and vaguer
sense, the word often takes in both the Earls and the
Spiritual Lords. In its narrower sense it means those who
were barons and not more than barons. As the practice of
personal suinmons to Parliament became fixed, the Barons
formed a class of men who might reasonably hope or
fear, as the case might be, that the personal summons
might come to them ; and to many of them it did come.
And its coming or not coming established a distinction be-
tween two classes of barons. A distinction between greater
and lesser barons is implied in the Great Charter,* which
asserts the right of the ' majores barones ' to a personal
summons along with the archbishops, bishops, abbots, and
earls, while the other tenants-in-chief — among them by
implication such Barons as did not come under the head of
majores — were to be summoned generally by the Sheriff". And
this ordinance must be taken in connexion with the earlier
writ of 1215 f — one of the first steps in the gradual growth
of the Commons — the writ in which the Sheriff" is bidden to
summon the knights in arms, and the barons without arms,
and also four discreet men from each shire, ' ad loquendum
nobiscuni de negotiis regni nostii,' that is, in other words,
to a parUament. The Charter thus secures to the greater
Barons, as a separate class, the right of being personally
summoned by the King, and not by the Sheriff" along with
* c. xiv.
i- Seidell, Titles of Honour, 587 ; Stubbs, Select Charters, 278, and
Const. Hist. i. 568.
G sr 2
452 THE HOUSE OF LOKDS. [Essay
other men. It parts them off from other tenants-in-chief,
and puts them alongside of the prelates and earls. These
two documents between them may be taken as giving us
at once the first distinct approach to the notion of peerage
and the first distinct approach to the notion of representa-
tion. The Witan and the Landsitting men have taken a
more definite shape. The 'majores barones ' are not defined ;
but the summons supplied the means of defining them, or
rather it became a means of making them the only barons.
As the summons became hereditary, Barons came more and
more to be looked on simply as a class of men who had seats
in the House of Lords. The word came directly to mean a
rank in the peerage, and it was gradually forgotten that
thei'e ever had been territorial barons who had no claim
to seats in the House.
But it was only by slow degrees that the hereditary
summons, or even the necessary summons of every man
who had once been summoned, became the established rule.
Throughout the thirteenth century the language in which
the national assembly is spoken of is wonderfully shifting.
Sometimes its constitution seems more popular, sometimes
less so. Sometimes its more dignified members are spoken
of vaguely under such names as 'magnates, without distinc-
tion into particular classes. But, when particular classes
are reckoned up, the Barons always form one class among
them ; but the number of barons summoned varies greatly.
The Charter gives the majores harones the right of personal
summons ; but the viajores barones are not as yet a defined
and undoubted class of men like the Bishops and Earls.
None but the holder of a barony in the territorial sense
was likely to be summoned ; but the King still had a wide
choice as to whom among the holders of such baronies he
would acknowledge as majores harones ; and we find that
dissatisfaction was caused by the way in which the King-
exercised this power. In 1255 there is a remarkable notice
in Matthew Paris * where the ' magnates ' complain that
* V. 520, ed. Luard ; cf. Hallaiu, Middle Ages, ii. 153.
XXII.] SUMMONS OF BARONS. 453
all of their number had not been summoned according to
the Charter, and they therefore decline to grant an aid in
the absence of their peers.* It is possible that some bishops
or earls may, for some personal reason, have been left un-
summoned, but the complaint is far more likely to have
come from the barons specially so called. We may note
also that the word pares is still used in its more general
sense, but it is used in a way that might easily lead to
its special use. On the other hand, it has been alleged
that, by a statute of the later years of Henry the Third,
it was formally ordained that no barons, or even earls,
.should come to Parliament, except those whom the King
should specially summons. f The existence of such a statute
may be doubted ; but, as far as the barons are concerned,
the story fairly expresses the facts of the case. Under
Edward the First an approach, to say the least, is made
to the creation of a definite class of parliamentary barons.
Bishop Stubbs marks the year 1295 — the year from which
so man}' things parliamentary date — as ' the point of time
from which the regularity of the baronial summons is
held to involve the creation of an hereditary dignity,
and so to distinguish the ancient qualification of barony
by tenure from that of barony by writ.' J In another
passage § he thus marks the general result of Edward's
reign —
' The hereditary summoning of a large proportion of great vassals
was a middle course between the very limited peerage which in
France coexisted with an enormous mass of privileged nobility, and
the unmanageable, ever-vaiying assembly of the whole mass of feudal
tenants as prescribed in Magna Carta.'
It may be thought that the hereditary nature of the barony
* ' Responsum fuit, quod omnes tunc temporis non fuerunt juxta
tenorem magna3 caiise suae, et ideo sine paribus suis tunc absentibus
nullum responsum dare vocati auxilium concedere aut prsestare.'
t See Selden, Titles of Honour, 589 ; Hallam, Middle Ages, ii. 142 ;
Stubbs, Const. Hist. ii. 203.
+ Const. Hist. iii. 437. § ii. 183.
454 THE HOUSE OF LORDS. [Essay
is here put a little too strongly for the days of Edward the
First. One may certainly doubt whether Edward, when he
summoned a baron to Parliament, meant positively to pledge
himself to summon that baron's heirs for ever and ever, or
even necessarily to summon the baron himself to every
future parliament. The facts are the other way ; the sum-
mons still for a while remains irregular.* But the perpetual
summons, the hereditary summons, gradually became the
rule, and that rule may in a certain sense be said to date
from 1295, the year from which so many things parliamen-
tary date. That is, from that time the tendency is to the
perpetual summons, to the hereditary summons; from that
time anything else gradually becomes exceptional ; f things
had reached a point when the lawyers were sure before
long to lay down the rule that a single summons implied
a perpetual and an hereditary summons. It is not too
much to fix the reign of Edward the First as the time when
the hereditary parliamentary baronage began, without
rigidly ruling that the King could not after 1295 lawfully
refuse a summons to a man who had been summoned
already.
From this time then we may look on the class of parlia-
mentary Barons with succession as beginning and steadily
growing. And the admission of the Barons had a great
effect on the position of the older members of the House, the
Spiritual Lords and the Earls. It was in fact their admission
which gave the English peerage its distinctive character.
A house of Earls, Bishops, and great Abbots would have
remained an official house. The earldom might pass from
father to son ; but it would pass as an hereditary office,
entitling its holder to a seat by virtue of his office, just like
those lords who held their seats by virtue of offices which
did not pass from father to son. Indeed we must not
forget the meaning of the word hereditary in early times.
* See Nicolas, Historic Peerage, xxiv., xxv., ed. Courthope ; Lords'
Keport, ii. 29, 290.
t Cf. Const. Hist. ii. 203 with iii. 439.
XXII.] EFFECTS OF SUMMONING THE BARONS. 455
It is applied to whatever goes by succession, whether that
succession is ruled by natural generation, by election or
nomination, or by any other way. The office and estate of
the bishop or abljot is hereditary in this sense ; it must
pass to some successor, and it is therefore often spoken of
as hereditary. Indeed, as long as the earl was appointed,
his office was hereditary only in the same sense as that of
the bishop. The only diffisrence was that the office of the
bishop could not possibly become hereditary in the modern
sense, while the office of the earl easily might, and there-
fore did. But, if the Earls had continued to have no fellows
in the Upper House except the Lords Spiritual, the earldom
could hardly have sunk into a mere rank. It was the
addition of a class which had no official position — save that
which their seats in Parliament conferred upon them — a
class whose seats were first purely personal and then purely
hereditary in the modern sense, which helped more than
anything else to do away with the official character of the
Earls. And in so doing it helped to widen the gap between
the Spiritual and Temporal Lords. The Earl and the Baron
alike came to be looked on as sitting by some hereditary
virtue of descent ; their blood was said to be ennobled,
while the Bishop and the Abbot still sat only by what
might seem to be in some sort the lower claim of holding
an elective office.
It is then to the days of Edward the First that we are
to look, not strictly for the creation of peerage in the
modern sense, but for the beginning of a system out of
which peerage in that sense very naturally grew. In the
words of the great constitutional historian, Edward the
First must,
' in the selection of a smaller number to be the constant recipients
of a summons, having introduced a constitutional change scarcely
inferior to that by which he incorporated the representatives of the
commons in the national council; in other words, he created the
House of Lords as much as he created the House of Commons.'
That is to say, he did not create the first elements of
456 THE HOUSE OF LORDS. [Essay
either, which existed long before, nor did he give either
its final shape, which neither took till afterwards; but
he established both in such a shape that all later
changes may be fairly looked on as merely changes in
detail.
The succession of regular Parliaments in the established
sense of the word thus begins in 1295, and from that time
we have a House of Lords consisting of Lords Spiritual,
Earls, and Barons, of whom the Barons are fast becoming
hereditary as well as the Earls. The body so formed is still
spoken of by various names ; but we may say that gradually
the name of Lords became the name of the body, while Peers
became the personal description of its several members. It
is worth noticing that it is at the decision of 1341 that the
Lords' Report stops to comment at some length on the
special position of the peerage as now established. As the
committee puts it,
' Tlie distinction of the peers of the reahn as a separate class, by
privileges confined to themselves personally as peers, and not extend-
ing to any others, but throwing at the same time all the rest of the
free population into one class, having all equal rights, is a singularity
which marks the constitution of the English government, and was
first apparently clearly established by this statute to which all the
other subjects of the realm gave their assent.'
And again they remark (p. 314) that
'the confinement of the privilege of peerage to those called the
peers of the realm, as a personal privilege, giving no privilege or
even legal rank to their families, and moulding all who had not
that privilege, however high their birth, into the mass of the
commons, has been considered an important feature in the consti-
tution of the government of England. It may have prevailed, and
probably did in some degree prevail before ; but by this statute it
was clearly and distinctly recognized.'
This is true ; yet the object of the statute is not to shut
out the peers' children from privilege, but to assert the
disputed privilege of the peers themselves. The exclusion
of the peers' children is a mere inference, though a necessary
one. No legislator ever decreed in so many words the ex-
XXIL] GROWTH OF THE PEERAGE. 457
elusion of the children of peers from privilege, because no
legislator ever in so many words decreed the privileges of
the peers themselves.
By this time we may look on the position of the peerage
as fully established. It is now fully received, as at least
the ordinarj' rule, that the baron who was once summoned
should always be summoned, and that his right to the
summons should pass to his representative after him.* In
short the parliamentary position of the baron has become
successive, a word answering pretty well to lieTeditary in the
older sense, A question might now arise as to the nature
of the succession, a question w^hich could not arise as long
as the person summoned had no certainty that he would be
summoned again. In other words, was it necessarily
hereditary in the later sense of that word ? That is to say,
the question of peerage by tenure, or rather the question
whether the succession to a peerage might be by tenure, now
sprang up. Did the right to the summons, and thereby the
right to the peerage, go with the territorial barony itself, or
did it o-o according to the line of natural descent from the
first summoned baron"? There was a good deal to be said for
the first view. We cannot doubt that barony by wa-it arose
out of barony by tenure, that is, that the writ of summons
was originally sent only to persons who held by barony, and,
as the phrase ' majores barones' implies^ not to all of them.
If then the barony and the natural line of descent of the first
summoned baron should be parted from each other, it was by
no means uni-easonable to argue that the writ, a consequence
of the tenure, should go with the actual barony rather than
follow the line of natural descent.f On the other hand,
the natural feeling in favour of direct hereditary succession
* Lords' Report, ii. 28.
t See Stubbs, Const. Hist. iii. 438 ; Hist. Peerage, xxxviii. The
same notion seems implied in tbe ancient practice of sending writs
to the husbands of heiresses, even, by the courtesy of England, after
the death of their wives.
458 THE HOUSE OF LORDS. [Essay
would tell the other way, especially as soon as the doc-
trine of the ennobling of the blood had fully come in. It is
that doctrine more than anything else which has got rid
alike of peerages by tenure, of peerages for life, and of
peerages held by the husbands of heiresses. If the peerage
could pass by marriage or purchase, the doctrine of nobility
of blood was set aside. Till that doctrine was fully estab-
lished, there was nothing unreasonable in either practice.
Again, as the hereditary right of the barons to the summons
became the rule, writs were issued, even under Edward the
First, to persons who had no baronial tenure at all,* and
these writs came to be looked on as no less hereditary than
those issued to the barons by tenure. These practices
would of course tell in favour of strict hereditary succes-
sion, and against succession by tenure. The result was
that hereditary succession became the rule, but that the
claim of succession by tenure was brought forward in some
particular cases. Such was the earldom of Arundel (more
truly of Sussex) and the baronies of Abergavenny, Berkeley,
and others. The earldom by tenure seems far more un-
reasonable than the barony by tenure. Yet it is held that
the case of Arundel is the only one in which peerage by
tenure has been allowed. f Nothing can be more foreign to
the ancient notion of an earldom than that it should be
attached to the ownership of certain lands and buildings :
what is really proved is that by the eleventh year of Henry
the Sixth the ancient notion of an earldom had been quite
forgotten, and that the earldom had become a mere rank.
But succession by tenure seems distinctly agreeable to the
oldest notion of a barony, and those who have at different
times claimed peerages by virtue of baronies by tenure
have not been without strong arguments in the way of
* Stubbs, Const. Hist. ii. 204 ; Hist. Peerage, xxvi.
t See Lords' Report, i. 405 et seqq. ; ii. 320. The succession was
finally settled by Act of Parliament in 1627 (Lords' Roport, ii. 292),
and the preamble seems to acknowledge the fact of the earldom by
tenure.
XXII.] GROWTH OF HEREDITARY SUCCESSION. 459
precedent. It is a fact to be noticed that, when the castle
of Berkeley, which was supposed to carry with it the
barony and peerage, was separated from the direct line of
succession, the heirs were not summoned to Parliament, or
were summoned as a new creation. * And the general
question of barony by tenure was never settled by any
strictly legal decision. There is only an Order in Council
of 1669,f which declares against it on grounds rather of
expediency than of law. It was declared in the case of the
barony of Fitzw^alter that ' barony by tenure had been dis-
continued for many ages, and was not then in being, and
so not fit to be revived or to admit any pretence of right
to succession thereon.' And the Lords' Committee X give
their own opinion that ' the right of any person to claim to
be a lord of parliament, by reason of tenure, either as an
earl or as a baron, supposing such a right to have existed
at the time of the charter of John, may be considered as
abrogated by the change of circumstances, without any
distinct law for the purpose.' That is to say, the claim was
as good as any other claim of peerage ; it rested equally on
usage ; only it was inconvenient according to the new doc-
trine about blood being ' ennobled.'
The same age which saw the Earls and Parons put on the
shape of an hereditary peerage was also that which saw the
order enlarged by the creation of new classes of peers. The
ancient Earls of England now saw men placed over their
heads bearing the French titles of Duke and Marquess.
Neither name w^as absolutely new in England ; but both
w^ere now^ used in a new sense. Duhe and E((rl were in
truth the same thing ; Dux, afterwards supplanted by
Comes, w^as the older Latin translation of the English
Ealdorinan or Eorl, and Eorl was the English word used
for the Dukes as well as the Counts of other lands. So the
* See Appendix III to Sir Harris Nicolas' Report on the Barony of
Lisle, specially pp. 321-327. See on the other hand, Lords' Report,
ii. 143.
t Lords' Report, ii. 242. X See p. 241.
460 THE HOUSE OF LORDS. [Essay
Marcliio, Markgraf, Marquis, was known in England in his
official character as the Lord Marcher. But now, first
Dukes in 1337, then Marquesses in 1386, appear as dis-
tinct ranks of peerage higher than Earl. That the Earls
of England put up with such an assumption was most likely
owing to the fact that the earliest Dukes were the King's
own sons and near kinsmen, the first being Edward Duke
of Cornwall, eldest son of Edward the Third. Lastly, the
ranks of the temporal peerage were made up by the insertion
of another French title, that of Viscount, between the Earls
and the Barons. The first Viscount (other than in the
ancient sense of Sheriff), John Beaumont, Viscount Beau-
mont, was placed in his patent ' super omnes barones regni.'"^
Since that time no title conveying the rights of peerage has
been devised. The Lords' Committee f look on it as doubt-
ful whether such a power abides in the Crown, and a de-
cision, in the spirit of most of the arbitrary decisions of the
House of Lords, would most likely rule that such a creation
would sjive no rio'ht to a seat in Parliament. Yet if the
Crown be, as lawyers tell us, the fountain of honour, it is
hard to see why its streams should not flow as readily in
one age as in another.
The five ranks of the temporal peerage were thus estab-.
lished in the order, of Duke, Marquess, Earl, Viscount,
Baron. But Duke, Marquess, and Viscount are strictly
speaking titles in a sense in which Baron is not. Baron is
very seldom used at any time as a personal description. %
In the writs the baron is commonly described by some of
the endless forms of senior, or as chivaler, or sometimes —
doubtless, if he held that particular dignity — as banneret.
As for bannerets, though they seem sometimes to be men-
tioned along with various ranks of peerage, § it does not
* Lords' Report, v. 235. Cf. Stubbs, Const. Hist. iii. 436.
t i. 470.
X Stubbs, Const. Hist. iii. 440. For some exceptional cases see
Lords' Report, i. 261, 394 ; ii. 185.
§ Lords' Repoi't, i. 328.
XXII.] CREATION BY PATENT. 461
appear that banneret ever really was a rank of peerage,
like the others from baron to duke.
The invention of these new ranks of peerage undoubtedly
helped to strengthen the notion of the temporal peerage as
an order distinct both from all who are not Lords of Parlia-
ment and from the Spiritual Lords also. Another novelty
also came in along with the Dukes and Marquesses. The
right of the Earls was immemorial ; the right of the Barons
had grown up by usage. Edward the Third began to create
earls and, when dukes were invented, dukes also, by patent.
They were commonly created in Parliament and with be-
coming ceremonies. Earls were thus first created in 1328.
This bestowal of an earldom as an hereditary rank is
another process from granting an earldom, conceived as an
office or even as an estate. Later in the century, in 1387,
Richard the Second began to create barons also by patent,*
and this form of creation gradually supplanted the ancient
peerage by writ. That practice seems now to have quite
gone out of use, except in the case of the eldest son of
a peer being called to the House of Lords in his father's
lifetime. The new fashion of creation by patent may be
looked at from several points of view. I have sometimes
thought that one motive was to assert the King's power of
free summons in another shape, after baronies by writ had
fully become hereditary. The creation enabled the King
to call a man to his councils without necessarily making the
right successive in any shape, and, if it was made successive,
it might be made successive in any line that was thought
good. In the case of the baronies by writ it had come to be
understood that the succession was to be in the heirs-general
of the persons first summoned, words to be understood,
it would seem, of the heirs-general of his body only. In
a barony or other peerage conferred by patent the line of
succession may take any shape that seems good to the
Crown ; the most common limitation is to the heirs male
* Stubbs, Const. Hist. iii. 446.
462 THE HOUSE OF LORDS. [Essay
of the body of the grantee."^ And the manifest right of the
Crown to name no line of succession at all, that is to create
a life-peerage, was never questioned, and was often exercised
in the first days of dukes and marquesses. A Duke of
Exeter was created for life as late as 1416. And some
notice may well be taken of the strange patent of the
barony of Lisle in 1444, which may be called the creation
by patent of a barony by tenure. f The patent seems to
grant a barony with a seat in Parliament to the grantee
John Talbot and his heirs and assigns, being lords of the
manor of Kingston Lisle. This is certainly strange ; but if
we once grant the royal power to create peerages and to
limit their succession at pleasure, it seems necessarily to
follow that the Crown may exercise that power in any way
that it chooses, whether by limiting it to the grantee per-
sonally or giving any kind of remainder that is thought
good.
By this time, before the end of the fifteenth century, the
temporal peerage, in its five orders, was fully established,
practically established, we may say, as an hereditary body.
For though the right of the Crown to create a peer for life
was not yet denied, it was so rarely exercised as to seem
something exceptional. The House of Lords now consisted
of the Lords Spiritual — the Bishops, the greater Abbots,
and two or three other churchmen — and of the Lords Tem-
poral — Dukes, Marquesses, Earls, Viscounts, and Barons.
The distinction of greater and lesser, parliamentary and non-
parliamentary barons, is forgotten ; baron is now simply
the lowest rank of temporal peerage. All these have their
personal seats in Parliament. Temporal men under the
order of baron are Commoners, represented in the House
* On other lines of succession, specially on that of the dukedom of
Somerset, where the line of the second son was preferred to that of
the elder, see Historic Peerage, xv.
t See Sir Harris Nicolas' special volume on the Barony of Lisle.
See also Lords' Report, ii. 199 et seqq. ; v. 243. Stubbs, Const. Hist.
iii. 487.
XXIL] ESTABLISHMENT OF THE TEMPORAL PEERAGE. 463
of Commons. The estate of the Clergy, as distinct from
the Lords Spiritual, gradually dies out in its strictly par-
liamentary character, and the two Houses of Lords and
Commons alone abide.
Now two points ought here to be noticed as to the con-
stitution of the House. The pcjint at which the line between
Lords and Commons was finally drawn was hardly where
it might have been looked for. One would have said that
in the thirteenth century the gap between the earl and the
baron, and again the gap between the knight and the citizen,
was far wider than the gap between the baron and the
knight, men, one might have thought, of the same class, dif-
fering only in the amount of their estates. But, in the shape
which things finally took, the barons were acknowledged
as a rank of the peerage, with seats in the House of Lords,
while the knights chosen to represent the shires sat in the
House of Commons along with the citizens and burgesses.
This was one of the happiest of accidents ; it helped largely
with other causes to hinder the growth in England of a
nobility of the continental sort. Everywhere else men in
the position of the knights were looked on as noble ; here
they were commoners, leaders of the Commons. That they
so became was one of the happiest results of the gradually
working of silent cause. No enactment ever ordained it;
that the line was finally drawn between baron and knight
came of the shape which the practice of summons gradually
settled into.
It is easy to see how the growth of the several classes of
hereditary Lords of Parliament tended to strengthen the
notion of the temporal peerage as a body by itself, apart
from all other men, even from those Lords of Parliament
whose seats were not hereditary. Hci'e were five classes of
men who were not peers in the sense of strict equality among
themselves, but who were peers in the sense of having each
of them an equal right to something peculiar to themselves,
something which was so far from being shared with any
464 THE HOUSE OF LORDS. [Essay
who were not Lords of Parliament that it was not shared
by all who were. The Archbishop took precedence of the
Duke, the Bishop took precedence of the Baron ; but Duke
and Baron alike shared in something which Archbishop
and Bishop had not, the hereditary right to a summons to
Parliament. The peerage of the Temporal Lord came to be
looked on as something inherent in the blood, something
which could not, like the official seat of the churchman, be
resigned or lost by any means except by such legal pro-
cesses as involved ' corruption of blood.' The parliamentary
powers, the formal precedence, of the Spiritual Lords were
not touched ; but the idea silently grew that they were
not the peers of the hereditary members of the House. In
short, the doctrine grew that the Temporal Lords alone were
peers, as alone having their blood ' ennobled,' which is the
herald's way of saying that they held their seats by here-
ditary right. The extinction of so many temporal peerages
in the Wars of the Roses, the creation of so many new peer-
ages under the Tudors, while in one way they lowered the
strength and dignity of the order, in another way helped
more and more to mark it out as a separate order, distinct
from all others.
But the Spiritual Lords were not the only class that lost
by the growth of the doctrine of hereditary peerage. No
doctrine about blood or peerage could get rid of the fact
that the parliamentary position of the Bishops and the
greater Abbots was as old as that of the Earls, far older
than that of the Barons, to say nothing of the ranks more
lately devised. But there was another body of men whom
the growth of the hereditary doctrine hindered from be-
coming peers, and from becoming Lords of Parliament in
any full sense. These were the Judges. As the Judges
grew to be a distinct and recognized class, they came to be
summoned to Parliament like the Barons. The same reason
which made it expedient to summon Bishops, Earls, and
Barons, made it expedient to summon Judges also. It
would not have been unreasonable if, in the many shiftings
XXII.] THE HOUSE OF LORDS AND THE JUDGES. 465
and experiments which took place before the constitution
of the two Houses finally settled itself, the Judges had come
to hold official seats in the House of Lords in the same
way as the Bishops. But the growth and strengthening of
the hereditary doctrine hindered the Judges as a body from
ever winning the same position in Parliament as the Bishops
and Abbots. They had not the same antiquity ; they had
not the same territorial position ; their tenure was less
secure ; the Spiritual Lord might lose his office by resigna-
tion or by a legal process ; the Judge might lose his by the
arbitrary will of the sovereign. The Bishops then could
be denied the right of personal peerage ; they could not be
denied their full j^arliamentary position, their seats and
votes. But the same feeling which took away the personal
peerage of the Bishop hindered the Judge from ever obtain-
ing the personal peerage, and even from obtaining a full
seat and vote in Parliament. Owing to these influences,
the Judges have ever held an anomalous position in Parlia-
ment ; they came to be in a manner in the House of Lords
but not of it, to be its counsellors and assessors, but not
its members.
We might thus say that the encroaching hereditary ele-
ment in the House absorbed the Earls, shut out the Judges,
and kept down the Spiritual Lords as far as might be.
Still, for a long time, the hereditary class, the more modern
class — what if one should say the upstart class 1 — though
ever waxing stronger and stronger, were not the majority
in the House. Down to the suppi'ession of the monasteries,
the Spiritual Lords still outnumbered them. When the
Abbots vanished from the House, the House for the first
time became' more largely hereditary than official. We
now come, in the course of the next two centuries, to see
the fuller working of the theories under which this here-
ditary majority had grown up. A series of deductions are
gradually made, naturally enough as deductions from cer-
tain premisses ; only the premisses cannot be admitted
except by trampling all ancient precedents under foot.
Hh
466 THE HOUSE OF LORDS. [Essay
First of all comes one change of which we have ah-eady
spoken, the denial of some of the personal privileges of
peerage to the Spiritual Lords. This followed directly on
the new doctrine about ' ennobling the blood,' but, as a
matter of fact, the attack on the rights of the Spiritual
Lords did not begin by any act of the House, but by the
practice of the Tudors. In defiance of the principle estab-
lished by Archbishop Stratford under Edward the Third,
Bishop Fisher, Abbot Whiting, and Archbishop Cranmer,
were tried by juries, instead of by the King's Court in
Parliament. Against this course no remonstrance seems to
have been made ; the times were not favourable for remon-
strances, least of all for remonstrances made on behalf of
spiritual persons. But the House, now mainly hereditary,
presently stepped in to help. The doctrine that the
Spiritual Lords, though undoubted Lords of Parliament,
were not peers, was established by a standing order of the
House of Lords, which must be older than 1625, as it is
referred to in the Journals of the House in that year."^
The more modern class in the House had now fully got the
better of their elders.
The next change was one not made by the House of
Lords alone, but by the Legislature of which the House is
one branch. This was when the House, now mainly here-
ditary, became for a short season wholly so. But this
change was not caused directly by any hereditary theory,
but by the general dislike which the Bishops of Charles
the First's time had brought upon themselves. They were
shut ovit by an Act of the Long Parliament in 1642. This,
as a real and lawful act of the Legislature, stands dis-
tinguished from the process by which so much of the
so-called law on the subject grew up. The whole hereditary
theory, so far as it has any groundwork at all, grew up
through a series of resolutions, dictated for the most part,
* The matter was then referred to a Committee of Piivileges for
further consideration ; but no report is recorded. Cf. Coke's Insti-
tutes, ii. 30.
XXII.] CHANGES OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 467
we may venture to say, neither by precedent nor by written
law, but by the prejudices and assumptions of a particular
class of men. Now it was first affirmed by law, except so
far as the question of life- peerages was still left open. The
Act too stands distinguished from the process by which
the Temporal Lords presently came under the same fate as
the Spiritual. The purely hereditary House was not long-
lived, nor was its career specially glorious. The exclusion
of the Bishops by the regular Act of 1642 was followed in
1649 by the less regular exclusion of the Temporal Lords
also. The House of Lords was abolished by a vote of the
House of Commons only. The essence of peerage was thus
,taken away ; but the peers kept their titles and precedence,
and they were allowed to be chosen to seats in the House
of Commons. Then, when a remnant of the Commons had
got rid of the remnant of the Lords, when that remnant
had ruled for a moment without either Lords or King,
presently King and Lords came back for another moment
under other shapes and other names. And then the keen
eye of the Protector saw the relation which, in a system of
two Houses, one House must in the end come to take to the
other. He gathered a Parliament of two Houses, the House
of Commons and ' the Other House.' ' Other House ' is
plain English for what in grander words is called a ' Second
Chamber.' By a series of accidents the ' bicameral system '
had grown up. King Edward had meant to have three
Estates. But one of those Estates had long refused to act.
Two Houses were left, and it had been shown which of
the two was the stronger. The state of thinsfs which had
gradually come about was acknowledged by Cromwell as a
fact, and from him it received a name. There was the
House of Commons, representative of the nation, and there
was something else. There was another body, whether here-
ditary, elective, or nominated, was a matter of detail. That
body was secondary in the constitution ; the other W9,s
primary. The one in short was the House of Commons ;
the other was only ' the Other House.'
H h 3
468 THE HOUSE OF LOIWS. [Essay
The Protector and his ' Other House ' passed away, and
presently the older ' Other House,' the House of Lords, the
House which had become hereditary, which at that moment
was strictly and purely hereditary, came again into being.
When the old constitution of Parliament revived in 1660,
the Ordinance of 1649, abolishing the House of Lords, was
naturally treated as null, while the Act of 1642, taking
away the seats of the Bishops, was of course treated as
valid. In 1660 therefore a House of Lords again sat which
consisted wholly of Temporal Lords. An early act of this
purely hereditary body was to join in a vote that it would
no longer be purely hereditary. By an Act of 1661, the
official members of the House, the survivors of the ancient.
Witan of the land, were called back to their places.
The results of all these changes came to this. The Tem-
poral Lords gained a great advantage over the Spiritual
Lords. In legal eyes the Temporal Lords had kept their
position unbroken ; they had been set aside by an act of
unlaw, and they had come back naturally as soon as the
reign of law came back again. But the Spiritual Lords
had been for a while dispensed with in Assemblies which
were perfectly legal. They were put out by one Act of
Parliament ; they were brought back by another. They
were restored to their former rights ; but they had regularly
lost them, while the Temporal Lords had never regularly
lost theirs. It was not wonderful then that in the Parlia-
ment of 1661 the position of the restored Spiritual Lords
became again a matter of question. The House appointed
a Committee ' to consider of an order in the standing order
of this House which mentions the Lords the Bishops to be
only Lords of parliament and not peers, whereas several Acts
of Parliament meritfons tJter)i to he 'peers' Nothing came
of the labours of this second Committee, and the doctrine
A^hich it was to consider has since been held for law, instead
of the older doctrine which they found in ' several Acts of
Parliament.' Both the doctrine and the reason S2:iveu for it
XXII.] PEERAGE OF THE SPIRITUAL LORDS. 469
have raised the indignation, not only of the two great con-
stitutional historians, one of them himself a churchman, but
of at least one great legal authority."^ The attack on the
rights of the Spiritual Lords was carried yet further by the
Commons in the case of the Earl of Danby in 1679, when
they objected to their voting on an impeachment even in
its preliminary stages. Their right to take a part in all
such proceedings up to the question which might involve
life or death (a share in which on the part of churchmen
would be contrary to canon law) is asserted by the eleventh
article of the Constitutions of Clarendon. f The question
now raised, which was decided in favour of the Bishops,
according to the terms of the Constitutions, did not directly
touch the question of the peerage of the Bishops, but it had
an indirect connexion with it. The denial of the Bishops'
peerage implied that they had no right to be tried as peers
in the Court of the King in Parliament, as not being, as
the phrase goes, ' of trial by nobility.' It might therefore
be plausibly argued that they had no right to be judges in
that court. The right of the Bishops to vote on a bill of
attainder, which, on any canonical ground, would seem
quite as objectionable as their voting on an impeachment,
was never denied, because a bill of attainder is a legislative
act, and does not touch the question of peerage. Indeed,
we may say that the law is still far from clear on the
whole matter. The statute of 1696 (7 and 8 Will. III.) for
' regulating of Trials in cases of Treason and Misprision of
Treason ' speaks of ' trials of peers ' and of ' all the peers
who have a right to sit and vote in Parliament,' without
distinctly defining whether the word j^Ger is meant to apply
to the Lords Temporal only.
In the same century a step was taken of another kind,
but one which, like the dealings with the Spiritual Lords,
* See Blackstone, book i. c. 12, vol. i. p. 401, ed. Christian ; and
contrast Stephen, New Commentaries, ii. 590, and Kerr's Blackstone,
i. 407 ; cf. Hallam, Middle Ages, ii. 138 ; Lords' Report, ii. 323, 339.
t Stubbs, Select Charters, 133.
470 THE HOUSE OF LORDS. [Essay
tended to strengthen the doctrine of hereditary peerage.
Twice, once before the temporary abolition of the House,
once after its restoration, in 1640 and in 1678, it was de-
clared by resolution of the House that a peer could not
relinquish his peerage, by surrender to the Crown, by
alienation to any other person, or in any other way.* A
peerage can be forfeited only by attainder or by Act of
Parliament. Of this last process there seems to be only
one case, that of George Neville, Duke of Bedford, degraded
by Parliament in the reign of Edward the Fourth, as not
being wealthy enough to support his dignity. This of
course, like attainder by Act of Parliament, comes under
the general principle that Parliament may do anything, f
The decision against relinquishing a peerage was distinctly
against earlier precedents, and one could conceive cases in
which such a power might be useful. But the rule, as laid
down in the resolution, springs directly from the doctrine
of ' ennobling the blood.'
The next point in the history of the peerage is one which,
like the shutting out of the Spiritual Lords in 1640, was a
matter of real legislation as distinguished from decisions
and resolutions. This was the change in the theory of
peerage which followed on the union of England and Scot-
land in 1707. By the treaty of union the peerage of Scotland
was to be represented by sixteen of its number chosen for
each Parliament by the Scottish peers themselves. This
amounted, as has been already set forth, to the creation of
a class of men who are peers as concerns their personal
privileges, but who are Lords of Parliament only in 'posse
and not in esse. It further brought in a new principle,
that of election within a class. The Scottish peers were
made incapable of sitting in the House of Commons, and
* Lords' Report, ii. 25, 26, 48.
t It is further held, by a subtlety too refined for the mind of a
commoner (Historic Peerage, Ixviii.), that, while an attainder for high
treason extinguishes a peerage of any kind, an attainder for felony
extinguishes a peerage by writ, but not a peerage by patent.
XXII.] SCOTTISH AND IRISH PEERS. 471
the Scottish peerage was doomed to gradual extinction, as
no new peers of Scotland were to be created. And further,
the House of Lords, strengthened by the admission of a
new class, went on to strike a blow, if not at the new class
of its own members, yet at the class from whom those new
members were chosen. By a resolution of the year 1711, it
was held during the greater part of the last century that a
patent of British peerage granted to a Scottish peer did not
give him the right to a seat in Parliament. This rule is
no longer enforced ; and it is hard to see by what right the
House of Lords, by a mere resolution, could take away the
power which our Kings had so long exercised of conferring
peerages on any of their subjects whom they thought good.
The union with Ireland in 1800 created another class of
members of the House of the same general kind as the
representative peers of Scotland, as sitting like them by
election within a class. But their position differs from
that of the Scottish peers in some important points of
detail. The twenty-eight representative peers of L'eland
are chosen for life, and the other Irish peers are capable
of sitting in the House of Commons for constituencies in
Great Britain ; only by so doing they lose the privileges of
peerage (other than mere titles and precedence) so long-
as they are members of that body. The Irish j^eerage
is doomed to extinction as well as the Scottish ; but, as
one Irish peerage may be created whenever three have
become extinct, the extinction will be slower. This last
rule is surely one of the very oddest, and creates one of
the strangest positions in which a man can be placed. As
long as Scotland and Ireland were separate kingdoms, the
common sovereign of all three could bestow Scottish and
Irish peerages on his English subjects. The honourable
names of Falkland and Fairfax in the seventeenth century,
and a crowd of less honourable names in the eighteenth
century, at once suggest themselves. The men so created
were real peers of Scotland and Ireland, and could take
their seats in the parliaments of those kingdoms if they
472 THE HOUSE OF LORDS. [Essay
chose. But the Irish peer created during the present cen-
tury is a very anomalous kind of being. He is not like an
ancient peer 'of Scotland or Ireland cut down to a position
below that of his forefathers. He has to be sure the special
privileges and special disqualifications of other Irish peers ;
otherwise he is most like a bigger baronet, only with the
comparison with a real peer more strongly brought out than
it is in the case of any baronet or other commoner.
Between these two acts — or rather treaties — which took
effect in 1707 and 1800, an attempt at legislation with re-
gard to the peerage was made which, if carried out, would
have altogether chanojed its character. This was the
Peerage Eill of 1719. That bill was not carried, but its
proposals are worth notice, not only because they would,
if they had become law, have altogether changed the nature
of the peerage as a political institution, but also because
they illustrate the way in which the peerage and everything
belonging to it had grown up gradually by force of prece-
dent. The right of the Crown to create peers at pleasure,
and to entail their peerages on any line of succession that
it thought good, had never been disputed, but neither had
it ever been made the subject of any legislative enactment.
The proposed bill, in limiting both powers, would have
given them their first being by formal legislation. The
proposal was that the peerage of Great Britain should, after
a creation of six peers, be confined to its existing number,
with an exception in favour of members of the royal
family. For the future, with that exception, no peerage
was to be created, except when one had become extinct.
Instead of the sixteen elective peers of Scotland, the King
was to bestow hereditary seats on twenty-five members of
the Scottish peerage, and the number was to be kept up
by a new promotion whenever any of the twenty-five peer-
ages became extinct. It was forcibly remarked at the time
that this would place the remainder of the Scottish peerage
in a condition politically inferior to that of all other British
subjects, as they would have been at once incapable of
XXIL] THE PEERAGE BILL. 473
sitting in either House of Parliament and of choosing those
who should sit in either. But the general effect of the bill
on the constitution of the country would have been far
more important. The Crown would have lost one of its
chief powers, and the relations between the peers and the
rest of the nation would have been altogether changed.
They would not have come any nearer to the strict notion
of a nobility, for it was not proposed to confer direct
privilege on any but the peers themselves. But the bill
would have placed both the peers and their families in a
wholly new position. They would have become a body
into which no one could be raised, except in the occasional
case of a peerage becoming extinct. It would have been
impossible to move a statesman from the Commons to the
Lords at any moment when it might be for the public good
that he should be moved. Even the Lord Chancellor, the
Speaker of the House of Lords, could not have received a
peerage, unless one chanced to be extinct at the needful
time. It is plain that the peers, if they did not become a
nobility, would have become an oligarchy, a close body^
cut off both from the Crown and from the mass of the people
in a way in which they had never been cut off before.
During all these ages, the ancient right of the Crown
to create peers for life, never abolished, never seriously
questioned, was hardly ever exercised, except in the case
of peeresses, which of course did not directly affect the
right to seats in Parliament ■^. The right was constantly
asserted by the best lawyers, and it is admitted even
* See Nicolas, Historic Peerage, xlvi. Erskine-May, Constitutional
History, i. 292. One hardly knows what to make of such creations as
those of Lord Hay in 1606 and Lord Reede in 1644, the accounts of
which in the Historic Peerage (xlvi. 243, 394) seem somewhat contra-
dictory. But if the creation of Lord Hay was a real creation of a
peer for life, but without the right to a seat in Parliament, it was
so defined by a clause in the patent itself, which Avould seem to imply
that, without such a clause, the creation would have given a right to
a seat in Parliament.
474 THE HOUSE OF LORDS. [Essay
in the Lorcls^ Report."^ At last, within the present reign,
the Crown once more exercised this undoubted right,
only to be baffled by the insolent opposition of the com-
paratively modern class who had step by step practically
made themselves the House of Lords. An occasion was
chosen to assert an ancient and wholesome principle, to
assert a power which ancient kings had freely exercised,
and which, as no Act of Parliament had ever taken it
away, still, in all law and reason, lived on among the
powers of the Crown. The experiment, for such it had
come to be, was naturally made in the person of an eminent
lawyer. For assuredly in any Senate or ' Other House,' no
class of men is more needed than eminent lawyers, while
experience seems to show that no class of men is less
needed than their sons and grandsons. And the experiment
was made in the person of one who was childless, so that
no practical question could arise ; it was the simple asser-
tion of a principle. In 1856 Sir James Parke was by
letters-patent created a peer for life, by the title of Baron
Wensleydale. The creation by patent was seemingly chosen
because a writ of summons would not have settled the
question in the case of a childless man. It would have
been taken for granted that his ' blood ' was ' ennobled,'
though there was no one to continue the line of nobility.
And for a writ formally shutting out the non-existent de-
scendants of the person summoned there could certainly
have been no precedent. As it was, the House of Lords
refused to allow Lord Wensleydale to take his seat. The
Crown, it was said, could give Sii' James Parke the rank
and title of a baron ; it could not give him a seat in
Parliament, unless the patent was so worded as to pass on
that rank and title to somebody else after him. That is
to say, the hereditary peers, in defiance of law, in gross
contempt of the lawful authority of the Crown, took upon
them to refuse admission to a Lord of Parliament, lawfully
created, lawfully summoned, merely because the Crown
* ii. 77. See Erskine-May, i. 294.
XXII.] THE WENSLEYDALE PEERAGE. 475
had not bound itself, in the nineteenth century any more
than in the thirteenth or fourteenth, to summon his imagi-
nary descendants after him. The rights of the Crown, the
reason and expediency of the case, were all sacrificed to the
silly superstition about ' ennobling of blood.' And the
leaders in this act of unlaw were newly created law Lords,
who must have known that it was unlaw that they were
ruling. But they thought themselves grander than Lord
Wensleydale because they had patents of peerage for their
sons after them, though those sons were in some cases no
less imaginary than the sons of Lord Wensleydale. King-
Edward would have been glad of such a counsellor ; but
hereditary peers of a creation a few years older than his
own scorned him because his ' blood ' was not ' ennobled '
like their own. To the clamour of the hereditary Lords,
specially of the new-made and childless Lords, the Crown
yielded its ancient and undoubted right. Lord Wensley-
dale, lawfully summoned to Parliament, was shut out from
his seat till a new patent was granted to him securing the
seat after him to the descendants who were not in being.
Then forsooth his ' blood ' was ' ennobled ; ' and members of
his own profession whose blood had gone through that
mysterious change a year or two earlier might without
degradation sit alongside of him.
The story of the Wensleydale peerage may be well fol-
lowed by the singular comments made on it by one who
took upon himself the functions of Hallam and Stubbs, and
who further aspired, in a very remarkable fashion, to be
the historian of Democracy. Sir Thomas Erskine-May,
afterwards for a moment himself a peer, he who ' could not
but smile at the superstition ' of Timoleon, and who thought
that Duke Leopold at Morgarten commanded ' an Imperial
army,' had his views about Lord Wensleydale also. He
records with admiration* the resolution of the House to
shut out Lord Wensleydale, and further tells us that ' by
constitutional usage, having the force of law, the House of
* Const. Hist. i. 296.
476 THE HOUSE OF LORDS. [Essay
Lords had been for centuries a chamber consisting of here-
ditary counsellors of the Croion' and that ' the Crown
could not change its constitution by admitting a life-peer
to a seat in Parliament.' At this stage it would seem
that the Chief Clerk of the House of Commons had not
grasped the fact of the existence of the Spiritual Lords.
Three pages further on, he found out that the House of
Lords contained members whose seats were not ' here-
ditary' in the modern sense, and it is not likely that he
used the word ' hereditary ' in its older meaning.
The decision against Lord Wensleydale's life-peerage ends
the series of mere resolutions of one House, not real Acts
of the whole Parliament, by which the strange fabric of
the hereditary peerage has been built up. Meanwhile the
older element in the House, that of the Lords Spiritual,
has gone through a good deal of change in a more lawful
and regular manner. The constitution of the House has
been affected by the union with Ireland, by the disestab-
lishment of the Irish Church, and by the increase in the
number of English bishoprics. By the Act of Union one
Irish Archbishop and four Bishops— by a later Act only
three — were entitled to seats in rotation, changing, not
from Parliament to Parliament, but from session to session.
Each Irish Bishop was thus a Lord of Parliament in posse,
like the Scottish and Irish temporal peers, only with the
certainty of a seat some time, if he lived long enough. By
the Act of Disestablishment in 1869 the Irish Bishops lost
their seats altogether. And by two Acts of the present
reign, the English prelates, except the holders of the two
archiepiscopal sees and those of London, Durham, and
Winchester, have their position altogether changed. The
number of Bishops has been increased, but not the number
of Spiritual Lords. The Bishop therefore who holds any
see but one of those five waits for his summons to Parlia-
ment till he reaches it by seniority. Till then he too is a
Lord of Parliament in -posse.
XXII.] THE BISHOPS SEATS. 477
These changes, like the introduction of the Scottish and
Irish representative peers, brought in some wholly new-
notions as to the appointment of peers. Besides the
strictly hereditary and the strictly official succession, the
Irish and Scottish temporal peers had brought in the
notion of election by a class. The Irish Bishops brought
in the notion of rotation within a class. The change in
the position of the English Bishops brought in yet another
notion, that of seniority within a class. It is now only the
two Archbishops and three other Bishops who sit by their
immemorial right, whatever we take that right to be. The
rest sit, not as holders of certain sees, but as having
reached a certain seniority among the holders of sees. We
can thus say that several ways of reaching the House of
Lords are, or latel}^ have been, in actual use. That of elec-
tion by a class out of a class is one which has found favour
with some of those who have devised Senates or ' Other
Houses ' in other lands. Rotation within a class, in the
form which it took in the case of the Irish Bishops, seems
contrary to the nature of a summons, which one would
think was necessarily a summons for the whole life of a
Parliament. The rotation by session was perhaps more
convenient in practice in that particular case ; but the
arrangement and the occasion for it has passed away.
Later still, a change has been made which, though its
shape is somewhat singular, is certainly, as far as it goes,
a return to older notions. The more modern element in
the House, the blood-ennobled element which so scorned
the life-peerage of Lord Wensleydale, has had to submit
to receive colleagues whose blood has not been ennobled.
The grotesque pride of the hereditary peers surely under-
went a slight shock when new official Lords, not holding
hereditary peerages, but more truly representing the ancient
Witan than those who do, began to sit and vote in the
House in which their sons will have no claim to sit and
vote after them. These are the Lords of Appeal in Ordin-
ary, not hereditary Lords of Parliament, not necessarily
478 THE HOUSE OF LORDS. [Essay
Lords of Parliament for life, but strictly official Lords, whose
real position is a little veiled by a curious attempt to make
them look as much like hereditary Lords as possible.
While the question of life-peers was left in abeyance after
the second patent to Lord Wensleydale, this new class of
Lords, somewhat less than life-peers, was created by an Act
of 1876. The Lords of Appeal in Ordinary are paid officers,
who hold their office, like other Judges, during good be-
haviour, who are Lords of Parliament, with a right to a
writ of summons to sit and vote so long as they hold office,
and who rank for life as Barons with such titles as the
Crown may appoint. In the case therefore of the resigna-
tion or removal from office of a Lord of Appeal we should
have the non-parliamentary Baron revived. Whether in
such a case he would be entitled to be tried in the King's
Court in Parliament does not appear. Nor does the Act
rule whether the Lord so created is a peer, either w^hile he
is a Lord of Parliament or after he ceases to be such. The
doctrine of ' ennobling of blood ' would seem to imply that,
as his title is not hereditary, he is not a peer. It would
follow then that a Lord of Appeal who has resigned or has
been removed, though ' entitled to rank as a Baron for life,'
is a Baron who is neither a Peer nor a Lord of Parlia-
ment.
Lastly, though the interest of the question is purely anti-
quarian, it is quite worth the while of any constitutional
antiquary to find out for certain whether there are not
still two offices which give their holders official seats by
ancient and immemorial right. The question is unluckily
overshadowed by the fact that both offices are held by the
same person, and moreover by one who sits in the House by
virtue of a hereditary peerage of higher rank but of far more
modern creation. It is surely a small matter to be a mere
Duke of Norfolk, created by Richard the Third, compared
with the immemorial honours of the Earl Marshal and the
Earl of Arundel. The Earl Marshal, though his office has
become hereditary, surely holds an official seat just as much
XXIL] THE LORDS OF APPEAL. 479
as ail Arch! dshop or a Lord of Appeal in Ordinary. And ' Earl
of Arundel,' whatever we say as to his tenure of the castle, is
surely little more than a nickname for the Earl of the
South-Saxons, successor of Roger, successor of Gyrth. He
at least has kept his place by unbroken right from the
days when King William had much deep speech with his
Witan at Gloucester, and when all folk chose Eadward to
King on London.
We have thus gone through the steps by which the House
of Lords gradually put on its present shaj^e. We have seen
how the official assembly gradually grew into an assembly
mainly hereditary, for a few years wholly hereditary, how
the official element was restored, and how it has been
slightly sti'engthened even in our own day. It is far easier
to show how the House thus formed came to take the
peculiar position which it actually holds in the State. Let
us look back for a moment to the series of propositions —
imaginar^^ propositions certainly — with which we started.
If any one insists on fixing a date when it was decreed of
set purpose to have a House which should mainly represent
the hereditary principle, but which should also, in a kind
of exceptional way, do something towards representing
virtue and religion, the time for that remarkable transaction
must be looked for in the first Parliament of Charles the
Second, and at no earlier time. For in earlier Parliaments
the Spiritual Lords sat simply by immemorial right. Since
1661 they have sat, because it was then, on whatever
ground, deliberately thought good to add them to a body
which at that moment was purely hereditary. So further,
if any one insists on fixing a date when it was decreed
of set purpose to have a Parliament of two Houses, neither
more nor less, and that one of those Houses should stand
to the other in the relation which modern political language
expresses by the phrase ' Second Chamber,' the time for
that transaction may, with a good deal more of truth and
reason, be fixed to the davs of the Protector Oliver and to
480 THE HOUSE OF LOBDS. [Essai
no earlier time. It is certain that the wisdom of our fore-
fathers, that is the wisdom of King Edward the First, knew
nothing about these things. But the Protector Oliver did
rule that it was well to have two Houses, but that one of
them should be only ' the Other House.'' In other words,
he marked the facts, and shaped his language according to
the facts.
Putting aside these remarkable moments in which the
constitution and objects of the House were ruled by some-
what of deliberate purpose, we cannot say that the House
was ever called into being to bring about certain particular
objects. We cannot say this even in the modified and
general sense in which we may say that the House of
Commons was called into being to carry out certain other
objects. And the history of the House of Commons has
determined the history of the House of Lords. Most of
the peculiar features of the House of Lords have come of
the fact that the House of Commons arose by its side. And
this is preeminently true of its character as a ' Second
Chamber.' Of two riders on one horse one must ride fore-
most. In this case the younger, once the weaker, rider came
to ride foremost. The House wdiich was first in date and first
in honour has become second in power. For a while the
elder house, the ' Upper House,' was really the Upper House.
For a while the Commons were content to follow the lead
of the Lords. It was natural that it should be so. It was
the peculiar happiness of England that the Lords really had
no interests apart from those of the rest of the people, that
they could in truth act only as leaders of the people.
Through the whole history of the two Houses their agree-
ment has been far more remarkable than their disagreement.
Their agreement has indeed for some time past taken the
shape of yielding by the Lords to the will of the Commons ;
still, on the whole, through so many centuries, the general
agreement of the two Houses has been remarkable. When
the Houses have had disputes, it has seldom been on great
questions of policy, but more often on some formal points
XXII.] RELATIONS OF LORDS AND COMMONS. 481
of little interest to any but the members of the two Houses.
The Houses have agreed, because the increase of the powers
of the one House, the lessening of the powers of the other,
have been gradual and silent. In a country like ours,
which has no written constitution, where things are practi-
cally managed according to a system of understandings of
which no court of law knows anything, it is seldom need-
ful to make formal enactments as to the powers of any of
the great branches of the State. The powers of the Crown,
of its Ministers, of the House of Lords, of the House of
Commons, are practically whatever they have come to be.
It is a long time since it was found needful to make any
formal enactments about the powers of any of them. As
those powers have differed greatly at different times, we
might almost say that in every age they have been what it
was fitting that they should be in that age. We may cer-
tainly say that in every age they have been what it was
natural that they should be in that age. Things have settled
themselves, not by formal enactments, but by the gradual
working of practical needs. They may settle themselves
again in some other way. The last two hundred years
have been spent in silently fixing how powers which have
not been formally changed shall be practically exercised.
The work is still going on ; within the last twenty or
thirty years several important constitutional changes have
been silently made, not only without any formal enact-
ment, but almost without any general remark. One may
believe that, if it is determined not to destroy the House
of Lords, but to reform it, it may be found quite enough
to change its constitution, without saying a word about
its powers. It may keep the same formal powers that it
has now, leaving it to the course of events to settle their
practical use. And we must be prepared for the chance
that the practical powers of a reformed House of Lords, one
in which the nation could put more trust than it does in
the present House, might, in the silent working of causes,
grow not less but greater. There might even be the chance
I i
482 THE HOUSE OF LORDS. [Essay
that, if we ever again come to formal enactments, if we
deliberately set up a Second Chamber as a Second Chamber,
it may be found expedient to give that chamber by law
some special powers, such as those which belong to the
American and French Senates,
We may here look at one special instance of this silent
practical working of things. Since Parliaments have been at
all, one of their main objects has been to obtain conti-ol, in one
shape or another, over the working of the executive govern-
ment. In the old times of all, the Witan of the land dealt
with such matters directly. They chose kings ; they de-
posed earls and bishops ; they decided the foreign policy of
the kingdom. The great debate of the year 1045, when
Earl Godwine proposed to send fifty ships to the help of
Denmark, and when it seemed good to Earl Leofric and to
' all folk ' not to send them, could not have had its likeness
again for some ages. But all through the thirteenth cen-
tury, the national assembly, whatever its name or compo-
sition, was ever seeking to get the appointment of the
King's ministers into its own hands. In the fourteenth
century the Commons made a most remarkable proposal,
namely, that the great officers of State should be chosen by
the Lords. In those days the thought was most likely a
wise one. The Commons knew what was needed for the
welfare of the kingdom ; the Lords were likely better to
know who were the best men to do the work, just as they
were better fitted than the Commons to act in the King's
Court in Parliament. King Edward the Thii'd rejected the
petition, and it is well that he did so. No mode of appoint-
ment could have been so bad in the long run. The Commons
could never have won the same silent control over the Lords,
which they did win over the King. Disputes between the
Houses would have been endless. As the power remained in
the King, the Commons could in the end win a practical
control over it.
In truth our whole political system is in this way the better
for having grown up bit by bit as it was wanted. The rule
XXII.] SILENT CONSTITUTIONAL GROWTH. 483
' nolumus leges Anglise mutari ' has held in all ages. Our
forefathers in all ages rejoiced in the belief that they were
not making new laws, but only better enforcing the old
ones. All our greatest assertions of popular rights, from the
thirteenth century to the seventeenth, take this shape. They
claim nothing new ; they demand only that the existing law
shall be ascertained and put in practice. The House of Com-
mons has shaped itself and has defined its own powers, just
as the House of Lords has done. The successive changes
which have fixed the relations between the Crown and the
House of Commons have been most of them made without
any formal enactment, many of them without any formal
record. Even in earlier times, not a few of our great political
landmarks were established gradually and silently ; no
statute enacted them, though later statutes constantly took
them for granted. It is nowhere ordained, except among
our unwritten traditions, that the Crown is bound to dis-
miss ministers who have clearly lost the confidence of the
House of Commons. Still less can we find any formal record
of our last established constitutional principle, the prin-
ciple that a minister is bound to resign, not merely when
the House of Commons has decided against him, but when
the result of a general election makes it morally certain that
the House of Commons would decide against him. As far as
the letter of the law goes, the Crown has as good a right to
refuse the royal assent to a bill which has passed both Houses
as the House of Lords has to throw out a bill which has come
up to it from the House of Commons. These things are not
written in black and white anywhere ; but the chief pre-
tensions of the hereditary peerage are written in black and
white somewhere, though not in the enacting clauses of any
Act of Parliament, but merely in resolutions of the House
itself Here comes in the distinction between developement
and corruption, between change for good and change for
evil. There have been times of backsliding ; there have
been times when the House of Commons has ceased to repre-
sent the people, and has acted in the same narrow corporate
I i 2
484 THE HOUSE OF LORDS. [Essay
spirit as the House of Lords. But, taking the general run of
English history, the advance of the power of the Com-
mons has meant the general advance of the nation, the
advance of freedom and order side by side. And it is to be
noticed that nearly every advance of the Commons has been
marked, silently at least, by the falling back of the Lords.
The controlling powers of Parliament, once shared alike
by both Houses, have passed away from the Lords. It is
no longer in the Lords, but in the Commons, that legislation
of special moment begins. By ' parliamentary government '
we have come to understand an influence on the executive
power, not wielded by Parliament in its two Houses, but by
the Lower House of Parliament only.
On the formal powers of the House of Lords it is hardly
needful to say anything more. But a word or two may
be said as to the practical position which the House has
gradually taken, that which the Protector Oliver recognized
in his phrase of ' the Other House.' We must remember
that that position has been the gradual result of a series of
causes, all of which take for granted the accident which made
all the others possible, the accident which gave us two Houses
of Parliament, and not one, three, or four. The peculiar
functions of a Second Chamber could not be thrown on any
one of the three Houses of the States-General of France ;
they cannot be thrown on any one of the four Houses of the
Diet of Finland. But they have come to be thrown on one
of our two Houses, namely, on the House of Lords. And
our two Houses and the relations between them have sup-
plied the models for countless constitutions in Europe and
America, wherever it has been sought to establish a system
of two chambers. The constitution of the House of Lords has
seldom been exactly imitated ;* but its position as a second
* I believe tliat, among all the second chambers that have been
called into being within the last hundred years, the French Chamber
of Peers, as it stood from 1815 to 1830, is the only hereditary one. It
must of course be borne in mind that, while an elective or nominated
house can be called into being by a single enactment, an hereditary
XXIL] THE ' OTHER HOUSE: 485
or revising chamber has been imitated over and over again.
It may be well to stop and see what is implied in such a
position.
The Protector's phrase of ' the Other House ' and the
more polite ' Second Chamber ' of modern speculation both
express the same meaning. The body so spoken of is con-
ceived only in reference to something else. They imply the
existence of another body ; they imply that ' the Other
House ' stands in a relation to ' the House ' in which ' the
House' does not stand to it. They might almost imply
that the ' Other House ' exists only to stand in that rela-
tion to ' the House.' They imply that ' the House ' can be
conceived standing alone, while the ' Other House ' cannot
be conceived standing alone. 'The House,' in short, is
absolutely essential ; it could not be dispensed with. The
' Other House ' may be ornamental ; it may be useful ; it
may discharge some functions better than ' the House ' can ;
it may answer a thousand good ends in various ways ;
but it is not absolutely essential ; the commonwealth mio-ht
be conceived going on without it. This is something like
the generally received notion of a 'Second Chamber' or
' Senate.' It is manifestly not a true historical description
of the House of Lords, but it is in a rough way not a bad
description of the position which the House of Lords has
in the course of ages come to take. That House, now
practically become a ' Second Chamber,' has reached that
point at which it becomes matter of discussion whether it is
worth keeping or not. It has further reached the point
at which it is often tempted to talk about itself and its
house needs time to grow. It must be an elective or nominated house
in the first instance, and the seats in it which are to pass to the sons
of the first hoklers cannot for many years gather the hereditary
sentiment about them in the same way in which it attaches to the
House of Lords. For this reason, and doubtless for others, there is
now no such thing as an hereditary house in any of the chief European
constitutions. Except in the peculiar constitution of the German
Empire, as a federation of princes, election or nomination, or some
combination of the two, prevails everywhere.
486 THE HOUSE OF LORDS. [Essay
own merits. Now nobody in any free country discusses the
necessity either of the popular assembly or of the execu-
tive government. There may be differences of opinion
as to the shape which either of them should take ; but
nobody doubts that both must exist in some shape. But in
peaceful times men discuss whether the ' Second Chamber '
need exist in any shape, and in a revolution it is the Second
Chamber which is most sure to be the first to give way, and
the least sure to be restored in any new shape. This alone
shows that it does not rest on the same foundation of abso-
lute necessity as the other two elements in the State. This
is true in some measure even of commonwealths whose
constitution is federal. For though in such common-
wealths the Senate or Second Chamber cannot really be dis-
pensed with, yet even there it is not so obvious at first sight
that it cannot be dispensed with as that the Lower House
cannot. Its necessity is a matter of reflexion, while the
necessity of the two other elements is a matter of instinct.
With regard to the French or Italian Senate the question is
simply whether the business of the nation is likely to be best
done by one House or by two. With regard to the American
Senate we have to go much deeper. To hinder alike the
federal nation from being swamped by the States and the
States from being swamped by the federal nation, it is
needful to have one assembly in which each State has only
that amount of voice to which it is entitled by its population,
and another assembly in which each State, great and small,
has an equal voice. Yet even under a system where the
Second Chamber is absolutely necessary, we see the com-
parative weakness of Second Chambers ; its abolition can
be discussed. And herein comes the wonderful wisdom of
the founders of the American Constitution in strengthening
the Senate with those powers of other kinds which make
it something more than a Second Chamber or Upper House.
And mark further that the Swiss Stdnderath or Conseil des
J^tats, formed after the model of the American Senate, is
far from holding the same position in the countr}^ which
XXIL] POSITION OF ' SECOND CHAMBERS: 487
the American Senate holds. For it is a mere partner with
the Natlonalrath; it has not those special powers in and
b}'' itself which the American Senate has. But mark again
that the great position of the American Senate is something
which could hardly exist along with our form of execu-
tive government. A President may be asked formally to
submit his acts to be confirmed by one branch of the Legis-
lature ; a King can hardly be asked to do so. It ma}'
come to be understood that the acts of the King are practi-
cally the acts of Ministers approved by the House of Com-
mons ; but it is hardly consistent with kingship for the
King's ordinary official acts to be imperfect without the
approval of Lords or Commons. A King placed in such a
position might at least fairly ask that the acts so to be
approved should be in the first instance his own, that, in
short, within such limits as the law sets him, he should not
only reign but govern. Where there is a King, one House,
the Lower House, may be practically all-powerful over
administration as well as legislation ; but it is hard to con-
ceive that, where there is a King, any House, either Upper
or Lower, can hold the same position of direct and formal
authority which is held by the Senate of the United States.
The system of ' Second Chambers ' has become so common
during the present century that it is hard always to re-
member how completely its existence anywhere is owing
to the accidents of our own parliamentary history. The
English Parliament had come to have two Houses and
two Houses only. Many of the English colonies therefore
had legislatures of two Houses. When the colonies be-
came independent States, they continued the same system,
or sometimes came back to it after trying a single chamber
only. So when the same colonies framed for themselves
a federal Legislature, that Legislature also took the form
of two Houses, and not more or fewer. A crowd of Euro-
pean States have set up Parliaments of the same form.
The world has in this way, during the last hundred years,
got so used to the system of two chambers, it is so largely
THE HOUSE OF LORDS. [Essat
through imitations of our own Parliament that it has got
used to it, that we are sometimes apt to forget how modern
is the whole line of thought out of which these constitu-
tions have arisen. We are apt to fancy that a system of
two chambers is almost the necessary form that a constitu-
tional government must take ; and we are apt to fancy, if
only unconsciously, that our particular form of it, which has
set the model to the others, must have been, like them, pur-
posely devised to compass the objects which its reproductions
have been devised to compass. Now it is quite certain that,
in the American Union, in each particular State and city
of the Union which has adopted the system of two chambers,
in France, in Italy, in every other European country which
has adopted that system, there was — what there was not
in England — a moment when men said, We will have two
chambers rather than one — the other alternative, of more
than two, had by that time passed out of men's minds —
because we think that our affairs will go on better with
two than if we have only one. In all these cases men
deliberately adopted the system which in England had come
about by accident ; there was a moment when the nation
or its lawgivers thought over the subject, and came to the
conclusion that an assembly of two chambers was the form
of national assembly most likely to compass the ends which
they had in view. But the Senate of the United States,
the Second Chamber of any federal body, as having an ob-
ject distinctively federal, is of less importance in arguments
about the advantages of Second Chambers than the Senates
of the several States. It surely does seem to prove a good
deal on behalf of the system of two Houses, that, besides
many European examples, every one of the States of the
American Union has adopted it, and that the municipal
constitutions of many of the great American cities follow
the same pattern.
And now for a few words on a great incidental advantage
which England has drawn, not directly from the House of
XXII.] THE PEERS' POSITION OFFICIAL. 489
Lords as an assembly, but from what on every other side is
its worst I'eature. It is a seeming paradox to which I have
ah-eady referred in an earlier essay j"^ that it is the exist-
ence of the hereditary peerage which, more than any other
one cause, has saved England from the curse of a nobility.
Because we have allowed the heads of certain families to
be hereditary lawgivers and hereditary judges, we have
been spared the immeasurably greater evil of seeing whole
families, and not merely one member of the family at a
time, enjoying mischievous and insulting privileges from
generation to generation. Our official assembly lived on ;
it changed into an assembly that was mainly hereditary ;
but it never became, like the assembly of the nobility of
France or of any other country which had a real nobility,
an assembly representing a privileged hereditary caste. The
distinctive mark of the English peerage is that, as we have
seen, the children of the peer are commoners, having no
privilege beyond an honorary precedence. And this differ-
ence between England and other lands can have come
only of the originally official position of the English peer.
He holds a hereditary office ; his dignity and privileges
are all attached to the possession of that office. His office
is hereditary ; his son succeeds to it ; but till he succeeds
he has no pai-t or lot in it. The member of the Estate
of Nobles in the French States -General sat as one of the
chosen representatives of an exclusive class of which his
children were members. The assembly of the nobility of
France, or of any other country which had a real nobility,
was an assembly representing a privileged hereditary caste.
An English peer sits by virtue of a position so great and
so strictly personal that even his childi'en have no share
in it. Where the descendants of the peer came down
to the rank of commoners, a nobility in the continental
sense could not grow up. Or rather, to speak more ac-
curately, the growth of the peerage with its comparatively
harmless privileges hindered an actual nobility from keep-
* See above, p. 421.
490 THE HOUSE OF LOBDS. [Essay
ing or winning privileges which would have been anything
but harmless. We have seen that, if the word nohility has
any real meaning, it must, according to the analogy of lands
where there is a real nobility, take in all who bear coat-
armour by good right. It is a remark which has been made
a thousand times, and no remark can be truer, that count-
less families which would be reckoned as noble anywhere
else are not reckoned as noble in England. That is to say,
though they may be rich and ancient, though they may
claim an illustrious pedigree and may be able to prove
their claim, yet they have nothing to do with the peerage.
In other words, the idea of peerage has altogether dis-
placed the older idea of nobility. The growth of the order
of peers has hindered the growth of any nobility apart
from the peerage. The hereditary dignity of the peer, the
great political position which it carries with it, stands so
immeasurably above any hereditary dignity which attaches
to the simple gentleman by coat-armour, that the gentle-
man by coat-armour, the noble of other lands, ceased in
England to be looked on — or rather never came to be
looked on — as noble at all. In other words, the growth
of the peerage saved the country from the curse of a
nobility after the fashion of the nobility of France or of
Germany. The difference in this respect between England
and other lands is plain at first sight ; and there really
seems no other way to explain the difference, except that
every notion of hereditary dignity and privilege gathered so
exclusively round the hereditary peerage as to leave nothing
of any account to gather round any smaller hereditary
position.
But, while the growth of the peerage thus hindered the
growth of a nobility of which every gentleman should be a
member, it was still possible that a real nobility might have
grown up out of the peerage itself. That is to say, it might
have come about that, while none but the descendants of
peers were privileged, all the descendants of peers should be
privileged. A nobility might thus have been formed, much
XXII.] PEERAGE SHUTS OUT NOBILITY. 491
smaller than a nobility taking in all lawful bearers of coat-
armour, but still a nobility by no means small. But in
England no such nobility has ever grown up. No one has
any substantial privilege except the peer himself. No one
in short is noble but the peer himself. Even in common
speech, though we speak of a noble family, we do not
personally apply the word nohle to any other member of
that family, except to a few immediate descendants of
peers of the three higher ranks* In short, while the
blood of the peer is said to be ennobled, it is ennobled
with a nobility so high and rare that it cannot pass to
more than one at a time even of his own descendants.!
The eldest son of a Duke is legally a commoner ; the
children of his younger sons are not only legally but socially
undistinguishable from other commoners. That is to say,
the hereditary position of the peer is not nobility at all
in the sense which that word bears in other lands. It is a
fiction to say that the peer's blood is ennobled, when the
inheritors of his blood are not inheritors of his nobility. In
short, as there is no nobility outside the families whose
heads are peers, neither is there any real nobility within
those families. As the growth of the hereditary peerage
made nobility impossible outside the families of peers, so
the particular form of its growth made true nobility im-
possible even within those families. For, after all, the
essence of peerage is simply that the peer becomes by birth
what other men become either by royal nomination or by
popular election. His official origin still cleaves to him.
His place as legislator and judge is in itself as strictly
official as the dignity of the Bishop or the Sheriff; but as,
unlike the dignity of the Bishop and the Sherifi", it has be-
come hereditary, something of the magic sentiment of here-
ditary descent has spread itself over its actual holder and
over a few of his immediate descendants. But, as the dignit}"
is in itself official, the hereditary sentiment has not been
* See above, p. 422.
t See the plain speaking of Bishop Stubbs, Const. Hibt. iii. 443.
492 THE HOUSE OF LORDS. [Essay
able to go further than this ; it has not prevailed so far as
to establish any nobility or any privilege of any kind for
all the descendants of the hereditary legislator and here-
ditary judge.
This result was further strengthened by the peculiar nature
of the office which became hereditary in the peers of England.
It is an office which can be discharged only in concert with
others ; the very essence of the peerage is the summons to
take part in the proceedings of an assembly. In itself nothing
is more natural than the growth of nobility out of office ;
it is one of the chief ways in which nobility has come
into being. And, to take a position higher than that of
mere nobility, men in other lands whose dignity was in its
beginning yet more purely official than that of the peers of
England, say the Dukes and Counts of Germany contrived,
not only to make their offices hereditary, but to make at
least their honorary privileges extend to all their descend-
ants for ever and ever. That is to say, they grew into a
nobility — a nobility to be sure within a wider nobility — in
the strictest sense. Why did not the English peerage do
the same? For two reasons, which are in truth different
forms of the same reason, different results of the fact that
the royal power was so much stronger in England than it
was in Germany. One is because the growth of the Dukes
and Counts of Germany belongs to a much earlier state of
things than the growth of the English peerage, to a state of
things when national unity and the royal authority, though
much stronger than they were afterwards, were much less
firmly established than they were in England in the age
when the hereditary peerage grew up. But partly also, and
chiefly, because the dignity and authority of the German
Duke or Count was mainly a local and personal dignity and
authority, a dignity and authority which he held in himself
and exercised apart from his fellows, while the dignity and
authority of the English peer was one which he could hold
and exercise only in partnership with his fellows. To the
German Duke or Count his position in the national assembly
XXII.] COMPARISON WITH GERMAN PRINCES. 493
was the least important part of his powers ; to the English
peer it was the essence of his whole position. After the
purely official character of the earldoms had died out, the
English peer was nothing apart from his brother peers.
His greatness was the greatness of the member of a power-
ful assembly. The Earls and Bishops of England, each by
himself, might, if the royal authority had been weaker, have
grown into princes, like the Dukes and Bishops of Germany,
The Earls, after the change in their character, and the other
ranks of peerage from their beginning, were shown to be
simple subjects by the very nature of their dignity and
power. The position of the German Duke or Count doubt-
less came from a royal grant ; but it was from a royal grant
of some distant age. The position of the English peer rested
altogether on a writ from the Crown, and that not a writ of
past ages, but a writ which, though it could not be refused,
needed to be renewed in each successive Parliament. In
other lands the assembly of the nobles was great and power-
ful because it was an assembly of great and powerful men ;
in England the peer was great and powerful because he was
a member of a great and powerful assembly. A parlia-
mentary dignity of this kind, even when it became strictly
hereditary, was very different from the quasi princely posi-
tion of the great nobles of other lands. And, though the
peer commonly had a great local position, sometimes an
almost princely position, it was not as peer that he held it.
Whatever might be his local dignity and local rights, they
had nothing to do with his peerage ; they were shared in
his degree by the smallest lord of a manor. In short, the
hereditary dignity of the peer, hereditary membership of
the Great Council of the nation, was on the one hand so
transcendent as to extinguish all other hereditary dignities,
on the other hand, as resting on membership of an assembly,
it could not well grow into nobility in the strictest sense.
The peerage therefore, the office of hereditary legislator and
hereditary judge, passed, and such nobility as it conferred
passed with it, to one member only of the family at a time.
494 THE HOUSE OF LORDS. [Essay
The other members had no share in the office, and therefore
had no share in the nobility which it conferred.
It was then in this way that the peerage, growing out of
the hereditary summons to Parliament, hindered the growth
of any nobility outside the families of peers, and by the same
means hindered the growth of any real nobility within their
families. To the existence of the peerage then, more than
to any other cause, England owes its happy freedom from
the curse of a really privileged class, the happy equality in
the eye of the law of all men who are not actually peers.
That equality, it must not be forgotten, reaches so high
that the children of the sovereign himself, whatever may be
their personal honours and precedence, are, unless they are
formally created peers, in the eye of the law commoners like
other men."^ The privileges of the actual peerage have been
a small price to pay for such a blessing as this. But we must
remember that this happy peculiarity again also came about
by accident, or more truly by the silent working of historical
circumstances. As no English lawgiver ever decreed in so
many words that there should be two Houses of Parliament
and not one, three, or four — as no lawgiver ever decreed in
so many words that one of these Houses should be elective
and the other hereditary or official — so no lawgiver ever
decreed in so many words that the children of the hereditary
lord of Parliament should be in no way partaker of his
privileges. All these things came of themselves ; we cannot
point to any particular enactment which established any of
them, or to any particular moment when they were esta-
blished. Like other things, they grew by usage, not by
enactment ; later enactments confii-med them or took them
for granted. t But we can see that the rule which has
established but one form of real distinction among English-
men, that which parts the actual peer and the commoner,
* The eldest son of course needs no creation, being born Duke of
Cornwall. But it is usual to create him Prince of Wales (strictly
a suhreguhis higher than any peer) and Earl of Chester,
t See Lords' Keport, i. 47, 483 ; ii. 25.
XXII.] HEREDITARY SUCCESSION ONCE NATURAL. 495
grew out of the way in which the elements of Parliament
finally settled themselves. We have seen that the parlia-
mentary line was in the end drawn between the baron
and the knight. The barons were lifted np to the fellow-
ship of bishops and earls, while the knights were thrust down
to the fellowship of citizens and burgesses. This must have
done much to hinder the knightly families, families which
in any other land would have ranked as noble, from keep-
ing or claiming any strictly hereditary privilege. On the
other hand, as we have already seen, the nature of that privi-
lege of peerage which the barons were admitted to share
hindered the baronial families from claiming any fresh
hereditary privilege beyond the hereditary transmission of
the peerage itself.
In this way the hereditary peerage has undoubtedly
worked for good. It has proved one of our greatest bless-
ings. It has proved so indeed unwittingly and without set
purpose on the part of any one. And we may easily go
further. An institution, whatever may have been its first
form and its first objects, does not drift into a certain shape
and into the practical discharge of certain functions with-
out something that may be called a reason for it. A here-
ditary House, or a House mainly hereditary, could not have
grown up except in a state of things in which hereditary
succession, however unreasonable in abstract argument, was
felt to be not altogether unreasonable in practice. We may
freely allow that, in the times when the House of Lords took
its later shape, there was nothing unreasonable in allowing
some substantial political privilege to the great baronial
houses. Their heads might not be wiser than other men ;
but they unavoidably had power and influence above other
men. Whether designed or undesigned, it was in practice
a master-stroke of policy to give that power and influence
a legal and parliamentary shape. It was a gain to make
those who held it members of an assembly, accustomed
to the controlhng and civilizing traditions of an assembly,
496 THE HOUSE OF LORDS. [Essay
drawing the main part of their dignity from membership
of that assembly. It was a further gain to make that as-
sembly itself only part of a greater assembly, to put the
special rights of the peers under the same sanction as
the common rights of all other subjects. Given a House
of Lords the most purely hereditary in its constitution,
the most purely oligarchic in its spirit, still, simply be-
cause it is an assembly governed by rules, it would be a
vast improvement on a state of things in which each lord
by himself played the petty prince in his own lordship,
never brought under the teaching of parliamentary traditions,
never undergoing the wholesome discipline of being out-
voted among his equals. The hereditary succession of the
old earls and barons, whether abstractedly reasonable or
not, was something which at the time was unavoidable,
something; which, as hindering; far efreater mischiefs, was not
at the time wholly mischievous. Thus much is proved by
the facts of history. But it does not do to argue that, be-
cause hereditary succession was not out of place in the
thirteenth century, it is therefore equally in its place now.
Still less does it do to argue that, because a certain as-
sembly, still not wholly hereditary, has gradually become
much more largely hereditary than anything else, therefore
hereditary succession is a part of its essential being.
Least of all should any ear be given to any attempted
parallel between hereditary succession to the Crown and
hereditary succession to seats in the House of Lords. It was
said, seven years back, by one who was on very many
grounds entitled to respect,"^ that ' every argument almost
that had been used by the Radicals against the hereditary
principle applied exactly with the same force to the Sove-
reign as it did to the House of Lords.' I would not lightly
affirm that this analogy was sound even in the thirteenth
century ; it certainly is not sound in the latter years of the
nineteenth. The difference between the two cases is simply
* By tlie late Earl of Carnarvon in a speecli made September 13,
1884.
XXII.] HEREDITAMY SUCCESSION OF THE CROWN. m
this Hereditary succession to tlie Crown fully falls in with
all the other principles of the Constitution, while hereditary
succession m the House of Lords goes against them. There
13 of course room for fair discussion as to the respective
merits of various forms of the executive power. The consti-
tutional King, the President, the Council-each has some-
thing to be said for it, and something against it. Purely as
a po I ical dev ce, there can be hardly any doubt that the
constitutional king is the happiest device of the three. Such
kingship allows the will of the people or their representatives
to be brought to bear on the executive power in a way in
which It cannot be brought to bear on the elective President.
For behinc the Minister who governs stands the King who
reigns. The Minister who governs can be got rid of at
once, or kept in power for an indefinite period, without any
forma act on the pai-t of any one ; the President cannot be
got rid of till the end of a fixed term, and cannot be kept
on beyond tnat term except by a formal re-election. But
to allow .such a system as this to work, it is plain that the
Kingmust be hereditary ; an elective King, like an elective
President w™,ldfairlyclaim,notonlytoreign,buttogovern;
for he could be chosen only on account of his presumecl fitness
for governing. In this way hereditary kingship, as carried
on under that system of silent understandings which is estab-
lished among ourselves, has in truth become, in its purely
political aspect a democratic institution. It combines the
reality of popular choice and popular control with all that
IS venerable and eft-ective in other systems. But the 'here-
ditary prmciple,' as thus applied to kingship, has very little
in common with the 'hereditary principle' as appUed to
peei-age. The parallel would be if each hereditary peer had al
elective somebody to tell him how to vote. The Crown may
be hereditary, it is the better for being hereditary, because i^
s fully understood to what extent and by whose advice its
legal powers are to be exercised. In the House of Lords
each hereditary peer, qualified or unqualified, clothed with
power by virtue of his birth and of nothing else, exercises
Kk
498 THE HOUSE OF LORDS. [Essay
his powers as he thinks good. There is no check, no definite
understanding ; only a vague notion that the Lords must
not go too far in withstanding the declared will of the
nation. But how far is too far is a matter of experiment
in each case, and the Lords and the nation may not always
draw the line at the same point. In short, hereditai"y suc-
cession to the Crown allows the actual power to be placed
in the hands of those who are best qualified to use it, at all
events in the hands of those whom the nation for the time
being looks on as best qualified. Hereditary succession to
the House of Lords places power in the hands of a body of
men many of whom undoubtedly rank among those who
are best qualified and most worthy to wield power, but the
mass of whom are always likely to be otherwise. The very
absence of nobility, so great a blessing on other grounds, in
this matter works badly. The British peerage is not widely
enough parted from the rest of the nation to receive that
traditional impress which marked the Roman nohilitas, the
Venetian or the Bernese patriciate. The mass of the peers
will always be, to say the least, not better qualified than so
many men taken at random.
It is not my business to devise schemes for the reform of
the House of Lords. As I do not wish it to be ' ended,' I
certainly do wish it to be ' mended ; ' but I will not under-
take the work of mending at the tail of an historical enquiry.
I will make only one curious remark, and only one practical
suggestion.
All this discussion cannot but bring before our minds that,
besides Lords and Commons, the Great Councils of earlier
days have left behind them another representative, another
body, in which both Lords and Commons can find a place.
We have among us what surely is the most illustrious as-
sembly in the world, and we find for it, as an assembly,
nothing whatever to do. The British Privy Council is surely
more like the Roman Senate than any body of men that
has been since the Roman Senate. Like that Senate, it is
XXII.] THE PRIVY COUNCIL. 499
not hereditary, it is not elective, it is not filled by mere
arbitrary nomination. The first men, of all sides in politics
and in all branches of public life, find their way into it by
natural selection. As in the earlier estate of the House of
Lords, there are some men who must be put on its roll ;
there are others who may be. One would think that a de-
bate on a great question in the full Privy Council would be
the wisest, the most eloquent, the most instructive, of all
debates. There certainly are plenty of men in the Privy
Council, of all calhngs and of all ways of thinking, who are
able be^'ond other men to make it so. I will not venture
to suggest either that the Privy Council should in any way
supplant the House of Lords, or that the House of Lords
should be reconstructed after the pattern of the Privy
Council. For there is the obvious difiiculty that many of
the most eminent Privy Councillors are needed in the House
of Commons. And it may be that the process of natural
selection, which acts so wonderfully in gathering the most
eminent men in the kingdom to become members of a body
which practically never acts or meets, might lose some of
its virtue if it became matter of enactment instead of
understanding, if it were applied to the choice of men who
would have something to do. I only point out the singular
anomaly that we have a body — an assembly we can hardly
call it — which numbers in its ranks our Claudii and our
Fabii on the one hand, our Flaminii and our Catos on the
other, and that we can find nothing for the members of such
a body to do, except to put the words ' Right Honourable '
before their names. '^
Last of all, it may have been noticed that I have said a
good deal about the seats of the Bishops, and I have per-
haps spoken of them in a way at which some may be a little
* [It is worth noting, as one of the curiosities of criticism, that one of
those amazingly well-informed people who can review the contents of
a whole number of a periodical, described this paragraph, when it
appeared in the Contemporary Review, as a proposal to transfer the
functions of the House of Lords to the Privy Council.]
K k 2
500 THE HOUSE OF LORDS. [Essay
amazed. I have certainly not spoken of the Spiritual Lords
as if the first instalment of reform would necessarily be to
hoot them out of the House. Their position is at this mo-
ment a very singular one. Their seats in Parliament are
objected to on many and very different grounds. They are
objected to, quite reasonably from his point of view, by
the Nonconformist seeking for the disestablishment of the
Church. They are objected to, no less reasonably from his
point of view, by the zealous Churchman whose idea of the
bishop's office is so high that he regrets to see those who
hold it mixed up with worldly affairs in any way. But there
is something to be said on the other side. If there is to be
any House of Lords at all, we cannot afford to turn the
Bishops out of it, at least till we have some other visible
class of non-hereditary Lords to put in their places. Two or
three Lords of Appeal in Ordinary are not enough. We can-
not too often repeat that the Bishops are the onh'^ class of
men who keep their seats in Parliament by old traditionary
right. This is still true in the strictest sense of five of them ;
it is fairly allowable to say it of all. They have kept what
others have lost. In theory we might say the same of the
Earls ; but the earldoms have become simply one rank in the
hereditary peerage. The Earl, with his illustrious Scandina-
vian title, now differs in nothing from the French Marquess
who walks before him and the French Viscount who walks
after him. But the Bishops still hold the same seats by the
same tenure as when Anselm braved the wrath of Rufus,'not
for ecclesiastical privilege, but for moral right — as when
Stephen Langton read out the charter of Henry, and wrung
its more than renewal from John — as when Edmund, meek
and ascetic as Anselm, could withstand King and Pope alike
in the cause of English freedom. We may fairly say this,
notwithstanding the temporary shutting out of the Bishops
in the seventeenth century ; and, if their seats had been again
taken away at any moment up to the present, it would have
been simply giving up the innermost defence of the fortress
to its assailants. It would have been settino' the final seal
XXII.] THE SEATS OF THE BISHOPS. 501
to the long encroachments of the exclusive hereditary doc-
trine. The Bishops represent the non-hereditary principle ;
they represent it more clearly than the new Law Lords,
because these last, though not hereditary Lords, have been
made to look as much like hereditary Lords as might be.
The Lords Spiritual are the ancient Witan, the official Witan,
keeping their ancient places alongside of the newer heredi-
tary class which has sprung up around them, a class which
seems sometimes to forget who are the elder brethren and
who are the younger. And as long as the elder brethren
keep their seats, they should not encourage their juniors in
the somewhat presumptuous belief that the elders are bound
to a narrower range of action in the House than the newer
class. It seems to be understood that the Archbishop of
Canterbury, the Head of Angle-Jcin, the Pontiff of the Other
World, the Patriarch of all the Nations beyond the Sea, has
not yet wholly lost his ancient place as at once the coun-
sellor of the Crown and the Tribune of the people. He
may speak, and he may be allowed a hearing. But it
now and then oozes out to the common world that a lesser
prelate is sometimes treated by the modern class of Lords
as if he were among them by a kind of favour. It is said
to need a very strong will indeed for a Spiritual Lord fully
to establish his claim to be accepted even as the equal of
the strange creations that so largely make up the modern
Temporal peerage. No one would wish to see a Bishop
figuring as a fiery partisan on any purely party question ;
but on great questions of truth and righteousness, of faith
and freedom, no voice should be raised more firml}^, none
should be listened to with more heed, than the voices of
those Lords whose seats are immemorial.
As a matter of fact, the Spiritual Lords have not deserved
ill of the popular cause. The Bishops of 1891 are not the
Bishops of 1831. On one of the great divisions on the Fran-
chise Bill, the ancient Witan voted twelve to one on the
•side of the people ; it was by the voices of their more
modern hereditary colleagues that the Bill was for a moment
502 THE HOUSE OF LORDS.
thrown out. And I have known a Bishop, calling himself a
Tory, come up from a distant diocese on purpose to vote
for the Burials Bill. Still, when the time comes, when
we have established that the Other House is not to be
hereditary, when it is agreed that its members are to be
appointed in some other way or ways, it will certainly
be a fit subject of discussion whether the holding of a
bishopric shall be one of those ways or not. The ques-
tion will fittingly come on, both as part of the question
of the constitution of the Other House and as part of the
question of the relations of Church and State. But the
time for that discussion has not come yet. As long as the
Other House is mainly hereditary, as long as it is constantly
spoken of by both friends and enemies as if it were essen-
tially and naturally hereditary, so long it is a great point to
be able to point to at least five of its members as sitting by
another and an older right. And, if we may be allowed to
believe that that right is no other than the immemorial right
of the English freeman to appear and shout Yea or Nay in
the great assembly of his folk, a right which those five men
have kept while all others have lost it, we may ask to deal
a little gently with so living and speaking a memorial of
the days of our oldest freedom.
INDEX.
Abbots summoned to parliament, 450 ;
lose their seats, 465.
Abergavenny, barony of, 45 S.
Abraham, hermit, 179.
Adela of Selnessa, gives np her alod,
177 ; her marriages, 178.
Adelolf [^thelwulf] of Merck, his
possessions in England, 1S5.
Advocate, force of the name, 1S2.
^dui, brothers of the Romans, 98 ;
their relations to Caesar, 99, 100 ;
their jjolitical constitution, 101 ;
their primacy in Gaul, 102 ; extent
of their territory, 102, 103 ; mediae-
val use of the name, 103.
Africa, dominion of Carthage in, 7 ;
advance of Portugal in, 210, 211.
Aix, its character and position, 53,
54 ; compared vpith Bath, 54 ; the
Roman town, 56 ; change of site
after destruction by Saracei's, 56 ;
the metropolitan church, 57-65 ;
its translation and rebuilding, 58 ;
the archbishop's palace, 59, 67;
the baptistery, 59 ; 60 ; enlarge-
ment of the church, 60-64 ; in-
scriptions, 62, 63 ; the cloister, 63,
64 ; other objects, 67, 68.
Alhericus Aper, 194.
Alderwick, drainage and market at,
195-
Alexander, his position as discoverer,
237-
Alexandrian age, character of, 265.
Alfonso, first king of Portugal, 209.
Algarve, its union with Portugal,
209.
Algiers, bombardment of, 12.
Alien Priories, suppression of, 28^.
Alter Or/'ts, style of Britain, 224; 227.
Amphitheatres, 143.
Andorra, its relations to France and
Spain, 378.
Andres, abbey of, 176.
Anglo-Catholics, 309.
Anjou, dominion of its princes, 244.
Annals, 159.
Anselm of Ardres, turns Mussul-
man, 185.
Apostolic succession, how viewed by
Elizabeth, 306.
Aqu£e Sextise, the battle, 55 ; com-
pared with that of Chalons, 55,
56 ; whether commemorated on the
arch at Orange, So.
Aragon, its advance in Spain, 209 ;
out of Spain, 210 ; 214.
Arausio (see Orange), its position in
Roman times, 82.
Arches, triumphal, their architectural
character, 81.
Ardres, 161; its lords, 164; their
connexion with England, 166 ;
origin of the name, 170 ; its church,
176 ; 181 ; building of the mound,
I bo ; foundation of the town, ih. ;
ecclesiastical powers of its lords,
181 ; 194; rules for its canons, 182 ;
wooden palace at, 188 ; joined to
Guisnes, 194.
Aristocracy, use and abuse of the
name, 398, 399 ; best seen in cities,
413-415-
Aristotle on the Carthaginian consti-
tution, 3 ; on oligarchy and demo-
cracy, 445.
Aries, theatre at, 77.
Arnold, frequency of the name, 164;
friendship of two of them, ib.
Arnold the First, founder of Ardres,
177-185 ; his skill in the tourney,
183 ; his visit to England, ib.
Arnold the Second or Old, companion
of the Conqueror, 184 ; his English
possessions, ib., 185 ; his mariiage,
1 86 ; stories of, ih. ; his many chil-
dren, 187 ; his works at Ardres,
188 ; his visit to England, ib. ; his
bear, ib. ; his action as provost,
191 ; his crusade, ib.
Arnold the Third or Young, 192 ; bis
excommunication and murder, 193.
Arnold, son of Count Baldwin ; his ex-
communication and marriage, 162,
163.
Arnulf, origin of the name, 179.
Arnulf the Old, Count of Flanders,
170.
504
INDEX.
Arroux, river at Autun, ill.
Arundel, earldom of, 45 S, 478.
Arverni, rivals of the ^-Edui, 102.
Athens, its example, 364-366;
gradual changes at, 365 ; history of
nobility at, 406-408 ; comparison
w^ith Rome, 407.
Auch, stalls and glass at, 65.
Augustan Ages, 260, 262.
Augustodunuiu (.see Autun), origin
and history of the name, 104, 105 ;
not Bibracte, 106, 107; 119.
Augustus, founder of Augustodunmn,
113; character of his age, 262,
263.
Aurelian, Emperor, his walls at Rome,
108 ; recovers Gaul from Tetricus,
119.
Austin Canons at Aix, 64.
Autun(A ugustodununi) , its connexion
with the Panegyrists, 95 ; with
Trier, ih. ; its position among
cities, 97 ; its name of Flavia, 97,
98 ; its relation to Rome, 99 ; its
plan, 108, 109 ; its shrinking
up, 109 ; compared with sites in
Britain, no ; the pyramid, in ;
the walls, 111-114; the gates, in,
112; destruciion of its churches,
112; its picture in Tacitus, 114;
its schools, 115; 120; 125; its
history under Tetricus, Claudian,
and Aurelian, 118, 119; its re-
storation by Constantius and Con-
stantine, 120; visit of Constantine,
121, 122; the amphitheatre, 123;
position under the later Emperors,
123, 124; election of Magnentius,
124; taken by the Saracens, ib. ;
its Campus Martins, 125; church
of Saint Lazarus or Nazarius at,
125 ; its plan and architecture,
126-129; general character of the
city, 129, 130.
BagandtB, 118.
Baldwin, frequency of the name, 164,
Baldwin the First, Count of Guisnes,
175 ; withstands Richildis of
Flanders, ib. ; founds the abbey
of Andres, 1 76.
Baldwin,Count of Guisnes, his quarrel
with Lambert of Ardres, 163; his
buildings and other works, 195 ;
his studies and general character,
195, 196 ; his reception of Arch-
bishop William of Rheims, 197.
Bannerets, 460.
Barnes, Ralj^h, 327 ; 341 ; 343.
Barons, first meaning of the word,
450; various uses, 451; greater
and lesser, ih. ; their summons to
parliament, 452-454 ; its effects,
454 ; 455 ; their line of succession,
457 ; 458 ; how described, 460 ;
their relation to knights, 463 ; name
applied to the Lords Ordinary,
478; 495-
Barons' War, 269.
Barony by tenure, 457-459.
Basilica, use of the word by Gregory
of Tours, 153.
Bear, helps to build the mound, 180 ;
from England, baited, 188, 189;
tax of bread for, 189.
Beatrice, wife of Arnold of Guisnes,
163.
Belisarius, his memories at Car-
thage, 20 ; 24.
Benedict, Provost, his work at Aix,
58-63- .
Berecynthian Mother, her rites at
Augustodunum, 122.
Berkeley, barony of, 458.
Bibracte or Julia, 97 ; older head of
.^dui, 105, 106 ; not Autun, 106.
Bishoprics in England and France,
30, 31 ; 46, 47.
Bishops, English, always summoned
to Parliament, 448 ; their present
position, 590.
Boniface, his mission to Germany,
241.
Bourdeille, church and castle of, 148.
Bourg, use of the word at Perigueux,
135; 141-
Bourges, 40, 41.
Bozrah, alcropolis of Carthage, 18-20.
Brantome, church of, 148.
Brazil, the name, 200 ; its peaceful
separation from Portugal, 216; long
the one American monarchy, ih. ;
its imperial style, 217 ; its later
revolutions, 217, 218.
Britain, effects of its insular character,
220, 221; 228, 229; 233; counted
as another world, 224; 226; 228;
its position under Rome, 230 ; 238 ;
its resistance to the English, 231 ;
its invasions, 235 ; 236; its geological
making, 237.
Brix worth, 51.
Bundesrath, constitution of, in Ger-
many, 395.
Buonaparte, Napoleon, real and false
parallel with Charles the Great,
241 ; 242 ; his designs on England,
244.
Burgundy, kingdom of, its absorption
by France, 73-88 ; 90.
INDEX.
50i
Burning of murderers, 193.
Byrsa : nee Bozrah.
Cabillo, Challon, 105, 106.
Cadurci, their history, 151,
Caen, its special history, 45.
Caesar, C. Julius, his relations to the
^Edui, loi, 102, 105; his position
as discoverer, 237.
Cassar, comparison of the Elder and
Younger, 364.
Cahors, its mention by Dante, 150;
approach to, ih., 151 ; natives of'
^51) 152 ; claims of its bishops,
152 ; its bridge, 153 ; its churches,
ih.; its walls, 154; its peninsular
site, ib. ; portal of Diana, 155 ;
compared with Soest, ib. ; church of
Saint Stephen, 156, 157 ; other
churches, 157, 158'; houses, 158.
Calais, its history, 166 ; its possession
by England, 245, 246.
Calleva (Silchester), 108.
Campbell, Sir John (Lord), his argu-
ment in the Exeter Deanery Case,
341-349-
Canons, marriage of at Guisnes, 172.
Capitals, local, in England and France,
, 29-31.
Carthage, its twofold history, i, 2 ;
24 ; the second Cartilage secondary
to the first, 2, 3 ; contrasted with
Constantinople and Palermo, 3 ;
its Christian associations, ih. ; its
constitution, ih., 5 ; gradually
Europeanized, 4 ; the New City,
5 ; its position as a ruling city,
6-9; comparison with Rome,
6-8 ; with Llibeck, Venice, and
Genoa, 9 ; with Spain, 10 ; with
England, 11-13 ; its settlements
and conquests, 12, 13; no direct
effect on later historj, 14 ; its site,
ip-iS ; small remains of the ancient
city,_ 15 ; comparison with the
Sicilian sites, 16 ; its peninsular
character, 17, 18; its akropolis,
18-20 ; its havens, 20, 21 ; its
traces at Tunis and Kairvvan, 20 ;
24 ; its remains on the spot, ih.
Castile, the central power of Spain,
206; its advance, 207-210; im-
perial style of its kings, 214.
Cathedral churches, names of, 57.
Celts, affected by the insular character
of Britain, 229 ; survival of their
language, 230 ; their resistance to
the English, 231.
Cenwulf of Mercia, his assertion of
independence, 240.
Ceuta and Gibraltar, ir.
Chalons, Battle of, 55, 56.
Chancellade, church 0^148.
Channel Tunnel, its probable effects,
219, 220; 248 ; its peculiar charac-
ter, 223.
Charlemayne, history of the name,
165.
Charles of Anjou, his effect on the
Burgundiau kingilom, 87.
Charles^ the Great, his relations to
Britain, 240; etlects of his work,
_ 251, 252.
Charles the Bald, Emperor, his grant
to Guisnes, 168.
Charles the Fifth, Emperor, his con-
quest of Tunis, 10, II ; his Ame-
rican Empire, 1 1 ; his alleged coro-
nation at Aix, 65-67.
Charles the First cit England, 267.
Charles the Second of England, his
dealings with the deanery of Exe-
ter, 333, 334.
Chateau Bavriere at PtJrigueux, 138 ;
144.
Christiana, wife of Count Baldwin of
Guisnes, 196.
Church of England, its continuity,
305> 308.
Church towers, 39.
Churches, within and without cities,
39 ; French and English compared,
43, 44 ; destruction of, 43.
Cite, La, at Perigueux, 136, 137, 142.
Cite distinguished from ville, 40, 41.
Civil wars, their character in Eng-
land, 267-274; of the thirteenth and
seventeenth centuries, 267, 268 ; of
the fifteenth, 269.
Claudius, Emperor, his speech on
Gaulish senators, 116, 117.
Claudius Gothicus, Emperor, 118,119.
Clergy, refuse to act as Estate of Par-
liament, 442, 443.
Cloisters, round and pointed arches in,
63, 64.
Coat-armour, 420 ; 422.
Colchester, 51.
Colonization, begins from Phoenicia,
4; Phcenician and English, com-
pared, 12, 13.
Columns, Roman, use of, 51.
Commendation, growth of, 168.
Commons, House of, its powers, 432,
433 ; its origin, 440-443.
Commonwealths, formed by splitting
off, 366, 367; change of monarchies
into, 379.
Communes, growth of in France, 40.
Compostella, pilgrimage to, 176.
506
INDEX.
Condominium inVierlande, 13.
Confederations, question of monarchy
in, 39O' 391-
Conge (Telire, origin of, 329.
Constance, Peace of, 370.
Constantine, Empei-or, panegyric ad-
dressed to, 96 ; 1 20 ; 1 22 ; his visits
to Autun, 96 ; 120-122.
Constantius the First, Emperor, pane-
gyric addressed to, 95 ; I 20.
Constitution, English, its gradual
growth, 481 ; 483.
Constitutions, way of changing, 358.
Consuls, mediaeval use of the name,
86.
Converts, called by heathen names,
179.
Corfu, its insular position, 225.
Cornwall, duchy of, 460 ; 494.
Cotentin, English invasion of, 241.
Crau, its stones, 54.
Crete, its insular position, 225.
Cromwell, Oliver, his parliament, 467.
Cruppellarii, 115.
Cupolas, use of in P^rigord, 133; 1 46 ;
149.
Cycles, historical, 250.
Cyprus, its connexion with Phoeni-
cia and England, 12.
Danby, Earl of, his impeachment,
469.
Danes, their settlement in England,
241, 242 ; their assimilation, 243.
Dauphins of Viennois, their relations
to Orange, 86.
Dauphiny, its relations to the Empire
and to France, 88, 89.
Dawkins, W. B., quoted, 237.
De, force of the preposition, 420.
Deaneries, modes of appointment, 326 ;
328 ; 352 ; election to distinguished
from that of bishops, 330 ; 335.
Deanery of Exeter, 326, 327 ; its
foundation, 330 ; first interference
with capitular election, 332 ; later
cases, 333; 336; refusal to elect
Lord Wriothesley Eussell, 337 ;
nomination of Mr. Grylls, 338-339 ;
election of Mr. Lowe, 340 ; suit in
Court of Queen's Bench, ib. ; argu-
ments of counsel, 341-349 ; judge-
ment of the Court, 349 ; changed
by Act of Parliament, 351.
Democracy, misuse of tlie name, 399.
Denmark, its geographical position,
202.
Dido, her legend, 18, 19.
Divitiacus, 99-101.
Divona Cadercorum : see Cahors.
Dixon, R. W., his Church History,
293; 302.
Dodds, Gregory, his election to the
Deanery of Exeter, 333.
Dorchester [Oxon] compared with
Perigueux, 135.
Dover, church and pharos, 52 ;
French landing at, 245.
Duke, meaning of the name, 459 ;
first creation of, 460.
Dumnorix, 100.
Dutcl), in the Med way, 247.
Earl Marshal, his official seat, 478.
Earls, always summoned, 448 ; their
official character, 449 ; become
hereditary, ih.
Eastern Empire, its position com-
pared with Portugal, 204, 205.
Ecclesia, use of the word by Gregory
of Tours, 153.
Edinburgh, compared with French
local capitals, 31, 32.
Edmund, Earl of Rutland, his death,
282, 283.
Edward the Confessor, visits of
strangers to, 183.
Edwai'd the First, his design of Three
Estates, 442, 443.
Edward the Third, 461 ; 482.
Elbodo, husband of Adela, 178.
Elections, interference with, 331, 332.
Elizabeth, Queen, character of her
age, 264 ; her theological position,
288 ; her ecclesiastical position, 306 ;
310; 315-
England compared with Carthage, 11-
1 3 ; lack of local capitals in, 29 ;
imperial style of its kings, 227;
foreign invasions of, 236, 237 ; its
maritime strength, 246, 247 ; its
archers, 247 ; its position in the
fifteenth century, 273-274; how
affected by the Reformation, 286-
291.
English, their settlement in Britain,
239; their conversion, 239-241;
tlieir conversion voluntary, 253,254.
English colonies, their position chiefly
insular, 221, 222.
English forms of ecclesiastical terms,
240.
English invasions of France, 219 ; 245,
246, 247.
English nation, formed in Britain, 234.
English towns, their various origins,
44-48.
Eorlas give way to Ihegnas, 417.
Erskine-May, Sir Thomas, on the
Wensleydale peerage, 475, 476.
INDEX.
507
Eiinienius, his panegyrics, 95-97 >
117-121.
JEupatridal at Athens, 407.
Eustace, Count of Boulogne, his re-
lations to Arnold of Ardres, 183-
185.
Eustace, Count of Guisnes, his name
and virtues, 174, I75-
Exeter, compared with French towns,
46; case of its deanery, 326-352.
Federation, true meaning of, 3S4 ;
growth of, 379.
Fifteenth century, its general char-
acter, 273.
Finland, Four Estates of, 436, 442.
Fisgard, French landing at, 245.
Fitzwalter, barony of, 459.
Flavia, name of Augustodunum, 120.
Florence, gradual loss of freedom at,
371-
Follett, Sir W., his argument in the
Exeter deanery case, 341-347.
Fi'ance, how far more centralized
than England, 29 ; 42 ; Roman
and medieval remains in, 49, 50 ;
cycles in its history, 254 ; changes
in its constitution, 35S ; lack of
local independence in, 359 ; nature
of its presidency, 381, 383; con-
trasted with America, 383 ; position
of its nobility, 423 ; Three Estates
in, 412.
Francheville : see Newtown.
Francis the First of France, his rela-
tions to Orange, 89.
Frederick the .Second, Eniperor, his
grant to William of Orange, 85, 86.
French, use of in Flanders, 169.
French invasions, of England, 219.
245-246.
French towns, compared with those
of England, Germany, and Italy,
25, 26 ; their amount of population,
26 ; typical character of, 27-29 ;
their character as local capitals,
29-31 ; their sites and origin,
33~35 ; Gaulish strongholds, 33 ;
effect of Roman dominion, 34-36 ;
effects of Christianity, 36, 37 ; of
Teutonic conquests, 38, 39 ; their
mediaeval history, 40-43 ; effects
of the revolution, 43, 44 ; various
classes of towns, 44, 45 ; seats of
bishoprics, 45-47 ; modern life of
the old towns, 47.
Gaiseric, his memories at Carthage,
18, 24.
Gambetta, L^on, 151.
Gardiner, Stephen, character of his
persecution, 295.
Gaul, ancient strongholds in, 33 ; Ro-
man towns in, 34, 35; effects of
Christianity in, 36, 37 ; effects of
Teutonic conquest in, 38 ; South-
ern, its architectural character, 131 ;
its history compared with Britain,
230-233-
Gauls, admitted to the Roman Senate,
116, 117.
Genius, when most flourishing, 258-
260.
Genoa, compared with Carthage, 9.
Gentilhomme, 400, 421.
Gentleman, origin and force of the
name, 421, 422.
Gentry, its relation to nobility, 400.
Geoffrey of Ardres, his possessions in
England, 184.
German Confederation, character of,
385-
German Empire, its constitution, 389 ;
how far federal, 390 ; a monarchic
confederation, 391 ; numbering of
the Emperors, 391 ; position of the
Emperor, 392 ; relations of Prussia
and Bavaria, 393 ; constitution of
the Beichstaij, 394 ; of the Biindes-
raih, 394-397-
German towns, character of their
architecture, 26.
Germany, union of, 252 ; growth of
the piinces in, 368 ; 492, 493 ; of
the cities, 368, 369.
Gertrude, wife of Arnold of Ardres,
her tax of lambs, 189 ; 190.
Gibraltar and Ceuta, 11.
Godwine, Earl, legend of, 418; his
parliamentary action, 482.
Goletta, approach to Tunis, 17.
Government, no ideal form of, 355.
Governor, title of, in the United
States, 377.
Granada, its position in Spain, 208.
Great Council at Venice, 411, 412.
Greece, kingdom of, its geographical
position, 202.
Greece, Old, periods in its literature,
274> 275.
Greek islands, their exceptional im-
portance, 224.
Green, J. R., quoted, 234.
Grylls, Thomas, his nomination to the
Deanery of Exeter, 338-340.
Guisnes, counts of, 161 ; history of
the county, 166 ; position of its
counts, 167 ; language of, 169 ;
fortification of the town, 171 ;
claims of its counts over Ardres,
508
INDEX.
1 80, 182 ; their connexion with
England, 190; 194; Count Bald-
win's house at, 195.
Hagenau, 418 ; 420.
Hall, E., his account of the battle of
Wakefield, 280-283.
Hamburg, its coinage, 369.
Hamilkar, the earlier and the later, 4.
Hannibal, the earlier and the later, 4.
Havre, its special history, 47.
Hay, Lord, his peerage, 473.
Heller, Dr., corrects the dates of
Lambert, 178.
Henry the Second, his work completed
by Henry the Eighth, 287, 28S.
Henry the Third, of England, 267.
Herbert, surnamed Ci-angroc, 178.
Hereditary succession, not unreason-
able in its origin, 495 ; as applied
to the Crown and the House of
Lords, 496-498.
History, how far a record of crimes,
266.
Hook, W. F., his life of Pole, 293 ;
his special position, 294; 302; 307-
309 ; his life of Parker, 304.
Hugh Capet, legend of, 418.
India, compared with Spain, 72 ; ad-
vance of Portugal in, 211, 212.
Ireland, its relation to Britain, 225.
Irish Bishops, their position, 476, 477.
Irish Peers, their position, 436, 439,
440. 47 1 > 472-
Isabel of Castile, effects of her mar-
riage, 205.
Islands, character of their history,
224-228.
Italy, sites and character of its town?,
26 ; union of, 252, 253; growth of
commonwealths in, 370 ; growth of
tyrannies, 371; nobility in its
cities, 413; 4x6.
John the Twenty-second, Pope, 15 1.
Judges, their relation to the House of
Lords, 474, 475.
Julius Florus, his revolt, 1 14.
Julius Sacrovir, his revolt, 114.
Kenfig, 322,
Kingship, its position in cities, 5 ;
constitutional, its good and bad side,
357 ; best discharged by a woman,
357-
Kingston-Lisle, Barony of, 462.
Kleisthenes, his reform, 406.
Knights, their position, 495.
Kothon, haven of Carthage, 20, 23.
Lambert of Ardres, his history of the
Counts of Guisnes, 161 ; personal
anecdotes of, 162, 163 ; his care
about nomenclature, 178.
Laiid->iittiii(j men, 444.
Lawe Hill, 278.
Lazarus, Saint, his church at Autun,
125-129.
Legends, growth of, 170.
Leodgar, Bishojj of Autun, 125.
Leofric, Earl, his parliamentary ac-
tion, 482.
Leominster, church of, compared with
Aix, 60, 61.
Le Puy, 41.
Letter missive, 329.
Lewis, Saint, Hill of (see Bozrah), 18-
20 ; church on, 18 ; story of Carmel-
ite at, 22.
Lewis the Eighth, his relations to
the Burgundian kingdom, 88.
Lewis the Eleventh, his relations to
Orange, 89.
Lewis the Twelfth, his relations to
Orange, 89.
Liechtenstein, compared with Orange,
.92-
Life-peers, 434 ; creation of, 462 ;
rarely practised, 473 ; case of Lord
Wensleydale, 474, 475-
Limoges, character of, 28.
Lincoln, compared with French towns,
46,
Livy, his notions of patricians and
plebeians, 405.
Lombardy, Teutonic occupation of,
14, iS.
London, the only capital in England,
29. 3°-
Lord, use of the word, 433.
Lords, House of, its incidental growth,
427; 431; popular misconception
about, 427-430 ; not designed as a
second chamber, 429, 431 ; not
essentially hereditary, ib. ; its
present powers, 422, 423 ; its
present constitution, 433, 434; its
growth compared with that of
House of Conmions, 440-443 ; how
affected by House of Commons, 443 ;
its descent from the Mgcel Gemot,
444-448 ; abolished, 467 ; restored,
46S ; choice of ofhcers of state by,
482.
Lords of Appeal in Ordinary, 477,
478-
Lords Spiritual, their ancient peerage,
434. 437 ; 439 ; shut out by Long
Parliament, 466 ; restored, 468 ;
later changes in their position, 476
INDEX.
509
479 ; represent the older Witan,
499; 501.
Low-Dutch, speech of Flanders, 168,
169; use of in local nomenclature,
169.
Lowe, Thomas Hill, his election to
the Deanery of Exeter, 326, 340.
Liibeck, compared witli Carthage, 9.
Luctorins, 151.
Lusitania, its relation to Portugal,
203.
Luzerch, not Uxellodunum, 151.
Lytton, Lord, 271.
Macaulay, Lord, quoted, 290; his
judgement on Cai'dinal Pole, 293.
31agnentius, proclaimed Emperor at
Augustodunum, 124.
Making of England, 234.
Malta, its antiquities and language,
II.
Manasses, Count of Guisnes, 187.
Manasses, Lord of Ardres, 1S7.
Margaret of Anjou, her misgovern-
ment, 271 ; 272 ; rejects the award
of 1460, 275 ; not present at Wake-
field, 276 ; 280.
Marius, Gains, 65; 68 ; whether com-
memorated on the arch at Orange,
80.
Market, on Sunday, 195.
Marot, Clement, 152.
Marquesses, first creation of, 460.
Mary, Queen, her proposed marriage
with Reginald Pole, 299.
Matilda, wife of Elembei't of Merck,
her miracles, 191 ; robbery of her
body, 192.
Maurice, Prince of Orange, his works,
92.
Maximin, apostle of Provence, 57.
Medicean age, character of, 263.
Medici, growth of their power, 371.
Middlesex, subject to London, 13.
Ministers in constitutional kingdoms,
497-
Minorca, conquests of, 11.
Miracles, 160.
Monaeo,its geographical position, 202.
Money-bills, 432.
Mont Beuvray, site of Bibracte, 106,
107.
Mount of Victory, 54, 68.
Mj/cel Gemot, continued in House of
Lords, 444.
Names, double, 187.
National migration, end of, 243.
Nevernum, Nevers, 103, 105.
Newtown, its state and history, 323,
324 ; its parliamentary enfranchise-
ment, 325.
Nobilitds, at Rome, 404 ; its Teutonic
analogies, 417.
Nobility, misuse of the name, 398 ;
definition of, 399 ; its relation to
gentry, 400 ; to the British peer-
age, 401 ; nobility of settlement and
of office, ih. ; its history at Rome,
401-406 ; its history at Athens,
406-408 ; at Sparta, 409 ; at Venice,
4 1 0-41 5 ; at Florence, 414 ; its
nature in cities and in large states,
417-419; how far the result of
conquest, 418, 419; in Slavonic
countries, 419 ; how affected by
Norman Conquest in England, 420 ;
no true nobility in England, 421 ;
contrasted in France and England,
423; modern commonwealths un-
favourable to, 424 ; its relation to
kingship, 424.
Normandy, its position compared
with Portugal, 203-205 ; its rela-
tions to England, 244.
Normans, their conquest of England,
243 ; their conquests elsewhere, ih.
Novelty, not always needed, 201.
Noviodunum : see Nevernum.
Old Sarum, 323.
Oligarchy, how changed into demo-
cracy, 360.
Orange, confusions as to its geo-
graphy, 69, 70 ; its real position, 70,
71 ; its princes, 70, 74 ; importance
of the castle hill, 71, 72 ; 75 ; its
special history, 72, 73; its relations
to France, 72 ; 74 ; part of the
kingdom of Burgundy, 73 ; com-
jiared with Savoy and Switzerland,
(7'.; its long independence, 74; its
remains cliiefly Roman, 74, 75 ; the
theatre, 76, 77 ; the circus, 78 ;
arch, 78-80 ; the arch becomes a
fortress, 81 ; foundation and posi-
tion of the county, 83, 84; the prin-
cipality, 84, 85 ; communal move-
ments at, 86 ; encroachment of
France, 88-90, 92, 93 ; the Chalons
princes, 89, 90 ; the Nassau princes,
90, 91 ; comparison with Liechten-
stein, 92 ; its final annexation, 93.
Oratory, its relation to literature,
261.
' Other House,' 467, 468 ; 485.
Paganus, origin of the name, 179.
Parallels, historical, 249-251.
Parium judicium, 438.
510
INDEX.
Parker, Matthew, his conge d'ilire,
305 ; his historical and theological
position, 306, 307 ; question of his
consecration, 307 ; his position
under Mary, 309 ; 314 ; his earlier
life, 311-313 ; his marriage, 312;
his promotion of learning, 316.
Parliament, its judicial powers, 432 ;
origin of the name, 439, 444; its
control over the executive, 482.
Patricians at Rome, origin of, 402.
Patronage, original nature of, 328.
Peerage, its relation to nobility, 401 ;
hinders growth of nobility in Eng-
land, 421 ; 489-492 ; its older mean-
ing takes in Lords Spiritual, 434,
437j 439; definition of, 435, 436;
gradually established, 455-457; 462 ;
new ranks of, 459, 460 ; creation of
by patent, 461 ; denied to Lords Spi-
ritual, 464 ; 466 ; 468, 469 ; declared
inalienable, 470; how forfeited, ih. ;
how affected by proposed Peerage
Bill, 472, 473 ; its relation to Lords
Ordinary, 478 ; its official nature,
493 ; its hereditary nature compared
with that of the Crown, 496-498.
Peerage Bill, 472, 473.
Peers, French Chamber of, 439, 484.
Peers of France, 183, 438, 439.
Peers, position of their children, 489 ;
491.
Feraia, 246.
Perigord, its two classes of antiqui-
ties, 133,150.
P^rigueux, its character and antiqui-
ties, 132, 133 ; first and sec(md
view of, 133-135 ; the Gaulish
town, 136 ; the Roman town, 136-
13S; the Roman wall, 139; its
probable date, 140 ; growth of the
hourg of Saint Front, 141 ; church
and other buildings of La Cite,
142, 143; the round temple, 143;
144 ; the Chateau Baniere, 144 ;
the church of Saint Front, 145 ; its
architecture, 146-148 ; its restora-
tion or destruction, 149 ; ancient
houses at, 150.
Perikles, his speeches, 261.
Persia, cycles in its history, 256.
Peter des Roches, 438.
Petronilla, -wi^e of Arnold the Young,
her ways, 192.
Philibert, Prince of Orange, 90.
Philip of Ardres, 185.
Philip of Montjardin, his stories,
165.
Pliilip the Second, of Spain, 374.
Phoenicia, its special historic position.
3; its colonies, 4; 6; 13; its
kings, 5.
Pilasters, use of at Autun, 129.
Pilgrimages, 197.
Plehs at Rome, or'gin and growth of,
402-406.
Poland, nobility in, 419, 423.
Pole, Reginald, 293 ; various esti-
mates of, 293 ; character of his
persecution, ib. ; his theology, 296,
297 ; his false position, 297, 298 ;
his descent and early life, 298,
299 ; his absolution of England,
300 ; his support of Henry the
Eighth's divorce, 301.
Polybios, on the Carthaginian con-
stitution, 3 ; 265.
Popnlus [see Patricians), 402.
Portugal, recent importance of, 199 ;
its unique geographical position,
202-205 ; its relation to Spain,
205, 206 ; its position in the 15th
century, 207 ; its advance against
the Mussulmans, 209 ; its relation
to Africa and America, 210; to
India, 211 ; its leadership in dis-
tant discovery, 211, 212 ; its short
time of greatness, 212 ; how af-
fected by the consolidation of Spain,
213, 214 ; its union with and sepa-
ration from Spain, 214 ; its relation
to Brazil, 216; origin of its royal
family, 217.
Precincts, ecclesiastical, sjiecially
English, 43.
Presidents, compared with kings, 497.
Prince, title of, 85.
Privy Council, its constitution, 498,
499-
Prussia, its old position analogous to
Portugal, 203, 204.
Purchase, abolition of, 386.
Puy, use of the word, 135, 137.
Raimbaud (Regenbald), Counts of
Orange of the name, 84, 85.
Ralph, Count of Guisnes, his oppres-
sions, tournaments, and death, 173,
174.
Redesdale, Lord, 284.
Reede, Lord, his peerage, 473.
Reform Bills, 388.
Reformation, its nature in England,
248-287 ; how far tlieological, 287,
288 ; its results, 2S8 ; 291 ; a Teu-
tonic movement, 291 ; its character
in other countries, 292.
Seichstag, constitution of in Ger-
many, 394.
Ri'ichsanmittelhu ikcif , 369.
INDEX.
511
R^n^, Prince of Orange, 90.
E^n^, King, picture attributed to
him, 65.
Republics, change of feeling towards,
353-355-
Rhode Island, charter of, 377
Rhoneland, character of its churches,
75-
Richard, Duke of York, 271 ; his
claim to the Crown, 272 ; heir-
apparent and regent, 275 ; his
death at Wakefield, 276-283.
Hufsmal-suija, 417.
Robert of Coutances, his stories, 165.
Roman architecture, 77, 79.
Roman buildings in Gaul and Britain,
50-52.
Roman masonry, survivals of, 156.
Roman towns, their small size, 108.
— in Gaul, 34, 35 ; their nomencla-
ture, 35, 36 ; their walls, 41.
Romanesque architecture, its growth,
77-
Bomunitas, 196.
Romanus Orliis, 226.
Rome, compared with Carthage, 6-8 ;
lesson of its example, 360 ; change
always gradual, 360-364 ; its kings,
361 ; struggle of patricians and
plebeians, 362 ; gradual growth of
the Empire, 363, 364 ; history of
nobility at, 401-406.
Rotation, 477.
Rotrudis, roljbery of her body, 192.
Rotten boroughs, 317; two classes
of, 318; boroughs enfranchised in
order to be corrupt, 320, 321 ; de-
cayed boroughs, 322.
Rouen, compared with Manchester,
28.
Rains, Greek, Roman, and mediiEval,
compared, 144.
Russell, Lord \V., his nomination to
the Deanery of Exeter, 337.
Russia, its advance by land, 211,
212 ; nobility in, 419.
Saint Albans, 51.
Saint Bertin, abbey of, its claims over
Guisnes, 167.
Saint-Front at Perigueux, the earlier
church, 145 ; the domical church,
146-149.
Saint-Jean de Cole, cliurch of, 148.
Saint Martin's, Canterbury, 51.
Saint-Paul Trois Chateaux, 62.
Sandal Castle, 278, 279.
San Marino, its geograpliical position,
202 ; commonwealth of, 378.
San Remy, arch at, 73.
Saracens, take Autun, 124.
Scottish peers, their position, 436, 440,
449,470,471.
' Second chambers,' origin of, 467 ;
479, 480 ; 484 ; their history and
j)osition in other countries, 486-
488 ; their necessity in federal
states, 486, 487.
StcJs, See, name of the church of Aix,
57-
Selnessa, name of, 178 ; its ruined
church, 179 ; destroyed to build
Ardres, 180.
Semitic races, compared, 14.
Senate, American, its special powers,
486.
Senate, Roman, compared with the
English Privy Council, 498.
Sheriffs, arbitrary powers of, 319.
Sicily, its old PhcRnician settlements,
6; English influence in, 11; its sites
compared with Carthage, 16; cycles
in its historj', 255.
Sidi-bou-said, village of Mahometan
saints, 18 ; 23.
Sidonius ApoUinaris, his notices of
the ^dui, 124.
Sigefrith of Guisnes, his sojourn in
Denmark, 171 ; raises the mound
of Guisnes, ih. ; his relations to
.i^lfthryth of Flanders, 172, 173.
Silius, G^ius, his defence of Augusto-
dunum, 115.
Simplicius, Bishop, convert; the ^dui,
122.
Smith, E. B., quoted, 23.
Sokra, lake at Carthage, 18.
Spain, earliest object of Phoenician
enterprise, 6 ; compared with Cai--
thage, 10, II; decline of its power,
II ; geogi-aphical use of the name,
203 ; later use, 205 ; its vai'ious
kingdoms, 205-207 ; its advance
against the Mussulmans, 20S ; its
analogy with Sweden, 213 ; its
union under Philip the Second,
215; its history compared with
Britain, 230; its relation to Eng-
land, 247 ; revolutions in, 381.
Sparta, constitution of, 409.
Speech, English for puvliuiaent, 439-
444-
Standerafh, Swiss, 486.
Stoke College, 31 2 ; itssuppression,3i3.
Stratford, Archbishop, 439.
Stubbs, Bishop, quoted, 439.
Summons, use and effect of, 446 ; of
the greater Barons, 45 1 ; power of re-
fusing, 45 3 ; becomes hereditary, 454.
Surnames, growth of, 1S6.
512
INDEX.
Sweden, its short time of greatness,
213 ; Four estates of, 436 ; 442.
Switzerland, ruling and subject-towns
in, 13 ; growth of, 36S-370.
Syndics, magistrates at Orange, S6.
Talleyrand, Bishop of Autim, 125.
Taylor, Isaac, quoted, 169.
Teignmouth, French landing at, 245.
Tenure, barony by, 451-459 ; earldom
by, 458- .
Tetricus, his relations to Augustodu-
num, 118, 119.
Teutonic Conquest in Gaul and
Britain compared, 48, 49, 232, 233.
Tharshish : see Spain.
Thegns, growth of, 41 7 ; how affected
by Norman Conquest, 420.
The Old Paths, 385-38S.
Thirteenth century, its general charac-
ter, 372.
Toleration, how far the result of the
Reformation, 289.
Toulouse, Counts of, their claims over
Orange, 84.
Tournaments, beginnings of, 173,
174 ; when brought into England,
183, 184.
Town-houses in England and France,
30.
Trier, its relation to Autun, 24-26.
Trieste, church at, compared with
Aix, 60.
Tulle, 28.
Tunis, its conquest by Charles tlie
Fifth, 10, II ; approach to, 17 ;
its lake, 18.
Tuscany, Grand Duchy of, 372.
Two Houses, accidental origin of,
442, 443-
Tyrants, growth of in Britain, 238.
Unconscious change in early times,
380.
United Provinces, their short time of
greatness, 212; their separation
from Spain and the Empire, 373-
375-
United States, j)ractically insular, 222;
their separation from Great Britain,
375 ; their federal constitution,
376 ; their State constitutions, 377;
nature of the Presidency, 382.
Ustica, Isle of Bones, 8.
Valentr^, bridge of, at Cahors, 152,
153-
Valeuil, church of, 148.
Venice, compared with Carthage, 9 ;
its insular position, 224; gradual
growth of her independence, 372 ;
of her oligarchy, 372, 373 ; growth
and position of her nobility, 410-
415-
Vergobret, chief magistrate of the
yEdui, loi.
Yerneille, Felix de, 145.
Vesona (.see Pdrigueux), its remains,
135-140; the tour de Vesone, 136;
tlie wall, 139.
Ville distinguished from Cite, 40, 41.
Viscounts, first creation of, 460.
Von, force of the preposition, 420.
Wakefield, site of the battle, 276-279 ;
the bridge, 277 ; narratives of the
battle, ■281-283.
Walter, Dean of Ardres, 181.
Walter of Ecluse, tells the story of
Guisnes and Ardres, 165.
Wars of the Roses, 269-274; their
causes and character, 270-272.
Wensleydale, Lord, cause of his life-
peerage, 474, 475.
Whethamstede, John, his account of
the battle of Wakefield, 280-283.
William, Archbishop of Rheims, his
visit to Baldwin of Guisnes, 197.
William, Saint, of Orange, 83.
William the Second, of Orange, his
alleged kingship, 85.
William the Seventh, of Orange, his
Parliament, 89.
William the Eighth, of Orange, the
Silent, his position, 90-92.
William the Tenth, of Orange, Third
of England, 69, 70, 93.
Winchelsea, 322.
Witan, 437 ; 439 ; 444 ; debate
among, 482.
Worcester, William, his account of
the Battle of Wakefield, 280-283.
Year 407 a.d., 140.
York, its special position, 32.
Yoi'k, House of, its descent, 270.
Zimri, Dryden's, mediaeval likenesses
of, 198."
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