MY MEMOIRS s< O MY MEMOIRS BY HENRI STEPHAN DE BLOWITZ THIRD IMPRESSION LONDON EDWARD ARNOLD 1903 [Ali rights reserved^ PREFACE The pages which follow are published by the formal desire of their author. Many a time in the course of his life he remarked that it was very unjust that the journalist, unlike other writers, left nothing behind him as a lasting testimony of his efforts, his work, and his success. A short time before his death he insisted that his Memoirs should be placed before the public. It is in defer- ence to this command, and at his special bidding, that his adopted son and his family publish the present volume. Some of the pages appeared in print during the lifetime of their author. The chapters entitled ' How I became a Journalist,' ' Alphonso XII. pro- claimed King of Spain,' ' The French Scare of 1875,' and ' The Berlin Congress,' were given in part by Harper s Monthly Magazine. Almost the whole of the remaining chapters is entirely new to the English public. M. de Blowitz, who during his lifetime — as he himself says in his Memoirs — never kept a diary and seldom took notes, dictated them before he died. vi PREFACE Nothing has been added, nothing remains unre- counted ; the Memoirs are published just as they were set down in writing. And, such as they are, they retrace the principal episodes of contempo- rary history in which a journalist enacted a part, and the principal events, romantic or amusing, which happened to him in the course of his long career. CONTENTS CHAPTKB PACE I, EARLY YOUTH - - ... 1 II. HOW I BECAME A JOURNALIST - - - 24 III. A CHAMPAGNE CONSPIRACY - - - - 5() IV. ALPHONSO XII. PROCLAIMED KING OF SPAIN - 73 V. THE FRENCH SCARE OF 1875 - - - 100 VI. THE BERLIN CONGRESS - - - - 12S VIL WHAT BISMARCK TOLD ME - - - - 1.56 VIII. GAMBETTA AND BISMARCK - - - - 167 IX. ALVA ------- 174 X. THE REVENGE OF VENUS - - - - 217 XI. A LIFE STRUGGLE - - - - - 237 XII. WHY FRANCE DID NOT GO TO EGYPT - - 261 XIIL MY INTERVIEW WITH THE SULTAN - - - 269 XIV. EXILE OF THE FRENCH PRINCES - - - 301 XV. SAN REMO - - - - - - 311 XVI. HOW BISMARCK RETIRED - - - - 326 XVII. DIPLOMACY AND JOURNALISM - - - 343 INDEX . . - - . 35(3 ILLUSTRATIONS PORTRAIT OF M. DE BLOWITZ - - - Frontispiece A SOUVENIR OF THE BERLIN CONGRESS - - To face p. liO (\ MY MEMOIRS CHAPTER I EARLY YOUTH My origin, infancy, and youth have been narrated so often that no one will, I hope, find fault with me if, in my turn, I myself give an account of them. Since they have appeared sufficiently interesting for others to relate, I also have acquired the right to do so without being taxed with presumption. In any case, I venture to say that, instead of the fantastic tales which have appeared, nothing but ' information derived from an absolutely authorized source ' will be found in the following pages. In writing these lines, which will not appear until after I am in the grave, I have but one ambition : that of telling the truth, the whole truth ; and I have but one desire : that of preventing persons from disfiguring, for their own pleasure or passion, events with which I have been closely connected. On the 28th of December, 1825, at the Chateau of Blow sky, in the region of Pilsna, in Bohemia, 1 2 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ there was Ijorii a child with a big head and a feeble body. The doctors Avho had been summoned to his bedside shook their heads in silence, and declared that ' he had a weak heart and was ill-formed,' and consequently he would not live. The child's mother thereupon decided that the j^roper thing to do was to have him baptized without delay. And so on the 29th of December, while the snow was falling heavily and a strong wind was carrying away the music of a peal of bells, he was conveyed to the little chapel of the little village of Blowsky, and there the Rev. Father Wasck, arch-priest of the parish, administered to him the holy Sacrament of Baptism. At the same time, on the old register of the church, which contained the names of all his ancestors, from Seigneur Kaspar de Blowitz of Palatine, who founded the village school, to Seigneur Marc Opper de Blowitz, who owned the ancient chateau, he entered the new-born child under the names of Henri Georges Stephan Adolphe, and promised to say a Mass in order that God might allow him to live, I should not be telling the truth were I to say that I recall all these facts, for however good my memory may be, it is not capable of that. But they have been affirmed to me so often by my mother, repeated by the venerable arch-priest, and denied by the doctor, that finally I am absolutely persuaded that they are true. The parish register may, however, be taken as evidence ; it leaves no doubt as to my having been born a Catholic, baptized EARLY YOUTH 3 twenty-four hours after my birth, and that I did not have time to become a Jew. I regret it, more- over — for Israel ! Of my early childhood I remember but little ; the few incidents that I am able to recall do not appear to me worthy of being made public. I will say, however, one thing : When I was six years of age, but little was wanting — that little beins; a brido;e over a stream — for me never to have been correspondent of The Times. This is what happened : One summer's evening there was nobody at home in the paternal chateau. My father was away hunt- ing in the environs with some ot his lordly friends and my mother was absent. I was playing in the park, when, at a turn of the road, an old worn-out gipsy cart appeared on the scene. It was drawn by an emaciated horse and driven by a squalid old woman in tatters. A pale and wretched-looking man followed. In the vehicle were some raggedly- garbed children, among them being a little girl with a beautifully dressed Polichinelle. The fact is, the doll-Punch was altogether too beautifully dressed. What took place ? Did the man take me by the hand ? Did the woman speak to me ? I have forgotten ; but what I have not forgotten is the attractive Polichinelle and its bright black eyes. Ten minutes afterwards I was being rolled along in the gipsy cart. I had been kidnapped ! It seemed to me as if new life had suddenly been infused into the emaciated horse, whose pace was quickened, 1—2 4 MEIVIOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ and the tired-looking man pushed the cart so as to proceed faster. ' If you are a good l3oy,' said the woman, ' we will let you play the drum and hlow a trumpet all the time.' And, in order to give me an advance taste of these future pleasures, they brought out from the back of the vehicle an old box, which, being unpacked, was found to contain, higgledy- piggledy, costumes, drums, wigs, horns — all things that I had greatly admired at the recent village fete. ' Have you got a locket on j^ou ?' was a question asked me by the young girl with the beautiful black eyes. I answered by showing her a small gold locket hanging from a chain round my neck, which my mother had given me. ' All right,' she said, somewhat sadly, ' be sure and keep it, and always tell everybody that your mother placed it there. I have one also, look, and I keep it ; but my mother has never come to claim me yet.' Our ride in the cart continued without a halt for five or six hours, and we must have covered quite a considerable distance, when suddenly, far away in the silence of the forest, we heard shouts and the sounds of the hunting-horn. ' They are looking for us,' said the woman. The man uttered an oath and whipped the horse. The little girl with the black eyes grasped my hand, and in a very low voice said to me : ' It is better it should be thus ; it is preferable EARLY YOUTH 5 that tliey should find you ; you don't know what is in store for you if you remain with us.' I was very much amused, and I looked about and listened. Evidently at the chateau mv absence had been remarked, and thev were lookino; for me. A terrible race ensued. The horse seemed suddenly endowed with fresh vigour, as if he were conscious of the chase that was in progress, and as if he were accustomed to adventures of the kind. The old gipsy-cart jolted noisily over the stones with which the road was strewn. In the distance the sounds of the horn were distinguishable, first a long way off, then nearer, and then far away again. Will they overtake us ? Will they not overtake us ? Until now we had been driving along one solitary road, which ran abruptly into a glade and two roads appeared. AVhich were we going to take ? The one on the right, or the one on the left ? The man, who had not ceased swearing, hesitated. And here I firmly believe my fate was sealed. If he had taken the road on the right, I do not know where I should have been at this hour. But he followed the one on the left, which led us down a little hill towards a river. After another mile the stream appeared, but there was no bridge across it. The road went no farther. As we reached this spot the horns were blowing louder than ever. The clamour of a number of men on horseback could be heard plainer and plainer. There could no longer be any doubt ; they were in pursuit and about to catcli us up. The spare man 6 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ and the raijs-ed woman and the wretched children certainly understood what was going on, for they quickly abandoned horse, cart, boxes, and all their possessions and threw themselves into the water ; they swam across, and two minutes later could be seen running away at full speed on the other side of the river. I remained alone in the gipsy-cart, alone with Polichinelle. A few minutes later my father — for he was among the men on horseback — found us lying down quietly in the rear of the cart. I had been found. I was taken back home. I do not know whether they said anything to Polichinelle, but I do know that they said something to me ! And I also know very well that if the gipsy who had kidnapped me had gone along the road on the right, which dis- appeared in the mountain mazes, I should never have been found. Que diahle ! What should I have been doing now ? W ^ ^ W The above episode is the only one of any impor- tance. All the remainder is monotonous. I never went to school, much less to any University. My young days were spent entirely in the large ancestral chateau in the shade of the wild forest. I read and worked but little ; I walked a great deal. My memory, which all my lifetime has been my power- ful and precious auxiliary, was formed almost entirely alone. It was innate and natural ; it required no training. EARLY YOUTH 7 In my father's room there used to be an enormous stick with a gold knob, which I always admired and envied. Every time I saw it I used to ask for it, and every time I asked for it I used to long to have it and keep it. One day my father said to me : ' Listen ; I will give you this stick if to-morrow you recite to me by heart the legend of " Kosros the Wise." ' That was a way of getting rid of me, for the Hungarian legend of ' Kosros the Wise ' is quite as long as Shakespeare's Hamlet^ and Sir Henry Irving will tell you that twenty-four hours constitute a very short time in which to learn Hamlet. Nevertheless, the following day I went to my father's room, and without a mistake or hesitation I recited to him all the wonderful legend, from the day when the daughter of Kosros chose for a husband Pryemilas, a mere labourer, until the day when his sister Wlasta, at the head of an army of Amazons, won, with the aid of the Czechs, the Battle of the White Mountain. The stick with the gold knob became my property. I did not keep it ; but, thank Heaven, I kept my memory. At the age of fifteen, after a somewhat rudimen- tary education, that, nevertheless, included various poetic legends, which I learnt whenever I had a longing for some of the parental belongings, my father decided that I should travel. He supplied me with money, and gave me as a companion a 8 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ tutor who had taken his degree oi: Doctor of Philosophy. I started out one morning on foot, and was soon lost in tlie distance en route for unknown parts. I think I must have travelled through the whole of the immense Empire of Austria. It was not at that time wdiat civilization has made it at the present day. In the distant or frontier provinces superstition and fanaticism reigned supreme. During my long peregrinations I had striking examples of hotli, and they have left on my mind an indelible impression. Not very far from my native village was a quiet little country town called Grunberg. Any travellers who might nowadays venture to explore this little out-of-the-world nook of Bohemia would notice, close by a peaceful pool, an old church, an odd mixture of all styles of architecture. It is a very poor, modest little church, but it possesses a life-size statue of St. John in massive silver. Curiously enough, this statue has only one arm, and one would be inclined to protest against this wilful mutila- tion if it were not connected with a strange incident of which I was a witness. The day after I had left my father's chateau I arrived at Grunberg, and found the whole town in the wildest state of excitement. Tlie statue of St. John had been stolen the week before, and the whole country round had been doing everything possible to find it. The Bishop of Klattau had ordered processions in all the neighbouring districts, EARLY YOUTH 9 and every day the priest of St. John's, an old man, but upright and of commanding appearance, be- sought his parishioners to tell what they knew of the theft. I have already spoken of a small pool which is near the church. Tliis pool was surrounded by a bank which was very steep on the side near the water, and at the top of which was a narrow path. The procession was about to take place just as I arrived, and, in order to reach the other side of the pool, it had to walk for about two hundred yards along this narrow path at the top of the bank. At the head of the procession was the old priest, praying as he walked along, and carrying a second relic, which was almost as much venerated as the statue. This relic was a silver cross. Halfway along the path — I can see the whole scene distinctly — the priest stumbled against the roots of a newly-planted tree, and, before he had time to think of saving it, the cross fell from his hands, glided slowly down the bank, and disappeared in the muddy waters of the pool. All the people, following the example of the unfortunate priest, fell on their knees, their eyes fixed on the spot in the v/ater Avhere the cross had disappeared. The dam was at once opened so that the water should not carry the sacred relic away, and everj^- one waited for several hours. At the end of that time, to the delight of all, just as the last water was 10 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ disappearing through the clam, the cross was seen, and by the side of the cross the statue — the famous silver statue of St. John. A cry of joy rang through the air, the cross and the statue were taken up, and it was then that the disappearance of the left arm was discovered. The thieves, whilst waiting for an opportunity of conveying the statue to a safe ^^lace, had broken off this arm, which has never been found. The people, singing psalms and hymns of thanks- giving as they went along, repaired to the church in order to replace the venerated statue on the pedestal which for the last week had been deprived of its sacred burden. Just as the last individual was entering the church, a part of the archway over the door gave way, fell straight on the shoulder of a peasant, and cut off his left arm. A chopper could not have done it more cleanly. The crowd immediately surrounded the wretched man, yelling : ' He's the thief ! he's the thief ! St. John has punished him by cutting off his arm !' There was a terrible rush from all sides. The people attacked the peasant, and in a moment his clothes were all in shreds. They were about to drag him along and hurl him into the pool forthwith, without having asked him a question, or without even hesitatins; as to whether or not he were the real author of the theft, when the old priest interfered. ' I alone have the right to command here,' he said ; ' do not touch that man !' EARLY YOUTH 11 The crowd fell back a little, and the priest continued : ' You are in my church,' he said, addressing him- self to the peasant, 'and this is an inviolable and sacred place. No one has a right to touch you here. Stay inside the church, and do not leave it, for, once outside, you belong to human justice.' And the mutilated peasant remained there. He was in the church all day and all night, and he was still there the following day when I left Grunberg. Five years later, when my journey through Europe was accomplished, as I passed through Grunberg on my way to my native village, I saw at the door of St. John's Church an old man who had lost his left arm. He was on his knees at the threshold of the sanctuary, which he had never dared to leave lest he should be torn to pieces by the people. One evening, after a long journey, I reached, with my travelling companion, the Croatian frontier. A dreary-looking rough road stretched as far as the eye could see along the mountainside, and poles were placed on the roadside at intervals, just as in France the telegraph-poles are seen forming a straisrht line alons; the banks of a road. At the top of these poles human heads had been fixed, and I shuddered with horror on discovering that as far as one could see there were these poles and these heads. There had been a revolt the week before, and the Governor of the district, who had proved victorious, had decided to make an example. 12 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ and to inspire the population with wholesome fear. This Governor I can see distinctly now. I was dining that evening with my tutor in a wretched little inn, on the very borders of the frontier, when he came back from his expedition. He was a sort of Bashi-Bazouk, with a hooked nose, long, fair moustache, and a face with a hard expression. He had three escorts, the commanders of each of which appeared to hate each other. I could not resist asking him, later on, when he was sitting next me at tal)le, why he had three escorts. ' The first one,' he answered, ' keeps watch on the second, and the third prevents the other two from coming to any understanding with each other.' This will give an idea of the social position of the Governor of Croatia in the first half of the last century. After supper, while the Governor was smoking a long pipe and the officers of the escort were playing at dice, we heard outside, issuing from the darkness, a dismal cry, followed by shouts, disputes, and fighting. The officers left their dice, and the Governor instinctively put his hand to his belt, from which his sword was hanging. Upon inquiry, we found it was nothing of im- portance — merely a woman, a kind of fortune-teller, who was going along the road when the Bashi- Bazouks of the escort had set upon her. The Governor ordered them to bring her in, so that she EARLY YOUTH 13 could tell our fortunes. We each of us showed her our hand, and she proceeded to foretell the future. I remember the scene with the most astonishing distinctness. In the smoky room, with its low ceiling, near to the fire, which was nearly out, the poor creature was intent on the lines of our palms, and in a slow, monotonous voice she told us her rigmarole. When she came to mine, though, she suddenly became more animated, and her dull eyes lighted up a little. ' Oh !' she exclaimed, ' I've never seen a hand like yours. There is a fine fate in store for you !' ' What is it ?' I asked. ' You'll sit down with Kings, and have Princes at your table.' She did not tell me any more, but that was quite enough, and all night long I dreamt of nothing but conquests and kingdoms. I tried to imagine all the situations which would allow me to sit down with Sovereigns, but I never thought of the only one which could ever enable the prophecy to come true. ***** This journey was to last five years, and five years it lasted. I went through Germany, Russia, Austria, Italy, and Switzerland. The most tragic part of it was the return home. I was just twenty years of age, and as I ap- proached my native village all the memories of my childhood crowded to my mind. One learns a great many things in a five years' 14. MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ journey through the world, and one forgets much also, very quickly. Suddenly, at a turn in the road, flanked by the mountain, the Chateau of Blowsky came in sight ; and I do not know how it was, but as soon as I saw its old, cracked faqade, so gloomy and dismal-looking, as soon as I glanced at its dark, mysterious tower, a sort of presentiment took possession of me. I hurried on, and soon reached the park. It seemed to me that everything looked neglected and rather deserted. The grass was long and the meadows appeared to be untended. I pushed the door open, and a cry rang through the house. It was my mother. ' Where is father ?' I asked anxiously. ' Here he is,' she replied, and, seated by the fire in the large dining-room, I saw him, but he was so changed that I scarcely recognised him. When the first excitement of my arrival was over, he began to question me. ' Didn't you see anyone before you reached the house ?' he asked. ' No one,' I replied. ' And you don't know all that has happened here since you left ?' ' I know nothing,' I answered. My father's voice trembled slightly as he told me. It was a very ordinary every-day story. The fortune of the whole family was lost. A notary, with whom the greater part of our money had been left, had risked it in speculations which had turned EARLY YOUTH 15 out badly, and, to sum up the matter briefly, we were ruined. ' You'll have to work for your living,' said my father in conclusion. I do not know why, but the thought of the gipsy- woman whom I had seen at the Croatian frontier suddenly crossed my mind, and I remembered her prediction. I did not appear at all discouraged ; on the contrary, I smiled as I answered my father. ' All right,' I said, ' don't you worry yourself about me ; I shall be able to earn my living.' ' What do you think of doing ?' he asked. ' I shall start to-morrow for France, and; from there go to America. A year ago, when I was in Genoa, I made the acquaintance of one of the leading business men of Ohio. He offered me a situation in a big agricultural concern out there. I refused, but I shall go to him now, and I am certain he will give me employment.' ' That is right,' said my father. ' I see that you have plenty of determination.' The evening, however, was very sad, and that night was the last I spent in my father's house. Life was before me, full of chances and unexpected things. I did not fear anything, but bravely decided to venture forth. The farewell moment was even more sad than the evening had been. My mother was in tears, and my father, who was very pale, stood on the terrace until I was out of sight. ' Good-bye,' I said, and my last words were : 16 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ ' Perhaps you will never see me again, but I hope you will hear something about me.' And I plunged into the unknown — into life. * * * * * A few weeks later I arrived at Angers, in France, on the banks of the Loire, on my way to Havre, where I intended to take the boat for America. I travelled in what the French call a ' diligence,' which was merely a horrible carriage, badly built, poorly appointed, and with wretched horses. If modern civilization had done nothing but give us railways instead of the dilie;ence, it would deserve the gratitude of all human beings — I mean, of course, of all human beings who travel. My particular diligence went along that wonder- ful and admirable road which everyone who has visited France knows so well, and which skirts the banks of the Loire. It started from Tours, passed through Angers, and was to go on to Nantes. From Nantes I intended travelling by water to Havre, where I hoped to embark for the United States. As we entered the chief street of Angers, some- thing occurred which was destined to influence my whole career. This was the second incident which decided my fate in life. The first was the road which the gipsies who had kidnapped me took to cross the river. This second incident happened in driving over the paving- stones of Angers, when the diligence gave such jolts that the stem of my pipe broke between my teeth. The first thing I did on getting off the conveyance EARLY YOUTH 17 was, of course, to rush to a shoj) for a new stem. I had scarcely finished this most prosaic transac- tion when, on leaving the shop, I knocked up against a tall, slight man, with hair just turning grey, who happened to be coming in. I apologized, but the gentleman, after gazing at me intently, suddenly exclaimed : ' Why, upon my word, I think I recognise you. . . . Are you not young Blowitz ?' ' Certainly.' ' Don't you remember me ?' ' Not at all.' ' I saw you, five or six years ago, at your father's chateau. I am Count Kolowrath, an old friend of your family.' I remembered now having seen the Count in days gone by, and I recognised him. We talked together a few minutes, and I narrated to him the sad events that had taken place at our home in Bohemia. He took the greatest interest in my story, and insisted on my letting the diligence continue its journey without me, and delaying my departure for a day. He was only passing through Angers, and lived in Paris, where he was very intimate with all the political men of the day. The result of our meeting was that I did not start for America the next day, nor yet the day after, nor even the week after, but I went with him to Paris. Serious events were then taking place there. A Republic — the Republic of 1848 — had succeeded 2 18 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ the Monarchy of King Louis Philippe. I was too much interested in all that was going on, too much taken up by this political fever, by this overthrow- ing of a Government, and by this destruction of old-established institutions, to think of going to America. I remained in Paris and observed what was happening around me. I must now make a confession to my readers. Nature, cities, and countries have never had much attraction for me. The stone fa(;ades of houses, picture-galleries, the sculpture of public buildings and monuments, the clever arrangement of gardens — all these things have very rarely seized my atten- tion. That which appeals to me, and which I am always searching for, is the soul which is concealed behind the silent immobility of things ; it is life and movement which interest me. I have spent hours contemplating a crowd, studying its agitation, taking note of its continual motion. And what life, what movement, what a crowd, were there before me in this Paris, which is the brain of one of the leading countries of the world, and towards which came ebbing all the passions, all the anger, all the aspirations, of a whole race and of a whole nation ! Count Kolowrath did not abandon me, but intro- duced me to some of the influential French persons with whom he was on friendly terms. Among the number were M. Thiers and M. de Falloux, the latter of whom was destined to have such an admirable career as a statesman, and who was the EARLY YOUTH 19 veritable organizer o£ Public Instruction in France. M. de Falloux was very curious about men and things in foreign lands ; he always talked willingly with me, and he invited me to private literary gatherings, at which lectures were given on the most varied subjects. One day I received from M. de Falloux an invitation card on which were the following words : ' M. [a name which I have forgotten] will speak on Literature in Ger- many and Provence.' I went to this soiree, and on arriving I found M. de Falloux, usually so calm and so reserved, in a great state of excitement and nervousness. I inquired what was the matter. M. de Falloux told me that his lecturer had not yet arrived, and that he feared he would not now come. ' I am very much annoyed,' he said, ' as several of my guests have been looking forward to hearing him discuss this question, and I fear they will be disappointed.' An idea flashed through my mind. ' Why not get someone immediately to take the lecturer's place ?' I suggested. 'That would not be very easy,' replied M. de Falloux. ' Will you let me try ?' I asked. ' I know very little about Provence — or, to speak frankly, I don't know anything at all — but I am very well up in German literature, and I will do my utmost not to bore your guests.' 2—2 20 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ M. de Falloux smiled. He was very much amused. ' Agreed,' he said, ' and I am very much obliged.' Five minutes later, with plenty of assurance, I was discussing German literature and its connection with the literature of Provence. I compared, quoted, and analyzed examples. I was witty, evidently, for my audience laughed a great deal, and I was even eloquent, for I was applauded. When I had finished, a lady approached me, and in the most affected way said : ' Oh, monsieur, there are, perhaps, several things to find fault with in what you say about German literature ; but all that you told us about the literature of Provence was perfect, absolutely per- fect. . . . (3ne can see how thoroughly you know that country!' M. de Falloux, who was standing near, burst out laughing, and then, shaking hands, thanked me heartily, and, drawing me aside, said : ' What an admirable lecturer on foreign literature you would make !' ' If ever you become Minister,' I answered, ' I'll take you at your word and ask you for a pro- fessorship.' ' Agreed,' he said ; ' yours shall be the first appoint- ment I make.' And it happened as he had said, for M. de Falloux, on becoming Minister of Public Instruction, ap- pointed the young man who had been seen having his pipe mended in one of the shops of Angers to a EARLY YOUTH 21 professorship of foreign languages and literature in that very city. I was not destined to stay very long in Angers, though, nor in the University. In 1856 I was appointed to the chair of Foreign Literature at Marseilles. It was there that I met the lady who became my wife, and who, as the companion of my life for thirty-five years, was with me always through good and through evil days. She was French, and her father, M. Arnaud d'Agnel, had been a Paymaster in the navy ; her uncle, on her father's side, had been a Brigadier. Her mother belonged to an old aristocratic family of the Var, and her maternal uncle was connected with the Bourbon family. Our marriage took place in 1858, and it was not until twelve years later that I embraced the career which was to be the veritable passion of my life. Some of these twelve years were spent in com- mercial affairs, for I had always had the mania of believing myself very clever at mechanics. I had invented a machine for combing flax at great speed. I began by buying a workshop large enough to hold the machine, and the next thing I did was to have the said machine constructed at great expense. When everything was ready, I gave a big fete in order to celebrate the success of my invention. Everyone came from miles round, and more than a thousand persons were present. They all congratu- lated me, drank champagne, looked at the machine, and admired it. 22 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ When the reception was over, the guests gone, and the champagne glasses empty, I thought the moment had arrived for trying the machine and settino- it in motion. As everything was ready and the steam up, I said to the engineer, ' Go !' and I myself turned the tap which was to set it in motion. There was im- mediately a most formidable detonation. Every- thing blew up in the air, the window panes were all broken, and I was thrown violently down, whilst a great iron bolt struck my forehead. I was picked up for dead, and it was thanks to my wife's nursing that I was able to get about again three weeks later, cured of my wound and still more effectually cured of my industrial inven- tions. Never from that time forth have I attempted to set any machinery in motion. It is with this incident that my reminiscences of early youth come to an end. It has required a certain effort on my part to recall them — first, because I do not care to dwell on those far-off days of the past, and, secondly, because I have been obliged to put myself constantly in the foreground, instead of speaking about the events with which I have been connected and the men with whom I have come in contact. In my next chapter I shall endeavour to retrace some of these events, and describe some of these men, who one and all belong to the history of the nineteenth century. But, such as they are, without order and without EARLY YOUTH 23 cohesion, the few lines I have written may at least have a certain philosophical value. They will show that great results may sometimes spring from very slight causes, and that, in order to become a journalist of note in the world, very little is often all that is required — just a pipe to break at the right moment on a journey. CHAPTER II HOW I BECAME A JOURNALIST In 1869 the Second French Empire was beginning to show signs of yielding to the numerous and combined assaults of the Liberal Opposition. When a throne has been seized by a bold stroke, when it has been retained by repression, when the hold over the country is dependent on the docile vote of the unthinking masses, there can be no abandonment of the absolute prerogatives the ruler has bestowed on himself. The slightest concession becomes a weapon in the hands of the assailant, and the auto- cratic fortress only remains impregnable so long as no breach can be made. In 1869 the torrent of the Opposition had been dashing for seventeen years against the foundations of the Second Empire, and the attentive eye could already discover some of the breaches that were being made in the fortification which surrounded the throne of Napoleon III. In Paris, however, the central power remained under great illusions, and played with the fire of Liberal Reform. In the provinces, on the contrary, the representatives of the Government felt that their power was diminish- [ 24 ] HOW I BECAME A JOURNALIST 25 ing. They were constantly coming into collision with audacious opponents, and in consequence of the opposition they met they became more overbearing, more tyrannical, and, for that very reason, more un- popular. From this syllogistic circle there was no retreat or escape except by revolution or reaction. For many years now I had been living at Marseilles. I had married, as I told my readers in the preceding chapter, a lady a native of the great southern French city. But at that time I was not yet naturalized, and I considered it almost a duty to stand aloof from the domestic politics of France. Nevertheless, as my marriage inevitably brought me into contact with certain persons, I was supposed by everybody to belong to the Legitimist party, at the time militant around me. The elections of 1869 were close at hand. It was apparent that the contest would he violent in the extreme. All sides were preparing for the fight. The Opposition formed a league called the Liberal Union, within which there was room made for the three parties — the Legitimists, the Orleanists, and the Democrats. The Government did what it could to strengthen its position. It re-enforced its Prefects ; it decorated with the Legion of Honour its chief political supporters, and dismissed auxiliaries of whom it was not sure. In the great centres it established newspapers which were to all appearances violently Democratic, but the real pur- pose of which was to sow dissension among the parties forming the Liberal Union. 26 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ During the day the editors or their staiF wrote articles denouncing the Empire and the Royalist party. At night these same journalists repaii'ed to the Prefectures to receive their instructions. Such was the state of affairs throughout France, and more especially at Marseilles. In that city the candidature of M. de Lesseps, in opposition to M. Thiers and M. Gambetta, was very popular. Gambetta and his pretensions were made the subject of endless jokes and laughter on the part of the pseudo-Democratic official press. M. de Lesseps' candidature was represented as quite independent. Therein resided his only chance of success, for if there had been a suspicion that it was official, his position would have been irremediably compromised. Strange to say, I was the man who, almost unwittingly, dealt the fatal blow to his chances. Even at this time of my life the uncontrollable desire to get at the bottom of sensational reports haunted me. While it was strongly suspected at Marseilles that M. de Lesseps was an official candidate, and while the Government was making every effort to prove the contrary, one of my friends had gone to Egypt. I kept up a corre- spondence with him. In writing to me he recounted, with much detail, incidents which threw a strong light on the whole subject. An orderly officer of the Emperor had arrived in Egypt. A special train was placed at his disposal by Ismail Pasha. This officer lost no time in posting on to M. de Lesseps. At the urgent request, and in compliance with an HOW I BECAME A JOURNALIST 27 almost formal order, of the Emperor, tlie con- structor of the Suez Canal, who, as such, had already become popular, consented to become a candidate for Marseilles. Without considering the consequences, I lost no time in communicating this information to one of my friends — the editor of a Legitimist news- paper. The news burst like a tempest on the public of Marseilles, and swept away in its irresistible whirl the candidature of M. de Lesseps. The very next day the Socialist newspaper, in obedience to orders, made an incredibly violent attack on me. I was terrified at what I had done. I was somewhat in the position of an elephant from whose back a cannon has been discharged, and which first feels the shock without knowing whence it comes. I was a foreigner without protection, at the mercy of a Government still feared. My friends begged me to take no notice of the abominable calumnies directed against me by the sham-Demo- cratic newspaper, which for years afterwards was the source of the abuse poured upon me. I was simple-minded enough to bring an action against it in the law-courts. I won my case, but by that time the newspaper had ceased to appear, and the editor, as a reward for his electioneering services, had obtained the post of Sub-prefect in an out-of- the-way district of the Basses- Alpes. In the election M. de Lesseps had the support of a wretched minority ; and it was M. Gambetta who. 28 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ to the surprise of everybody, was returned by a majority of two to one. He entered tlie Corps Legislatif triumphantly. The journal and its editor disappeared, but the defeated Prefect survived, and it was on me that he sought to avenge himself. In a long report, which I have since been able to peruse, he applied for my expulsion from France. Scarcely an hour after it was written he saw my wife in the street, and was not ashamed to hold out to her the very hand which had just signed that miseral)le denunciation. The same evening I was informed of the fact, and hurried off to Paris to ward off its consequences. M. Thiers, whom I had met very often on my arrival in France at the house of M. de Falloux and at Count Kolowrath's, took the matter in hand, and the demand for my expulsion was put aside. My friends advised — nay, besought — me to leave Mar- seilles, and towards the end of 1869 I followed their advice, and retired to a small estate in the Drome, near Valence. Such was my first experience in journalism, and it might easily have caused me to abandon the career. I lived for some months in my retreat, and to pass the time I read a great deal, not only books, but the newspapers of France, Germany, and Northern Europe. I had nothing else to do. When the Hohenzollern question came up, I wrote regularly to M. Thiers, giving him the news HOW I BECAME A JOURNALIST 29 which reached me. He continued to show me great good-will. I knew that, since the hurried conclu- sion of peace between Prussia and Austria in 1866, the Germans expected a conflict with France, and were preparing for it. I knew that the Southern States of Germany were under the watchful and suspicious surveillance of Prussia, and I also knew that, if there should be war, the result would cruelly disappoint the hopes of France. I never ceased writing to this effect, and bringing facts, confirming my opinions, to the knowledge of M. Thiers, whose own experience had led him to similar conclusions. When the war broke out, I contemplated with terror, from my retreat, the complete and fatal ignorance prevalent in France, and the false feeling of security which was to be so promptly and terribly dispelled. One piece of disastrous news rapidly followed another — Reichshof en ; Spicheren ; the abandonment of the first lines of defence ; the retreat ; the admitted want of food, arms, and supplies ; the telegram of MacMahon, ' I am defeated ; send me supplies'; and, lastly, the astounding despatch from Napoleon III. : ' We have been surprised in the very act of forming. The enemy had also mitrailleuses.' All this left no doubt as to the future toward which France was drifting. On the 1st of September came the disaster of Sedan, immediately followed by the fall of the Empire. The Republic was proclaimed. 30 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ As soon as the new regime began to work, I applied for my naturalization papers. My request was complied with. Some weeks later I became a French citizen, and I received at the time a letter from M. Adolphe Cremieux, then Minister of Justice, which ran as follows : ' Your application for naturalization in the midst of our great disasters appears to me as the signal of a new life for us. A country which, in the midst of such catastrophes, recruits citizens like you is not to be despaired of.' As always happens, having been persecuted by the Empire, I was now ranked in the dominant party, and those who had stood aloof from me showed a great desire to be on better terms with me. I returned to Marseilles. I found that city in a lamentable and grotesque state of anarchy. Numerous associations had been hastily formed under the pretext of making the Germans withdraw from France. One of the leaders had proclaimed himself ' Commissary of the Govern- ment.' He had recruited into a noisy and discon- tented, but purely home-abiding Guard all the ' foaming dregs ' of Aristophanes. From that element of roughs, rowdies, and loafers he drew the Pretorian group who surrounded him, and by means of whom he terrorized the city. Towards the latter days of March, 1871, the situation became alarming. The Commune was HOW I BECAME A JOURNALIST 31 proclaimed on the 23rd, five days after its official announcement in Paris. An amazing and deplor- able condition of anarchy prevailed. The revolu- tionary forces took possession of the Prefecture. The enemies of order flocked in from foreign countries, and terrorists from all parts of the world seemed to have congregated in the town. As I had now become a naturalized Frenchman, I felt it my duty to assist my adopted country as well as I could, and I oflTered my services to General Espivent de la Villeboisnet, who had been entrusted with the difficult task of restoring order. The post and telegraph office had been seized by the Revolutionists. They suppressed every sus- pected letter ; they retained every telegram which might have informed the regular Government at Versailles of the frightful state of affairs prevailing in the great Southern city. I had just let a flat, in a house belonging to my wife, to the Eastern Telegraph Company, which had a special wire to Oran. I had a private interview with the local manager of the Eastern Telegraph Company, and obtained from him per- mission to make a junction between his wire and that of the Versailles Government. Then one night, when the insurgent officials at the Marseilles post-office thought they had an entire control of the wires, I threw a ladder from a neighbouring house, reached by the roofs the offices of the Eastern Telegraph Company, and opened a secret and direct communication with the outside world. 32 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ The Lyons office replied to me and put me in communication with Versailles. I immediately informed the Government of the doings of the Communists. M. Thiers fully realized the danger. If the Commune triumphed in Marseilles, the whole of the South of France would rise against his Govern- ment. Accordingly, in reply to my first telegram, M. Thiers o-ave orders to the effect that General Espivent de la Villeboisnet must at any price restore order in the town. Two days later, on the 5th of April, the regular troops, which had been concentrated at Aubagne, near Marseilles, burst into the town and recaptured the Prefecture, which had become the headquarters of the insurgents. I need not enter here into the details of that terrible day. Everybody did his duty, and I was, I trust, no exception to the rule. Be this as it may, twenty-four hours later the battle was won, and the Commune of Marseilles was extin2:uished. General Espivent and my comrades of the loyal National Guard appointed me to report personally to M. Thiers, at Versailles, what had taken place, as, having been an eye-witness, I could narrate the facts better than anyone else. Accordingly, on the 6th of April I set out for Versailles. On my arriving there and informing M. Barthe- lemy Saint- Hilaire, then General Secretary of the Government, of the mission entrusted to me, he HOW I BECAME A JOURNALIST 33 made an appointment with me at his residence for the following morning. He then took me at once to M. Thiers. The President of the Kepublic was in a very simply-furnished room. In one of the corners was a narrow, low camp-bed, covered with brown leather. The floor was littered with maps, and M. Thiers was on his knees poring over a j^lan of Paris. He looked up, and on recognising me said, without rising : ' Oh yes, you have come from Marseilles ; but I have no time at 23resent to hear your report. You must go and see Calmon.' And he became again engrossed in the map of Paris. I therefore saw M. Calmon, Under-Secretary at the Ministry of the Interior. He listened rather heedlessly to what I said, for he cared much less to know those who had done their duty than the men who had neglected it. I therefore cut short what I had intended telling, and hurriedly left him. I was quite discouraged. I bitterly regretted having vainly undertaken a long journey and exposed myself to such a disappointment, and I felt that my best course would be to return to Marseilles. Two days later I returned to take leave of M. Thiers. He came forward and welcomed me in a more friendly way. ' My reception was not encouraging to you the other da}',' he said, ' but I was then in the deepest anxiety. I thought all was lost. Now I know that we shall get over this trial. I feel more 3 34 MEMOIllS OF M. DE BLOWITZ master of myself than I did the other day, and I am ready to hear what you have to tell me. I am aware of the great services you have rendered us. I have received letters from friends at Marseilles which leave no doubt as to that.' He then put a number of questions to me, and I described to him the events that had taken place, both in their burlesque and in their gloomy aspects. He seemed to be very much interested in my narrative, and when I had finished he asked me : ' Well, what are you going to do now?' ' I have come, M. le President, to bid you fare- well. I am going home to-morrow, as I have left my family in the South.' ' Do not go away,' he said briskly. ' Stay here a little longer. Come again and tell me what you are doing. I will soon let you know in what way you can be useful to us.' I yielded to M. Thiers' desire. ***** Some days later I was able to take a step which had no small influence on my destiny. The siege of Paris by the Versailles troops was nearing its end. I had gone to Brimborion to see the batteries shelling the Communists. In a casemate near the batteries a young American lady was looking through a loophole. We discussed the events which were taking place, and in the midst of our conversation, on looking again through the hole, the young lady exclaimed : HOW I BECAME A JOURNALIST 35 ' What is this ? Look here ! Someone is wavins; a white flag over the ramparts.' I took up my glasses and saw that a white flag was being waved violently, and that there was a great stir among the soldiers encamped all about the Seine, while large columns were marching forward. The demon of journalism took hold of me. I turned to the young American lady (whom I have never since met), and said to her : 'Please remain here, and be good enough to notice attentively all that happens. I shall be back in half an hour.' I left the casemate and rushed to the Sevres road, where I had left my cab. I said to the driver : ' To the Versailles Prefecture as fast as you can.' I had the good luck to arrive in the courtyard of the Prefecture at the very moment when M. Thiers was taking his daily constitutional. I ran up to him, exclaiming : ' M. le President, the troops are entering Paris.' M. Thiers gave a sudden start. ' Where do you come from ?' he asked. ' From Brimborion. A man is waving a white flag on the ramparts, and the troops are noAv moving onwards.' Ten minutes afterwards M. Thiers was leavino- o Versailles in a carriage, on the road to Paris. Some days later he sent for me, and made me 3—2 36 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ tell in detail all that had occurred. He was very much amused at the stratagem I had employed to keep the young American lady inside the casemate, and he said : ' It is a " latest news " department that would best suit you. In a day or two I think I shall be able to tell you something about your future career.' When I saw him again he told me he was think- ing of giving me a consulate. ' It will only be for a start,' he said; 'I am going to send you to Riga as Consul -General, but, depend upon it, you will not remain there long.' I concluded that the affair was settled, and began to study the situation of Riga. But M. Thiers had reckoned without kis host. M. Meurand was then at the head of the French Foreign Office. He jealously guarded the consular fortress against the invasion of any outsider, and when M. Thiers proposed me for the post at Riga, M. Meurand did not openly oppose him, but postponed the appoint- ment. Later on he proposed to M. Thiers to send me to Rustchuk. M. Thiers refused, and two months passed by, M. Thiers insisting all the time upon my being sent to Riga, and M. Meurand persisting in his idea of sending me to Rustchuk. I Avas quite disheartened. A few weeks later, however, some consolation was afforded me. It came about as follows : One morning a friend of mine came in great haste to my house ; he said : HOW I BECAME A JOURNALIST 37 * Do you know joii have been decorated for liaving rendered exceptional services ?' The Journal Officiel^ in fact, after announcing my nomination, used the following words : ' Gave evidence of the most disinterested devotion to the cause of order . . . exposed himself to the greatest danger on the 4tli of April in conveying the orders tliat had heen entrusted to him.' I take this oppor- tunity of reproducing the above words, for they show exactly why my decoration was granted. Let them be remembered by those who, when I am no more, may have to defend my memory, should it ever be attacked. As soon as communications with Paris had been opened, I went into the town. I made several calls, but one of my principal visits was to my old and dear friend, Mr. Frederick Marshall, whose eldest daughter was at that time very ill. Of her let me say one word. She was a girl of fifteen, of high spirits, and of bright and poetic beauty, with qualities of heart and soul which made her too good for this commonplace world. It was at this house I met for the first time Laurence Oliphant, then the Special Correspondent of The Times. Sitting? with him for hours near the couch of the sick girl, I soon yielded to the charm which Oliphant inspired in all who had the good fortune to have any intercourse Avith him. He had come to France in compliance with an order from the head of the sect to which he then belonged — the ' Brethren of the New Life.' He 38 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ Eiilfilled liis mission witli the ardent docility of a well-initiated and sincere disciple, and from the somewhat lofty standpoint of a man who had drunk too deeply of the sweets of life not to despise them. His observations were sharp and severe, but his political doctrines were of unswerving rectitude, and his judgments on men and things were both caustic and infallible. His letters in The Times were read with avidity, combining as they did accurate observation with a lively style. This, at all events, is what I have heard, for I never read them myself. On the 21st of July — the date is a historical one for me — my dear friend Mr. Frederick Marshall came and told me : ' Something has just happened which may interest you. Mr. Hardman, who is the colleague of Laurence Oliphant, the Special Correspondent of The Times, has just left Paris, and will not return for a fortnight. Oliphant is very much incon- venienced He cannot be both at Versailles and Paris, and he is looking out for someone who could at least do a part of Hardman's work. I thought the post would suit you, as you see M. Thiers daily, and you complain of not having enough to do.' ' You are right,' I replied : ' I not only like your proposal, but you are doing me a real favour, for in this way I can see M. Thiers without the unpleasant necessity of reminding him of his promises.' Marshall lost no time in conveying my reply to Oliphant, who was very much pleased. We all HOW I BECAME A JOURNALIST 39 three met. Then Oliphant, who had not yet broached the subject to me, explained to me what were the duties discharg-ed bv Hardman, and requested me to begin the following day. I listened attentively to what he said, but he saw that I felt some difficulty which I did not venture to express. Finally he said : ' You seem to hesitate. Did you expect me to speak about the remunera- tion ?' ' Not at all,' I promptly replied. ' In this case it is not a question of money, I can assure you ; it is something more embarrassing. Before beginning, I should like to see a copy of The Times.' Both looked at me in amazement. ' What !' exclaimed Oliphant, ' you do not know T/ie Times f ' Excuse me,' I replied, ' I know The Times very well. I know quite well what it is. I have a friend at Marseilles who concludes all his political dis- cussions with the words, " There can be no question about that — The Times says so." The phrase has ])ecome proverbial among his friends. But I have long been living in the somewhat remote Southern departments, and I have never seen a copy of the paper.' Oliphant broke into loud laughter. He went out of the room, and came back with a copy of The Times ^ containing some twenty pages, which he spread out on the floor, covering the best part of the carpet with it. I was dumfounded. ' A friend of mine,' I said, ' always told me 1 40 MEMOIKS OF M. DE BLOWITZ ouglit to write in a roomy daily paper. I think that size would satisfy him.' Mr. <.)lip]iant then explained to me the mechanism of the paper — the telegTams ; the leaders ; . the record of Parliamentary proceedings ; the law and police reports ; the money market and commercial intelligence ; the foreign correspondence ; tlie letters to the Editor ; the Court Circular and fashionable news ; the reports of speeches out of Parliament and the sermons by eminent preachers ; the paragraphs ; the literary, dramatic, musical, and artistic criticisms ; the column of births, deaths, and marriages ; the meteorological reports and storm warnings ; the sporting news, including horse-races, yachting, cricket matches, etc. ; the articles on geographical discoveries and on scientific questions ; and the reviews of important books. I was shown the long compact columns of adver- tisements, all carefully scrutinized, classified, and arranged under headings, where supply and demand are brought into juxtaposition with the regularity of machine work ; where no advertisement unworthy of the newspaper is at anj^ price inserted, precautions being taken to insure the bona fides of the adver- tiser. All this explained to me the success of the great English newspapers — hoAV they came into possession of the vast resources at their disposal, and the benefits they confer on the people for whom they are at once a curb, a power, a stimulant, and a glory. I was delighted to find employment, even for a time, on the greatest of such journals. HOW I BECWME A JOURNALIST 41 The followino; day I went to Versailles. I found M. Thiers in a very irritable state of mind. He was indignant with all French political parties. He accused the Royalists of perfidy, the Republicans of ingratitude, and the Bonapartists of impudence. I left him without daring to speak of my new occu- pation, but on reflecting on what he had said I drew up a note, which I sent to Mr. Oliphant. He was yery much pleased with it. ' A genuine hit,' he said. ' There is not a word to alter in it. You are a born journalist.' He then sent off my first telegram to The Times. The following afternoon, as I was walking along the boulevards, I bought a copy of the Liherte. In the latest news I saw the telegram I had sent on the previous night, under the words ' A telegram from Paris to The Times says. . . .' I experienced one of the stronsrest emotions I ever felt in my life. The power of the telegram in its connection with journalism flashed u])on me at that moment, and I felt I could turn it to account. I then resolved that I would remain in Paris and become a journalist. ***** The day after the publication of my first tele- gram I went to see M. Thiers, not without appre- hension. He was awaiting me with impatience. ' Tell me,' he said at once, ' how it comes about that The Times^ and after it all the French papers, were able to publish a conversation which I had with you when none else was present.' 42 MEINIOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ All hesitation was out o£ the question, so I told him the truth immediately. It was a most dramatic surprise. He, too, saw at once the power he Avould gain, in an indirect but striking manner, hy placing his ideas thus before the public mind. At the same time, I think he felt relieved at being able to discontinue his struo-o-le with M. Meurand, who persisted in defending his position with the utmost tenacity. M. Thiers was not overpleased when I told him that my appointment was temporary. •5k ^k 4k 41: 4k •w" •St" ^r 'Jr flP The conversation I had with him supplied me with matter for a new telegram, and for a fresh and no less admirable letter by Oliphant, and it was in this way that we were able to carry on our joint work. Some days afterwards I asked permission from M. Thiers to visit with Oliphant the prisons in which the Communists were confined. M. Thiers gladly granted the permission. I must explain that Mr. Hardman, carried away by his feelings and without taking into considera- tion the frio-litful difficulties the Government of o Versailles had to overcome, had, hastily and in perfect good faith, given an account in bis letters of these temporary and defective makeshift build- ings whicli had produced a deep impression on public opinion all over Europe. M. Thiers was delighted to see us set right the errors which had found their way into these letters. Accompanied by Colonel Gaillard, who at that time assisted General Appert, we went through the prisons of the HOW I BECAME A JOURNALIST 43 Orangerie, the Cliantiers, and the camp of Satory, where the Communists were confined. General Appert, who afterward discharged the duties of Russian Ambassador in a way which gained for him general esteem, was at that time entrusted Avith the organization and direction of the temporary prisons. He displayed in this capacity all the humanity compatible with the circumstances. The events had taken everybody by surprise. Each day that passed between the 21st and the 26th of May, the incendiary fires, the massacres, and the fusillades — the most horrible episode in modern history — had sent swarms of prisoners to Versailles. It had been impossible to do otherwise than huddle them together. When we visited the prison the Commune was not over. It appeared to us hideous, grotesque, and sublime. In the prisons of the Cliantiers we beheld squatting on the floor one of the most beautiful young women I have ever seen. Her long black tresses fell over her bare shoulders, and as she had torn her dress to shreds, in order not to wear the clothes of the " accursed Ver- saillais," one could see her naked body through the rents. She was tall and graceful, and on the approach of visitors she reared her head proudly, like a war-horse about to neigh. Her bright eyes glistened, a blush overspread her face. She com- pressed her lips, ground her teeth, and burst into a shrill, defiant, vindictive laugh when slie recognised 44 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ the officer of the prison who accompanied us. In the last struggle of the Commune she had been fight- ing at the side of her lover. She had seen him fall, and, armed with a dagger, had rushed upon the Cap- tain who had just taken the barricade, and furiously stabl)ed him, plunging her weapon again and again into her victim. Before she could be removed from his body, she had cut, bitten, and torn it with all the fury of a hyena. She was taken to the prison covered with blood, which she had dabbled over her body and clothes. She had to be bound and gagged before she would allow the blood to l)e washed off. Hideous ! At Satory, while we Avere passing through the camp, one of the prisoners, jauntily and with a smile on his face, came up to Colonel Gaillard. I never saw a more ridiculous caricature. He was thin, bony, and narrow- shouldered. His head was compressed, and his features looked as if they had not been meant for the same face. He was in rags, but he wore, like a Castilian beggar, soiled linen — on which it would have been necessary to write ' This is a shirt ' — a long, loose overcoat, and a dilapidated tall hat. He was a student nicknamed Pipe-en-Bois, who had discharged the duties of secretary to the Delegate of Foreign Affairs. On one occasion he had offered a pot of beer to Lord Lyons, to pass the time while waiting in the Grand Salon d'Attente at the Quai d'Orsay. The offer had not been accepted, but had Ijeen acknowledged with a smile. He came up to Colonel Gaillard. HOW I BECAME A JOURNALIST 45 ' They tell me, Colonel,' lie said, ' that we are to be taken clown to be called as witnesses before the court-martial. Can you inform me how long we shall be kept down there ?' ' I am sorry I cannot, as I do not know,' was the Colonel's courteous reply. ' Excuse the liberty I took,' continued Pipe- en Bois, drawing together his overcoat ; ' it was only to know what linen would be required.' Grotesque ! The Commune was also sublime. A prisoner, a man, had been captured with arms in his hands, imprisoned, and condemned to death. His wife made heroic efforts to save him, and succeeded in securing the sympathy of a man who had influence in these times. Her husband was saved from capital punishment, and was condemned to trans- portation. Left alone and abandoned, w^ithout resources, she had formed an intimacy with the man who had saved her husband. After living for years with this lover, to whom she was deeply attached, she besought him to apply for a pardon for her husband. Although he felt that he was destroy- ing her happiness and his own, he did so. The husband returned, full of love for the wife who had saved him from execution and procured his liberation. On the way home, however, he learned the truth. He changed his name, disappeared, and lived in hiding for many years. Then, when divorce became possible in France, he wrote to his wife : ' Apply for a divorce from me ; I will 46 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ do all I can to secure one for you. Marry him and be happy.' Sublime ! Oliphant wrote admirable letters on this visit, in which he gave a most accurate description of what he saw, and they produced a great impression. The Times then asked permission to send Mr. Charles Austin,* a clever and humorous writer, to the fortified prisons in the South of France, as Special Correspondent, and his communications to the paper completely corrected the wrong impressions that had prevailed with respect to the treatment of the French political prisoners. It was just at the time when my new occupation had the greatest charm for me that Mr. Hardman returned to his duties. It was a hard blow for me to bear. M. Thiers thought of applying on my behalf to The Times. He was now accustomed to my visits. I was one of the political elements which gravitated around him. He was unwilling that any change should be made. Oliphant, however, objected to his intervention. He said it would be a sure way of losing all chance of admission on the staff of the paper. M. Thiers accordingly abandoned his scheme. Riga, this eternal phantom of the snowy North, came once more to the front. This time M. Thiers promised formally to hand me my letter of appoint- * The late Dr. Charles Sumner Austin, Senior Fellow of St. John's College, Oxford. HOW I BECAME A JOURxNALIST 47 ment within eight days. Riga ! It appeared to me now a place of exile. I had drunk too deeply of the sweets of a life the very struggles of which were full of delight. I clung to it. I made some advances to the Paris newspapers. I soon felt that, to become a French journalist, talent, even if one has it, does not suffice. Many other qualities are necessary, and these I did not possess. Extreme suppleness, readiness in understanding the public taste and in conforming to it, are indispensable in a French editor. He must possess, besides, the art of repelling a public adversary by alarming the individual, skill to com- mand influence by asserting the possession of it, a natural way of using the editorial ' we ' without a smile, a perfection of style which throws into the shade the interest of the facts and the skill with which they are grouped, a brilliancy of detail which dazzles and distracts attention, something which is at once aggressive, bold, and sceptical. All these gifts the French newspaper man possesses instinc- tively, and brings them to perfection by living in a special milieu. I felt that I was destitute of all these qualifications, without which no one can reach an eminent position on the French press. Sadly, then, I determined on the course I should take. I resolved to see M. Thiers in the course of the day, and to remind him of the letter of appointment he had formally promised to obtain for me. Breakfast was just over, when suddenly Oliphant made his appearance. He had a telegram in his hand. 48 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ ' Hardman,' he said, ' was called back the day l)e£ore yesterday. He will not return to Paris. I telegraphed yesterday to Tlie Times ^ and I have this moment received a reply. A proposal is made to give 3^011 a permanent apjjointment. If you accept, you will remain in tlie meantime with me ; and the other matters can easily be arranged.' My satisfaction was so apparent that I had no need to reply. I set out for Versailles, where I announced to M. Thiers that Mr. Hardman had again left, and that I was once more to take his place. He told me my appointment to Kiga was read}^, and that he would delay its announce- ment till he heard from me again, for I did not inform him that I was permanently engaged by The Times. I must confess that for a long time I concealed the fact from him, and that frequently, by asking for my appointment to Riga, I overcame the difficulties that arose between him and me. When he became aware of the truth, he, in turn, said nothing of it to me, but I felt that ' Riga ' was of no more use. Fortunately, at this time I had multiplied my sources of information. The inter- course between M. Thiers and me was at times less cordial, for I had to give news which embarrassed him, instead of the one-sided information which he communicated to me to help his policy. Here is an instance : One evening M. Thiers, who had by this time taken up his abode at the Elysee, had a private HOW I BECAME A JOURNALIST 49 reception. M. Timachief, the Russian Minister, was for a short time in earnest conversation with him. The President was evidently annoyed. I went to another part of the room not to overhear what was said. As I was leaving, M. Thiers said to me : ' The Russian Minister congratulated me yesterday morning on the discipline I have introduced into the Republican party. He said the European monarchic Governments were much impressed by it.' I did not for a moment call in question the accuracy of the statement, but it was in no respect consistent with the attitude of the two speakers I had seen in conversation. I accordingly resolved to wait a little before writing on the subject. As it happened, on making my way out of the Palace I overtook Count , the Prefect of one of the chief French departments, who had stopped at the gate and was busy writing notes in the light of the gas-lamp. I went up to him. I said : ' My dear Prefect, the detectives will take us into custody. They will think you are making plans of the Palace to carry out some plot.' ' Their imagination will bring them no reward,' he said. ' I was simply taking a note of some remarks made by M. Thiers, whom I found very indignant, and on what I consider very good grounds, too. It appears that M. Timachief, the Russian Minister, used strong language in speaking to him this evening about the revolutionary speech made at Romans by Gambetta, which, he said, would spread alarm in the European monarchies.' 4 50 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ After a moment's reflection, he added : ' I think it would be a service to everybody if you were to mention the fact.' I remained with him for a few minutes, talking of general subjects ; but on leaving I lost no time in writing that M. Timachief, after having con- gratulated M. Thiers on the discipline he had intro- duced into the Republican party, had on the follow- ing night — that on which I wrote — protested strongly against the disquieting attitude it had assumed. I am going, for the benefit of younger journalists, to give a hint which a good many of them whom I know would do well to bear in mind. When a man gives a correspondent an important piece of news, the latter should continue to remain with him for some time, but change the conversation, and not leave him until it has turned to something quite insignificant. If the correspondent take his de- parture abruptly, a flash of caution will burst upon his informant. He will reflect rapidly, and will beg the journalist not to repeat what he has said till he sees him again. The information would be lost, and the correspondent would suflfer annoyance that might have been avoided if he had heard nothing. A newspajier has no use for confidential communi- cations it cannot transmit to its readers. Taking this view, I published my double informa- tion. An explosion followed. The Conservatives were delighted, and set M. Thiers at defiance ; Prince Orloff" was irritated ; M. Thiers was very much ex- asperated, and he went so far as to say to me : HOW I BECAME A JOURNALIST 51 ' I never spoke of that to anyone. You should have communicated with me before repeating what had been only partially told you.' He thouo-ht I had overheard his conversation with M. Timachief . I was indignant. I gave way to one of those fits of nervous excitement which at times will master us. And in a loud voice I replied, ' The ruler of a State commits a great imprudence when he receives a journalist who can repeat aloud what is told him in a whisper,' and I burst out of the room furiously. Three weeks afterwards I met M. Thiers in the Galerie des Tombeaux. He came up to me smiling. ' You are certainly a good journalist,' he said, ' but your nerves are so highly strung that I shall never think of making you an Ambassador.' Then he asked me to call on him, as he had an interesting piece of news to give me. Peace was restored between us. This is a sufficient illustration of the difficulty a newspaper correspondent has in both serving his friends and telling the truth. It is prudent for him to accept no favour which can give those who bestow it a right or claim to control him. A short time after I had officially entered on my duties as a Times correspondent, Mr. Oliphant took a holiday, and, with the approval of the pa])er, entrusted me with the non-telegraphic correspon- dence. I was delighted to see my first letter copied into the newspapers of every country. I had the same satisfaction in 1872, when I gave an account 4—2 52 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ of my interview at Antwerp with the Comte de Chambord. Not long afterwards a lucky accident secured for me the approbation and good-will of Mr. John Delane, who for thirty- two years was Editor of The Times^ and who, I need scarcely say, was the most competent judge of the merits of a journalist, and the honour and glory of the profession. In the year referred to, Mr. Delane came to Paris, and I then saw him for the first time. I accom- panied him to Versailles, and we were present at a sitting of the Chamber which was entirel}^ taken up by an admirable speech by M. Thiers, delivered amidst the greatest excitement. We returned together to Paris, and the same night Mr. Delane left for London. It was toward the end of April, and I went with him to the rail way -station. At tiiat same time there was no proper arrangement for the publication in Paris of the debates at Ver- sailles. The summary appeared very late, and the report of the proceedings given by the Soir could not be had in Paris in time to be made use of by us. ' What a pity,' said Mr. Delane, on leaving me, ' that things are so badly organized ! If we could have given that speech from one end to the other in to-morrow's paper, what a glorious thing it would have been !' When he had left, a wild idea came into my head. Following an old habit which I still retain, I sat down and shut my eyes. I then strove to call up the image of the Assembly, with M. Thiers in the HOW I BECAME A JOURNALIST 53 rostrum, and as I had listened very attentive!}' to what he had said, it seemed as if I could hear him speaking and that I could write down his speech. I went at once to the telegraph-office in the Rue de Grenelle. I obtained writing materials in an empty room. There I put into operation my mnemonic process. Alternately I shut my eyes to see and hear M. Thiers, and then opened them to write out the speech for the wire. I was able to recall and report all his speech, which was, of course, instantaneously transmitted to London. When Mr. Delane, next morning, opened The Twies in England, he found in it two columns and a half reporting the speech he had heard on the previous afternoon at Versailles. The direct wire which The Times obtained two years afterwards — in May, 1874 — and which has now been so generally imitated, was the result of the effort I made on this occasion to outstrip the Paris journalists in reporting their own news. Mr. Oliphant had come to Europe from America in compliance with orders he had received from the founder of a sect whom he spoke of as ' the prophet Harris.' He had for years led a troubled life in London. His countrymen had been both amused and scandalized by the publication of a satirical sheet, the Owl. He was beginning to reflect on the vanity of a life leading to nothing great or noble, when he made the acquaintance of Mr. Harris, who was looking out in Europe for converts and recruits to 54 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ join a colony they had founded in the United States. His doctrine soon took a firm hold of the imagina- tion of Oliphant, who recognised ' the prophet ' as one whom it was his duty to serve and obey. In proof of this, he sul)mitted to the hardest and meanest work. Thus, as a labourer, he drove carts filled with manure for the new colony — the ' Brethren of the New Life.' Harris sent Oliphant back to Europe on the out- break of the Franco- German War, and it was then he entered the employment of TJie Times ^ at first as a Special War Correspondent, and afterward as chief Paris representative of the paper. He had married a charming wife, whom he easily converted to the new faith, she, in fact, accepting her husband's teaching with the docility of a loving heart, blind to the errors of the apostle. From the commencement of our official intercourse I had taken special care to make known to my colleague my religious opinions, in order to avert any contro- versy or misunderstanding between us. The first time he began to explain his doctrines, I interrupted him. ' Excuse me,' I said, ' I think we ought to settle once for all this question of proselytism, which might cause diiFerences between us. I cannot accept the views of your prophet, which are based on pride. He has proved to you that you are greater than other men because you have submitted to drive a dust-cart. I prefer the word of Christ, who tau2:ht us not to consider ourselves greater or HOW I BECAME A JOURNALIST 55 better than other men, because we are dust ourselves. Humanity oscillates between atheism, which rejects reason, and reason, which bows to faith. Those who would substitute gravitation for the law of God, those who would explain the everlasting harmony of the world by successive aggregations arising out of chaos in fulfilment of an unconscious and sub- lime order, claim a greater effort from me than those who ask me to believe in one God and in the doctrine of the Trinity. When I have admitted that God created the world, I have expressed a belief, certainly, which makes revealed religions appear infinitely less miraculous, and a thousand- fold more acceptable, than the theory of sponta- neous creation and automatic development. That from the midst of the people of God, trodden under the hoof of the pagan conqueror in the corrupt Gr^co-Roman world, there should have arisen a prophet who, instead of hatred and revolution, preached charity, forgiveness, brotherly love, and goodwill toward all men, was itself a greater miracle than any of those attributed to Christ during His sojourn on earth. Unless you can teach me a religion which inculcates precepts more sublime than those of the Divine philosopher of Nazareth, which your prophet does not do, leave me my faith without seeking to trouble it. You may make an unhappy man, but you will not make a disciple.' Oliphant did not reply. He was perhaps pleased I had spoken with so much sincerity, and the subject was never again referred to. CHAPTER III A CHAMPAGNE CONSPIRACY On the 31st of July, 1872, the Comte de Keratry, who was then Prefect of the department of Bouches- dii-Rhone, came to Versailles. His object was to induce M. Thiers to bring to the notice of the National Assembly the serious difference which existed between himself and the Mayor of Marseilles. M. Thiers received him most kindly, listened to what he had to say, and, by way of reply, invited him to luncheon. At table he was most attentive to his guest, paying him all the honours due to his position as head official of one of the largest prefectures of France. He had ofiered him the seat to the right of Mme. Thiers, facing himself. This strict observance of etiquette was at the same time a clever piece of strategy, for M. Thiers had given M. de Keratry the only place at ta]3le from which it was impossible for him to discuss with his host the question about which he had come. M. de Keratry understood this, and immediately after luncheon, as M. Thiers appeared to be greatly ])ressed for time, he took leave of him, and we left the house together. ' He was afraid,' said M. de L 56] A CHAMPAGNE CONSPIRACY 57 Keratry, ' that I should compel him to delay the prorogation of the National Assembly.' That was quite true. M. Thiers was leaving the following day for Trouville, where he was to spend a few weeks. The National Assembly was to cease work that very afternoon and take its vaca- tion. The idea of this visit to Trouville delighted M. Thiers, and he was as excited as a child about it — for, owing to his chubljy appearance, short and stout as he was, his exhibitions of joy or anger were apt to appear child-like. He had taken the Cordier Chalet at Trouville. Everything was arranged, all preparations had been completed, and part of the Presidential household was already installed in the chalet, expecting to receive its master at any moment. The train in which M. Thiers was to travel was waiting in the Versailles station, and was ready to start. The various places where the Presidential train was to stop had been advised of the hour and of the length of time the train would remain there. All the preliminaries, in fact, which are necessary for an official and, one might almost say, a triumphal journey had been arranged, and M. Thiers was in a state of joyful impatience which made the idea of any delay in his departure unbearable. Comte de Keratry gained nothing by his journey. The National Assembly broke up, and M. Thiers was free to start. The departure was fixed for the 1st of August at an early hour in the morning. 58 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ At Versailles, the silence which had followed the departure of the National Assembly was broken by unusual animation. A somewhat large group had gathered in front of the gates of the Prefecture, where open carriages awaited the Chief of the State, whilst his civil and military household, in full uniform, were in the courtyard. The sun was radiant — less radiant, though, than M. Thiers himself when, dressed in black, with his frock-coat buttoned, tight-fitting gloves, and a gray hat, he came down into the courtyard, accompanied by Mme. Thiers and Mdlle. Dosne. Colonel Lambert, Captain Fayet, and Lieutenant de Salignac-Fenelon, drawn up in a line, gave the military salute, with a smile on their lips. They, with M. Leroux and M. Andrieux, Chief Secretaries, and their assistants, walking bareheaded, formed the retinue which was to accompany the President to Trouville. The little crowd gave a few confused shouts when the carriages, at a slow, measured pace, passed through the gates in the direction of the station. As they went along, people raised their hats respectfully. The travellers formed a line, the Democrats remaining bare-headed, and the Reaction- ists keeping their hats on and holding their heads up in a defiant way. The station was decorated, and a railway-inspector preceded M. Thiers to the carriage reserved for him, and remained at his orders until he arrived at his destination. It was A CHAMPAGNE CONSPIRACY 59 the departure of a Sovereign, without his State dress, travelling incognito. The train left by a branch line joining the main — I do not remember where — and on the platform of the first station at which it stopped we saw a stout man appear, with a red face, wearing the tricoloured sash. He placed himself in front of M. Thiers with several other men round him, all of whom had very red faces. He then took out a paper and proceeded to read, but his slow, monotonous voice did not reach our ears. M. Thiers, who had turned his back on us, bowed several times, raised his hat slightly, and then, with quick, graceful gestures, replied in his clear, refined voice, and everyone applauded. There were a few shouts heard, which were taken up by the crowd that had gathered outside the station along- side the railings of the platform. M. Thiers con- tinued talking for a few minutes. He made inquiries about the needs and wishes of the little town, but he stopped the Mayor in his enumeration, and took his leave just as the poor man, with his arm in the air, was continuing the list of all the wants and requirements of this particular part of the country. We could see nothing of M. Thiers but his back, but he must have been delighted, for positively his very back was laughing heartily. The President, leaving the Mayor rather surprised at the unexpected way in which the interview ended, went back to his compartment, and we set off' once more on our journey. At Trouville the station was very r;0 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ nicely decorated. The carriages were waiting for M. Thiers in the courtyard; there was a rather large crowd, which included the Mayor and the Municipal Council. The Mayor was a man well known to M. Thiers and to all of us, and his little speech sounded very well. The President and his suite drove through the town, which had been decorated here and there, to the Cordier Chalet. He was greeted cordially by the population, whilst, from the top of the Honfleur road, behind the Hotel des Roches-Noires, could be heard the firing of a cannon. It was merely by chance, and was rather ironical, as it had not been intended in honour of the President's arrival. This incident afforded members of the Opposition who happened to be promenading on the famous planks an excellent subject for endless jokes. ***** M. Thiers was soon installed, without much ceremony, in the Cordier Chalet. But on the day following his arrival it was evident that Trouville was the residence of someone of note, and that it had become a centre of importance. The trains brought visitors, whose appearance attracted atten- tion. A whole troop of individuals who had favours to ask swooped down on the beach. Men, who were either imperious or ruined and desperate, came to beg for themselves, for their cousins, their friends, or their sons, prefectures, su])-prefectures, con- sulates or tax-coUectorships, or other Government appointments of all kinds and of all classes. A CHAMPAGNE CONSPIRACY 61 Women, outrageously made up, pushed forward into the front row as the old President passed by, and when once there, with their enticing looks, they endeavoured to bombard Math their eyes the dispenser of the favours they hoped to obtain. They were all of them convinced that M. Thiers could do everything he wished, and that a smile from him meant — for them, at least — 6,000 francs a year. It seemed as though the hour for sharing the spoils had come. The Empire in its fall had left behind the widows of the Budget and the orphans of the Civil List. The eighteen years of this reign had sharpened the teeth of those who had only seen the feast at a distance ; and all — those of yesterday and those of to-day — were asking for their share of the taxpayers' flesh. Besides these ordinary starving creatures who ' walked the planks,' as the saying was at Trou- viUe at the time, there were also certain persons in a higher position who were more interesting and better qualified to get situations. Then there were Ambassadors, Members of the Assembly, Ministers of yesterday and of to-morrow, financiers both sound and unsound, exotic visitors, women merely elegant or titled, who wanted to see the celebrities of the day and be able to tell, de visu, anything that would be of interest at their receptions or at their dinner- parties, foreign statesmen who suddenly felt the need of visiting the seaside resorts of Normandy — a crowd that came from all parts, a pack of human 62 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ cards wliicli chance, or political or social strategy, mixed together, flocked round M. Thiers. The salon of the Cordier Chalet more often than not contained the rarest mixture of people, and as, finally, everyone felt at liberty to speak freely, nothing was more lively, more piquant, and more suggestive, than these soirees of the Trouville Court, during which the President was sometimes dozing peacefully in his arm-chair in the midst of the gentle hum of voices murmuring around him. ***** The firing or testing of the Reffye cannon on the top of the Honfleur road was at the time one of the pastimes of this seaside resort. A rough enclosure had been erected on the plateau, and soldiers were stationed there. A few cannon without any horses, but with men and ammunition, had been placed there. The French flag waved from the top of a pole. A few artillerymen mounted guard most solemnly, and a crowd of curious and well-dressed people were always loitering there. M. Thiers nearly every day after luncheon went u]) to the plateau attended by his military suite. The soldiers shouldered arms. The artillery officers grouped themselves round him, by the side of the three officers of his household. A few foreign military attaches walked up the hill, and were present at the experiments. In the distance, on the moving water, an old l)lack barge, pierced with holes like a battle flag, tossing and rocking about, served as a target. M. Thiers, with his gray A CHAMPAGNE CONSPIRACY 63 hat piislietl slightly back, his big field-glass up to his eyes, his frock-coat buttoned, and sometimes affecting the traditional pose o£ Napoleon, watched the projectiles fly through the air, saw when they struck, and waved his hat enthusiastically when a straight shot shook the barge, made it dance about, and hollowed out a gaping hole in its already per- forated hulk. The crowd applauded. M. Thiers raised his hat again, congratulated the artillerymen who had laid the gun and those who had fired it, and then rejoined Mme. Thiers and Mdlle. Dosne, and, followed by an imposing procession, continued his daily promenade along the sandy road. From the balcony where I was I could see him lifting his gray hat incessantly, whilst as he passed the men all took off their hats, and the vieille gai^de^ in brilliant colours, stood aside or bowed like a cornfield ravaged by the hail and interspersed with daisies, cornflowers, and poppies. *M. .if, ^t, ^ <£• ^ ^r If My stay at Trouville had already extended beyond the time which had been allotted me. M. Thiers seemed annoyed whenever I spoke of returning to Paris, and I began to wonder how I should manage to escape, when, on the 13th of August, in the afternoon, I was told that the President, whom I had seen in the morning, had just started for Paris. One of his secretaries informed me that he had been recalled suddenly to preside at a Council which was to meet the following day, and after which he would 64 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ return to Trouville. The following day, although I had no Council whatever at which to preside, I took the same route as the President and returned to Paris. It was with a great sense of comfort and relief that I entered my own home once more, closing the doors to all that went on in the outside world, and giving orders that neither letters nor newspapers should be brought to me. For the last twenty-five years this has been my method of obtaining absolute rest. On the 15th, however, in the evening, in spite of my strict orders, the outside world did succeed in penetrating into my house in the form of an official despatch. ' Come back as soon as possible. You are impatiently awaited.' The despatch, on yellow paper, was signed by one of M. Thiers' secretaries. That was the end of my short rest. I was very sorry. I took the first train the next day, and I had a compartment to myself. I did not open a newspaper, and went straight from the station to the Cordier Chalet. From the very first moment of my arrival I was struck by the unusual attitude of things. x\t the gateway quite a number of soldiers and policemen had been stationed. On entering, everyone was examined with visible distrust, and, although I was well known, I had to undergo a sort of progressive inspection before crossing the first threshold. From the gates to the chalet the most extraordinary precautions appeared to have been taken. There were patrols, or men who seemed to be acting as A CHAMPAGNE CONSPIRACY 65 such, walking along the paths, and through the leaves of the summer arbours I could see the disciples of ' Saint Detective,' dressed like well-to-do citizens of the suburbs of Paris, promenading about warily and watching over the welfare of the State. The man-servant on duty introduced me without even announcing me. I was expected. M. Thiers was alone in the large drawing-room, the principal door of which, leading on to a flight of stone steps, was open to the sunshine. He got up quickly and shook hands with me. ' Well, what do you think of it ?' he asked. ' To what are you referring, M. le President ?' I answered. 'To what am I referring? Have you been to sleep, then, for the last twenty-four hours ?' The reproach was well deserved, for I had been asleep for the last forty- eight hours. I could only bow in silence. ' AVell, now,' continued M. Thiers, laughing, ' you are a well-informed correspondent ! Is it possible that you have not heard about the conspiracy of which I came very near being the victim yesterday afternoon ?' ' No, really I have not,' I answered. ' I was taking my holiday, and as my work consists in knowing everything, my holiday consists in not knowing anything.' ' Oh, well,' continued M. Thiers, in his low, hiss- ing voice, 'yesterday, being the 15th of August, the Emperor's birthday, a band of conspirators in a 5 66 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ Russian boat approached the shore, and as their cannon fired they shouted, " Long live the Emperor !" just at the time when I am accustomed to rest on the terrace of the Roches-Noires. They went towards the Hotel des Roches-Noires, in front of which some harmless-looking little boats were tacking about near the shore, whilst the big boat had gone back to the open sea and was also tack- ing. The plan was to get hold of me and carry me off to the ship. You see at once the consequences. The Assembly is having; its vacation. There is, no doubt, a watchword agreed upon, and accomplices were waiting from one end of France to the other for the news that I was captured. They would then have JDrought about a general rising ; the Emperor would have landed on a certain point of the coast, and they would have endeavoured to restore the Empire. I have not yet the list of all the con- spirators, but I know the two principal ones. First and foremost is M. Gunsbourg, the owner of the Russian boat — oh, as for him, he can make his mind easy . . . OrlofF came at once and declared that he would have Gunsbourg recalled and his boat burned. The other is M. Bertrand de Valon, son of the Comtesse de Valon, whom I saw only a few days ago. I promised her that I would do some- thing for her son, not knowing that he was a Bonapartist. I shall send them both to the Assize Court, where they will have to answer the charge of armed conspiracy.' I was simply dumfounded on hearing this story. A CHAMPAGNE CONSPIRACY 67 How could I have had the bad luck not to know anything about so serious a matter ? How was it that I, after accompanying M. Thiers to Trouville, and for a fortnight keeping my readers well informed with regard to his doings and movements — how was it that I, who, to use an expression which he had so good-naturedly applied to me, had constituted myself his ' affectionate historiographer ' — how could I have alloAved such an event to happen without even mentioning it ? By the expression of my face M. Thiers could read my thoughts. He looked at me over his spectacles and came close up to me, as he was accustomed to do when he wanted to penetrate anyone's inner reflections. ' We'll make up for all this,' he said. ' I'm delighted that you have not yet said anything about it. You have not, as they say, taken up your position yet.' He then gave me the details, and begged me to read the letter to him which I was to send to my paper that same night. It was the first time he had ever asked me such a thing, and when I left him I was somewhat vexed at his request. I made no promise about the matter. On entering the Roches- Noires I found M. Gunsbourg very much abashed. Everyone knew that I had just returned, and that I had seen M. Thiers. Trouville is too small a place for that not to be known. Everyone was aware that I had gone direct to the Cordier Chalet, and that I had just come from there after a conversation of an hour and a half, and about twenty persons, 5—2 68 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ among whom was M. Gunsboiirg, gathered around me. At Trouville the popidation had learned of M. Thiers' anger, and was eager to hear what terrible decisions the indignant old man had taken. I refused to reply to any question ; I sent for M. Gunsbourg to come to the rooms on the ground- floor which had been reserved for me. Never shall I forget the look of consternation on the young man's face when I questioned him about the plot in which he had taken so active a part. Recovering at last from his surjmse, and under- standing that M. Thiers was mistaken, and that people had deceived him or that he had wanted to be deceived, with an accent of truth which could not be doubted, and taking the whole town as witness, he told me the story of what had really taken place. He had come to Trouville in his yacht, and was sailing round the coasts of the English Channel. On the morning of the 15th of August he had started with some of his friends, among whom was M. Bertrand de Valon, with the idea of having a sail and lunching out at sea. They had a good meal and drank copiously, and on approaching the shore they remembered, in spite of the effect of the champagne, that the 15th of August was the Emperor's birthday, and in the midst of the noise of corks flying out of the bottles, and the firing of the saluting gun loaded with powder, to which one of them had set a light, they all began in A CHAMPAGNE CONSPIRACY 69 their liveliness and. folly to shout ' Long live the Emperor !' The crowd understood the incident, and roared with laughter at them. The police had endeavoured to capture them, but the crowd, very naturally, had taken their part. There had been a great com- motion, and the conspirators, sobered down and rather ashamed o£ themselves, had disappeared, w^hilst an action had been commenced against the owner of the yacht and against M. Bertrand de Valon, who had remained with him. M. Gunsbourg, in the name of his comrades, begged me to explain to M. Thiers how the affair had come about, to express to him the regret that these young madcaps now felt, and to add that they were themselves prepared to apologize to him. As soon as M. Gunsbourg had gone, I sent for the Paris evening papers of the 15th and the morning papers of the 16tli, which I had not read ({ill the above had taken place on the 16th), and I proceeded to read them. They varied in tone, in style, and in the version they gave, according to the political opinion of the paper or the temperament of the reporter. By reading all these stories, and comparing all the information I obtained else- where, it was quite clear to me that the event had been exaggerated beyond measure, and that, if the young men implicated were far from being quite innocent, they were also far from being really guilty. ***** 70 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ Towards the end of dinner tliat evening M. Thiers asked me quietly if my letter were written. I replied that, as it would have been too late for the post that day, I had postponed it for the next morning; that there would be no time lost, as I was not going to give the items of news, but was going to explain and comment on the event, and I asked him to discuss the subject again with me. But as soon as I endeavoured to attenuate the nature and the significance of the incident, M. Thiers o-rew anorrv and looked at me distrust- fully. He was still furious, or he pretended to be so. As a matter of fact, people abroad understood what had happened, and the Comtesse de Yalon summed up the general opinion in a letter she wrote to me a few days later. ' These young men,' she said, ' had lunched rather too festively out at sea, and, like so many big children, they had played at the landing of the Emperor — seven of them ! It was more like a charade than anything else. That is my explana- tion of their freak, and that is how it has been understood abroad. M. Thiers has too much com- mon-sense, and is too wise, to give to this piece of child's play more importance than it deserves. No doubt certain zealous officials thought they were serving or flattering M. Thiers by magnifying the incident, and at the same time they were able to take the credit of having saved him from danger.' I wrote my letter, which was a scathing one. An A CHAMPAGNE CONSPIRACY 71 attorney for the Kepublic, entrusted with the case, would have sio:ned it with both hands. I read it to M. Thiers, who was delighted with it. He even asked me to soften down a few sentences. As it was then the 17th and the news was growing stale, he called my attention to the fact that the letter would reach London on the 18th, and that, on account of Sunday, it would only be published on the 20th. I replied that it would go that night by wire, and that very night the telegraph transmitted the orio-inal messao;e to the office. Is there any need for me to add that the letter was never intended to appear, and that it never did appear ? My paper had been informed on the morning of the 17th of what had happened, of what was then happening, and of what would happen. But, thanks to the letter which I had read to him, M. Thiers was greatly appeased with regard to the conspirators. He even allowed me to say that my statement of the case had been harsher than the gravity of the event Avarranted. An inquiry was instituted. It was dragged on for a long time, being extraordinarily modified in some respects. M. Thiers himself now came over to my opinion, and thought that my letter had perhaps gone too far. For several days he asked for The Times. His secretaries, whom I had warned, invented various pretexts for explaining the absence of the paper, which was never to be found — it was always being mislaid. After three or four days M. Thiers appeared to have forgotten 72 INIEMOIRS OF :M. UE BLOWITZ about it, hut at the end o£ the week, when I was going away one evening, he said to me with a sly look : ' Did you pay for that wire ?' ' No, M. le President,' I answered ; ' my paper paid for it.' M. Thiers came nearer, and looked at me over his spectacles. ' Did you know that it would not a])pear ?' ' The paper was free to publish it, M. le President.' 'Ah well, that was money very wisely thrown away — I don't regret it.' And then, after a minute, he added : ' They, no doubt, thought as I did, that your letter was too severe ' ^ ^ ^ w w A fortnight later the conspirators were summoned to appear before the Court at Pont-l'Eveque. They were each sentenced to pay a fine of sixteen francs for disturbance of the peace. But M, Thiers had received letters, messages, and telegrams from all parts of the world, and he was delighted. He knew that, in order to be truly a cousin of Kings, it is necessary to inspire the people who are fortunate enough to be living under your reign with the violent desire of ridding themselves at any price of your presence. CHAPTER IV ALPHONSO XII. PROCLAIMED KLNG OF SPAIN It was only in October, 1872, if I remem])er rightly — for his letter bears no date — that Laurence Oliphant informed me that he had just heard from Mr. Mowbray Morris, then Manager of The Times ^ whose duty it was to appoint the correspondents of the paper and their assistants, to the effect that I was to remain definitely under his orders, Mr. Charles Austin continuing to be attached to the Paris office as second correspondent. Soon after Oliphant proposed that I should take up my abode with his mother and himself in a small house with court and oarden in the Rue du Centre, now the Rue Lamenais, wliicli they occupied. Oliphant and his mother lived on the first-floor ; my wife, my adopted daughter, and I occupied the second-floor. The upper storeys, as well as the dining-room on the ground-floor, were common to us both ; we took our meals together, my wife having charge of all the domestic arrangements. The anxieties and practical difficulties attendant upon the management of a double household of this sort were beyond the power of Mrs. Oliphant. [ 73] 74 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ Like so many Eiiglisli ladies avIio have spent much time in the colonies, she had always been in the hal)it of shifting the responsibility of domestic and household worries upon others and upon her servants. We met every day at meals, at noon and at seven o'clock. In the morning I went to Versailles, which was then the centre of political information. At the luncheon-hour I was ])ack in Paris, when we discussed the information that I had gathered, con- sidering it from the point of view of its value for our correspondence. In the evening I sent, over the signature of Oliphant, who had relieved me of the duty of communicating them to him in advance, all those items of news which would have grown stale if consigned to the tardy post, and which, owing to the lateness of their reaching me, I was unable to communicate to my chief. Oliphant, as I have said before, had come to Europe and France by order of Mr. Harris, who still continued to be a prophet, or, rather, his prophet. Harris had not told him why he was to come to Europe ; he had merely told him to come. Was it that the prophet did not himself know ? In any case, as long as Oliphant had to describe to the readers of The Timea the agitated life of camps, with the fever of revolutions and the thousand crises that attended the painful situation of France during the war and the Revolution, he proved himself to be a marvellous correspondent; ALPHONSO XII. KING OF SPAIN 75 but when the country, apparently exhausted, crushed and scorched under fire and war, attempted with extraordinary elasticity to raise itself from the ruins and walk again with head erect among the nations, Laurence Oliphant felt himself, as it were, humiliated at having to do the work of a peaceful and faithful historian which was now incumbent upon him. His connection with Tlie Times^ therefore, became now more and more irksome, and it was only by a strong effort that he succeeded in fulfilling his daily task. His attitude towards the Thiers Government was an indication of his state of mind at this time. He always refused to go to Versailles to see M. Thiers, and when he did see him he was irritated and almost haughty, and treated the opinions and theories of M. Thiers with a kind of ironical and supercilious indulgence very much like disdain. He refused the offer of the Legion of Honour almost rudely, as though the Red Rosette were intended as a badge of servitude. His young wife, whose aspirations wxre more elevated than his, perhaps, and more romantic, could not be satisfied by this daily task, a little too exactingly regular, so that she was not likely to induce him to love it any the more. He threw the bridle upon my neck, approved in advance of all my communications, and received them rather with the pleasure of a reader than with the attention of a correspondent called upon to make them public. These tendencies were often 76 IMEMOIllS OF M. DE BLOWITZ prejudicial to the best exercise of liis abilities, and clearly j^resaged the end. I was not surprised, therefore, Avlien, in the year 1873, he announced to me one da}^ that, as a result of some rather sharp correspondence between Mr. Macdonald, then Manager of TJie Times ^ and himself, he had just sent in his resignation as Special Correspondent of that paper in France. Some days later he introduced me to his successor. It was Mr. Frederic Hardman, whom I had suc- ceeded at the start, and whose place I had taken afterwards. It did not take lono- for me to under- stand, and undoubtedly Mr. Hardman understood also, that we should have many difficulties in our intercourse. Mr. Frederic Hardman was a veteran among Times Correspondents. His position, his great loyalty, the uprightness of his character, his devotion to the cause of the paper, and his fine talent and great experience, had won for him the friendship of his chiefs and of all connected with The Times. He had lived for a long period in Spain, and he had very accurate notions in regard to that country and its political parties, then so eagerly wrangling among themselves. He had lived in Rome and in Germany as well ; he knew many statesmen in all countries, and he was on the best of terms with men of the old regime in France. But the new political system and the men who were at this moment governing France were un- known to him. He did not see that defeat had ALPHONSO XII. KING OF SPAIN 77 produced in everyone a nervous condition, a kind of chronic distrust, something bitter in the feelings towards foreigners and everything foreign. His first attempts to seek information and to put together some elements of work were not a success, and he generally summed up the result with a ' There is nothing new.' He had, besides, the American method. He took down the words tliat were said to him in a note-book which he held in his hand — a method which in France is infallible for learning absolutely nothing ; for, as M. Duclcrc said, ' This method of cross-examination puts you immediately on the defensive, and shuts your mouth while it opens your eyes.' After some days' trial he explained to me that he was anxious to arrano;e our work as I had done before with Oliphant ; that I was to go in search of information, and that he would make my results the subject of correspondence. He left me also the department of the preparation of urgent news necessitating short despatches. This plan worked well for some time. Unfortu- nately, the situation was false. He was my chief, but he was unknown to the majority of Frenchmen, and whenever we found ourselves together in the same salon, in spite of all precautions that I took, the positions, in the eyes of a third person, seemed inverted. Some incidents, unfortunate, but inevi- table, complicated matters. Once he went to the Elysee, handing his card to the usher, in order to speak to Vicomte d'Harcourt, the President's secre- 78 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ tary. The iislier replied that M. d'Harcourt could not be seen. 'Tell liim that it is the Correspondent of TJte Times who wishes to see him.' The usher looked at him rudely : ' Pardon me,' he said, ' but the Correspondent of Tlte Times has just left the secretary.' On another occasion one of his friends. Lord X., left a visiting card at the Hotel Chatham, to be sent to the Correspondent of The Times. It was taken to my house. As it constantly happens for one to receive cards from unknown persons, I thought that this card was meant for me, and I returned the visit. The crisis after these incidents became acute. I had arranged, at Mr. Macdonald's order, the special wire to Tlie Tunes ^ Avhich was the first then estab- lished, and which was used for the first time on the 4th of May, 1874. Mr. Hardman, without any experience of that kind of work, was obliged to adapt himself to this most exacting method of improvising upon the most recent events that were in progress as one wrote an account of them. Letters logically conceived throughout had to be written while the telegTaph waited, without opportunity for revision. This had a baneful effect ; the strain afifected the health, temper, and nervous system of Mr. Hardman, and made collaboration with him impossible. Four times did pressing telegraphic recalls to Paris interrupt my holidays, and finally, when I was summoned ALPHONSO XII. KING OF SPAIN 79 tliitlier a fiftli time, after an absence of only three clays, I returned obediently, but resolved to send in my resignation, which now seemed inevitable. I had neither the wish nor the power to act other- wise, and so once more I was on the point, notwith- standing that I had reached an advanced time of life, of abandoning a career for which I had so sincere an enthusiasm, and to which I had dreamed of devoting the remainder of my existence. But on reachino; Paris I learned that Mr. Hardman was seriously ill. He was then living across the river in the Rue Solferino. It was his habit, after the nervous excitement of his work, to return on foot to his house, always at a late hour of the night — some- times, indeed, in the early morning — thus courting the illness which was destined to carry him off. It was pleurisy, contracted during his walk on coming out from his work in a state of perspiration into the icy air, which finally, after a few days of resistance, proved fatal. In every sense of the words he was upright and devoted to his duty, and he died from having heroically undertaken something beyond his strength. It was neither our characters, nor our sympathies, nor our wills that made our intercourse so difficult — nay, I may say, all but impossible — but it was the falsity of the position in which we happened to be placed. None of my friends who knew me well were surprised to see me weeping sincerely at the premature death of this excellent 80 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ man. The Times devoted to him an eloquent article full of kind sentiment, which, notwith- standing its notes of eulogy, scarcely did him justice, and then — all was over. There is nothing in the world more melancholy than the sudden silence that falls round the tomb of those painstaking, steady workers who follow with unwearying conscientiousness up to the very end the furrow of their daily task without arousing hatred, without provoking jealousy, and who leave at the last the memory of a talent to which every- one pays equal homage. In the journalistic career posthumous enthusiasm is never noisy. Even beyond the tomb the fame of the dead is an offence, and the very haters seem to prefer to hold their peace, lest in attempting to gain satis- faction they revive the memory of the combatants who have disappeared. Nothing is more melancholy than the startling rapidity with which these turbulent existences, linked to a merely ephemeral want, enter into the dark oblivion of the tomb. The most dis- tinguished among them scarcely survive, and future generations know them not, because even living generations have passed them by in silence. The Royer Collards, the Benjamin Constants, the Thiers, have survived in the memory of men, not because they were journalists, but in spite of it. Armand Carrel is not yet forgotten, because he was killed in a duel with Girardin ; and the latter, who was a man of business as well as a journalist, lives because ALPHONSO XII. KING OF SPAIN 81 he was the promoter of postal reform rather than because for forty years he had been the most active of journalists. Laurence Oliphant's life was written because he lived an existence full of agitation because he was nearly assassinated in Japan, because he published books of satire and philosophy, because his ever-inquiring mind pursued, beyond the barriers of reality, the solution of j^i'oblems that constantly escaped his insight and his power, and because in the solitude of Haifa, scaling in his turn Mount Carmel, he sought to preach from its heights a new law which he believed to be true. But no one has dreamed, or dreams, so far as I know, of writing the life of that admirable journalist, John Delane, the Editor of The Times. For thirty- two years he was the Moltke of a vener- ated chief, sacrificing to the triumph of the common work his right of remonstrance. Under the reign of Mr. John Walter, the third of the dynasty which gave to England the uncontested power of The Ti?nes, John Delane for thirty-two years, without even leaving behind him memoirs which could recall his success, led his troops to continual victories. He began his fruitful career almost at the accession of Queen Victoria. He was Editor of The Times at the age at which Pitt became Prime Minister. At different epochs, and in the midst of dissimilar generations, these two — the one before the admiring gaze of the entire world, the other in the distant silence of the editorial room ; the one 6 82 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ amid the acclamations of the crowd, the other with only the approval of his conscience — worked with equally precocious qualities, and displayed equal genius in the accomplishment of their varied tasks and in the steady realization of their designs. During John Delane's career the following events took place : the Revolution of 1848, the coup cVetat of the 2nd of December, the proclamation of the Second Empire, the Crimean War, the Italian War, the Mexican Expedition, that against Schleswig- Holstein, and the war of 1866, the war of 1870, the Commune, the proclamation of the German Empire, the establishment of the Dual Monarchy in Austria- Hungary, the Russo-Hungarian campaign, the con- ception and the opening of the Suez Canal, the Nihilist plots, the great reforms that mark the internal policy of the reign of Queen Victoria, and a thousand others, which for the moment I forget. Always and everywhere the dominant voice of his journal sounded far above the clamour of the com- batants, and everywhere and always he lent to those to whom he gave his support a real power, while he weakened incontestably those against whom he fought. Yet, when he died, not a single voice in the world among his bitterest o^Dponents was raised in disparagement of his conscientiousness, his justice, and his honour. For thirty-two years he allowed nothing to prevent his going to his room at The Times office at half -past ten in the evening and leaving it at half -past four. He gave his entire ALPHONSO XII. KING OF SPAIN 83 life to this silent work by niglit, subordinating to it everything save independence of judgment, and having as his only recompense the one single ambition to be true. During these thirty-two years he made and unmade Imndreds of reputations which the world, by involuntary homage rendered to the infallibility of his judgment, has left in the place to which he assigned them. It has forgotten one thing, however — to reserve for John Delane a corner in its memory. It has forgotten that its duty was not to allow him to be so promptly sub- merged by events. --It is almost with a feeling of bitterness that I have recalled, in the inadequate and unworthy lines that precede, the great career of this toiler unknown among the crowd, and yet so worthy to figure among those who are placed in the front ranks of their times. On the morning of the death of Mr. Hardman I received a very touching letter from Mr. Macdonald, who had loved him so much. He invited me to continue till furtlier orders the duties of Paris Correspondent of the paper, with the valuable collaboration of Mr. J. C, Alger, who very long occupied, with recognised ability, the same post. We set ourselves bravely to our task. They were difficult months that followed. My provisional position prevented my having the absolute authority that was necessary for my work. Furthermore, there was a question as to continuing the telegraphic correspondence, which was still an experiment, the 6—2 84 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ success of wliicli was watched everywhere with jealous anxiety. The Times remained for some time the only pa])er in the world possessing a private wire, and it was necessary to justify this fact to its readers as well as to itself. We accomplished this result, however, for to-day the important papers without a special wire are the exception. It was in the month of October that Mr. Hard- man died. As soon as his death was known, on every side men from all countries and from all ranks, of the most varied talents, origin, or position, applied for the post of Paris representa- tive of Tlie Times, At every moment the papers announced the appointment of one or the other, but never, I must say, was I mentioned for the post. The Times itself reserved to me a very curious surprise. Mr. John Delane was still the Editor- in-chief. He knew me personally, but it was his rule never to write directly to correspondents, but only officially as the head of the staff. I had never had any direct personal correspondence with him. While I was thus filling the vacant post in the interim, I wrote one day a letter entitled ' De Pro- fundis,' predicting the approaching fall of the De Cissey Cabinet. The letter appeared, with comment in a leading article, but the next day came a telegram from Mr. Delane asking who was the author of it. A similar thing happened four or five times, and I learned — which was, indeed, the inevitable conse- ALPHONSO XII. KING OF SPAIN 85 quence of anonymity — that the Editor of the paper himself did not quite know what to think of my ability as a writer and a journalist. Three months rolled by in this way. During those months a hundred rumours were bruited about, and not a word had been exchanged between the journal and myself in regard to my present or future situation. All that I knew was that, whoso- ever might be the head appointed over me, I could do nothing but withdraw. My experience with Mr. Hardman had enlightened me, and the position that 1 occupied after his death made a similar prospect still more intolerable. However, 1 did nothing to put an end to this state of things. I understood that the paper, in presence of the most tempting offers, knowing the difficulties that would attend my appointment, and realizing the necessity of conducting itself according to a certain etiquette, as one might say, on account of its unique position in the world's Press, would take a long time to consider. However great my annoyance might be, I was prepared to bow before its decision. This decision came at the end of the year 1874. The service had not suffered. The special wire was proving its value more and more. The Paris correspondence, sustained by the combined efforts of my colleague and myself, had succeeded in gaining the approval of our chiefs. There appeared to be no reason why the situation, in itself pro- visional and precarious, should not be prolonged for some time still. But the 31st of December, 86 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ 1874, ushered in an event which put a sudden end to the delay of my chiefs. The evening of that day I had gone to bed very late. The day was icy cold ; snow covered all Paris, ^yearied out and sufFerino; from a slisrht fever, I had remained in l)ed, and was on the point of sending for Mr. Alger to inform him of my condition and discuss with him what food we could supply to that Minotaur called the private wire, when the evening papers were brought to me. The Liberie^ whose proprietors were then on excel- lent terms with the Spanish dynasty, announced hy telegraph, and with some words of comment, that a pronunciamiento^ set on foot by Martinez Campos, had taken place in S23ain, and that the Prince of the Asturias, then in Paris, had been proclaimed King under the title of Alphonso XII. It was a veritable thunder-clap. Half an hour later I was at the Spanish Embassy, which at the time was under M. Abarzuzza. He received me very ironically after I had waited for more than an hour — a thing not unnatural, however, as some three hundred people were pressing into his waiting-rooms. I hadj remained below in order to watch those who entered;ordeparted by the only door admitting to the Embassy, and to see if the Ambas- sador received many telegrams from abroad. When a revolution breaks out in a country, as long as the Government remains master of the situation, its representatives are siu-e to receive ample informa- tion. For there is nothing more agreeable than ALPHONSO XII. KING OF SPAIN 87 preparing bulletins o£ victory. But as soon as the situation changes, it is the Ambassadors who send the eager telegrams, which, however, so often do not reach their destination, and to which, even when they do, there is frequently no reply. On this occasion I saw messengers continually hurrying out with half- concealed despatches in their hands, to be sent by telegraph, but during all the time that I waited I did not see a single telegraphic message entering the Embassy. When finally I was conducted to the Ambassador, in spite of the irony with which he treated the telegram in the papers, I had almost made up my mind as to its truth. He told me that it was merely an abortive revolution ; that a few soldiers, speedily silenced, had cried out ' Viva el Rey !' but that at that moment — it was then half -past six — the ex- citement had been suppressed, order had been re- established in Madrid, the Government having taken energetic measures, and he authorized me to telegraph to my paper that the attempt to restore the Monarchy had been easily suppressed by the Government. In such a case, as in many others, when it is a question of serving his Government or serving himself, an Ambassador will never hesitate to throw a journalist quite overboard, and to sacrifice him body and soul, and, if he can, his reputation and his honour, to further his own designs. I left the Ambassador convinced that the pronunciamiento of Martinez Campos had succeeded, and I resolved not 88 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ to repeat the story he had told me, or, at least, to send it with pointed comments. I did not dare to give a positive form to my conviction by sending an absolutely contrary telegram, for I had no posi- tive proof of the truth of that of which I was persuaded, and I could not discover any justifying facts. I returned discouraged enough, for the time at my disposal was short and the fever had not yet left me. But I ordered a carriao^e to be in readi- ness, and with weariness and disappointment betook myself to my chamber in a state almost of madness because I could see no means of ffainino; better information. Queen Isabella, to be sure, with the Prince of the Asturias, occupied the Hotel Basilew^ski, only a few doors from my house, but I knew neither the Queen nor her son, nor any member of their entourage, and it was not probable — indeed, it was scarcely possible — that in the circumstances and at such a moment I should be received. MoreoA er, in returning I had instinctively passed by the Avenue Kleber, in front of the Hotel Basilewski (the Palais de Castille), as if to see whether the walls of this house could not tell me something. I saw an enormous crowd in front of the gates, which were all closed, and some policemen, who had been sent in haste, were with the greatest difficulty holding the throng in check. I imagined that all the reporters of the Paris papers and all the correspondents of foreign papers were mingled in this crowd trampling down the snow. I considered it useless to increase ALPHONSO XII. KING OF SPAIN 89 the number, yet I was more and more in desjDair at my helplessness. On the morning of the 31st of December it was useless to try to find any members of the Govern- ment in Paris, and, as the official seat was at Versailles, there seemed no issue out of my diffi- culties. Suddenly a remembrance liashed across my brain. Some time previously I had met at the Spanish Embassy, then at Versailles, Comte de Banuelos, a senator of Spain, who had spoken in warm terms of the Queen and her son, who was well acquainted with England, and who was a careful reader of The Times. He had been quite charming to me. I had called upon him, and had been introduced to the most delightful of families, consisting of a very gracious and affable mother and two charming girls. His private residence, 21^ Rue de Lisbonne, was near at hand. It was nine o'clock. I rushed down to my carriage and gave the address to the coachman. Two minutes after I arrived at the Banuelos mansion. As I entered the hall the Comte, one of the finest-looking men of his time, in full dress, followed by his two daughters, also in evening dress, was descending the stairs to enter the salon on the ground-floor. I was extremely embarrassed. I had come by instinct, at a venture, without plan or forethought, and without knowing exactly why. 90 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ On seeing these preparations, indicating that the Comte was abont to go to a ball, I understood that I could expect no help from him, for at the moment the idea came to me that the only way of penetrating into the Palais de Castille was to go with him. I asked him if he had any details. He replied that he had learned the news that very moment, that he had previous reasons for thinking it true, and that, as he was going to a ball at the Duchesse de MalakofTs with his two daughters, he intended to congratulate the future King on the following day. I had not advanced very far ; the two daughters, who were ready and impatient to go, came to ask for their father. During this conversation I had become convinced that Comte de Banuelos alone could open to me the doors of the Palais de Castille, and that there, and there only, could I hope to obtain any information. But at my first suggestion in this direction the two charming girls were in consternation. Politics did not much interest them. The vouno; Prince of the Asturias, whom they greatly liked, had been pro- claimed King, but the rest mattered little, and their dance- cards were filled with engagements, and their partners were waiting. They were likely to pain many and disappoint others, and to be unkind to the beautiful and good lady their hostess, who counted upon them. All this drove me to despair. Without insisting, I kissed the young ladies, but my face betrayed the bitter disappointment I felt as I slowly ALPHONSO XII. KING OF SPAIN 91 rose to take leave. My disappointment was so obvious that the two girls were moved, and simul- taneously, without understanding why I was so much troubled, they consented to let their father go. It was then for me to refuse. I reproached myself with great selfishness for having troul^led two girls, without even letting them know why they were called upon to sacrifice themselves so completely for me, and I prepared to take my departure. At that moment the door of the salon opened, and the Comtesse de Banuelos, her face as sympathetic as ever, especially radiant — for the idea of pleasing others was to her a very great pleasure — now appeared in full dress. No sooner had she learned the difficulty than she immediately solved the entire situation ; she went up to her room, and came down ready to take her daughters to the Duchesse de Malakofifs, where she promised to await her husband's arrival to relieve her of her charge. There, as always, the soft hand of a woman removed the obstacles that lay in the pathway of my life. With her intervention all difficulties disappeared. We put the ladies into their carriage, and the Comte and I betook ourselves to mine, ordering the coach- man to drive to the Palais de Castille. The crowd there was as great as ever, and the greatest precautions had been taken against intruders. Since nine that night nobody had been allowed to enter. A commissary of police, with a sufficiently strong force of policemen under his 92 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ orders, was guarding the great gateways opening on the courtyard. Our carriage was stopped even before we had penetrated the crowd. Comte de Banuelos put out his head, summoned a policeman, and begged him to send for the com- missary. The Comte explained who he was, and informed him that he was going to salute the King. The commissary excused himself with great polite- ness, but said that he could not allow us to pass. Comte de Banuelos then gave him his card, and begged him to send it by one of his men to Comte ]\Iorphy, Governor of the Prince of the Asturias, henceforth King of Spain. The commissary of police glanced at the card, bowed on reading the name that it bore, and granted the request. Ten minutes later a strong cordon of police made a passage in the crowd for our carriage, and men protected us and defended the gate, in order to prevent a sudden rush within the courtyard. I was seated in the dark corner of the carriage, and as we were driven through the great doorway the gates were closed quickly behind us. A journalist who happened to be there, however, recognised my driver. I heard him crying, ' It is Blowitz's carriage !' and I also caught the sound of other cries and shouts of objection as we ascended the stone steps leading to the vestibule of the palace. There was great commotion everywhere. All the intimate friends of the royal palace had been ordered thither, and they went and came, joyous salutations resounding throughout the house in a fashion that ALPHONSO XII. KING OF SPAIN 93 seriously compromised the etiquette of the Spanish Court. Here one felt that, beyond all doubt, the proiiunciamiento had indeed succeeded, and that Alphonso XII. had certainly been proclaimed and recognised King of Spain. Comte Morphy came to meet us. After the intro- ductions were over, he said to Comte de Banuelos: ' The King will see you with great pleasure ; and as for you, monsieur, come in here, I beg you, into the King's study, where he has been till just now. I will tell the King that you are here. I will explain the object of your visit, and will return to tell you what he authorizes me to say to you.' All who have had the good fortune to know Comte Morphy will understand that I had reason to congratulate myself on my introduction to one of the most amiable, accomplished, and refined gentle- men. Every time my good star has since brought me into his presence — in Madrid during the first marriage of the King, and in Paris during the painful incidents of the return from Germany — I have recognised in him the same man, as kind, as sympa- thetic and amiable to others, as he was at our first meeting, and, indeed, at the very first moment of that meeting. While Comte de Banuelos, accompanied by Comte Morphy, ascended to the next floor, where the King- was, I entered the ' study ' of the Prince of the Asturias, a room to the left on the ground-floor, in that part of the house devoted to Comte Morphy. The walls were covered with geographical maps, 94 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ and photographs of Sovereigns and Princes and Princesses of reigning houses, all bearing gracious dedications. On one table was a chart of both hemispheres, and on another, covered with books and papers, lay a volume of Tacitus, bearing, in whose handwriting I did not know, annotations in Spanish. While I was excitedly engaged in noting the pages of the book thus lying open under my eyes, eager to know what the Prince of the Asturias had last read, the door opened and someone entered. I thought it was Comte Morphy. * You see, M. le Comte,' I said, ' I am trying to find the passage. . . .' I looked up. It was the young King himself, who, with a smile on his lips and a beaming eye, stretched out a slightly feverish hand. He was dressed with irreproachable taste, and wore his evening dress, with its narrow silk lappel, with youthful and easy grace, while a gardenia adorned his buttonhole. In spite of his extreme youth, his face was serious, his bearing energetic, and a slight line already seamed a broad and intelligent brow, siu*- mounted by fine dark hair arranged with great care. ' May your Majesty pardon me,' I said, ' I thought it was Comte Morphy.' The King made a slight movement, his cheeks coloured rapidly, and his mouth, a little melancholy even at this moment, and shaded by a fine youthful moustache, began to smile frankly. ' Excuse me,' he said, ' for this little movement ALPHONSO XII. KING OF SPAIN 95 of surprise ; but, although I believe I may consider myself King of Spain, you are the first stranger who has yet greeted me with this title, and I could not repress the slight movement, which I perceive did not escape you.' Then, with his back against the fireplace, and with an easy and charming simplicity, he told me himself all the details of the movement which had just taken place. He recalled the proclamation of Martinez Campos, the attitude of the troops, the proclamation of the Governor of Madrid, the feeling of the populace there and in the provinces, as indi- cated to him by telegrams. He then spoke of the proclamation which he would himself address to tlie Spanish people, and he outlined to me the entire plan of the Constitution which he had conceived and was on the point of elaborating. ' I have been utterly surprised at the event,' he said, ' although I was expecting it. I was afraid it might be too long delayed, but my friend Martinez Campos wished to make me a present on this ap- propriate day of the year ; and,' he added, laughing, ' he could not have chosen a finer one. I went out immediately after breakfast to take advantage of a moment's simshine, and when I returned I saw people running towards the palace. The great gate- way was open, with everybody awaiting me on the steps. The Queen was at the top of the stairs, and coming down to throw herself into my arms, while the others cried, " Vive le Roi !" Then I under- stood, and I had all the difficulty in the world to 96 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ keep from bursting into tears, for I understand very well that my poor Spain has need of a long rest in order to rise from her ruins, and I do not know whether my strength is sufficient.' After some minutes of silence he took my hand as a sign of farewell, and added gaily : ' Between ourselves, my intention is to avoid all fu.ture pro- nunciamientos^ and for that purpose I shall see the army immediately on my return, and see it often, in order to teach it that it has only one head, who commands it and its commanders as well, and that that head is the King.' Comte Morphy then came to me, while the young King ascended to his apartments on the lirst-floor. I thanked him from the bottom of my heart for my good fortune, to which he had so powerfully con- tributed, for the King had said to me in our conver- sation : ' My friends Comte de Banuelos and Comte Morphy ])oth begged me to see you myself. They probably thought that you had never seen a King so soon after his accession, and that what I told you myself would have more authenticity than what I might say through them. You see, I am not yet at that epoch in my reign at which they no longer dare to counsel me.' And I experience great pleasure now, after many years, in expressing to those whom Alphonso XII. called his two friends the feeling of profound and affectionate gratitude which I have ever since this event entertained for them. Both, happily — while Alphonso XII. reposes in ALPHONSO XII. KING OF SPAIN 97 the royal vault o£ Spain, while the widow who survives him watches with the wisdom o£ a Maria Theresa over the childish brow which bears the heavy burden of the crown o£ Spain, still live and can accept the expression of my enduring gratitude. But I admit I did not prolong my conversation with Comte Morpliy, who w^as himself, in spite of the late hour, wearied by many calls upon him. Messages followed one another without cessation, and during the few moments that I remained with him several packages of telegrams were brought in. It was half -past eleven. Comte de Banuelos had gone, I know not how, leaving my carriage at my disposal. I ordered my driver to go at a rapid trot, but the snow and slipperiness made this impossible, and he had to take the greatest precaution in order to avoid an accident. It was almost one o'clock when I reached the office of The Tiines. Every moment was precious. I sent off two columns of matter, giving the principal items and my interview with the King, but it was too late to send the details that I have just given. The following day I remained in bed in a state of intense fever, quite unable to write, and the day after that it was too late to return to the details of that evening. I could therefore only give them in these pages of my journalistic life, as connected with the political events of the time. But although I could not publish everything, what appeared in The Times on the following morning 7 98 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ was absolutely unknown to anybody. The corre- spondence from Madrid was only a repetition o£ the telegrams in other papers, and it was my story, given by The Times^ which the telegraphic agencies sent throughout the world. Four years later, when, at his marriage with Princess Mercedes, I saw Alphonso XII. again in Madrid, he recalled this conversation, and observed to me with pride that the programme he had traced on the day of his accession he had succeeded iu realizing. He told me also that M. Canovas del Castillo had been in power long enough, and inti- mated to me that he was going to advise him in retire in order to make way for a more Liberal Cabinet. He also appeared very proud of having won, after a great struggle, the hand of his much-loved wife. She was there at his side, the fleeting image of a happiness very rarely met with in the high j)laces of human power. He had won her, indeed, in spite of everything ; and it was, as I believe I have already related elsewhere, on a farmer's grain-cart, which had been lent to them when weariness pre- vented them from returning to La Granja on foot, that the young King, while the farmer's mule was proceeding at his will, declared his love to his cousin and swore to marry her. A few months later this spring - time happiness was extinguished in mourning, and Queen Mercedes preceded the young monarch to the royal tomb. On the 3rd of January, for the first time since I ALPHONSO XII. KING OF SPAIN 99 had been under his orders, Mr. John Delane wrote to me direct, and congratulated me upon what he called my really masterly stroke. Mr. Delane usually corresponded only with the chiefs of the service, which is sufficiently explained by the fact of his enormous correspondence as Editor of The Times. On receiving this letter, so full of enthusiasm on the success obtained on the 31st of the previous month, I understood that this last effort, more than all others put together, had triumphed over all the obstacles in the way of my appointment as The Times representative in Paris. I awaited with confidence this appoint- ment, which was officially announced on the 1st of February, 1875. 7—2 CHAPTER V THE FRENCH SCARE OF 1875 My desire in this chapter is to narrate in all simplicity the story of a historical episode in which I played a certain part — an episode that has been travestied by almost everybody who has written about it, and that has often been spoken of in ignorance. Yet it is one which deserves to be placed in its true light before posterity. In 1875 the Due Decazes was Minister of Foreign Affairs, and one of the most conspicuous figures in the French political world. From the early days of his appointment as Minister he had become famous as a clever diplomatist. He had taken possession of the post just after the fall of Thiers, succeeding the Comte de Remusat, a man whose diplomatic despatches are still regarded as models of their kind. But it must be admitted that the difficidties which lay in the path of the Due Decazes were infinitely greater than those against which Comte de Remusat had to contend. As long as Thiers remained in power, Europe was convinced that France would never dream of abandoning the Republican form of government. [ 100] THE FRENCH SCARE OF 1875 101 Europe was aware that the home problem in France, in her struggle in defence of the Republican idea against all the furious hostility of the former parties, was of itself so difficult as to be an earnest of peace. But the accession of the Conservatives, and, in particular, of the Orleanist party, aroused abroad a great deal of anxiety. It was feared that this party might try to overturn the Republic and establish the Monarchy, and that the peace of Europe might thereby be troubled. Indeed, the new Government seemed at a very early date to be giving some show of reason for this dread. The French Bishops, in the very year of the change, and the Bishop of Nancy in particular, published certain pastoral letters which aroused indigna- tion and the anxiety — perhaps only feigned — of Germany. The two monarchical houses, the Legitimists and the Orleanists, united their forces to a common end ; a delicate situation was created with Italy ; the policy of England was opposed ; Spanish susceptibilities were irritated by foreign suspicion to the eiFect that the new Government favoured the Carlists ; and then, little by little, as if in the natural course of things, France found herself hedged about by a circle of suspicious and distrustful neighbours. This general feeling among European statesmen was not lessened by the elevation to the Presidency of Marshal MacMahon. It was believed that military reorganization would henceforth be the chief pre- occupation of France ; and when the National Assem- 102 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ bly patriotically voted the creation of the Fourth Battalion, this vote, which had almost been forced upon Parliament, was the expression of wide- spread national anxiety, which Germany did not fail to note. Therein resides the true origin of the diplomatic incident of May, 1875. As soon as the creation of this Fourth Battalion was decided on, the military party in Germany betrayed much agitation, of which Count Moltke — the personification, after the Emperor, of German military power — was the first to give the signal. From the very start the Emperor William I. had shown that he was resolved to be the sole master in military matters, but he left Prince Bismarck almost absolute freedom in all questions not pertaining to the army. It was in this way, indeed, that he succeeded in soothing the suspicious and irascible nature of his Chancellor. Even at the present day it is impossible to say what were the secret aspira- tions of the Chancellor after the Treaty of Frankf ort,^ which had sealed the triumph of Germany over France. He had certainly regarded himself from the outset as the sole founder of the new German Empire. His constant utterances after his fall prove how deep-rooted was this conviction. From the start he was clearly discontented. For a long time he had nursed the all but impossible dream of expelling Austria from Germany, and of including as parts of a single Empire of which he saw the vision the Southern States, the kingdom of Saxony, and all the independent States scattered over THE FRENCH SCARE OF 1875 103 German territory. This end he had constantly pur- sued amidst the greatest obstacles, and this ambitious scheme he had succeeded in accomplishing solely by his persevering genius. When at the close of the war, after the treaty was signed, M. Pouyer- Quertier said to him, ' There's no reason why you should complain — you have been made a Prince,' the Chancellor replied, showing him a parchment roll : ' You think, then, I have no reason to complain ? Certainly I have become a Prince ; as for my prin- cipality, here it is.' This secret discontent, this disenchantment of a man who thought himself the founder of the Empire, was instinctively understood by the Emperor. And it was as a sop to his overleaping ambition that he made Prince Bismarck the real Sovereign of Ger- many, reserving for himself only the absolute control of the army. Prince Bismarck and Count Moltke were never rivals, for each kept to his respective field, although the former, by his Sovereign's pleasure, always wore the uniform with characteristic regularity. When, therefore, the creation of the Fourth Battalion was decided on, and when Count Moltke, who was ever most vigilant, saw how the active army of France was being strengthened, he com- municated his fears, not to Prince Bismarck, but to the Emperor William himself. And Prince Bis- marck was well aware that it was of no use his intervening in any way, either to hasten or retard, or even to stop, the scheme conceived by Count 104 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ Moltke, knowiug full well beforehand that all inter- vention in this question would be trespassing on forbidden ground. Prince Bismarck not only always energetically protested against his being the author of an aggres- sive scheme formulated in 1875 against France, but constantly maintained that no such idea had occurred to anyone in Germany, and that it existed onl}' in the malevolent minds of the French. The latter, however, claimed that these plans had nearly been successful, and were thwarted only by Russian intervention. The result of this accusation was calculated to prejudice the German nation in the eyes of pos- terity. It threw upon Kussia the entire honourable responsibility of checkmating this design, and, on the other hand, Prince Bismarck's attitude towards the French, whom he treated as calumniators, had the result of detracting from the renown of France, while it placed Russia in the light of a pretentious Don Quixote. It is to correct so many erroneous statements, to apportion to each in all fairness his responsibilities and his successes — it is, in a word, to throw light upon a historical event until now left in vague obscurity — that I write these pages. All the European Foreign Offices were secretly informed at the beginning of 1875 of the ex- cited state of feeling in Germany caused by the creation by the French Chamber of the Fourth Battalion. THE FRENCH SCARE OF 1875 105 Prince Bismarck's intentions remained, however, a mystery. It was well known that the Emperor would brook from him no intervention so far as military affairs were concerned ; and the German army corps and the German military party looked at matters only from the military j^oint of view. Prince Bismarck, who at the time was evidently of opinion that dis- cretion was the better part of valour, assumed an attitude of alert observation, gathered from every quarter of Europe all possible impressions, and bided his time. Thus the various European Foreign Offices became aware of the state of mind of the German military party, while they were entirely ignorant of the Chancellor's intentions. On the whole, the general impression was that Prince Bismarck's decisions would in one way or another triumph, and that, notwithstanding the precision of the resolutions formed by the militar}^ pai'ty, the matter would still be left vague and uncertain, and never develop into anything. This very vagueness, though, was ominous, and the air of mystery which in European diplomatic circles surrounded the crisis which had been secretly concocted in the German capital was a quite natural result. I myself was indirectly informed by various people of the actual state of affairs. I was asked to watch what was going on between Germany and France. I was the constant recipient of letters from all over Europe asking if it was true that 106 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ France was becoming so strong as to be a legitimate menace in Berlin, and if the Fourth Battalion was a dangerous addition to the French army. And I saw that these inquiries usually emanated from persons who were the mouthpieces of others. All this was further evidence of the general preoccupation that existed in all European countries. About this epoch I met M. Clasczko, the keen- sighted author of Les Deux Clianceliers. He had just returned from a trip through Europe. He had been received everywhere as he deserved to be, for he was a man to be trusted, and he had been struck by the widespread anxiety that was noticeable among European statesmen. He came to see me, and we had a long and absolutely frank conversa- tion. Our conclusion was that the situation demanded my keenest attention, and we parted with an agreement to keep each other mutually informed of all that came to our notice. On the 14tli of April, 1875, I met the Due Decazes at a soiree at the house of the Prefect of Police, M. Leon Renault. The Due was standing near the door, a little apart from the company, as if preferring to be alone. As I went by him I bowed. He stopped me, and said : ' You seem in a great hurry.' ' No,' I replied ; ' but you appear to have some- thing on your mind, and I did not wish to be indiscreet.' ' You are paying me a very poor compliment,' he retorted ; ' for, if I really have something on my THE FRENCH SCARE OF 1875 107 mind, I ought not to show it, and if I have not it is a great mistake to appear to have. But confess that you said this for a purpose ; you wanted to let me know that you think I really ought to be anxious.' ' No, M. le Due,' I said ; ' I was not so subtle as that. The truth is that, thinking you were worried, I discovered that your face betrayed it. ' We cannot talk here,' said the Due ; ' come to see me to-morrow evening, and we will have a long talk. In my rooms no one will interrupt us.' On the following evening at nine I was at the house of the Due Decazes. I knew how much he hated being forced to talk or having information wrung from him. As this process had always seemed to me childish and commonplace, I was tempted less than ever to apply it in his case. I therefore produced and read aloud, in a clear voice, the letters that I had received about the German military party, the notes I had taken on the subject from conversations with foreign diplomatists, and even with members of the Paris Diplomatic Corps, and in particular the very characteristic words of M. Clasczko. After listening for some time, the Due said : ' I really have not anything to tell you. You know all that has come to my knowledge, and my information so strongly corroborates yours that there is only one conclusion to be drawn, namely, that every Foreign Office in Europe is preoccupied with our relations with Germany. I must add, how- 108 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ ever, to wbat you have said, merely this : Hohenlohe came here and tried to turn the conversation upon our armaments and the anxiety which they are causing in Germany. I tried to turn the subject, as it is too risky to discuss. But I know Hohenlohe well, and I know his orders. He will come back, and if I continue to avoid the topic and refuse all explanations, he will arrange to bring about a coup d'etat of some kind or other. He will succeed in obtaining leave of absence, and he will manage to leave Paris in such a w^ay as to compromise the situation, for his presence here is a gage of peace. What troubles me is that the Germans still surround their plans with so much mystery that the world continues to be ignorant of them, and that these plans may come to maturity at any moment, when it will be too late to do anything. ' The Emperor of Russia thinks of going to Berlin at the beginning of May, and everything that is possible will Idc done to keep the matter dark. The Emperor will, of course, be told about these plans, but he will pretend that he does not know about them, and refuse to believe them ; and he will not venture to allude to them so long as they are not mentioned to him. How, indeed, can a Sovereign allow another Sovereign, a friendly one, to suppose that he regards the latter capable of such an act of aggression against a vanquished and disarmed people — an aggression which, in the present circum- stances, would be little short of barbarous ? So that all possible secrecy will be kept in Berlin THE FRENCH SCARE OF 1875 109 during the Emperor's stay, and if the matter should come to tlie surface at all, it will be after he has gone. ' For this reason I think that there is only one way to prevent the Emperor of Russia from being compelled, while in Berlin, to hold his peace. I will tell you how. Some authoritative journal known throughout the world should expose the entire situation, and this journal, I need hardly tell you, should be The Times. ' No French journal could possibly do it, for the Germans would have the right to regard it as a provocation, and no one would believe the statement abroad. To adopt such a course would, therefore, be a very great mistake. Nor could such an exposure be made in an Italian journal ; those friendly to us have no authority. In Austria no important paper would care or dare to do it. And the Russian Press is obviously out of the question, as its intervention, even were the censors to allow it, would put the Emperor of Russia in a false position at Berlin. The Times is the only paper in the world which can possibly publish such information with any telling and authoritative effect. And that is what I ask you to do.' ' I am perfectly ready, as far as I am concerned,' I said, ' to undertake this work, but you will under- stand that the subject is too important for me to be able to guarantee publication without previously informing The Times and obtaining its assent. I shall write to-morrow to Mr. John Delane, and act according to his orders.' 110 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ I did so. I placed the exact situation before Mr. Delaiie, and asked explicitly for permission to write a letter publicly denouncing the plan of aggression against France conceived by the German military party. Mr. John Delane replied that my communication had greatly interested, and even moved, him ; but he said that such an insinuation against a civilized nation could not be risked by a paper like The Times unless it were backed up in the most positive and official manner, so that, if called to account, absolute and crushing proof could be adduced in reply. I showed his letter to the Due Decazes, and it caused him much disappointment, although he agreed with me that Mr. John Delane could scarcely act differently. He began to walk up and down the room in great agitation, continually repeating : ' Time presses. We must act, or it will be too late. I persist in my idea — The Times is the only paper which can do what I ask, and if it does not do it all may be lost.' Then, turning to me sud- denly, he said : ' What Mr. Delane wants, then, is information so authoritative that he may be sure he is acting on the best faith in the world ?' ' Certainly,' I replied, ' that is Mr. Delane's idea.' ' Very well,' he said ; ' come back and see me this evening.' On returning in the evening I found him in one of the small first-floor rooms, where he was always to be seen when alone. THE FRENCH SCARE OF 1875 111 ' Do you think/ he asked, ' that Mr. Delane would publish your letter if you assured him on your word of honour that you referred to an absolutely authentic document ?' ' I am sure of it,' I replied ; ' the day when my word of honour is not enough for Mr. Delane he will no longer find me under his orders.' ' Then,' said the Due Decazes, ' I am going to do something that is absolutely unusual. I am going to communicate to you an official and confidential document ; but in so acting I am convinced that I am acting in my country's interest and in that of Europe. I must ask you, though, to swear to me that in my lifetime you will not say that I have shown you this document, unless you are compelled for the honour of your paper to do so. Not that I fear to confess to all the world what I am going to do, but because I know the passions that exist all about us. If the misfortune that I fear should occur, I should be blamed for not having warded it off ; and if I succeed in preventing it, it will be said to have existed only in my imagination. For this reason I ask you to keep your own counsel as to our interview — at least, as long as I am in this world. If you survive me I authorize you to speak, for by that time I hope the hour of justice will have arrived for me, and my act will be seen to be that of an ardent patriot anxious only to defend his country against a fresh calamity.' With these words the Due took out of a drawer in a small desk that stood at the right of the chimney- 112 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ piece a rather large paper note-book and handed it to me. The book contained a despatch from the Vicomte de Gontaiit-Biron, French Ambassador in Berlin. In this despatch the Vicomte de Gontaut-Biron, who was always most highly respected by all those who knew him, had given the Due Decazes a detailed account of his interview with M. de Kadowitz, whom he had met at a ball. M. de Radowitz, having turned the theme of con- versation to the famous Fourth Battalion and the French armaments, which were arousing the anxiety of the German Government, revealed to him the plans conceived against France by the German military party. M. de Radowitz stated that Count Moltke had great influence over the Emperor, and had proved to him the necessity of an immediate war with France. The German armies were to invade France, crush instantly all opposition, press on to Paris, invest the capital, and take up a position on the plateau of Avron, whence they could overlook Paris, and if need be destroy it. This done, Ger- many would dictate a treaty reducing France to absolute subjection for many years. It would insist on a permanently reduced army, impose a war indemnity of 10,000,000,000 (ten milliards) of francs, payable in twenty annuities without any clause allowing payment to be made in advance, with annual interest at five per cent., and keep garri- sons in the principal towns of France until the whole sum should be paid. The Vicomte de Gontaut- THE FRENCH SCARE OF 1875 113 Biron had scarcely been able to maintain his sang- froid during this revelation. He pretended to M. de R,adowitz that he did not believe it, and he had thus forced him to confirm his words in the most abso- lute fashion. He left M. de Kadowitz in the greatest excitement, for he felt sure that the latter had spoken by order, although he could not conceive who had commanded it, or why. He believed that the idea was to frighten France, and to force that country into some overtures of explanation which would reassure Germany ; but he left no stone unturned to investigate the matter and corroborate this information. The result of his inquiries was that he had become certain that the scheme had been concocted only by the military party, and that Prince Bismarck, so far as his responsibility went, was an absolute stranger to the plan. As may be easily imagined, I was profoundly impressed by the reading of this document. In tones betraying my emotion, I returned the note- book, and, thanking the Due, said : ' I will write the letter, and I swear to you to do all that is in my power to obtain its publication.' On going home, without a moment's delay, I wrote a letter revealing the entire plan of the German military party, as told by M. de Gontaut-Biron from the information given by M. de Radowitz. And, on receiving this letter, Mr. John Delane, frightened at its contents, took measures himself to discover what was true and what was false in the .terrible scheme thus circumstantially revealed. 114 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ Some days went by without the letter appearing. I began to be apprehensive, when suddenly, on the 4th of May, 1875, it was published under the title ' The French Scare.' The effect was instantaneous and universal. The Emperor Alexander II. no longer had any excuse, during his approaching visit to Berlin, not to know all about the matter ; and, indeed, in the midst of the excitement aroused by my letter, the German Chancellor himself had nothing left to do but to bring before the Kussian Emperor the question of this bellicose scheme imputed to Germany, and to wash his hands of it. The German Emperor, too, on meeting M. de Gontaut-Biron, said to him : ' They are trying to embroil matters between us, but, fortunately, they have not succeeded.' Prince GortschakofF lost no time in addressing to the Russian representatives a circular beginning ' Peace is henceforth assured.' Lord Derby, on his part, assured Englishmen of the same fact. But the French Press, mistaking altogether the motives which had dictated The Times letter, and quite without reflection, heaped upon its author the most incredible insults. The German Press, seeing what had been the effect of it, echoed the attacks of the French newspapers, until the latter, finally detecting the real motive that had inspired the letter, ceased their diatribes. Six weeks later, as I was entering the Comtesse de Valon's salon with a friend, a Frenchman who was there asked my friend THE FRENCH SCARE OF 1875 115 how much Prince Bismarck had paid me for ' pub- lishing the Scare letter.' This is sufficient to show to what degree of blind- ness my act of loyalty had driven the French Press — an act made possible by the courageous and en- lightened support of my chief. I confess that the following letter from Mr. John Delane made up for all these attacks and insults : ^May 18. ' My dear M. de Blowitz, ' I did not need your very interesting letter of the 14th inst. to appreciate the entire success of that starthng public letter by which you alarmed Europe to a sense of its imminent danger. It has been of the greatest public service, and, as I sincerely believe, has done even much to spare the world the horrors of another war. No greater honour than to have aided in averting war is within the reach of the journalist. ' As to the French and German Press, I hope you have philosophy enough to bear their attacks with contemptuous equanimity.' On the IZtli of December, 1878, I was dining at the Cafe Voisin. General Leflo entered, and sat down at a table in a corner close by. As I had finished my dinner, I joined him. General Leflo had been French Ambassador in St. Petersburg during the period of the incidents called by The Ti?7ies ' The French Scare.' He, better than any- one, was able to give me details of the incident in which I had been myself so closely associated. The following is a faithful account of what he said to me: 'I was in Paris when the incident of 1875 first 8—2 116 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ began to arouse the attention of European states- men. I called on the Due Decazes and took the liberty of telling him that, to my mind, his fears in reference to an attack by Germany upon France were greatly exaggerated. The Due replied that he had in his possession certain trustworthy docu- ments which appeared to him to justify all his fears. As a result of this conversation I was to return as soon as possible to St. Petersburg. But before my departure I wished to call on Prince Orloff, then Russian Ambassador in Paris, to let him know that I was going back to Kussia. ' " I have just mentioned your name in a telegram to Prince GortschakofF," said Prince OrlofF to me. " I am quite of your opinion that the fears of the Due Decazes are chimerical, and I do not believe that anyone now thinks of attacking France." ' From Prince Orloff I went to the Elysee to see the Marshal, for I wished to tell him as well as the Due Decazes of the encouraging impression left upon me by Prince OrlofTs words. The Marshal was out, so I proceeded to the house of the Due Decazes. He, too, was away from home. Return- ing to the Elysee, I found an Aide-de-Camp of the President, whom I entrusted with a message for the latter to the efEect that, as I did not wish to leave Paris for my post without seeing him, I would call again on the morrow, postponing my journey for a day. The same evening I received from the Marshal a note, fixing an appointment for nine o'clock on the following morning. I went there THE FRENCH SCARE OF 1875 117 at the hour named. In all frankness I told him what I myself thought, adding that my opinion had been corroborated by other men of standing ; and I protested against the views held not only by him, but by his Minister of Foreign Affairs, the Due Decazes, as well as by some other French statesmen. ' " You seem to take the whole matter very easily," said the Marshal ; and, with a key attached to his watch-chain, he opened a drawer and took out a packet of papers. ' These papers were official documents of all kinds, including some military reports to the Government and to the President. They came from all the French military attaches in Europe, and testified to the recent activity of Germany in provisioning troops, in purchasing horses, and in storing up fresh ammunition. It was stated that all these horses and this ammunition had been transferred to the neighbourhood of the French frontier. They contained the fullest and most astounding details as to the process of mobilization which had been secretly going on in Germany for some time. ' It took me more than an hour to look through these documents with care, and I made a brief summary of them, which I submitted to the Marshal, and which I wished to take with me to St. Petersburg. ' The following morning I set out. It was a tiresome journey, especially for a man of my age. I had seen Prince Orloflf before leaving, and, with the consent of the Marshal and the Due Decazes, 118 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ had told him what I had just learned, and how I had begun to share their fears. He entrusted me with a long despatch for Prince GortschakofF, the exact contents of which were not known to me. On arriving in St. Petersburg I was so exhausted by my journey that, in sending to Prince Gortschakoff the despatch, I excused myself for not calling upon him immediately, and said that I should go to see him within forty-eight hours. ' But on the morrow, before I was up — on account of my fatigue I had remained in bed longer than usual — my man-servant came to tell me that Prince GortschakofF was in the salon. I dressed in haste, and went down to see him. ' " I came to inquire about your health," he said, " and to talk over Prince OrlofTs despatch. I am rather of his opinion, that your fears are a little exaggerated. It is true enough that they are angry in Berlin at the energy you are displaying in repairing your disasters, and at the remarkable result you have already obtained in the short space of four years, while other nations would have spent the time in thinking matters over. But anger such as this does not mean that they think of attacking you, and I really believe that you insult the national honour of our time by imagining that they entertain in Germany any such intention." ' I made no reply. This was clearly the part that Prince GortschakofF might be exj^ected to play. He knew that it was not bv addino- fuel to the fire of our anxiety that the situation could be made less THE FRENCH SCARE OF 1875 119 serious, or that minds could be calmed. Instead of discussing the matter with him, I asked to be inamediately presented to the Emperor. The Prince promised to arrange the matter that very day. ' The Emperor had the very correct rule, I well knew, of always replying on the following day to any request for an audience made by a member of the Diplomatic Corps. When three days went by without an answer, I began to be greatly troubled. I took his silence as evidence of the slight regard for French anxiety at the moment, and my distress increased with my irritation. ' It was in this state of mind that I met Prince GortschakofF again ; I confessed to him how anxious I felt, and I told him how much I feared a failure in my mission of interesting the Tsar in my country. ' My words evidently had their effect, for on that very evening I was told that the Emperor would receive me on the following day. I was there at the appointed hour. The Emperor, although amiable, was a little cool in his manner. Even before I had begun to speak of my mission, he said to me, as if echoing Prince GortschakofTs words : " I know what brings you here, but I hope that your fears are exaggerated. People in Berlin are certainly startled at your extraordinary activity, but that doesn't mean that they are thinking of attacking you." ' This language frightened me. The Tsar had spoken in a tone of such evident firmness that it seemed as though nothing could change his opinion. 120 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ I felt that it was the expression o£ an irrevocable foregone conclusion in favour of Germany, and that any words of mine would be taken only as a calumny against that country's honour. But I could not hesitate. I placed before him all the communications shown to me by Marshal Mac- Mahon, the reports of the military attaches and foreign Ministers, and, without comment, I merely begged him to look them through. He did so with some attention, and his face betrayed his emotion. ' I then began to speak. I admitted to him that France was weak, it was true, but just then in such a state of mind that so perfidious, so barbarous an attack by Germany would drive her to exaspera- tion ; that, if the worst should really happen, it would be a war to the death, without quarter, and chat all Europe would be dragged into this struggle of extermination. I was so deeply affected by the sense of the enormous responsibility that weighed upon me that I burst into tears. ' The Emperor rose quickly ; he came up to me, and drawing himself up to his full height, with one hand he took mine, and placing the other, with a dignified and friendly gesture, upon my shoulder, said, in a voice of restrained emotion : ' " Be calm. You shall not be attacked. I promise you to prevent any such scheme. Europe will never see such a spectacle !" ' My joy at these words was profound. A man so omnipotent as Alexander II., a man so alive to the THE FRENCH SCARE OF 1875 121 sense of sovereign responsibility, could not possibly have used this language without being sincere. In circumstances like these the word of a Sovereign was more sacred, more inviolable, than any treaty. His promise, " Europe will never see such a spectacle," was an encouragement in which I could have absolute confidence. I left the royal presence relieved of an enormous weight. Hurrying home, I sent to the Due Decazes a despatch in cipher, warning him to have it read in his presence by his most confidential clerks, and I so wrote it that, if deciphered in portions by several persons, there could be no possible danger of its sense being indiscreetly detected. ' The reply of the Due Decazes came very speedily. It was full of the greatest admiration for and gratitude towards Alexander II. It said that France, under the shelter, as it were, of this Imperial utter- ance, might await the future in all confidence, and bear her face to the storm without fear. But in a private portion the Duke added : " It must not be forgotten that the war now being secretly planned in Berlin in so much mystery and silence might at any time burst forth suddenly, and as the Tsar has solemnly affirmed that this shall not happen. His Majesty may feel called upon to draw his own sword to keep the promise of his inviolable word. His Majesty, in the enthusiastic expression of his generous soul, has perhaps not thought of such a contingency ; but we should be disloyal and ungrateful to His Majesty if, while using the 122 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ greatest prudence, we did not make this possibility quite clear." ' This telegram worried me considerably ; I won- dered if the Due Decazes was not carrying a little too far his feelings of loyalty and gratitude to the Tsar, and I also wondered if, in communicating this excessive scruple, I might not upset all that I had done, and expose France again to isolation. Looking through the despatch again, I marked with a red pencil the confidential passages, in order to leave them out when I read it to Prince GortschakofF. ' Simultaneously with this despatch, I received a copy of a conversation between the Vicomte de Gontaut-Biron and M. de Radowitz, and a circum- stantial account of a Ministerial Council held in Berlin in the Emperor William's presence, when Count Moltke had spoken as follows : ' " It is not peace that we have made, but only a truce. To-day, France is without an army and without money. In spite of her all but inexhaus- tible prosperity, she could not possibly raise the sums necessary to organize a resistance worthy of the name. She would certainly try to fight — and fortunately, too, for us — for we would not think of attacking a nation unable to do its best to resist us. But now, whatever the resistance, our success is certain. A new war is only a question of time, and if we postpone it for eighteen months, France, with the marvellous resources which she has at her dis- posal, will have so far recovered from her disasters THE FRENCH SCARE OF 1875 123 as to be able to set against us an army equal to our own. Her frontiers will have been re- established, and in eighteen months she will have as strong an artillery as we have to-day. It is a matter o£ whether we wish to sacrifice or not 100,000 men, for that is what will be inevitable if we put matters off. From every point of view — military, j^olitical, philosophic, and even Christian — an immediate war is a necessity." ' Taking the diplomatic paper which contained these words, the military reports, and the despatch of the Due Decazes, I called unexpectedly upon Prince GortschakofF. I found him lying on a sofa, laid up with an injured foot. Seeing him in this state, I was about to withdraw, but the Prince insisted that I should stay. I began to read to him the despatch from the Due Decazes, of course leaving out the marked passages. But the room was not well lighted, and I stumbled at a certain place. The Prince noticed that I was not reading it all, and, interrupting me, said : ' " My dear General, you really believe that Ger- many is planning to attack your country because you are now unable to defend yourself successfully, and you think, therefore, that this must at any cost be prevented, lest a great blot should stain the history of this country. So be it, but in these cir- cumstances all hesitation is a crime, and reticence would be bad policy. I know my master. I know how he is touched by confidence placed in him, if only it be absolute and without reserve. He did 124 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLO^VITZ not speak as he did lightly, for he has since repeated his words to me. Give me, then, the whole of your document, and I will send it to him this very moment, without even looking at it myself." ' I hesitated no longer, hut handed the paper to him just as it was. The Prince wrote a note there in my presence. He put the manuscript with the note into an envelope, and, calling an Aide-de- Camp, sent the package to the Emperor. ' I confess that, on leaving Prince GortschakofF, I was in what may be called a " state of mind." The Emperor was to leave for Berlin witliin four days. I could not ask for another audience. Prince Gortschakoff was laid up at home, and it was not even certain that he would he able to accompany the Tsar. How, then, could I learn the effect pro- duced upon him by the despatch from the Due Decazes, with its dangerous passages ? I was myself ill on the following day, having been over-excited by the events which had taken place, and I was obliged to remain in bed. My secretary l^rought me the news that the Emperor was to go that very evening to a soiree at the Princess YousoupofF's. I sent for my doctor, and after much persuasion induced him to let me get up and go to this party. I arrived after the entertainment had begun, ])ut I was scarcely inside the great gallery when I saw the Emperor entering it at the opposite end. I noticed that he was looking at me. Then he made a slight sign of recognition, and came slowly towards me between the hedge, so to speak, of guests that THE FRENCH SCARE OF 1875 125 was formed on either side. As he advanced I felt myself turning pale. But when he had come up, he stretched out both hands, and, as everybody had discreetly gone a short distance away, said : ' " I have been greatly touched by your con- fidence. Do not regret it. You may be sure that all that is humanly possible I shall do. You will not be attacked unawares. I swear it." ' Two days afterwards I was present among the staff officers near the Emperor during a review. At its close, and as I passed before the Emperor to take leave of him, he stopped me with a sign, and said : " Adieu, General ; or, rather, au revoir. Ras- surez votre gouvernement." Then, with a kindly smile, he recalled the confidential passages in the despatch from the Due Decazes, saying : " Tell the Due Decazes he may be tranquil. There will be no surprise." ' There,' concluded General Leflo, turning to me, ' now you have the complete and detailed account of my personal action in the affair of 1875. The rest took place in Berlin, for on the morrow the Emperor left St. Petersburg, and I did not see him again.' If the preceding narrative has been read with attention, the conclusion will appear obvious. As has been seen, it was M. de Radowitz who revealed to M. de Gontaut-Biron the plan of the military party in all its details. Such an indiscretion as this on the part of a German diplomatist, unless it was lae MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ committed bj order, would have drawn down upon him the severest punishment. But who could pos- sibly have ordered this indiscretion ? Certainly not Count Moltke, who was pursuing his plan of attack with his characteristic tenacity. It was Prince Bismarck — and the fact does him the greatest honour — who ordered M. de Radowitz to let M. de Gontaut-Biron know what was going on in Germany. Prince Bismarck knew that the Emperor William I. had been much influenced by Count Moltke's per- tinacity. He knew that on the military ground there was no chance of his intervention. But he saw, not only that the rights of nations and national honour forbade the execution of this scheme as an ineradicable blot on the pages of history, but also that politically — from the point of view, that is, of the attitude of England and Russia — such an enter- prise might turn out to be most disastrous for Ger- many. Austria, moreover, had not forgotten the defeat of 1866, and there was the danger that she might join Russia and England to prevent such an attack on France. Prince Bismarck, therefore, thought that the best way to cut short a project of which he was himself no longer the master was to reveal it to official Europe and let the force of public opinion take its dissuasive course. It has been said that this action on his part was traitorous towards the German military party. But that is absurd. There was a consideration in Prince Bismarck's mind above and beyond this. It was the historic honour of the German nation, and the THE FRENCH SCARE OF 1875 127 danger to which, in spite of French weakness, his country might be exposed. Moreover, all who remarked that during the Berlin Congress M. de Radowitz, as secretary, was seated for an entire month directly in front of Prince Bismarck, that the Prince treated him always with the utmost kindness, and that until Prince Bismarck's fall he was the recipient of constant favours from the Chancellor, perceived clearly enough in these marks of special honour the evidence of M. de Radowitz's great rule during the crisis of 1875. There can be no doubt that the latter acted by special order, and that this historic episode occurred as I have related it. The hostile projects of Count Moltke remained unfulfilled only because of Prince Bismarck's failure to co-operate. He undermined them by bold but indirect tactics, which were quite in keeping with his well-known audacity. CHAPTER VI THE BERLIN CONGRESS The publication in The Times of the Treaty of Berlin at the very hour that it was being signed in Berlin was, according to universal opinion, the greatest journalistic feat on record; and that publication, due to me, is the subject of the chapter I am writing. I say this plainly because I feel no pride about it. To have published an important document before anybody else does not make you a great writer, or even a* great journalist, and I would rather have written The Battle of Dorking than have published all the secret documents in the ^^'orld. Any journalist by profession might have done what I did if he had said, 'I will do it,' and had thought over the ways of accomplishing liis scheme. It was a feat in which neither talent nor science stood for anything. The story I am about to tell must not, therefore, be ascribed to vanity, but should merely be con- sidered as the fulfilment of a duty to my journalistic profession, to which I am devoted. Peojile ought to know by what efforts of imagination and per- severance one sometimes succeeds in keeping them [ 128] THE BERLIN CONGRESS 129 posted up, especially as the reader who runs his eye over a document set forth in the columns of a news- paper is apt to fancy that it had simply to be asked for or bought. Now, if documents had merely to be bought, nothing would be easier than to procure them. Rich papers would purchase them, while the others, as is customary, would reprint them gratis without informing their readers from what source they were derived. But this is not enough. To be able to pay for a document is not sufficient, for in the majority of cases bought documents are spurious ; men who possess genuine ones refuse to sell them. I will therefore relate the history of the acquisition of a document which necessi- tated not only the spending of money, but long preliminary labour, the warding off of failure, and the throwing off the scent of those who sought to discover the origin of the communication. I give the story because it ought not to die with me, and because it belongs to the history of modern journalism. In October, 1877, on my calling one morning on the Due Decazes, Minister of Foreign AfEairs, in the large office he occupied on the first-floor of the Quai d'Orsay, he said to me : ' There will soon ])e a Congress for the settlement of the Eastern Question. I shall be the representa- tive of France. I shall then have been Member of Parliament, Ambassador, Minister of Foreign Affairs, and Plenipotentiary representing France at an International Diplomatic Congress. People will 9 130 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ no longer be able to twit me with not having worthily upheld the name I bear, and with not having endeavoured, at least, to give fresh lustre to it.' Then, after a few minutes' silence, he added : ' You ought to go to the Congress — it will be very interesting ; and I wall do all I can, consis- tently with my duty, to facilitate your task.' ' You forget, M. le Due,' I said, ' that rather more than two years ago there appeared in The Times a letter entitled " The French Scare," de- nouncing the warlike projects of the German military party. The author of that letter could not go to Berlin, where the Congress will be held, without incurring the risk of much that is disagreeable.' ' I am sure nothing will be done to remind you of that, and I still think that if you are told to go you should willingly do so.' By a rather curious coincidence, I had received a call that very afternoon from a young foreigner, whom a friend warmly recommended to me. This young man had a pleasing, intelligent countenance, and impressed me very favourably. He told me he had left his country because his brother had been induced to gamble, had lost all that both of them possessed, had victimized people, and had gone away leaving his debts ; that he himself, though clear of it all, had been forced to emigrate to escape the shame of constantly hearing abused the name of his brother, whom he, nevertheless, THE BERLIN CONGRESS 131 dearly loved. What he now wanted was to earn a small sum which would enable him to go to the colonies to try and make a fortune, and to retrieve his name by paying his brother's debts. The story was quite true. This honest young man interested me very much. I felt that he was ready to make the greatest efforts to attain his object, and I promised to see what I could do for him. I made several applications in his favour, but without success. This was all the more strange, as the young man had an excellent bearing, was very intelligent, spoke several languages, wrote them fairly well, and would have made the most valuable secretary imaginable. He called on me several times, and I became more and more interested in him. One morning when he arrived I had just had a letter informing me that there was an idea of sending me to the Berlin Congress, the meeting of which had been delayed for a time, but which was certain to take place in the course of that year. It was then January. Marshal MacMahon had been defeated, and the Due Decazes had fallen. There was an attempt to put forward the Due as Plenipotentiary, M. Waddington, Minister of Foreign Affairs, being too much of a novice in diplomacy to assume such a post. I knew M. Waddington well. M. Dufaure had deputed me two days before the formation of his Cabinet to ask him whether he would consent to 9—2 132 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ take over the portfolio of the Foreign Office, and I am bound to sav that, although Mme. Waddins-ton had strongly endeavoured to dissuade him, he had nevertheless accepted. He was very nervous at first, and afraid of opening his mouth lest he should commit a blunder. I knew, therefore, that there was no relying on him in Berlin for helping me in my task, and that for fear of compromising his diplomatic fame he would maintain absolute reticence. I reflected that, in going to Berlin, I should encounter the hostility of the Chancellor and most of his supporters, as they resented my letter of 1875. The English diplomatists make it a rule to communicate nothing ; the Kussians would distrust the correspondent of an English journal ; Count Corti, if it Avere he who represented Italy, would be exposed to a violent opposition, and would not risk receiving blows by making confidences ; and the Austrians, hedged in by Germany and Russia, would not venture to open their mouths. As for the Turks, like all those marked out beforehand for victims, they would be afraid of their own shadow, even if they had a shadow, of which I was not certain. On reflection I felt that I was going to make a grand fiasco in Berlin, and compromise a career which, tolerably brilliant at the outset, had already brought on me much resentment, as well as calum- nies and attacks of which I have not ceased to be proud. The idea was unbearable, and I felt that, THE BERLIN CONGRESS 133 in the interest of The Times ^ as well as in my own interest, it would be better for me not to go to the Congress. Just then my young friend was announced. I had not seen him for a long time, and had positively allowed him to slip my memory. Here I must confess that I have a theory which will, perhaps, be ridiculed, but which has governed my whole life. I believe in the constant intervention of a Supreme Power, directing not only our destiny in general, but such actions of ours as influence our destiny. When I see that nothing in Nature is left to chance, that immutable laws govern every move- ment, that the faintest spark that glimmers in the firmament disappears and reappears with strict pimctuality, I cannot suppose that anything to do with mankind goes by chance, and that every individuality composing it is not governed by a definite and inflexible plan. The great men whose names escape oblivion are like the planets which we know by name, and which stand out from among the multitude of stars without names. We know their motions and destinies. We know at what time the comet moving in infinite space will reappear, and that the smallest stars, whose exist- ence escapes us, obey the fixed law which governs the universe. Under various names, in changing circumstances, by successive and co-ordinate evolu- tions, the great geniuses known to the world, those whose names have escaped oblivion, reappear. Moses is reflected in Confucius, Mohammed in 134 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ John Huss ; Cyrus lives again in Caesar, and Cassar in Napoleon ; Attila is repeated in Peter the Great, and Frederick II. in Bismarck ; Louis le Debonnaire in Philip VIL, and Catiline in Boidanger. Charle- magne and Joan of Arc alone have not yet reappeared, the one to revive authority and the other la pudeur. Everything moves by a fixed law, and man is master of his own destiny only because he can acce23t or refuse, by his own intervention and action, the place he should fill and the path traced out for him by the general decree which regulates the movements of every creature. By virtue of this theory it will be easily under- stood that I have always endeavoured to divine the intentions and designs of the Supreme Will which directs us. I have always sought, not to thwart that ubiquitous guidance, but to enter on the path which it seemed to point out to me. As, at the very time that the idea of going to Berlin plimged me in despair, my door opened and I saw my young friend enter, it struck me that he was destined to assist me in the accomplishment of the task de- volving on me in Berlin. ' You are still bent on undertaking whatever is honestly possible to effect your purpose ?' I asked. ' I am,' he replied. ' Then, call on me again in a few days.' I went to see Prince Hohenlohe, the German Ambassador to the French Republic. THE BERLIN CONGRESS 135 ' Your Highness,' I said (this title appertains to him as a descendant of a mediatized family), 'I shall probably be deputed to attend the Berlin Congress as correspondent of my paper. I know there is a lively recollection of a letter published in 1875 against the projects of the German military party, and as your Highness has been friendly to me, I have come to ask whether or not you would advise me to go to Berlin, or whether I am not liable to meet with a reception that would render my mission very difficult, if not impossible.' The Prince was silent a few seconds. ' I must reflect,' he said. ' Come again in three days.' Three days meant that he would make inquiries in Berlin. When I returned, he said : ' I have reflected. You can go to Berlin. You will be well received.' Two days later my young friend called again. ' This,' I said, ' is what I want you to do : You must leave Paris in a few days. Here is a letter of introduction, from a friend of mine not concerned in politics, to the private secretary of a foreign statesman who will certainly represent his country at the Berlin Congress. You will present yourself with this letter, as a young man seeking a situation which is liable to improve rapidly, but to which at present no salary is attached. You have some weeks, perhaps months, before you. You will employ them in getting an introduction to the chief of the person to whom you are recommended, 136 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ and you will manage so that when the Congress meets, if he goes, you go Avith him. I shall be there. I do not ask you to divulge the smallest secret to me, or to commit the slightest in- discretion. You will never speak to me of things about to be done. You will simply help me in forestalling the information of others, and when the Congress has adopted articles you will com- municate them to me ; but I shall not publish them till the day the Congress holds its last sitting, in order not to thwart its labours. Here is the address at which you will keep me posted, and when the Congress is over, provided you have faithfully per- formed your task, I will hand you the sum you deem necessary for making your fortune in the colonies.' Four days afterwards he started. Several weeks elapsed, and the constantly deferred Congress was convened for the 13th of June, 1878. I arrived in Berlin on the 11th. On the way and in Berlin I had a pleasant reception, as I had been assured would be the case. Everybody was affable, but, as I had foreseen, nobody gave me the slightest information. Some days before starting I had said to a German diplomatist : ' In Paris the fish talk ; in Berlin the parrots are dumb.' The remark had been repeated, and people seemed resolved to confirm it. Lord Odo Russell, though neither a parrot nor a fish, received me with the charming manners which THE BERLIN CONGRESS 137 made him so popular, but did not give me the smallest item of information. M. Waddino-ton was visibly embarrassed at re- ceiving me. It was much the same everywhere — affable greetings, pressing invitations, great courtesy, but nothing, absolutely nothing, for the impatient tooth of the Correspondent. Prince Bismarck, in receiving the Plenipotentiaries, had told them that indiscretions must be avoided at all cost, and that the journalists who had invaded Berlin must be prevented from sending their papers authentic information. Outside rumours must not hamper the march of the Congress ; and it was also, I think, a question of keeping up the reputation for muteness of the German capital. On the 13tli of June the Congress opened. The journalists assembled in Berlin walked like exiled shadows in the Wilhelmstrasse, Ivine; in wait for the echoes which escaped, or might escape, from the Congress hall. They learned that the Chancellor had made the members pledge themselves to abso- lute silence on the deliberations of the Congress. Hence general consternation. On the night of the 13th I talked with my young friend, the only interview I had with him during my whole stay. He had succeeded splendidly. He Vv'as in Berlin as a kind of diplomatic outsider, receiving no salary, no lodging, nothing, indeed, but deputed to co-operate in the labours imposed by the Congress on one of its members. He felt himself, however, closely watched. He brought 138 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ me some summary information of no great impor- tance, but which served me as a starting-point, and enabled me, indeed, from the very next day to give my correspondence a more dignified character and to collect some positive facts. The real labours of the Congress had not begun. We felt that we should not meet again, and, indeed, I never met him afterwards. It was settled that we should on no account employ an intermediary, which would have caused us constant uneasiness, and would have exposed us to voluntary or involuntary impru- dence. Finally, at four in the morning, we adopted the following plan — a very poor one, but it seemed preferable to any other : As I had hired a carriage by the month, 1 was to let it stand waiting in the evening at some spot or other. The carriage windows were to be open, and he, in passing, was to throw in his communica- tions, written on very thin paper, and forming a tiny memorandum-book. Though not very well satisfied with this plan, I could hit on no other, nor he either, and we parted with this understanding. He left the room, but returned almost imme- diately, saying: ' Excuse me — I have taken your hat for mine.' An idea struck me. ' Shut the door,' I said, ' and sit down ; your method of communication is found.' That method, which succeeded admirably, was of childish simplicity. THE BERLIN CONGRESS 139 I was staying at the Kaiserhof. Every day lie came there for lunch and dinner. There was a rack where hats were hung up. He placed his communications in the lining of his hat, and we exchanged hats on leaving the table. When I was to dine out, I gave him notice overnight, and told him at what hour, before or after dinner, I should take tea. Only twice were we forced to put off the communication till the following day. Once, however, we had a scare. One of my English colleagues, on leaving the dining-room, made a mistake and took my friend's hat. Without looking at each other we felt, as he wrote me next day, that we turned pale. If the colleague in question had kept the hat, he might have discovered the third article of the treaty, which had been adopted at the previous day's sitting, and also a hint of the difficulties that had arisen between Russia and England on the question of the boundaries of Bulgaria, and very disagree- able consequences for my friend might have been the result. Fortunately, on reaching the door, the Englishman put on the hat, which dropped over on his nose. He laughingly took it off and replaced it on its peg. I had risen to take the hat from him, but sat down again. I breathed freely, and my friend must have done the same. This plan was pursued without a hitch until the 3rd of July. The brief notes which I received in this way enabled me to see several members of the Congress during the evening, beginning with the 140 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ most communicative one and then o-oino- to others, piecing things together, and thus composing a perfect description of the sitting just held. As an example of how, in such a case, informa- tion might be gathered, one evening after dinner I found this in the hat: ' I have not gleaned much. Prince GortschakofF has made a speech which caused a little amuse- ment, ending with the words : " Russia is more jealous of gathering the laurels of glory than the olive of peace !" ' With this phrase, I went to a diplomatist who was an ardent admirer of the old Chancellor. The conversation began with commonplaces, but necessarily turned on the labours of the Congress. ' It seems,' I said, ' that some members of the Congress ridicule the speech just delivered by Prince Gortschakoff, especially the phrase with which he ended, " Russia," ' etc. The diplomatist drew himself up. ' It is very wrong to ridicule it,' said he, ' and I hope you are not going to be the echo of these unjust witticisms. The Russian Chancellor's speech was very acute and clever, despite its apparent pretentiousness. He clearly showed that ;' and he proceeded to repeat some passages of the speech. I paid two other visits, and toward midnight could telegraph the speech accurately enough for Lord Salisbury laughingly to say to me, next even- ing, at the Comte de St. Vallier's soiree: A SOUVENIR OF THE BERLIN CONGRESS. Fan signed by the Plenipotentiaries of the Congress and presented by M. de Blowitz to Mrs. Walter, sen. Marquis of Salisbury Prince Gortschakoff Count Corti - Lord Beaconsfield - Lord Odo Eussell - Prince Hohenlghe - M. Waddington CuMTE DE St. Vallier M. Desprez - Prince Bismarck Count Launay Count Schouvaloff - Count Andrassy Baron Haymerle Count Karolyi Karatheodory Pasha Sadoullah Bey Mehemet Ali Pasha Herr von BiJLOw P>aron d'Oubril England. Russia. Italy. England. England. Germany. France. France. France. Germany . Italy. Russia. Austria. Austria. Italy. Turkey. Turkey. Turkey. Germany. Russia. >- '^y/ff^^ ^^^ ^ A SOUVENIR OF THE BEMJN CONGKKS THE BERLIN CONGRESS 141 ' You forgot a few commas and semicolons, but with that exception the speech was given quite accurately.' This did not prevent a newspaper from declaring it apocryphal, because I had said, ' Prince Gortscha- koff rose,' whereas Plenipotentiaries always speak seated. I only wish to show how I had to go to work to know what had taken place at the Congress. I afterward learned that Prince Bismarck was very much annoyed at the publication of the speech, and that at the next sitting, seated next to a diplomatist from whom he fancied I had obtained it, he lifted up the tablecloth and sarcas- tically said : ' I am looking to see if Blowitz is not under- neath.' The fact is, I had done well to go there. Tongues had been looser in Berlin than in Paris, and The Times was able on the morning of the 22nd of June to publish the agreement eflEected the previous night between England and Russia on the Bulgarian question. That question had raised such difficulties that the sittings of the Congress had been suspended, and Lord Beaconsfield, either from adroitness or in all sincerity, had engaged a special train for Monda}', the 24tli, to leave Berlin. It would have been a disastrous rupture. The whole world was anxiously waiting. The 22nd was a Saturday. 142 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ If I had not been able to publish that morning that an agreement had been effected, Saturday's Stock Exchange would have had a terrible fall, and many people would certainly have been ruined. But the agreement was effected at midnight on Friday, and was known in London at six o'clock in the morning, and in the rest of Europe at eight or nine. No Stock Exchange manoeuvre was prac- ticable, and by this revelation I made numberless enemies among those who were speculating on a rupture. When the Wolff Agency in Berlin published a London telegram quoting the information, many, even among the members of the Congress — for I knew them — were ignorant of the agreement. It was not to be communicated to them till Saturday's sitting; the only thing they knew was that they were convened for that day. I had every reason, therefore, to be satisfied, and things went on well till the 4th of July. When I started for Berlin — or, rather, when Prince Hohenlohe had encouraged me to go — I had said to him : ' Does your Highness think the Chancellor will grant me an audience ? In the first place, I am very anxious to know a statesman who is the great historical figure of the second half of the nineteenth century. Moreover, to go to Berlin without seeing Prince Bismarck is like going to Rome without seeing the Pope. It would be a mortification for me.' THE BERLIN CONGRESS 143 Prince Holienlolie, who is the most perfect gentleman I have ever known, and who possesses great diplomatic finesse, but does not employ it in his private relations, especially when he meets any- one who trusts him, replied that he could pledge himself to nothing on that point. ' All I can promise you,' he said, ' is that I will do my utmost to assist you in obtaining an audience, but I do not answer in any way for the success of a step which I shall take but once. I could not ask for it a second time.' The 1st of July arrived. Prince Bismarck had replied in the negative to the request for an audience which had been addressed to him in my name by Prince Hohenlohe. ' He had received,' he said, ' hundreds of applica- tions for an audience. Everybody was in Berlin, and all the leading personages had asked to see him. He could not receive me without receiving the others, especially the journalists. The German journalists, whom he had always refused to receive, would never forgive him if he granted me an inter- view.' I abandoned the hope of seeing him, and felt very much vexed, for by strange ill-luck I had not even caught sight of him. But on the afternoon of the 1st of July, on entering the hotel, Prince Hohenlohe's card was handed to me. He had called at the hotel, and had written on the card that he wished to see me as soon as possible. He added that he would 144 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ be at the English Embassy reception that evening. I went to the Embassy, and the Prince arrived about eleven o'clock. My surprise was great indeed when he informed me that Prince Bismarck asked me to dine with him next day at half -past six in morning dress. On the 2nd, accordingly, at a quarter-past six, Prince Hohenlohe, as had been arranged, called for me at the hotel. I was waiting at the door for him, and we went together to the Chancellor's. I remained there until eleven at night. I will tell you in the next chapter all about that memorable interview of five hours' duration. It was one of the very rare ones I have had in my life which did not disappoint me, and which even surpassed my expectation. All that I will mention here is that on the follow- ing day, the 3rd of July, everyone in Berlin knew that I had dined with the Chancellor, and, as was natural, the attitude of the diplomatists towards me suddenly changed. They made a great deal of me, and made overtures to me. I had no further need to ask for information, as the information I required came to me. This was all the more pleasant as I was not able, from this time forth, to obtain what I needed from the source which had served me so well at the commencement . ]\Iy friend, who had until then been exceedingly prudent, on learning that I had seen the Chancellor THE BERLIN CONGRESS 145 in so special a way, assumed airs, and, without betraying me in any way, provoked distrust. From that time he was kept at a distance, and from the 4th of July his hat contained nothing but rueful confessions of his imprudence and bitter regrets at being unable to serve me. I did my utmost to console him, and though I did not see him again, I learned that he had left Europe and has since succeeded admirably in his enterprises. Still, I lost all chance of having the treaty, though information on the Congress reached me thenceforth, as I have said, without difficulty. On the 5th of July, a week before the Congress closed, I was reading in the hall of the Kaiserhof a private letter which had just arrived, and which contained the following passage : ' I have watched with delight your campaign in Berlin. You would be crowning that campaign if you were the first to publish the treaty, and I need not tell you with what joy I should see you realize what would be the greatest feat of modern journalism.' At that moment, a diplomatist who had always been friendly to me walked through the hall of the hotel. I must have looked downcast, for he came up to me with alacrity, and said : ' Have you been getting bad news ?' With the instinctive idea of which I have already spoken, and according to which a man's destiny depends on the sagacity with which he seizes the indications given by fate, instead of replying, I 10 146 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ showed him the letter. He perused it attentively, and then said, turning to me : ' So you are abso- lutely hent on forestalling the publication of the treaty ?' ' If I were asked to choose between all the orders and decorations in the world and the treaty, I should select the latter.' ' And how are you going to get it ?' ' I have just had an assurance that Prince Bismarck is highly satisfied with what I wrote on our conversation, and he thinks I have rendered a service to peace. I am going to ask him to reward me by communicating the treaty to me.' My friend reflected a minute, then exclaimed : ' No, do not ask him till you have seen me again. Walk out to-morrow between one and two in the Wilhelmstrasse, and I will see you.' Next day, on my going into the street, he came up to me, and hurriedly said : ' Come for the treaty the day before the end of the Congress, and I promise that you shall have it.' I could scarcely restrain my delight. Now that I was certain of getting the treaty, I had a twofold anxiety. In the first place, the Congress was to terminate on the 13th. The Chancellor had positively said so. It was a Saturday. I should have the treaty on the 12th, and it was necessary at all costs for it to appear on the 13th, for the English papers are not published on Sundays, and Monday would have 1)een too late. Secondly, it was not enough to have the treaty : I THE BERLIN CONGRESS 147 must be the only one to have it. The German papers were angry with the Chancellor for not receiving their representatives. I reflected that, probably, in order to pacify them, he would give them the treaty, which would thus appear at Berlin on Saturday, and I should be beaten. I was in despair. How was I to prevent Prince Bismarck from doing what he chose ? How could I tele- graph the treaty ? It was impossible in Germany or Austria, and as for Paris, it would be too late, for, getting it only on Friday, I could not be in Paris in time for it to be published on Saturday in London. Finally I came to two decisions : I felt that Brussels was the only place from which to tele- graph. I called on Baron Nothomb, the Belgian Minister in Berlin. I told him that there was an idea of organizing a nightly telegraphic service between Brussels and London. I then asked him to give me a letter for M. Yinchent, the Director-General in Brussels, urging him to telegraph immediately a long message which I might have to forward to London, to prove the speed with which Brussels and London could communicate. He readily gave me the letter. This reassured me as to telegraphic transmission. There remained the question of preventing anybody else having the treaty. After long and elaborate reflection, I hit upon a plan which appeared both simple and rational. I 10—2 148 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ asked Prince Hohenlolie and the Comte de St. Vallier to ask Prince Bismarck to give me the treaty, and I reasoned thus : The Prince says I have rendered service to peace. I ask him to reward me by giving me the treaty. If he gives it, all will be well ; he is not a man to do things by halves. As it is to reward me, he will not give it to anybody else. As he alone can give it to the German Press, if I get it, I can wait till the end of the Congress, send it on Sunday, and have it published on Monday morning. If he refuses me, I am certain he will refuse others. In either case I shall not be fore- stalled. Prince Hohenlolie and the Comte de St. Vallier were good enough to listen to my request. On the evening of the 11th of July, Prince Hohenlohe informed me that next morning he would communicate to me the Chancellor's answer. At half-past nine I went for the treaty promised me by the diplomatist, my friend, as above related. It was given me with the exception of the last two articles, which were not to be adopted till the pen- ultimate sitting, and the preamble, entrusted to M. Desprez, had not yet been drawn up. With the treaty in my hand, I returned to the Kaiserhof to await Prince Hohenlohe's answer. It arrived at ten, and was as follows : ' I much regret being unable to give you a favourable reply, but, considering the ill-humour of the German Press, the Chancellor is afraid of irritat- ing it too much by giving you the treaty.' THE BERLIN CONGRESS 149 Thereupon I pretended to be very angry. I ordered my luggage to be packed, I asked for my hotel bill, I engaged a compartment in the 12.30 train, and announced that I was leaving without waiting for the last sitting the next day. One of my fellow-correspondents, the most talkative of them all, asked the reason of my sudden departure. I confided to him that I was enraged — that Prince Bismarck, in spite of the service rendered by me, as he himself had described it, to peace, had just refused to give me the treaty. I showed him Prince Hohenlohe's letter, and I said that I considered this shameful, and that I would not stop an hour longer in a city w^iere I was treated in such a fashion. My colleague departed to repeat my words, and all my brethren, sharing my indignation, came to condole with me. My colleague, Mr. Mackenzie Wallace,* who had been very devoted to me throughout the Congress, was apprised by my secretary that I was leaving, and that, in the interest of the paper, I begged him to start with me. I stated that I was going to take leave of the Comte de St. Vallier. I ordered my luggage to be sent to the station, where I was to meet Mr. Wallace and my secretary in the compartment reserved for me. The Comte de St. Vallier, then French Ambassador in Berlin, and one of the three chief Plenipotentiaries at the Congress, was a typical French nobleman. * Now Sir Donald Mackenzie Wallace, K.C.I.E., K.C.V.O. 150 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ Amiable, elegant, attentive, listening readily, having a natural polish which allowed him to be very gracious without risk of seeming familiar, he had received me with a warmth which touched me. As he suffered from indigestion, he had to diet him- self strictly. He lived on milk, and presided with perfect grace over grand banquets at which he could touch nothing. His receptions were one of the charms of the Congress, and no higher compli- ment can be paid to them than by saying that in- vitations to attend them w^ere most eagerly sought after. As he had never ventured to give me informa- tion, he had with all the more alacrity undertaken with Prince Hohenlohe to submit my request, the failure of which had just been intimated to me. I called on him at eleven, having asked him to receive me because I was leaving. He advanced with his usual grace, saying : ' I am vexed, believe me, at the failure of our request, but it is useless to dwell upon it. I regret that you take the thing so very much to heart. Remain two days longer. The Congress will be over to-morrow, and the day after, as simple Am- bassador, I could give you retrospective details which would be interesting.' I thanked him, but said I adhered to my plan of departure. ' Pleasant journey, then. What can I do for you ?' 'A great deal, M. le Comte. Give me the text THE BERLIN CONGRESS 151 of the preamble, which M. Desprez must have drawn up, and which must be in your hands.' ' The preamble, indeed, has just been given to me, but what good can that be to you ? You do not want to pretend to know the treaty by publish- ing the preamble ?' ' Give me your word of honour, M. le Comte, to keep my secret for forty-eight hours, and I will explain what use I am going to make of the preamble.' ' If it is not contrary to my duty, I promise.' I unfastened my coat and showed him the treaty. He turned slightly pale on seeing it. ' I regret,' he said, ' that you have told me the secret, for if the Chancellor asks w^iether I knew all about this I shall be forced to confess. In spite of this, though, nothing could have amused me more than this way of seeing our rebuff re- trieved ;' and he laughed heartily. ' As to the preamble,' he continued, ' I cannot let you copy it or give you the text, for I have no other. But sit down. I will read it slowly and aloud. Now is the time to justify your reputation for a wonderful memory ;' and, taking up the manuscript, he read it slowly and very distinctly, I thanked him and took leave. I reached the station a few minutes before the train started. Mr. Mackenzie Wallace was already seated in our compartment. My secretary was waiting on the platform. He told me some of my colleagues were there to bid me farewell. 152 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ ' And to see if I really start,' I remarked. I assumed a gloomier and sterner air than ever, which enabled me to keep silence — for I was afraid of forgetting the preamble if my attention were diverted bv conversation. At length I was able to enter our compartment and to salute politely the persons who had come to take leave of me. The train started. It had not been difficult to see that in the crowd collected on the platform there were people deputed to watch me, and I even perceived that one of them, whom I had noticed during my stay in Berlin, was in the adjoining compartment. Mr. Wallace, who had taken a really fraternal interest in my Congress labours, and had often devotedly facilitated them, was visibly annoyed at my rebuff, and my secretary had an air of conster- nation which delighted me ; for the sincerity of his disappointment must have been obvious to everyone. When we had passed the outskirts of Berlin, I said to my secretary, ' Take pen and ink ; I am going to dictate something.' I then dictated the preamble. When he had written this, I pulled out the treaty. There was a perfect outburst of joy, the sweetest recompense which my efforts could receive ; for I saw that two honest hearts affectionately and un- reservedly sympathized with a success achieved with such difficulty. THE BERLIN CONGRESS 153 ' Now, we are not going to read the treaty,' I said to Mr. Wallace. ' Here are needles and thread ; open your coat : we will sew the treaty and preamble in, so that you will not have to trouble about their safety, and we will append Baron Nothomb's letter to M. Yinchent.' When this was done, I said to Mr. Wallace : ' We are evidently being watched, I more particu- larly. At the first large station you will leave this compartment and go into one some way ofif on the left, for on the right I believe there is someone watching us. I shall pretend not to know you ; and you must do the same with me. At Cologne you will take the Brussels train, and you will arrive at five in the morning. You will go straight to the telegraph-oflfice. If, as I expect, they refuse to transmit the treaty without higher orders, you must wake up M. Yinchent, present Baron Nothomb's letter, and ask him for the order of trans- mission.' Things happened just as I had foreseen. Mac- kenzie Wallace went into another compartment, and we did not approach each other ; but at the stations where we alighted I laughed heartily, for though the treaty was firmly sewn to the lining of his coat, I saw him from time to time put his hand to his heart, as if to assure himself of its safety. When, on reaching Brussels, he ofifered the tele- gram for the clerk to count the words, the latter exclaimed : 154 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ ' Why, it is the Treaty o£ Berlin ; I cannot under- take to send it.' Wallace thereupon asked to see M. Vinchent. He was in bed. Wallace showed Baron Nothomb's letter and insisted on seeing him. The letter was taken to the Director's house. He was aroused, and a quarter of an hour later he wrote at the foot of the letter the order for transmission. At the very hour, on the 13th of July, when the treaty of 1878 was signed in Berlin, a London tele- gram announced that The Times had published the preamble and sixty-four articles, with an English translation appended. ' How could it have obtained the preamble yester- day morning, seeing that it was not drawn up ?' asked Prince Bismarck of the Comte de St. Vallier. ' Was it not you, Comte, who gave it ?' M. de St. Vallier had now no reason for keeping the secret any longer, and he was bound to reply without hesitation. He therefore frankly related what had happened. ' And what did he say when you told him ?' I asked M. de St. Vallier. ' Excuse me,' replied the Comte, smiling, ' but he did not tell me to repeat it to you.' In Berlin the news of the publication of the treaty caused a great sensation. Many persons imme- diately set to work to discover from whom I ob- tained the treaty, I will relate in another part of my memoirs how, five years afterwards, the Chan- cellor tried to make me reveal the secret. Mean- THE BERLIN CONGRESS 155 while, the account I have just given is an authentic narrative of how the treaty fell into my hands. Nothing more will ever be known, and if I have written thus much, it is in order that the public may know by what efforts, sacrifices, and difficulties, and at the cost of what anxiety, one sometimes succeeds in satisfying its thirst for knowing and forestalling events. CHAPTER VII WHAT BISMARCK TOLD ME I CANNOT truthfully say that I was quite calm and composed on the evening of the 2nd of July, 1878, when at half -past six, accompanied by Prince Hohen- lohe, I mounted the pink and white flagged staircase leading to the private apartment occupied by Prince Bismarck in Wilhelmstrasse. For a month past, ever since the European diplomatists had assembled round that table at the Congress of Berlin, I had been wishing for and trying to obtain an interview with the extra- ordinary man before whose authority everyone bowed, and who was master of the events of the day. And now at the last moment I felt a sort of pang as I wondered whether I was going to be cruelly disappointed, and whether all my illusions were about to be destroyed at one blow. The door of the drawing-room into which Prince Hohenlohe and I had been shown opened, and the Chancellor appeared. He was much taller than I had imagined. I had never seen him — except at Madame Tussaud's in London, where there is only a small figure of him — [ 156 ] WHAT BISMARCK TOLD ME 157 and when I saw this giant in uniform enter the room I was quite taken aback. There was some- thing still more extraordinary about his head. His ears were large, wide open to the hundreds of rumours which came to them from the four corners of the universe. His cliin made a strong founda- tion for the big jaws, which would certainly never loose anything they held until it was in shreds ; whilst his eyes, well set, with their projecting eyelids and well-exposed eyebrows, had a far-away look in them, as though they were gazing out beyond the visible horizon. The Princess came into the room with the Chan- cellor. She sat down on a sofa, whilst he sank into an enormous armchair near me. I had asked Prince Hohenlohe whether I ought to speak in French or German, and he had replied that I must wait for the Prince's first words. These first words were in German. On hearing my reply, the Princess asked inquisi- tively : ' Do you speak English as well as you do German ?' The Prince interrupted her with a laugh and turned to me. ' I must tell you,' he said, ' that my wife has a theory that only thin people can talk English well. According to this, neither you nor I will make our mark in that lano;uao;e.' A few moments later we were seated at table in the dining-room. The Prince appeared to be in an excellent humour that evenin»-. 158 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ ' I saw you yesterday,' he said to me, ' on foot in Unter den Linden, You were going into a bazaar. What in the world can a man who comes from Paris want to buy in our bazaars ?' ' Your Excellency would be very much more surprised to hear what I was in search of,' I replied. ' Wliat was it ?' 'A clock ! I must ask you to excuse my men- tioning it, but I cannot imagine what has become of all those that were brought from France, for there is not a single one in my hotel !' The Chancellor laughed heartily at this joke, which was perhaps rather risque^ and then he imme- diately began to discuss a more serious subject. He asked me what were the latest impressions of the public on the work of the Congress. ' The Roumanians are not very well pleased,' I replied ; ' they reckoned on receiving money, which they appear to require badly.' ' Oh ! well,' said the Prince, with a certain amount of vivacity, ' they are not the only ones who need money ; everyone is in the same condition, and everyone is economizing. France is the only country which does not hesitate to spend millions on its slightest caprices !' ' Yes,' I answered ; ' and yet it is a curious phenomenon, when one takes into consideration the temperament of the French, to see that these people, who appear to be so thoughtless and so turbulent, should be the most economical people in WHAT BISMARCK TOLD ME 159 the world, and that in their country saving is organized in such a way that it has become a national theory.' ' Oh,' interrupted Prince Bismarck, turning to- wards me, ' that is only surprising to those who are in the habit of judging that country by Paris. But there is France and France — the French of Paris and the French of the provinces. The former are immensely vain and amusing, agree- able, wasteful, always ready to knock down the lamp -posts, have revolutions, and declare war. They have nothing to do with economy. The whole world takes money to them, and they squander it. But at the side of Paris is the other France, the real France, that of the pro- vinces and of the rural districts — the French who work and labour, who are steady and who economize, and who pay for all the giddy actions, all the follies, of the others. When the former bring about a revolution, it is the latter who suffer ; when the former declare war, it is the latter who fight. And yet the French of the provinces love their native soil, and their greatest sacrifice is to tear themselves away from it in order to perform their military service. When I was in France I was very much interested in the common soldiers, and I often chatted with them. They all of them had one great desire, and that was to finish their military service and return to their fields. If one only listened to the French peasant, there would never be any war, and yet 160 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ when he does fight he fights well. When he is beaten he is very much cast down, and when he is victorious he is delighted, there can be no doubt about it ; but, conqueror or conquered, the one thing he sees clearly is that victory or defeat will bring the battle to a close, and he will then be able to return home.' The conversation then reverted to the Congress. The Prince remarked, rather severely : ' The Peace of San Stefano was one of the most thoughtless actions of modern history. IgnatiefF made a blunder which no true statesman would ever have committed. He took everything that he could get. When an enemy is vanquished, and one has one's foot on his neck, he can be made to give whatever one wants ; but one must think of the consequences of the victory as well as the consequences of the defeat. We should not be where we now are if in 1866 I had acted like IgnatiefF — if I had taken territory from Austria. At that time everyone was against me. I had said when we started : "If we should be victorious, I shall not annex any Austrian territory, for we must not remain enemies for ever. In ten or twelve years' time we must be able to come to an under- standing with her." When we were victorious, everyone wanted me to take territory from her. I held my own, though, and since then I have often had cause to congratulate myself that I did so.' At these words I could not help looking the WHAT BISMARCK TOLD ME 161 Prince in the face, and he at once read in my eyes the question that was on my lips, for, without flinching, he said : ' I know what you mean ; you are thinking about the last war. But in 1871 I acted in the same way. At that time France was in our hands. Paris was conquered, the Commune was brewing, everything was disorganized, and, if I had acted like Ignatieff, I should have demanded Picardy and Champagne. Now, this never occurred to anyone, and when I was urged to take Belfort and Metz, I refused, saying : " No ; Belfort is in the hands of the French ; it must remain theirs." And even with regard to Metz, on seeing the despair of poor M. Thiers, I hesitated. But, as you know, at the conclusion of a campaign such as that was, one has to take into consideration the military element, and I was obliged to listen to Moltke, who kept repeating to me at every hour of the day : " Metz in our hands or in the hands of the French means a difference of a hundred thousand men, more or less, in the army." I could not impose upon my country the burden of putting a hundred thousand more men into active service at a given moment.' Then, as all this recalled M. Thiers to his mind, the Chancellor continued : ' Ah, the French were not just to poor Thiers. And yet he was a true patriot, and the most strik- ing figure I have hitherto come across in contem- porary France. I felt a sort of pity for the poor old man who had travelled through Europe, in the 11 162 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ midst of a hard winter, to beg for help which it was impossible to obtain, and who kept crossing and recrossing our lines around Paris, fired on by our posts in spite of the strict orders they had received.' The Chancellor stroked his forehead as though trying to recall something, and then continued : ' I remember,' he said, ' an incident that I shall never forget. We were discussing a question about which we could not come to an understanding. M. Thiers held his own in the most spirited manner possible. M. Jules Favre was pathetic, gesticulat- ing in the most tragic way, but, nevertheless, no progress was made with our business. All at once I began to talk German. M. Thiers looked at me in amazement. ' " You know we do not understand German," he said. ' " Certainly," I replied in French, " when I am discussing matters with people with whom I believe I can finally come to an understanding, I speak their langviage, but when I see that it is useless to argue with them I talk my own language. You had better send for an interpreter." ' To tell the truth, I was in a hurry to conclude matters. For the last week I had been in boiling oil. Every night I expected to be roused by a despatch containing some request from England, Kussia, Austria, or Italy, in favour of France. I know, of course, that I should have ignored it, but it would, all the same, have been an indirect interven- tion in the quarrel between France and Germany. WHAT BISMARCK TOLD ME 163 I wanted to avoid this at all costs ; that is why, in spite o£ my admiration for the patriotic persistence o£ M. Thiers, I had been so brusque in replying in German. The effect of these tactics was very odd. M. Jules Favre threw up his long arms as though appealing to Heaven, and then, with his hair stand- ing on end and his face hidden in his hands, he rushed like a huge bat to a corner of the room, turning his face to the wall as though he did not wish to see the humiliation inflicted upon the represen- tatives of France. M. Thiers looked over his spectacles with a scandalized expression, and then trotted off quickly, in a petulant way, to a table at the other end of the room, and I heard his pen scratching away nervously on the paper. After some time he walked towards me. His small eyes were flashing behind his spectacles, his mouth was contracted with anger, and, in an abrupt manner, he held out the paper to me, saying dryly and in a somewhat hard voice : ' " Is that what you want ?" ' I looked at what he had written. It was admir- ably drawn up, and it was very nearly what I had stipulated. I then spoke French again, and the negotiations were concluded in that language. Thiers, you know, always seemed to me like a big child ; but when he was driven to extremities one could perceive how courageous and intelligent he was. He was the very deuce !' All this was told by Bismarck in the simplest and most natural way, without any posing or seeking for 11—2 164 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ effect. He spoke just as he thought, with a certain familiarity, and perhaps even a certain triviality of language, but without preparing any effects. He was smoking an enormous pipe, sending out thick puffs, and between two stories he would gaze out silently beyond the gardens of Wilhelmstrasse at the setting sun. The Congress and its work was what interested and preoccupied him most. He referred to it continually, and brought every other subject to bear on it. It seemed as though he had endless things to say about it. ' At the Congress,' he told me, ' there is simply nothing left to desire. M. Waddington, who repre- sents France, is absolutely devoted to his country. He is a modest, straightforward man who is fond of work and wishes to understand things thoroughly. I have never seen a more laborious Minister of Foreign Affairs. Everyone likes him, and he must have rendered great services to his Government. ' Now, one may not be a Republican, but one must admit that there is nothing possible for France at the present day but a Republic. If the various Pretenders could come to some agreement, I should not, perhaps, speak in the same way. But if one of them should get into power, he would have all the rest of France against him ; that would mean civil war immediately, and civil war in France is like having the plague at one's door. ' I admire ShuvalofE at the Congress. He has to hold his own against everyone. They are all after him ; he is like a stag under pursuit that shows its WHAT BISMARCK TOLD ME 165 horns when too hard pressed. Neither Gortschakoff nor d'Oubril is of any great assistance to him, yet he is most polite, ever a gentleman, never makino; anv mistake, and alwavs commencino; with a polite formula, such as, " Prince, may I he allowed to say a word in reply ?" etc. He is certainly a typical diplomatist. Shuvaloff and Beaconsfield are the two principal figures of this Congress, and I am perfectly charmed to have the opportunity of observing them. ' Beaconsfield has the most extraordinary presence of mind. He is accommodating and energetic, and never allows himself to he disturbed by anything. He defends his cause admirably, and last Friday, when the negotiations were broken off, he was ready to lead his country courageously to war. It was then that I intervened. He and Shuvaloff have both done their duty, and they have both saved their country from war. Personally, my only merit is that of having brought them together at a moment when it was no longer possible for them to approach each other again. ' Two years ago, when I saw Beaconsfield for the first time, I said to him, " Why are you opposed to Russia ? You might come to an understanding with her. It would be to the interest of both countries. Why do you not take Egypt ? France would not bear you any ill-will on that account for very long. Besides, you could give her a compensation — Tunis or Syria, for instance — and then Europe would at last be free from this question of Turkey, which is 166 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ constantly bringing her within an ace of a fresh war." Beaconsfield did not reply, but I saw that my words had not fallen on a deaf ear.' The Prince stopped, and there was a long silence. It was getting late, and a neighbouring clock struck eleven, slowly and deliberately. Prince Hohenlohe rose, as a signal for om- departure, and I did like- wise. Prince Bismarck laid his pipe down on a small table, specially destined for that purpose, and, turning to me, held out his large hand. ' Adieu !' he said in a rough, and at the same time melancholy, way. 'You generally reside in Paris, so I do not think we shall see each other again for some time. But I am very glad to have made your acquaintance, and I think you will be on my side as long as you are convinced that I wish for peace.' Just as I was going out of the room, the Chan- cellor asked me if I would not have another cigar. I accepted the cigar, and was once more moving tow^ards the door, when he stopped me and insisted on lighting it for me himself, and he held the match for about a minute. My cigar was lighted at last, and I went away. The interview — an interview which had lasted five hours — was at an end. CHAPTER VIII GAMBETTA AND BISMARCK During the historical conversation — the principal points of which I have faithfully retraced in the preceding chapter — Bismarck touched upon many subjects, just as they occurred to him. He spoke of diplomacy and of war, of the Congress and of Eiu-ope, of French statesmen, and even of French literature, and one name was frequently mentioned by the Chancellor — that of Gambetta. The celebrated tribune was then at the very height of his glory. His loud voice frequently crossed the frontiers, and its echo could be heard in foreign countries. He possessed that formidable and much- envied privilege of appearing to incarnate in himself a whole country, a whole democracy. In the French Republic he played the part of Dictator. ' Gambetta,' said Prince Bismarck to me, after a pause, ' is a man I should like to see before I die. In spite of all that one hears to the contrary, he is a really remarkable character. He soars above his compatriots. I am told that he is fascinating — and yet fascinating men are never supposed to be good statesmen.' [ 167] 168 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ ' M. Thiers told me once,' I remarked, laughing, ' that your Highness was fascinating — and yet you liave the reputation of being a great statesman !' ' I have not that reputation ... in Germany,' replied the Chancellor, and then, going back to his first idea, he said : ' Yes, I certainly should not like to die until I have seen Gambetta.' His insistence on this j^oint struck me. Prince Hohenlohe, who was then Ambassador in Paris, and Baron Holstein, Attache to the Minister of Foreign Affairs in Berlin, and the Chancellor's confidant, accompanied me on my way back to the Kaiserhof . As we passed in front of the gardens of the Radzi- will Palace, I said to them : ' I cannot think it was only by chance that Prince Bismarck mentioned twice his wish to see Gambetta. He knows that I am acquainted with him, and that I may see him on my return to Paris. He did not tell me not to repeat what he said, and he praised Gambetta in such a way that it appeared as if he were entrusting me with a graceful message. I do not know the Prince as well as you do, but it seems to me that we ought to arrange an interview. I might prepare the way, and you, Prince, might take part in the negotiations.' Prince Hohenlohe, according to his custom when an idea interested him, looked down on the ground, and then, after a moment's silence, smiled at me approvingly. As for Baron Holstein, he merely remarked : ' Let me have forty-eight hours for reflection, GAMBETTA AND BISMARCK 169 and then I will give you an answer with a thorough knowledo;e of the matter.' Whenever he had any important decision to take, Baron Holstein always asked for forty- eight hours' reflection. He employed them in discovering the opinion and desires of his master, so that his reply was in reality Bismarck's. Two days later, as if by accident, he passed by the Kaiserhof . I was at the door talking, and we strolled along together. ' Well,' I said, laughing, ' are you in a position to answer me yet ?' ' Yes,' he replied. He admitted that the Chancellor had persisted in talkino^ about Gambetta in order to see whether I would undertake to open negotiations for bringing about an interview between the two statesmen. He even added that the interview might easily take place at Kissingeu, where the Chancellor was pro- longing his sojourn. ' You will understand,' he continued in a solemn tone, ' that this interview is a serious matter, and that all the possible consequences must be well weighed before any arrangements are concluded. The Chancellor has the firm conviction, and that conviction has grown stronger since he has spoken with you, that M. Gambetta is destined before long to become a great power in France, and that power will be of a most decisive character. The Chan- cellor desires peace, and he would like to meet the man on whom may depend, in the near future, the rupture or the maintenance of peace. He hopes 170 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ by this interview to acquire some knowledge of the private ideas of M. Gambetta, no matter how skil- fully the latter may endeavour to conceal them. That, of course, is neither your business nor mine. Everything that takes place between these two men must have a most conciliatory character ; the inter- view must not appear like a passage of arms. The past must be the past. These men have fought against one another, each one for his own country. All that has happened belongs now to the past. The present undertaking is in view of the future. If this interview should take place, everything must be averted which might alter the character of it or interfere with the object in view. No overture must be made which might lead to a refusal on the part of one of these personages, or to a rebuff for the other. There must be no question, as you will readily understand, of any compromise, of any retrocession, of any modification of existing treaties. In brief, there must be no question of Alsace-Lorraine. ' It must be clearly understood that neither Prince Bismarck, nor the Emperor, nor any other person, could allow the conversation to turn upon this sub- ject. The German nation would not accept any discussion, even an academic one, on the accom- plished facts which caused German blood to be shed and which strewed France with the corpses of Ger- man soldiers. An interview between these two men, animated by pacific intentions and impressed by the duties which are incumbent on them, may GAMBETTA AND BISMARCK 171 bring about a salutary result, if they do not seek for the personal satisfaction of triumphing over each other.' The conversation continued for some little time, and then we separated. •li' .itt ,SU Jb -^ •«■ •It* •A* TP TT On my return to Paris towards the month of August, 1878, I wrote to M. Gambetta, asking him for an interview ; and this interview, the only one he ever granted to a journalist, took place forty-eight hours later. M. Gambetta received me in the editor's office of his newspaper, La Republiqice Franqaise, a large room which looked on to a flight of stone steps, opposite the beginning of the Rue de la Chaussee d'Antin. He greeted me very cordially, and was extremely agreeable, for he was anxious to find out exactly what had taken place in Berlin. I proved to him, easily enough, how prejudicial was the policy of his paper, which, for causes it would take too long to enumerate here, had shown itself violently hostile to the French Plenipotentiaries who were representing their country at a great international Congress, the first held since the ter- rible Franco- Prussian War. I was fortunate enough to see him come round to my opinion. When I had finished this part of my conversation, I introduced the second part — the interview with the Chancellor. M. Gambetta, I must confess, was much pleased. He also had a certain fascination about him, which one would never imagine on seeing him in ordinary 172 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ every-day life, and he now proved to be quite irresistible. He appeared to be delighted at the prospect o£ an interview, and declared that the results he anticipated from it would be beneficial and fruitful to all parties. I listened to him with infinite pleasure. His words were brimmino; over with the most ardent patriotism, which inspired me with a veritable admiration for him, and he did not conceal the satisfaction he felt at the idea of being able at least to meet the man on whom depended, perhaps, the future j^eace of the whole of Europe. Finally, turning to me, he asked : ' But how, in the event of this interview, do you suppose I should be able to approach the great question which preoccupies us, and about which we are at variance ?' I had foreseen this dread point, and I answered : ' This first interview, I think, is only to have a preliminary character. As far as I understand, there must be nothing said, on this initial occasion, about the lost provinces. All that must be reserved for later interviews, so that a denial may be given to those who declare — with a view to stirring up public opinion — that the question of Alsace-Lorraine has been discussed.' 'That,' he said promptly, 'is absolutely impos- sible. I cannot approach the German Chancellor without speaking to him of Alsace-Lorraine. If I were to be silent on that subject, it would spoil our whole conversation, and he would feel, too plainly, GAMBETTA AND BISMARCK 173 that he had a man before him who did not say what he thought and who did not think what he said !' 'Well,' I replied, 'instead of talking to him of Alsace-Lorraine, you might speak of Alsace and of Lorraine, and in that way lessen the problem by dividing it.' ' Oh,' said M. Gambetta, ' I don't fancy that would alter much !' He thought the matter over for a minute in silence, and then, like a man who has made up his mind, he rose and held out his hand to me. ' I should consider it my duty and an honour,' he said, somewhat ceremoniously, ' to be able to approach the Chancellor, and to endeavour, with him, to solve the problem of European peace and happiness. But in order to attain that end, when we approach each other, we must have in view the tranquillity of humanity, and not personal success ; that is why I must be able to speak to him, not of Alsace and of Lorraine, but of Alsace-Lorraine.' The following day I called on Prince Hoheu- lohe, to whom I repeated the conversation, and resigned my office as negotiator. There was never again any question of an inter- view between Prince Bismarck and M. Gambetta. CHAPTER IX ALVA General de Galliffet once announced that for the last forty years he had been taking daily notes, and he thereupon began the publication in two Parisian papers of fragments of these notes. These fragments, by an odd coincidence, contained every now and then blunders in dates which did not escape the attention of his readers. I desire to say to readers of these Memoirs that I have never in my life taken many notes as to the events in which I have been mixed up, and that, consequently, nothing would be more natural than that I should from time to time make certain errors of dates like General de GallifEet. But I attach no importance to a possibility of this sort, my chief concern being with the accuracy of the facts which I relate. I nevertheless remember, as if it were yesterday, that on the 5th of September, 1878, under the arcades of the Rue de Rivoli, I met my dear old friend, Hector Pessard, coming out of one of the big hotels that abound in that street. M. Hector Pessard was then the manager and editor-in-chief [174] ALVA 175 of the National. When he took the paper over, it was on the point of disappearing altogether, but he rapidly made it one of the most important organs of the moment in Paris. The National belonged, in truth, to that class of Parisian newspapers which bud, bloom, and die. During my long experience as a journalist, which has lasted nearly one-third of a century, I have seen born, grow up, and perish, so many newspapers that, as I look back upon them, my memory resembles those old Norman churches, surrounded by a cemetery, into which one enters without knowing exactly whether the ceremony one goes to witness is to be a baptism, a marriage, or a funeral. ' Ah,' said M. Hector Pessard to me, ' I am delighted to meet you, for my intention was to go and see you. You are only just back from the Berlin Congress ; you are sailing on the top of the wave ; your name is constantly under the public eye ; it is well known that the Prime Minister, M. Dufaure, has had a long conversation with you on what took place at the Berlin Congress. You are what is called " the man of the hour," and you will not be surprised, therefore, if I ask you to come with me and call on Mme. Marsa Chamil, who lives in this hotel ; I have promised her that you shall go to see her.' ' But in the first place,' I replied, ' I am, as you say, for the time being, very much occupied ; and, secondly, who is Mme. Marsa Chamil, whose name I now hear for the first time ?' 176 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ ' Mon Dieii !' exclaimed Hector Pessard, ' I will be frank. I don't know much more about lier than you. It is, in a certain measure, in order to find out that we all — Henri de Pene and his wife, Francis Magnard, Henri Fouquier, and the rest — would like you to see her ; for we suppose that, with your knowledge of all that is going on behind the scenes in European society, you will assist us in decipher- ing the very interesting enigma which she appears to be. We generally call her " the Duchess," and she accepts the name with a smile, because every- thing belonging to her in this hotel — the table linen, the china, the glass and the silver — is marked with a ducal crown, and indicates great wealth and elegance.' ' And what sort of a woman is this Duchess ?' ' She is under forty, charming, a tall, graceful brunette, although perhaps not a descendant of any very ancient family, speaks several languages correctly, knows the upper circles in most Conti- nental countries, spends a great deal of money, has a very smart team and respectful, well - trained servants, entertains freely and with taste and refinement, pays her bills regvdarly and promptly, has the most fashionable dressmakers, goes out little, talks of men and things with much know- ledge and insight, but rarely of herself, and never speaks ill of others. Finally, she has with her a young lady named Alva, of whom one gets only rare and furtive glimpses — a girl of eighteen, abso- lutely well-bred, whom the Duchess calls "my ALVA 177 child" — a fact which entitles one to suppose that she is her daughter.' ' Really,' I replied, ' you arouse my curiosity keenly ; hut I am hound to tell you that I am curious only hy profession, caring little to know what I cannot repeat puhlicly. But what you have just said renders it impossible for me to refuse to make the visit you propose, so, if you will allow me, as soon as I am a little more at liberty, I will send you word, and we will go together to call upon the Duchess.' Were I to relate all the traps which hatred, jealousy, or mere spite, have laid for me for more than thirty years, all the columns of a newspaper would not suffice. I will mention, therefore, only a single one, in order to give my readers an idea of the methods employed to catch me off my guard and to involve me in irremediable complications. When the second Dreyfus trial broke out, I beheld one day entering my house a man still young, who seemed to be quite out of breath and whose appearance was that of a person in trouble. He related that he was a married man and a father, that he held a confidential position at the War Office, that he had just met with heavy losses at the gaming-table, and that, in exchange for a sum that would help him to save his reputation, he w^ould supply me with military documents of the highest importance. I discovered later on that this man had been sent to me by powerful enemies, 12 178 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ solely in order to trv to implicate me in that wretched affair. I sav this in order to exphiin the precautions which I took in the matter that I am now narrating, and why, a few days after ni}' meeting with M. Hector Pessard, I called on the manager of the hotel where the Duchess was staying — a man who was under some obligations to me, and who always showed much deference towards me — with the view of obtaining more detailed information about the Duchess than M. Hector Pessard had imparted to me. The manager of the hotel placed himself imme- diately at my service. ' The Duchess,' said he, ' has been residing here for the past eleven months. There is evidently a little mystery about her, but I should not be telling the truth if I did not add that, apart from this instinctive and justifiable feeling that one has, there is nothino; to be said ao-ainst her, and her entire bearing and attitude give rise to no criticism. Five or six days before her arrival one of the leading employes of a well-known bank came to choose the suite of rooms she now occupies. He selected an apartment on the third-floor, so that the visitors should not be troubled by the noise of the street. Their suite looks out on the Tuileries gardens, and is composed of a drawing-room, dining-room, two bedrooms for herself and her daughter, a " study," and three small rooms for her butler and her two lady's-maids, who live on the same floor. ALVA 179 On the 1st of the month, the huiler, who appears to be a highly respectable old servant, takes a cheque to the bank I have mentioned, and with the utmost regularity the Duchess, on his return, settles her bills here. She has never kept us waiting a single day. Her valet, who acts as a general man- servant, lives at the stables outside the hotel. The Duchess rarely goes out ; she receives only highly honourable visitors — more men than women, it is true — but men who, for the most part, are well known here as well as elsewhere. She shops a great deal, almost always in the same establish- ments. Her dressmakers are well known, and she habitually pays for all that is brought to her immediately. Owing to her long stay here, and the regularity of her orders and payments, she is regarded as an important customer, and has more than once had to ask for her bills before they were presented. I calculate, without having been guilty of any misplaced curiosity, that this lady must have more than 200,000 francs a year to spend, and all I hope is that she will remain here as long as possible, for, I repeat, neither the prosperity nor respecta- bility of the hotel has to regret her presence.' The next day I wrote to M. Pessard to tell him that I was at his disposal for any date he would like to fix, and on the 14th of September, at four in the afternoon, I went with my friend to call on Mme. Marsa Chamil, who had invited us to tea. The portrait of the Duchess had been well drawn for me by M. Pessard. As I entered, she rose from 12—2 180 MEMOIRS OF M. 1)E BLOWITZ the arm-chair in wUicli she was sitting, and greeted me very amiably, without offering me her liand. After begging me to take a chair, she began in the most natural way in the world to talk of the events of the day, of the crisis of the 16th of May, 1877, the solution of which she had witnessed almost immediately on her arrival in Paris, and of the fall of M. Jules Simon, for whom she had a letter of introduction which she had refrained from present- ing on learning that, since his defeat, he had no inclination to receive strangers. She then talked of the statesmen whom I had seen at the Berlin Congress — of Count Andrassy, who was so charac- teristically the type of the Magyar race, nervous, breezy, and hale, as if his ruddiness had been caught under the sun of his native forests ; of Count von Haymerle, so refined and elegant, subtle and active, but for whom people predicted a brief career, because his incessant activity was like a tongue of fire that devoured his constitution ; of Karatheodori, the melancholy representative of a decadent Power, who had haunted the diplomatic salons of Berlin like a silent and furtive shade, remaining timidly in the background, for he was somewhat bashful and the interests he upheld were most confused and precarious. She then spoke to me of Prince Bismarck, whom she had certainly met, for, quite naturally, in repeating a conversation which she had had, she imitated, in a respectful but amusing way, his habit of stopping suddenly and without embarrassment in the midst of a ])hrase, and of remaining quite silent ALVA 181 until he had found the exact word which he wanted. She spoke to me finally — but with great discretion, without flattery and without exaggeration — of the role that I had played in Berlin and of certain episodes of my sojourn there, which would almost have led me to believe that she had seen me in Berlin if I had not been aware that she had not absented herself from Paris for a whole year. I was during this visit struck by the intellectual superiority of this woman, who during our conver- sation had made use of several languages, which she seemed to know perfectly and which she spoke with an accent that belonged to none of them, without my being able exactly to discover to what nationality it was due. I saw perfectly well that this first visit woidd not be the last, for from the outset I felt for the Duchess, whom I had just seen for the first time, a really sympathetic curiosity ; and I made a firm resolve, without any vulgar or hidden motive, to try to penetrate into her intimacy and to get at the meaning of the very real mystery which, so to speak, floated in the ambient air attend- ing her. There had been on this occasion, l)esides M. Pessard and myself, three or four persons with whom she knew that I was acquainted, and to whom, there- fore, she did not feel obliged to introduce me ; but, among two or three others, she introduced to me a young man, of easy and elegant manners and of real distinction, as the Prince Karageorgewitch, and, as the question of the future Prince of Bulgaria was 182 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ then being discussed, she added a few words which appeared to indicate that this young man was re- garded by some persons as among the candidates for that dignity. In brief, I took leave of the Duchess with the feelins; that mv visit had been one of the most interesting which I had made for some time past. From that day I went to see her almost regularly for more or less long calls two or three times a week. I was more and more impressed by her superior intelligence, her good breeding, and the accuracy of her opinions and reflections ; and while noting that, in spite of my constant attention, I had not succeeded in piercing the somewhat im- penetrable veil enveloping her, I remained convinced that I was dealing neither with an adventuress nor with a woman capable of a dishonest act, and my sympathy for her grew apace without my ignorance in regard to her being a whit diminished. One evening in December it was a little late when I made my call, and I found her alone. She said to me : ' Let me introduce you to my dear child, Alva, whom you do not yet know, and, in order that you may become better acquainted with her, you will, if possible, share our dinner, for we are dining alone to-night.' At mv movement of assent she rans; and told Hugot, the butler, to ask Mademoiselle to come to her in the drawing-room. The introduction was brief, for Alva seemed to have been informed fairly accurately as to the person now introduced to her, ALVA 183 and, contrary to the custom of the Ducliess, she immediately extended her hand in a cordial and almost familiar wa}^ Alva was a great beauty, elegantly slender, of harmonious proportions, with hands and feet of perfect distinction, and she was dressed with refined and irreproachable simplicity. She had a delicate little head, a rather brilliant complexion, a superb forehead, hair of the purest and most wavy gold, and eyes of that greenish blue which characterizes the women of the North, and which, under eyebrows finely arched and beneath long brown lashes, seem readily to change their colour, and, according to the impressions they reflect, become more azure-hued and more profound. Alva bade me welcome, and, as it was late, I asked to be allowed to return home in order to dress. At dinner the girl expressed herself in perfectly pure French without the slightest accent. She, too, knew English, German, Spanish, and a little Russian. She had the inexperience of her age, for she was not yet eighteen, but she showed an exact and penetrating intelligence and a judgment both Arm and indulgent. During dinner the Duchess told me that she had that day been informed that the young man whom I had seen at her house, and whom she had called Prince Karageorgewitch, was accustomed to call himself by that name, Init he in no way belonged, as he claimed, to the princely family of Servian pretenders. I took this opportunity to tell her that she ought to be extremely circumspect, in the situation in which she was, as to the choice of her 184 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ habitual guests, and that, without wishing to mention any names, there were among them certain persons who gave rather an unfavourable impression, and this influenced peo])le in their judgment in regard to her. She thanked me warmly, and, with that energy which always distinguished her, told me on my next visit that she had closed her door to some of her usual visitors, whose names she mentioned. This proved to me that she had very accurately judged the persons whom she was bound to exclude from her society. In these pages I intend to relate an event which deserves to figure in my personal reminiscences, but I do not wish, by giving details not directly bearing upon this story, to lengthen needlessly the tale which I am now narrating. vSo I shall not speak of the visits which ensued, nor of the incidents that occurred during the three or four months following upon the first dinner of the Duchess at which I was present. What I can say, and what I feel bound to say, is that my attachment to these two women increased as I began to know them better, and it rapidly developed into veritable friendship. Each of them, in her own way, was calculated to captivate — the one by the remarkable maturity of her superior and cultivated intelligence, her upright conduct, her native penetration and rare knowledge of men and things, of Avhich for the most part she made no display, but which became evident when- ever she took pains to analyze her thoughts ; the other, Alva, by her youthful radiance, her eloquence ALVA 185 and simplicity, her gentle and fascinating melan- choly, and by the intellectual precocity that was so noticeable whenever — which rarely happened — she chanced to take part in the conversation. About the end of April, 1879, however, it seemed to me that a significant change was taking place in the existence of these two women. The mother was more nervous and irritable, more reserved than heretofore. The quivering of her nostrils and the way in which she knit her brows betrayed now and then her excitement ; her lips, previously so apt to smile, had strange twitchings, and she gave her orders more sharply and imperiously than was her wont. The girl on such occasions gave her mother an anxious and melancholy look, and more than once I noticed that her lashes were wet with a quickly suppressed tear. The change disturbed me, but such was the attitude of these two women that I should have thought it indiscreet to display the slightest anxiety. This state of things con- tinued, and even became more accentuated. It was, to be sure, purely a moral impression I had, for, apart from what I have noted, there had been no alteration in the style in which the Duchess lived. She received at the same hours exactlv in the same manner as before ; she went out as usual, did her shopping and errands as before, and the hotel ser- vants, when she came down into the courtyard to enter her brougham or her open carriage, bowed with the same respect as they had always shown as she passed. I was much perplexed by all this, and 186 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ such was now my friendship for these two ladies that I could not help feeling real anxiety. I suffered from being kept in the dark with regard to their troubles. This situation, which was so painful to me, continued until nearly the middle of June, and as I thought that my visits sometimes caused painful embarrassment, I began to go less frequently, and, in spite of the real privation that I felt, I now remained at times almost a week without calling on the Duchess. Towards the middle of June, during one of the rare visits which I then made them, I tried by cordial phrases to extenuate my indiscretion in coming to see them, when the Uuchess suddenly seemed to want to enter upon a conversation of a confidential character. She exclaimed : ' I must tell you ' Just then her eyes fell upon Alva. I cannot say what she read upon the girl's face, but she stopped short, and, as she appeared to have grown somewhat nervous, I got up hastily and took leave of her. As I crossed the hotel court the manager appeared in the doorwav of his office, as thouo;h he wanted to speak to me. I went to meet him, and he asked me into his room. He shut the door, and said : ' You must excuse me, sir, for what I am going to tell you, but a few months ago, before you knew the Duchess, you asked for accurate information in regard to her, which I gave you ; since then you have become, in the eyes of the Duchess and her daughter, the real " friend of the house." I feel ALVA 187 bound, then, to tell you — for it seems to me to be a duty — that during the last two months certain things have been going on here which will perhaps seem to you, as they do to me, disquieting. Since the 1st of May this lady has neither asked for nor settled her hotel bill, which amounts to-day to about eighteen thousand francs. She has made many purchases, and, contrary to her custom, has not paid for them immediately, but has even sent back some of the bills, asking for a delay ; and, if I am not mistaken, the Duchess, during the two and a half months in which this change has been taking place, must have become indebted to the extent of more than fifty thousand francs, for, as often happens in cases of the kind, she has bought some new things in order to defer paying for those for which she already owes. I must even add that for some time now I have seen hovering about the hotel persons who appear to be spying on her ; that I have received the visit of an official who came to make a detailed inquiry as to the Duchess and her daughter ; and that this lady's servants appear worried. It seemed to me that I ought to inforna you of all this, lest you should be surprised by some event which might annoy you.' It will readily be understood that I was impressed and disturbed by this communication. I passed a bad night, and the next morning wrote to the Duchess, asking her to receive me at three o'clock. At that hour I arrived at her house. I was ushered in and found her alone. With a great deal 188 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ of precaution and considerable apprehension, I ex- plained to her that I felt it my duty to repeat to her what the manager of the hotel had said to me. She listened to me in silence. Two l)ig tears ran down her cheeks. ' What the manager of the hotel has told you,' she said, after a pause, ' is true. For three months now I have been completely without funds. I thought, and still think, that I shall get my money back. I did not wish to change my way of living — in the first place, out of pride, which you will understand ; in the second place, not to alarm Alva. The time has come, though, to tell you what you do not yet know, and what on more than one occa- sion I have intended to tell you, without, however, daring to do so. Among all the persons I have known, you are the one who has shown me the most serious, the most sincere, and the most disinterested sympathy ; and you are the one in whom Alva and I feel the most confidence and for whom we cherish the greatest friendship. I am going, therefore, to tell you everything, and you can then judge whether you should respond to the appeal which I am going to make to you. 'Alva, whom I call my child, is not my daughter. She belongs to a royal house, she is the daughter of a Princess, and the explanation of the ducal crown visible on everything belonging to us here is that most of these objects come from her mother, and that Alva in reality, if not by right, can claim the crown. She was born when her mother was only ALVA 189 eighteen years old. Alva is remarkably like lier mother, who was very beautiful. Her father was a Captain in an Austrian regiment garrisoned in the Germanic Confederation. I was her maid of honour. When I heard of the affair, her suffering attached me to her more than ever, and after having been her confidante I became her accomplice. We wept long over the situation together. Finally, an idea came to me which simplified the whole matter, and I felt that I had found a way of saving her — I will even say, of saving us : for, if the truth became kno^Ti, I was in as much danger as she was, and perhaps even more. Without telling her my plan, I went to one of the Court physicians, for whom I entertained the greatest admiration. Unhesitatingly, and after he had promised to keep my disclosure a secret, I told him all I knew. ' Dr. Alven, as we will call him — for it was under that name that he took later on all the necessary steps — Dr. Alven listened in silence, and, when I had finished, said : ' " Tell Madame that she must not appear to-night at dinner ; that she must go to bed and complain of violent headaches and of great difficulty in breathing. Then to-morrow morning early let her send for me to visit her. Do not worry ; I hope that I shall find a way to save you both." ' Dr. Alven ordered her to take a draught. The consequence of this medicine was that the face of the unfortunate Princess became violently red, and a heavy fever ensued. Our rescuer submitted her 190 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ to this treatment for two weeks. He directed me to stay with her, because she wanted to be nursed only by me. Two weeks later — the Court having meanwhile been greatly alarmed, and, with the exaggeration habitual in such cases, having announced her death — on the sixteenth day, at Dr. Alven's request and by order of the Sovereign, there was a consultation of physicians. The father of the Princess was present, and the doctors adopted Dr. Alven's suggestion, declaring that the only way of saving her was, first, to send her away to the South of France, and then, accompanied by a young doctor recommended by Alven, to let her travel in Algeria, Cairo, the Canary and the Balearic Islands. ' Dr. Alven declared that he would give the Prin- cess certain medicines which, in spite of her weak condition, would enable her to start, adding, in order that the illness should not give rise to any alarming rumours, that she must leave without any sort of ostentation and travel incognito. ' Dr. Alven's plans were adopted, and three days later, in the evening, we set out in the most favour- able circumstances possible, accompanied by Hugot, the butler, who is still with me, by the young doctor, who left us a little later, and by the two lady's-maids who are still in our service. ' We left immediately for one of the estates belonging to the Princess beyond the frontier, a domain which came to her direct from one of her aunts. It had not been long at her disposal, as she ALVA 191 had only a short time attained her majority, and on that occasion her father had reduced by half the personal appanage which she enjoyed. ' On reaching our destination, the Princess sent for the Governor of the district and the official who dealt with all matters pertaining to the attestation of contracts. In their presence the Princess had a deed drawn up, in which she authorized her steward, assisted by the Governor of the district, to make a transfer, upon an order signed by her, of her entire property, and to convert the sum thus obtained into paper, consols, Government annuities, municipal bonds, and railway shares, according to Dr. Alven's indications. All this property, when realized, was, by the Princess's orders, to be en- trusted by the Governor of the district and the steward, acting conjointly, to the person indicated by the Princess in the two orders which she pro- posed to send them. ' I will not needlessly lengthen this story. We made all the peregrinations that had been planned for us, until finally the Princess was conducted into a Hungarian convent, the Superior of which was a sister of Dr. Alven. The Princess and I were installed with our servants and the doctor in a cottage at a remote corner of the convent park, where there was a private entrance, and where we lived well removed from curious eyes, even from those of the nuns. As the convent was the seat of the head of the Order, and sent out nuns on missions in all directions, whenever one of them left she was 192 MEMOIRS OF M. 1)E BLOWITZ ordered, ou reaching lier destination, to post letters to the Court, so that it shoukl appear as though we were still travelling. ' When the young doctor left us to return to the Court, he announced that the Princess, now com- pletely recovered, was coming home. The child, a girl, was inscribed on the convent registers simply under the name of Alva, the Princess herself having chosen the name out of gratitude to Dr. Alven. The Superior found a nurse for her, and a few months later nurse and child were introduced into the convent, the latter passing for a daughter of a niece of the Superior. ' My dear and unfortunate mistress wept l^itterly when she was told that she must live separated from her child. I did my best to console her, promising that she should see her shortly, and that, with Alven's aid, we would return before long to the convent. ' Two months later, early in 1862, we returned to the Court. No one there had the slightest sus- picion of what had occurred. The young doctor had said nothing on account of his professional duty. The devotion of the three servants amounted to heroism, and Dr. Alven avoided any step that could have given rise to a suspicion of there being anything special between him and us. ' Eleven years elapsed. The Princess had found it impossible to undertake the journey she longed to make. Alva had been separated from her nurse, and she continued to be educated at the convent in ALVA 193 the most perfect manner possible. She was beloved there, all the nuns doing their best to contribute to her intellectual and physical development. ' Great political changes had taken place mean- while. Austria had come forth from the Germanic Confederation. The war of 1870-1871 had alto- gether modified the confederated sovereignties of Germany. The Princess, who possessed a fairly important appanage, and also, as I have said, estates abroad which she had inherited from one of her aunts, was more eager than ever to realize her property, which, transformed into paper, would have a value of more than five millions of francs. She was bent on leaving her country and taking refuge with Alva in a foreign land, whence it would be impossible to compel her to return. ' Alas ! just then a terrible misfortune befell us. Our presence in the convent, which we had fancied absolutely unknown to anyone, had been witnessed by the gardener, the park-keeper, who never came into the convent, but who lived in a small house at the further extremity of the grounds — a house which, like our own, possessed an independent entrance. His attention had been drawn to what went on in our cottage. He had played the spy, and discovered everything save our identity. ' Unfortunately, one of the nuns, who had been sent out of the convent on a mission, and had imper- fectly understood her instructions as regards posting one of the Princess's letters, entrusted it to the gardener, whom she met as she was leaving. He, 13 194 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ suspecting that there was some relation between this letter and the mystery o£ the cottage, did not hesitate for an instant to read it. The address, the signature, and the contents of it, gave him the key to the whole myster3\ This man, I cannot say why, had just been brutally deprived of his place, and without the slightest hesitation he resolved to take his revenge by revealing to the Princess's father the mystery that he had discovered. ' The latter's indis^nation was terrible. He had an attack, and his life was in danger. At 11 p.m. Dr. Alven was sent for, and he took all the necessary measures in order to prevent the father in his wrath from revealing the secret, for the doctor had just become aware of the frightful danger with which we were menaced. ' Without a minute's delay, he went to see the Princess, awoke Hugot, and ordered the maids to awaken the Princess and myself. ' We immediately prepared to receive the doctor. He communicated to us the terrible news. He informed us that the Sovereign's exasperation was directed against me, and said that, accomjjanied by Hugot and by the two maids, for whom he dreaded a terrible punishment, I must flee without losing a moment. On leaving, he informed us that an hour later his landau, with two of his best horses, would await us at a side-door, and that we should be driven across the frontier, which was only nine miles away. ' Hu^ot and the two maids, who were cool and ALVA 195 collected through all this, had quickly prepared, in several bags, everything of which I stood in immediate need, and I, on my part, collected all my jewels and all the silver that the Princess and I possessed. ' It was 4 a.m. when we started, and it was hardly five o'clock when we had crossed the frontier. As was to be anticipated, the first action taken against the Princess would be the kidnapping of Alva with- out a minute's delay, and armed with a letter from Alven I set out for the convent, where I imme- diately saw the Superior. Two hours later Alva — to whom some years before I had paid a visit of several days on the pretext of visiting, during a holiday, an estate of mine on the Danube — was entrusted to my care. ' Alva, who, save the nuns, had never seen any- one but myself, and who knew all the tenderness I felt for her — Alva vaguely, so to speak, believed that I was her mother. She flung herself effusively into my arms, and was glad to go with me. ' We settled down, with Hugot and the two maids, on my estate. It was in an independent country, and I knew we were quite safe. I devoted myself to Alva's education, having at my disposal more than adequate resources sent to me by the steward from the abundant revenues of the Princess's lands, and we lived there for some years pending the events which were to brins- to us the solution of the painful situation in which we found ourselves. ' Meanwhile terrible scenes were being enacted at 13—2 196 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ the Court. The reigning Prince, on being apprised of what he called the disgrace of his house, was in such a paroxysm of wrath that he himself, so deprived was he of all common- sense, did not dare to face his daughter, the Princess. ' The miserable informer, the gardener, imme- diately after having told his tale in the presence of the Prince, had been imprisoned. He was now sent for and obliged to sign a declaration which might involve a death- sentence for him. An im- portant sum of money was given to him, he was taken to Bremen under good escort, and sent off to one of the American States, with orders never, under pain of death, either to reveal a word of what he knew or to return to Europe. Moreover, several months ago Alven informed me that news had been received of his death. ' Immediately after his departure the Prince, who had been informed of the exact whereabouts of Alva, had sent three men, on whose loyalty and decision he could rely, to kidnap her. As you know, they arrived too late. But the unfortunate Princess was the object of the most monstrous persecution. All her attendants had been changed. Her two maids were two gaolers, who never allowed her out of their sight, and who passed their time in torturing her. Her health suffered greatly. Partial paralysis set in. At her request, Alven was sent for. The doctor asked to be left alone with her, and his request was granted. He did not conceal from her that she was nearing her end. She displayed real ALVA 197 heroism. Her onlj sorrow was not seeing her child. She made all the necessary arrangements, and entrusted to her doctor a copy of the document which she had had drawn up for the sale of her property, and the order to convert it into securities, which in the event of her death were to be given to me. At a second visit of the doctor, who declared to her that she could never undertake another journey, she wrote to me with his aid that, when her landed property had been converted and the securities entrusted to me, she begged me to go with Alva to London, taking the securities with me, to deposit them in one of the large English banks which she named, and to use the revenue for the common benefit of Alva and myself, until God should allow her to join us. ' The question of the sale and transfer of her property took some time, for there was great need of discretion, and it was only towards the middle of 1875 that the steward and the Governor of the district brought me the product of the sale in two immense boxes, accompanied with a duplicate list of the contents. ' The total amounted to a little more than £200,000, which gave an annual income of £9,000, or about £750 a month. ' We left my estate several days later, and I went quietly away with my dear Alva to London under an assumed name. I deposited the securities in my name at the bank indicated, and, whilst awaiting the time when the Princess could travel and join 198 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ us, we devoted our days, and even a certain portion of our income, to completing and perfecting the education of Alva, to Avhom thus far I had avoided revealing her origin. ' Alas ! Alva could not long endure the English climate, and just when, with her consent, I was planning to go to spend the winter in Cairo or Algiers, the painful news reached us of the death of my dear and beloved Princess. ' My grief was such that I could not help sharing it with Alva, and revealing to the girl her origin as well as her mother's death. Alva was in profound despair, and as I perceived that her health was suffering thereby, I resolutely left London, and we visited in succession Cairo, the Canary Islands, Palermo, and Algeria. ' Alva had quite recovered her health and the splendour of her youthful beauty, and, as we both needed rest and a fixed abode, at her wish we came on to Paris, where we have now been residing for twenty months. ' I am doing my best to make the narrative short, but I am bound to explain everything, since I must finally appeal to your friendship, which, although not of very long standing, is nevertheless one in which I have the most complete confidence. ' I have now reached the epoch of our sojourn in Paris. I knew we had been hunted for ; but, as we often changed our name and residence, and as we were quite independent, as we never made any debts, and, in a word, did nothing that could attract ALVA 199 special attention, it was really almost impossible to discover us. Moreover, ever since the death of the Princess I had been aware that, sooner or later, there would be attacks against me, for I knew the harshness and avarice of those who had survived my unhappy friend. For some time past I had been worried by the complexity of the requirements necessary for receiving my income, all the securities being in England. I mentioned these annoyances to one of the employes of the bank, who was acting as my agent, and who, I may say in parenthesis, is at the present time behaving himself abominably towards me. ' " Madame," replied this employe, "nothing could be easier to remedy. We receive every day quantities of securities from London, under policies of insurance. You have only to direct your London banker to give to one of our London agents, in exchange for our receipt, the papers deposited with him, and we will receive them, merely charging you for the insurance policy and the carriage. We will place at your disposal one of our safes, with a receipt to that effect." 'Unfortunately, I accepted this proposal, and this is what has been done. Hugot, on the first of every month, used to go with my receipt to the bank, where the cashier, who was thoroughly trustworthy, regularly detached the coupons from my securities in honouring my monthly receipt. ' A few months ago, one of the detectives sent to discover our whereabouts found out our address. 200 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ He had met Hugot, whom he recognised, in the street, and followed him to our hotel, where, quite quietly, he took rooms in order to watch us. He kept his eye esjjecially on Hugot, and finally dis- covered the bank where our money was deposited. And thus it came to pass, when, about three months ago, Hugot went to the bank with my receipt, the cashier informed him that he could not honour it, regular opposition having been notified on behalf of a foreign Court by one of the great Embassies. 'Hugot returned in utter consternation. You can imagine the effect of this news upon me. I rushed oflf to the bank. I asked if I could not be given a sum quite outside and apart from my revenue, but this was refused. Such was the nature of the opposition that it had aroused suspicions against me at the bank. I returned home in despair. The manager of the hotel, to whom, without giving any details, I communicated the fact of my momentary embarrassment, behaved admirably, and requested me to make no change in my manner of living. ' I immediately wrote to Alven, with w^hom I can correspond without any danger, but he was away from home, and I had to w^ait until his return for a reply. 'A^niien he got back, he sent me a legal adviser whom I could trust. We went too:ether to consult one of the most eminent members of the French Bar. He asked me to show him the titles s^uarantee- ing my right to the property. I possessed nothing but the London banker's receipt and that of the ALVA 201 Paris banker. He declared that these two receipts appeared to him insufficient to secure the cancelling of the opposition, but that in any case I could bring a legal action. The result, however, owing to the lack of further documents, appeared to him doubt- ful. I refused to bring an action, dreading sensation and scandal, newspaper articles and reporters, the whole horror of a situation which was sure to end disastrously. ' The lawyer then went back to Alven, who began to consider what should be done. Such is my present situation, and it is your own communication to me which has led me to reveal to you these facts. I have long wanted to mention them to you, but now that you have heard my story you can under- stand why I have hesitated, fearing to place myself in a painful light if I had done so earlier. If I do so now, it is because you yourself have afforded me the occasion by taking, so to speak, the first step. And now, if you will come to see me to-morrow, and if you are disposed to champion my cause, as I think you are, I will tell you the service which I have to ask of you.' When I returned on the morrow she had indeed reflected. ' I know,' she said, ' that M. Waddington, the Prime Minister, is a great friend of yours, and it is said that you have rendered him many services, for which he is grateful. We must learn from him how this opposition has been obtained, for our enemies, you understand, have fewer rights to put forward 202 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ than I, as, after all, I am in possession of my fortune, and the opposition in question is — in spite of, or because of, its validity — an absolutely arbitrary act. I want you to go and see M. Waddington, to explain the situation to him, and to ask him to find out how and on what grounds the opposition has been taken, and then to use his authority to protect me against the injustice of which I am the victim.' What Marsa had said was perfectly true. M. Waddington cherished a real feeling of gratitude toward me. On the 12th of November, 1877, at the fall of the Cabinet of the 16th of May, M. Dufaure was about to form his Ministr}^ in which M. Wadding- ton was to take the portfolio of Education, and the Comte de St. Vallier that of Foreign Affairs. At the request of some friends I went to see M. Dufaure, who always showed to me the greatest good-will, and proved to him that he ought to give the portfolio of Education to M. Bardoux, his former colleague at the Ministry of Justice, that M. de St. Vallier, for whom Prince Bismarck professed particular sympathy, ought to be sent to Berlin, and that, for peremptory reasons, he ought to give the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to M. Waddington. To this M. Dufaure agreed, and on the spot he confided to me the mission of seeing M. Waddington, and, in his name, of offering him the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, instead of that of Education. I went on immediately, in spite of the late hour, to the Rue Dumont d'Urville, to M. Waddington's house, to fulfil the mission entrusted to me. ALVA 203 M. Waddington, after some hesitation, and not- withstanding Mme. Waddington's energetic ojDposi- tion, acce^^ted the offer, and became Minister o£ Foreign Affairs in the Duf aiire Cabinet. It was thus that he took part, as first Plenipotentiary, in the Berlin Congress, where throughout the sessions, from the beginning to the end, I was fortunate enough to render him daily services, and constantly defended him by word and pen against the attacks of the French newspapers. After the Congress I explained and upheld his acts to his chief, M. Dufaure, the Prime Minister, and finally, in a long talk with M, Gambetta — a summary of which, in the form of an interview, appeared in The Times ^ and was, by M. Gambetta' s orders, reproduced in the Republique Franqaise — I brought about between the two a rapprochement, as a consequence of which M. Gambetta abandoned his hostilitv toward M. Waddino;ton The latter, moreover, never ceased to show his affection for me, and when Marsa proposed that I should see him, I readily consented, sure in advance that I should succeed, and delighted at the thought of making her happy. As I was crossing the courtyard of the hotel, I perceived the manager looking at me from his oflBce door. I went up to him and told him that what he had said the night before was true, but that the embarrassments of the Duchess were temporary, and that I begged him to make no change in his manner towards her, and even to 204 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ speak to the shopkeepers, in order to induce them to continue to extend their confidence to the Duchess : ' for.' I added, ' I guarantee that neither you nor anyone will lose a penny.' The manager was delighted, and promised to do what I asked. I felt no anxiety in standing surety for Marsa after what she had said, and, convinced as I was that I should succeed almost immediately in arranging matters, this detail seemed quite natural. I went off to the Quai d'Orsay to see M. Wadding- ton. He received me with his customary warmth. I asked him if he had time to listen to me. He rang for the messenger, gave orders so that he should not be disturbed imtil he called, and, opening the door that lead into the bureau of his Chef de Cabinet^ gave similar orders there. He listened to me attentively, insisting that I should omit no detail, and now and then showing that my story touched him. When I had finished, he said : ' I thank you for telling me this, although I am reallv troubled about it ; but mv knowledo:e of the affair was very slight. I had heard of it, but had attached little importance to the matter. I am going to examine it carefully and without delay. If you will come back at 2.30 to-morrow, I hope to be able to give you every satisfaction.' I rushed off to Marsa to report the good news. She was delighted, and said to me : ' I have only just received a letter from Alven, of which I will speak to you to-morrow when all is over, although I may tell you that he says that. ALVA 205 even if I do not succeed in averting the perfidious attack of which I am the object, I must not despair.' ' I hope,' I replied, ' that the day after to-morrow I shall bring you a definite solution, and that you will have no need of appealing to Dr. Alven. . . .' Alas ! I did not bring her on that date a definite solution. I found M. Waddington nervous and anxious — almost irritated. He had immediately investigated the matter. ' I have made the necessary inquiry,' he said ; ' although I regret it, I am bound to tell you frankly that I cannot possibly agree to what you ask of me. We are face to face with the direct intervention of a powerful Ambassador, acting under the orders of his Government. The opposi- tion to the payment is perfectly regular, and we are on the point of receiving proofs of its validity, and of the rights of seizure which are demanded. I beg you to excuse me for what I am going to say, but your two protegees are described as adven- turesses and accused of embezzlement, while the story of the daughter of a royal Princess is treated as a ridiculous fable. She is said to be merely the illegitimate child of the woman called the Duchess, and the latter is accused of having taken advantage of the insanity of the Princess, whose maid of honour she was, to steal from her the estate settled on her. In order to satisfy you, I should have first to talk the matter over with the President of the Republic, and then bring it before the Cabinet Council. But I am sure I should have 206 MEMOIRS OF M. DE RLOWITZ M. G-revy against me as well as the Cabinet — that is to say, I should have to resign, which would in no way advance matters, for, after all, I may perhaps be able to be of service to you.' I got up hastily. M. Waddington reproached me for my abrupt movement, and, as I saw that he deeply regretted the whole affair, the idea of Dr. Alven's letter came to me, so, quite by chance, and in order to gain time, I said to M. Waddington that I had promised to stand surety for Marsa, that I was personally much embarrassed, and, since he was to be shown the proofs of the legality of the opposition, I begged him to grant me a little time. ' Since the proof is to be given you,' I said, ' you may at all events, in some way or other, find a way of postponing the seizure for several months, par- ticularly as I shall be greatly inconvenienced now that I am surety for these ladies.' M. Waddington was really troubled. ' I think,' he said, ' that you have the truth on your side. Your story must be true, for you were the first to show me how to verify it. But I can do nothing against the state of things which would appear like assuming an insulting attitude against the honoured representative of a great Power. Yet, in order to prove to you my complete good faith, I promise that the authorization for the seizure shall not be granted before the loth of August. That, I fear, is all I can do for you.' Evidently, if Marsa did not faint on my telling her this, it was because she still had faith in Alven, ALVA 207 and because she saw me, too, in such despair that she had recourse to all her energy. She said to me : ' Alven is at present at Samaden, in the Engadine, in charge o£ a distinguished patient whom he cannot leave for a single day. He keeps me informed of what is going on. They are trying to collect the documents to prove that the Princess was insane before she sold her lands and before giving me the securities. Alven has interfered heroically in this infamous plot. Other doctors have come to his rescue. He does not know whether he will succeed in thwarting this scheme, but in any case it will take some time for things to come to a crisis. Alven begs me to go to him with Alva, whom he longs to see. He does not know, my poor dear friend! that I am myself a prisoner, and that, in spite of your intervention with my creditors, my departure would look like flight, that I should receive a legal summons, and that we should be ruined. Yet Alven declares that he must know al3Solutely all the details of what has occurred, and this can be only viva voce. Moreover, I must be prompt, for he is about to leave Samaden with his patient, probably for Cairo.' 'And what are you going to do ?' I asked. She blushed, then grew pale. After a few moments of hesitation, she finally said : ' I am going to appeal to the greatest devotion, the greatest self-sacrifice, the greatest sentiment of honour, of which a man can give proof to two women whom he does not know. Will you accom- 208 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ pany Alva with one of my maids to Samaclen ? I know that, in confiding her to your honour, I am not wanting in my duty toward her. But I do not wish it to be known that Alven has met her — first, because they would take vengeance on him, and, secondly, because, if proved, this meeting would destroy the intervention against the declara- tion of madness, and everything would be lost.' ' But when shall we start ?' I asked. She grasped my hand and kissed it, covering it with tears. ' Your kindness consoles me for all my woes. You will leave on the 14th ; Hugot, who will precede you, will await you at Lucerne, where you will arrive on the morning of the 15th. Go to the Hotel National, where he will be introduced to you by the hotel people and offer his services as courier. He knows quite well what to do, and is well ac- quainted with the country. He will conduct you to Samaden, and even further, as a tourist travelling by post-chaise. At Samaden you will go to the hotel where Alven is stopping. Alva towards 11 p.m. will feel unwell, and Hugot, in seeking a doctor, will naturally appeal to Alven, who will have returned half an hour earlier. Alva will remain ill two days, during which time she will be taken care of by her maid ; and you three — Alva, you, and Alven — will thus have ample time to talk without arousing suspicion, and to do what Alven tells you or directs me to do.' She interrupted her explanations, and paused for ALVA 209 some time. Then resolutely, as if summoning all her courage, she said : ' Alas ! this is not all ; but at present I dare not part with the little money that remains, and ' I interru])ted her : ' Do not let us lose precious moments in futile words. I shall be delighted to take this trip, and I am sure that Alva's presence will make it more charming. I will advance the money. If you recover your property, you will give me back Alva's half of the expenses. If not, I shall endeavour to bear the loss !' On the morning of the 15th of July we arrived at Lucerne at the Hotel National. We waited for Hugot. Towards noon the manager of the hotel, then the famous M. Ritz, came to see me, and informed me that a courier who had just left a family which he had accompanied to Lucerne offered me his services. It was Hugot. I wished to start immediately, but Alva was fatigued and wanted to rest until the morrow. Moreover — and this was a very feminine trait — in spite of all I could say, and although we were thus losing a day, she refused to continue our journey without having made the ascent of the Rigi. I had to yield. Hugot was to leave on the morrow for Fluellen, at the end of the Lake of the Four Cantons, with our luggage, and we and the maid were to stop at Vitznau, lunch on the Kigi, take the afternoon boat, and meet Hugot at Fluellen. We found him there with the hotel carriage, and 14 i210 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ he told lis he had engaged a four-horse team, such as is habitually employed for this route, to drive over the St. Gothard, by Anderniatt and Chiasso, to Lugano, where we should cross the lake, to con- tinue on the opposite shore our journey to Samaden. We started on the following morning, and an incident on the route depressed us by the lugubrious presentiments which it inspired, but which, happily, were not realized. Two years before, I had gone from the Rigi- Carlbad, where I was staying, to Goschenen to visit the works in the St. Gothard Tunnel. I had been received most hospitably there by M. Fabre, the contractor of the tunnel, and he had shown nie the work that had already been accomplished. When, two years later, I passed with Alva by Goschenen, in front of the very hotel where I had been received, I was asked to stop my carriage, and 1 saw issuing from the tunnel an immense procession of men in dark clothes, following a coffin which passed before us. They were workmen of the tunnel accompany- ing to his last resting-place the body of M. Fabre. I was much impressed by the sombre coincidence, and arrived with a heavy heart at Andermatt, whence, without further incident, we proceeded to Samaden. There we remained two days. Alven was informed of all the necessary details. He was delighted to see Alva, and he parted from her in despair. Hugot's conduct had been admirable. Not the slightest suspicion had arisen in regard to ALVA 211 us. When I went away Alven gave nie a large and heavy letter in a double envelope, saying : ' Take great care of it ; it is perhaps salvation itself. I have rendered to the omnipotent j)erson to whom it is addressed the greatest service a man can render to another man. I saved from certain death a human being he adored. He has always said that there was nothing he would refuse me. It is the first time I have ever appealed to him, and if, on returnino; to Paris, the situation has not vet improved, tear open the first envelope, and carry the letter, without even showing it to Marsa, to the address on the second envelope.' Alva returned to her hotel, accompanied by Hugot and her maid, and on the morrow, Marsa having informed me that there had been no change, I tore open the first envelope, and saw that the second was addressed, with the word ' Confidential,' to ' Prince Orloff, Ambassador of H.M. the Emperor of All the Russias in Paris.' When, in the address of the second envelope, I saw Prince Orloff's name, I was delighted, for I knew that his intervention would be a powerful one, and that my relations with the Prince would permit me to make the most of it. I hastened to see him. Without offering any explanations I handed to him Alven's voluminous missive. When he had opened it and looked at the signature, he said to me with a voice full of emotion : ' Ah, you come from a man who is as dear to me as anyone in this world outside of my family ; but 14—2 212 MEiAIOIRS OF M. 1)E BLOWITZ I see that the letter is very long. I should like to read it carefidly, whatever may be its contents, and we will talk about it to-morrow, if you will come back then.' I returned on the following day, and found him in a somewhat excited state. ' I will do all that is possible for a man to do,' said he, ' all that is not contrary to my absolute duty, all, and I am ready to talk with you.' The conversation was a long one, and more than once he exclaimed : ' What ! this girl whom you call Alva is the daughter of that adorable, that ever-memorable Princess who was the great star of my youth, and whose mystery I have never been able to fathom ! I will do everything, but what can I do ?' ' You must go and see M. Waddington,' I replied, ' to destroy the effect of the abominable calumnies that have been told him ; to show him the infamy of the whole spoliation in which they want to make him their accomplice ; and, if he refuses to listen to you, declare to him that you will ask for your passports.' ' Yes,' said he, ' I will do all except the last part, for if I declare that, in the event of refusal, I shall ask for my passports, it would be a threat to which he could not yield without compromising the dignity of his country. I shall confine myself, therefore, to the first part of the programme, and we shall see what happens.' This he did, and as a consequence M. Waddington ALVA 213 told him that he would submit the case to a still closer examination, and inform him as to the result. We waited two days, but nothing happened. I returned to see Prince Orloflf. ' I think I know,' said I, ' what is taking place. They find themselves between the pressing inter- vention of two powerful Ambassadors. They are going to try to drag the aflfair along, and they will tell the Ambassador, our opponent, to hasten to present, without further delay, the promised proof. But we, on our side, have no time to lose. Every day is precious, and we ought to push the matter forward, or all is lost.' ' What, then, do you advise ?' asked the Prince. ' I will tell you,' I said. ' Your Excellency, I am well aware, cannot directly threaten to hand in your passports, but I can go and see M. Waddington and tell him that, if he refuses to carry out the act of justice which you demand, you are bound to con- sider it as a personal insult, and will then feel it your duty to demand your passports.' ' But he will think you are merely making use of an argument,' was the reply, ' and will pay no heed to it.' ' No,' said I, ' if you will do what I ask, I will tell him, if he expresses any doubt, that, to prove to him the accuracy of my words, you will go and see him at 4.45 — that is to say, a quarter of an hour before what is termed the " signature time," when visitors are not allowed to remain any longer — and that you will merely say to him, in giving him your 214 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ hand, without another word : "I come to say that I have authorized M. de Blowitz to speak to you as he has done, and I hope that on my next visit I sliall have to thank you." Then you will shake his hand cordially and take your leave.' ' So he it,' he answered, ' only let me know if he expects me.' When I had explained to M. Waddington the motive of my visit, he exclaimed, excitedly and almost angrily: ' But it is a raison d'etat that you are creating thus. You are placing two great Ambassadors in opposition to each other. Yet we cannot forget Prince Orloff's attitude in 1875, when the German military party threatened us with a second invasion. I am awaiting Prince Orloff's visit, and if he comes I promise you that I will carry the whole business before the President of the Republic and call his special attention to it.' Prince OrlofF's visit took place, and three days later M. Waddington sent for me. ' The President, the Minister of Justice and I have had two conversations during the last three days, and this is our decision. We cannot offend the Embassy that is your opponent, and I have declared that the situation itself cannot go on as it is. We shall wait six days longer, and if within that period the incontestable justification has not reached us, the Minister of Justice will order the abandon- ment of the opposition. Moreover, the present situation is unprecedented. Neither the lady who ALVA 215 possesses the fortune nor those who formulate oppo- sition can justify, or probably will ever be able to prove, a right to this property ; and if this should go on, we should be obliged to hand over these securities to the Caisse des Depots et Consignations, and this would probably be the end of them. We should thus bequeath to the State endless difficulties for the future, which it is our duty to try and avoid. Your protegee, however, has, for her part, the right of possession, and it is out of respect for this right that we are acting. Tell her to hold herself in readiness, for I do not think, from the replies I have received, that this justification can arrive in time. On the 31st, at noon, if the period elapses without the arrival of the proofs, come and see me, and I will tell you what has occurred.' At the appointed hour I was with M. Waddington. He informed me that orders had just been given, and that at 3.30 the opposition would be abandoned, but that as, notwithstanding, the proof might arrive at any moment, he urged us to lose no time. Marsa and Alva were wild with joy. It was not only their fortune, but their honour, their liberty, their life, that were at stake. Two enormous boxes had been prepared in advance to contain the papers. At 3.30 Marsa, Alva, and Hugot went to the bank, whither I had refused to accompany them, and where, without any obstacle being thrown in their way, the cashier delivered over the papers. The boxes in which they were placed were nailed down immediately. As there had been no time to detach ^16 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ the coupons, the hank itself bought and paid for, cash down, certain securities amounting to £8,000, which Marsa took, and that very evening Hugot, accompanied by two policemen in plain clothes, left for London, where he deposited the money in the old bank. As M. Waddington had urged me to induce these ladies to leave Paris as soon as possible, Marsa spent the next three days in settling to the last centime all her Paris bills, and on the 5th of the month following, at 11 a.m., after having packed all their belongings, they left for England. I went with them as far as Calais, and only left the boat and returned to the quay when the whistle blew, announcing the departure of the steamer for England. CHAPTER X THE REVENGE OF VENUS It all happened at the beginning of the winter of 1881. Mr. Beckman, the Paris correspondent of the Berlin National Zeitung, who was then living in the Rue de Chateaiidun, invited me to dinner at his house. An amiable, active, boisterous but kindly person, Mr. Beckman occupied at the time, and, in fact, maintained until the end of his life, a position in Paris that was not altogether an easy one. Before the war of 1870 he had enjoyed most familiar and sympathetic relations with Frenchmen. He wrote in the Temps, one of the papers most dreaded by the Empire. The numerous contributors to that journal, all of whom were advancing with firm and sonorous step along the path of Liberalism, were all friends of Beckman. In its editorial rooms he had no enemy. All the writers of the Temps, who were waging unceasingly a courteous but energetic battle against the Empire, used to listen deferentially to him, and, in truth, to open their hearts to him. Suddenly war broke out, and Beckman left Paris. One can easily understand that it was impossible [217] 218 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ for liim to remain in Paris, but it was thought that he would withdraw into some neutral country. It appears that he did not do this, and when, after peace was concluded, he returned to France and resumed his duties as correspondent, at the same time accepting the position of Keader of French Newspapers at the German Embassy, French houses closed their doors to him, and he never succeeded in getting them open again. As, however, there was no necessity for me to take part in this quarrel, and as Beckman was a kindly and serviceable colleague, a mutual friend arranged for us to meet, and a short time afterwards Beckman invited me to dinner, calling upon me himself in order to insist on my presence. On the day appointed I arrived at his house. The drawing-room filled rapidly with guests, almost all of whom were conspicuous members of the foreign colonies in Paris. It was past the time fixed for dinner, and Beckman had chosen for the ladies their various partners. I was rather surprised to find that I had evidently been forgotten, when my host came up to me and said : ' We are waiting for a lady who is by no means the least charming of my guests — Princess Kralta — and you are to take her in to dinner.' A few moments later the door opened ; there was a flutter of surprise, and I beheld a lady whose exquisite elegance, complete ease, and, in a word, whose beauty, attracted general attention. She smiled in the most charming way, and in a melodious THE REVENGE OF VENUS 219 voice apologized for her late arrival. Beckman led me up to her, and introduced me as her partner. Soon afterwards the dining-room doors were thrown open, and we all went in to dinner. When the noise occasioned by the seating of a score of guests had somewhat subsided, the boister- ous voice of our Amphitryon rang out joyously : ' Ladies and gentlemen, let everyone who is not content with his or her neighbour put up a hand.' Gravely the lady to the right of Beckman raised hers, and the burst of laughter that ensued was the prelude to an extremely gay and lively dinner. The Princess Kralta turned quickly to me. Her large blue eyes, which lighted up one of the most fascinating faces I have ever seen, were levelled at me coquettishly. She gave a little toss to the silky curls of her light chestnut hair as she said, with a smile which revealed the brilliancy of her small teeth : ' I don't know whether you are inclined to put your hand up, but I shall certainly do nothing of the kind, for I am charmed with my neighbour, and this confession will not make you too vain when I have told you why. I will not conceal from you that I am just back from Berlin, and that the Prince [Prince Bismarck], on bidding me good-bye, said to me : " If you go to Paris, look up M. de Blowitz. There has been a violent discussion in the papers between him and me. I allowed the Press to attack him violently. It was on the subject of a speech about GortschakofF which he attributed to me during 220 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ the Berlin Congress. I fancy he somewhat em- bellished this speech, but it is quite true that I did deliver it substantially as he gave it ; this is why I accused him indirectly of mixing up truth and fiction. However, I bear him no grudge ; he exer- cises his profession as well as he can, and that is far above the ordinary ; so that, if you have an oppor- tunity, try to meet him. He knows Paris well, and he is an excellent guide." ' The Princess added : ' I feel I need not hide this circumstance from you, and it will allow us to dispense with long preliminaries. As a proof of the unceremonious way in which I make friends, I will tell vou this: althouo-h it is now some time since the Congress met, the curiosity of the Prince is still very keen as to how you obtained possession, in advance, of the Treaty of Berlin. He cannot under- stand it. He considers it natural that you should have tried to get it, and he assured me that the fact rather amused him than otherwise. He nevertheless feels convinced that, in one way or another, he will eventually get at the truth. His chief grievance is that you, by a combination which was very simple, should have prevented him from communicating the treaty first to the German Press. He wished to do this as a gracious return for the patriotic hospitality with which that Press received the members of the Congress in the capital of the new German Empire. And I — I tell you frankly, because I am eager to win your confidence, and perhaps, later, 3'our friendship — I told him that I THE REVENGE OF VENUS 221 would try to obtain the secret from you, since lie appears to be so keen on knowing it. I added that it could not be one of those secrets which resist for ever the firm will of a woman ready to prove herself worthy of the confidence she solicits.' I laughed, and said that it really was a charming way of making an acquaintance, when so fascinating a woman let me know plainly at what price her friendship could be won. And it can easily be imagined how, after these preliminaries, the dinner was continued — a dinner the remembrance of which remains in my mind still vivid now, after twenty years have flown. I have not the slightest recollection as to who the other guests were, nor as to the conversation that went on. But what I do recall vividly is the musical voice of my neighbour, and her anecdotes about her life in Berlin, which had been one long- fete. She had access there to the most select circles. As I was obliged to leave immediately after dinner in order to work, I avoided the smoking- room, and bade good-bye to my radiant neighbour, who said to me : ' I sincerely hope that you will come to see me, not so much on my " day," but any time you like.' After such a beginning the reader will understand that our acquaintance was not to end there. Five or six days later I called on the Princess at her very attractive home, not far from the Arc de Triomphe. She received me with a certain grace that had a touch of familiarity, showing that she 222 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ liad pleasant recollections of her visitor. Some time afterwards, as I had not yet met her husband, she wrote to invite me to dinner, adding that she should be charmed at this opportunity of bringing us together. When I entered her drawing-room on the evening of this dinner, I was struck by the somewhat hetero- geneous aspect of the company. Not only were there various nationalities represented, but there Avas as well a curious mingling of really great names of vanished French regimes and of eminent personalities of the existing one. With these there was a discreet infusion of Germans, for the dinner was a sort of birthday banquet, although I did not know it at the time, and the initiated had filled the house with a profusion of fragrant flowers, the warm colours of which, under the brilliant light which played over the elegant toilettes and glistened from the precious stones, formed for the hostess a sumptuous and radiant frame. The Princess introduced me to her husband in the most correct way, but with a studied negligence, as if the introduction were merely an incident of secondary importance. After dinner she asked me which was my wife's ' day,' and begged me to say that she intended to call. During the entire evening she was much absorbed by her duties as hostess, but she said to me as I took my leav rf> ^p ^ V In the summer of 1881 I paid a visit to an old friend who was living at Petites Dalles, on the Normandy coast. I was struck by the picturesque- ness of this little port, when seen from the coast of St. Martin. It is one of those poetical landscapes wliich one sees on the Riviera, along the Corniche between Nice and San Remo. My friend, to whom I expressed my admiration of the view, said to me : ' Why do you not build here a temporary refuge, where you may find repose amidst the ceaseless agitations of your existence ?' We were walking at the time in the single street of the village which leads from the valley to the beach. I looked up at the cliff on my left, and said to my friend : ' If I can buy that little plateau there, on the edge of the cliff, with the clump of beeches behind it, I will do so, and build a house there for my old age.' My friend was delighted at the idea, and, as I was leaving that very evening, he promised to investigate the matter for me. Forty- eight hours had not elapsed after my return to Paris, when I heard from him that the owner accepted my price and that the bargain was concluded. In 1883 my little chalet, called by the peasants ' Les Lampottes,' because of the two small towers 254 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ in the fa(;ade, was finished. I had only to settle down there ! But between the two little towers, or lampottes^ there was a large empty space under the sharp angle of the roof. I ought to say that this fa(;ade has a great reputation among architects, and that not a season goes by without some of them visiting it, as they consider it the true Norman type. But I repeat that the angle between the lampottes and the summit of the roof was then empty, and this formed a gap which I was most anxious to see filled up. One afternoon, at Rouen, in the courtyard of a dealer in antiquities, I was struck by the artistic beauty of a statue of the Virgin with the Child Jesus in her arms. The statue had been carved out of one immense half of the bole of an oak. I took the measurements of it, and, as I had in my pocket the plan of my country house, I noticed that this statue, including its pedestal, would exactly fit into the empty space of my Norman fa(5ade. The next day I asked the antiquary to sell it to me. ' Oh,' said he, ' this is a statue of which I am very fond, for its harmony rests the eye, but I will gladly sell it to you. I bought it at the demolition of a nunnery, which was pulled down on the plea of public utility, but ever since I have had it it has taken away my peace of mind. It always seems to me that all kinds of faint sounds are buzzing about it at night. Besides, I cannot succeed in keeping it recumbent, and when upright it annoys me. A dozen times I have laid it on the ground, but the A LIFE STRUGGLE 255 next day I have found it upright, without being able to explain how or why ; and my wife, frightened by this phenomenon, begs me to get rid of it.' ' Very well,' I said with a smile, ' as I want to place her upright against a wall, she won't wish to change her position.' I had the Virgin conveyed in a hay- cart from Rouen, and a week later the fisher peasants of Petites Dalles, in their playful way, had baptized my little chateau ' Notre Dame des Lampottes.' In 1887, about the beginning of August, as I was seated on the terrace of the chalet, in the silence of the countryside, Avhich was only broken by the regular motion of the sea under the clifF, a peasant from the village approached, and, lifting his hat, said to me : ' There is a lady at the foot of the path who begs you to come down and see her, for she is here only for a short time, and cannot come up.' I immediately put on my hat, and taking a stick I descended to the road, where my unknown visitor was waiting for me. As I approached the open carriage drawn up under the ample shadow of a huge tree, I uttered a cry of surprise. It was Mme. Elou. Her face was pale and worn, but her eyes burned with a feverish light. She wore an extremely elegant travelling dress and an immense hat adorned with brilliant black ostrich feathers. On seeing me she uttered a sort of suppressed hoarse cry, but her gestures were those of joy, while she explained her delight at having found me again. I ch-ew near. 256 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ ' How is it you are here ?' I asked, ' and why did you not come up to my door ?' ' I am here because I was told to come to you,' she replied. ' I did not go to the house because I perceived from a distance, on your facade, a statue which at the nunnery was known as the " rigid Virgin." I have so often knelt before her, bowing my head to the very dust at her feet, that I do not care to enter a house over which she seems to watch.' ' Oh, I entreat you,' I said, ' come up to the chalet ! We will take the other path, if the sight of the " rigid Virgin " impresses you so deeply. You might stay several days here, and the quiet of my home will bring you peace.' ' Never, never ! She has made me suffer too much. She has been too inflexible. She hates me. I will not sleep under the same roof with her.' I was filled with an immense pity. I felt that I was in the presence of a being utterly possessed by an incurable ill. The poor woman's reason had given way, and she was haunted by visions and fancies which baffled all logic and will-power. ' But why did you come up here ?' I asked. ' Because I was directed to go to Eletot with you, so that you might be witness of the meeting which is to take place there. I beseech you to get into the carriage with me and to take me there, for I do not know the road.' It is an hour's drive from Les Petites Dalles to Eletot. The road passes by Sassetot, leaving on A LIFE STRUGGLE 257 one side Les Grandes Dalles, the shady villas of which one sees right along the coast. The village of Saint-Pierre-en-Port is passed, and from thence, by a road which is to-day an exquisite avenue shaded by great trees, where the air is balmy and delicious, one reaches Eletot. On the way Mme. Elou told me of her despair on receiving my letter, because she knew that she would never succeed in inducing the Superior to grant her a new trial. She told me of the nights she had tried to spend in prayer in search of what she called her peace of mind, of the futility of her efforts to escape the visions that haunted her vigils and her sleep. She declared that during the night she received orders which she had tried to resist ; but which she finally obeyed, for she no longer had any hope of escaping from them by entering a convent. She assured me that she was at present carrying out the latest order she had received, that she had just returned from Scotland, where she had left the last refuge in which she had thought to recover her peace of soul, that she was bound to go to Eletot, and that she had been equally obliged to beg me to accompany her thither. ' Do you remember,' she said, 'that when we went to see Cardinal Jacobini a man of imposing appear- ance entered ? It was Ledochowski, and it is he who has done me the greatest harm which I have ever experienced in all my life. He appeared to me first as an archangel who would heal all my wounds. I have seen him since and told him all my tortures, 17 258 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ entreating him to be my confessor. My admiration for him appeared to irritate him ; he refused to become my spiritual adviser, and one day, when I insisted that he should protect me against myself, he rose suddenly, extending his hand, and showed me the door, exclaiming : " Away, away, accursed woman ! for when you cross my threshold you fill my soul with the terror of everlasting punishment." I quitted him, and since then I have felt that I was abandoned by Heaven, and destined to irremediable destruction.' We reached Eletot, a little village not far from the sea, separated from the waters of the Channel by a great plain behind the little Roman church of the style so often seen along the coast. We left the carriage at the entrance of the village. I had very rarely been there, and had never stopped in the place, but Mme. Elou seemed to know it perfectly well. She took the path behind the church which leads to the plain by the sea. She crossed the cornfields at the edge of the plain. For a few moments she gazed at the steeple of Saint-Pierre-en- Port, which emerged, on the right, from the verdure of the hills. She shook her head, and turning, wliile she gazed upon the sea, with her arms stretched out, exclaimed : ' Yes, I know where I am ; this is the spot. It is here I am to find him of whom I am in search, and who is in search of me. Ah yes, it is here I am going to him ! Thank you — thank you !' she exclaimed. ' You have guided me to him, and it means rest !' A LIFE STRUGGLE 259 Then, with her arms outstretched and her figure magnified, as it were, by a superhuman effort she dashed forward across the plain. At the edge of the steep clifif high over the sea the plain breaks ofE abruptly, and thus it is that this marvellous expanse of water has never ]3een utilized, and that the point where this plain and the sea meet appears to be haunted by a spirit of solitude and aridity. Mme. Elou had rushed with extraordinary speed towards the east side of the plain, where stakes and wire fencing have been fixed to prevent people from falling into the sea, for when the tide rises the waters bathe the base of the cliflf. Before I had re- covered from my surprise Mme. Elou was some 200 yards ahead of me. So rapidly had she run that the breeze had detached one after another from her hat-brim the great black ostrich feathers, and, as she bounded on with outstretched arms, her skirts floated about her like wings, while the feathers of her hat, borne up by the wind, emphasized strangely the madness of her flight. I tried hard to overtake her, but it was all in vain. I had not gained upon her half the distance, when I saw that she had reached the edge of the clifl. For a moment she stopped, looked all about her, uttered a terrible cry of anger and despair, and, as quick as a flash, sprang over the wire paling which protects the passers-by from falling into the sea. Breathless, I reached the spot and gazed all around. I passed beyond the circle protected by the wire hedge and watched the waves that rose and 17—2 260 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ fell gently under my feet. I could see nothing what- ever of Mme. Elou. The surface of the sea wore its habitual aspect. Merely the ostrich feathers, borne up on the wind, flitted across the great ex- panse, as if drawn outward and downward to the sea. Two men strolling along by the wire fence came up to me. ' Are you looking for something ?' they asked. ' Yes,' I replied. ' It seems to me that on the edge of the clifF, outside the wire fence, I saw a person with outstretched arms. Did you notice anything ?' The two men looked at one another. ' We have seen nothing,' they replied, ' yet we have been near all the time.' We all three gazed at the sea. The two men went their way. I lingered on for a long time on the edge of the cliff. I called out, but no voice answered mine, and my search was all in vain. And never since — in spite of my investigations and of my despairing researches — never since, either dead or alive, have I been able to discover the slightest trace that was capable of explaining to me either the enigma of her life or the mystery of her death. CHAPTER XII WHY FRANCE DID NOT GO TO EGYPT It is a strange fact, but it has often been observed, that the most serious events owe their origin to very small causes. But it is far more strange — and the story, I believe, has never yet been told — that the Egyptian Question, which for twenty years has been affecting the pleasant relations between England and France, which at a certain moment brought them within a hair's breadth of war, and which for a long time yet will loom in the interna- tional horizon like some evil phantom of discord, was occasioned by an incident of the smallest im- portance. If France did not go with England to Egypt, it was merely on account of a certain port- folio. The following is the history of the affair: The 4th of November, 1881, the day on which the Gambetta Cabinet was formed in Paris, fell on a Monday. On Satiu*day, the 2nd of November, I went to see M. de Freycinet, to ask him whether there was any truth in the report that he had refused to enter into M. Gambetta's combination and become a member of his Cabinet. [261 ] 262 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ ' People say,' I told him, ' that you have refused to enter into this combination because you wished to lessen tlie importance of it in the eyes of tlie public, and because your refusal to associate your- self with it would, you thought, prevent it from becoming " the Great Ministry," as everyone was prepared beforehand to style the Gambetta Cabinet.' ' That is absolutely inaccurate,' replied M. de Freycinet. ' I did not refuse to enter into the com- bination ; it is just the reverse, for I accepted, a long time ago, the offer M. Gambetta made me. What I did refuse was to accept the portfolio which M. Gambetta had just tendered me under very singular circumstances, which I will explain to you. There^had been, an understanding for a long time past between M. Gambetta and myself, that, when he should be called upon to form a Cabinet — and there seemed every likelihood of that coming to pass — I should in that Cabinet be appointed Minister of War. I had said to him : "I want that appoint- ment because it is, I may say, absolutely necessary to me. My adversaries have so often accused me of having, by my presumption and incompetence, organized the defeat in the second part of the war of 1870 that, in defence of my honour and of my patriotism, it is indispensable that I should be able to prove that I am capable of directing the War Office. I must therefore ask you, when forming your Cabinet, to give me this appointment, as the manner in which I fill it will afford me an oppor- tunity of refuting all the slanderous accusations of WHY FRANCE DID NOT GO TO EGYPT 263 which I have been the victim, and of rehabilitating myself in the eyes of the world." ' M. Gambetta understood my persistency, ap- proved of my reasons, and promised to satisfy my demands on this point. ' It was just then that I heard of the mission entrusted to M. Gambetta to form his Ministry, and I held myself in readiness to join it as Minister of War. But yesterday evening (Friday), at six o'clock, M. Gambetta entered my house like a whirlwind. He explained to me that he was in a desperate hurry, that he was on his round to see all his colleagues, and had come to tell me that I should join his Cabinet as — Minister of Foreign Affairs. Without giving me time to answer, without even telling me the names of my future colleagues in the Ministry, he left me and continued his visits. ' As soon as he had gone, I decided not to accept the change of office which he had proposed. I understood that at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs I should be merely his clerk, and that he himself would be the real Minister. I knew very well that I should simply have to do as he dictated, that if things went satisfactorily he would have all the credit, and that I should be blamed for all the mistakes. ' Besides, it had been agreed that I should take the War portfolio. He knew why I wanted it. He understood my reasons and had approved of them, so, in view of all this, I wrote to him this morning simply telling him that I regretted not 264 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ being able to join bis combination. This is all I bave to say on the subject.' I quite understood the reasons which M. de Freycinet;;gave me, and, as it was Saturday and I had no telegram to send to my paper that day, I decided to hold over what I had been told until the following day, intending then to see how much of the information it would be wise to remember. Later on the same day I went to a grand soiree given by Mme. Adam at her apartments in the Boulevard Poissonniere. There the main topic of conversation was the formation of the Gambetta Cabinet. In the course of the evenino- I came across one of Gambetta' s intimate friends. He told me that he had seen the future Prime Minister in the after- noon, and that he was very much annoyed with M. de Freycinet. He complained bitterly of the latter's defection, and it was evident that he con- sidered the refusal as nothino- more nor less than treachery. I exjilained to my interlocutor the reasons M. de Freycinet had given me a few hours previously. I told him that those reasons perfectly justified the attitude of M. de Freycinet in my eyes, that they would justify him in the opinion of the public, and that I was convinced everyone would blame M. Gambetta. His friend, quite annoyed, assured me that he was absolutely convinced that M. Gambetta had no idea of the motives which had dictated M. de Frey- WHY FRANCE DID NOT GO TO EGYPT 265 cinet's conduct, and when I said that it would be a great pity if these two men were to be hostile to each other, and that at all costs this hostility should be prevented from breaking out, he replied that he was going to see M. Gambetta that very evening, that he would report to him what I had said, and the next morning, at eleven, he would come and tell me what M. Gambetta had replied and what could be done to prevent the rupture which seemed to both of us so undesirable. But at two o'clock in the morning there was a knock at my door, and a letter was brought to me to the following effect : ' I have not been able to see Gambetta himself, but I learn on good authority that he is to go at nine this morning (Sunday) to see M. Grevy at the Elysee, to communicate the result of his negotia- tions, and he will probably inform the President that, on account of M. de Freycinet's refusal, he himself will take over the portfolio of Foreign Affairs. Therefore, after nine o'clock it will be too late to make any communication to M. Gam- betta ; if M. de Freycinet would like to have an explanation with him which might modify his plans, it must take place before 8.30.' I rose at five o'clock, took a cab opposite my house, and drove to M. de Freycinet's. It was about six when I arrived there. M. de Freycinet was in bed. A candle was burning on a little table by his side, and he was working by that light. He listened to me attentively, thanked me very much, and told me that at 7.30 he would be at M. Gam- 266 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ betta's. He was as good as his word. M. Gambetta, who was then living in the Rue St. Didier, was at his window smoking a cigar, when he saw M. de Freycinet arrive. At the outset the interview was far from agree- able. M. Gambetta reproached M. de Freycinet with not wishing to compromise himself in the former's Cabinet, so that he might keep free in order to succeed him. M. de Freycinet protested energetically, and declared positively that, no matter what might happen, he would never suc- ceed him. M. Gambetta was appeased, and when M. de Freycinet had explained the cause of his refusal, Gambetta, who was broad - minded and frank, admitted that his own conduct had not been entirely blameless, so that the interview which had begun so unfavourably ended in the most cordial manner. The next day, the 14th of November, the Journal Officiel contained the announcement of the forma- tion of Gambetta's Cabinet, and the Ministry settled down to work without delay. From the time he came into power Gambetta found himself exposed to an underhand opposition, to unforeseen resis- tance, to inconceivable manoeuvres, and to implac- able hostility. M. de Freycinet, in spite of his explanation with the new Premier, had not forgiven him for not appointing him Minister of War. The consequence was that, a few weeks later, the Gambetta Cabinet was defeated on the question of the scrutin de liste at elections. WHY FRANCE DID NOT GO TO EGYPT 267 This scrutin de liste had been haunting Gambetta for ten years. In July, 1871, when I paid M. Thiers my first visit in the name of The Times^ he said to me : ' Gambetta and Faidherbe have conceived the idea of being voted for by universal suffrage, as they have their names at the top of the scrutin de liste.' This was my first despatch to The Times ; it was reproduced as a special telegram, and with it I inaugurated my entrance on the staff of that paper. On the 26th of January, 1882, whilst M. Gam- betta was delivering one of his finest speeches in defence of the scrutin de liste^ I was walking in the Salle des Pas Perdus with M. Joseph Eeinach. The great speaker was more eloquent than ever, and we could hear plainly the applause that greeted his oratory. He was pleading the cause of the scrutin de liste^ and as, in spite of the applause, I expressed my fear lest M. Gambetta's Cabinet should be over- thrown on account of this speech, M. Joseph Reinach said : ' They cannot overthrow him ; there is nobody to succeed him.' ' What about M. de Freycinet ?' I asked. 'M. de Freycinet!' replied M. Joseph Reinach promptly. ' You know that he has made a formal promise not to succeed Gambetta.' Nevertheless, an hour later Gambetta was de- feated, and M. de Freycinet, who was immediately asked to call at the Elysee, agreed, in spite of his promise, to succeed Gambetta. 268 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ ' I shall never forget it,' declared Gambetta when he was told the name of the Prime Minister who was to take his place. And for six months Gambetta, who considered M, de Freycinet's acceptance an act of treachery, made desperate onslaughts on his Cabinet on every question. Now, on the 29th of July, 1882, a very serious matter was discussed — namely, whether France shoidd or should not go with England to Egypt. M. de Freycinet had adopted an uncertain attitude, but on the whole seemed inclined to co-operate with England. Gambetta then rose, and opposed M, de Freycinet's projects with an eloquence that was both aggressive and triumphant, and, with the assistance of M. Clemenceau, overthrew the Cabinet that very evening. Gambetta and his party were avenged. A year later, when in Rome, I was talking to Cardinal Jacobini. ' Do explain to me,' he said suddenly, ' why France refused to accompany England to Egypt.' I told the Cardinal the story of the portfolio which I have just related here, and I proved to him that, if M. de Freycinet had been offered the post of Minister of War instead of that of Minister of Foreign Affairs, France would have been with England in Egypt. A smile, such as one only sees on the lips of a Koman Cardinal, hovered over his mouth, and he murmured in Italian : ' Small causes, great effects !' CHAPTER XIII MY INTERVIEW WITH THE SULTAN When I left Paris, in 1883, for Constantinople, on the inaugural train of the Orient Express, Essad Pasha, the Turkish Ambassador in Paris, gave me two letters of introduction — one for Said Pasha, the Grand Vizier, the other for Munir Bey, the Master of Ceremonies. I had not hidden from Essad Pasha my desire to avail myself of this visit to Constantinople for approaching the Sultan, and, although the letters of introduction he gave me were, according to diplo- matic custom, sealed up, I am sure they mentioned my wish and suggested that I should be helped to carry it out. On my arrival in Constantinople, a good friend of mine who lives in that city called upon me. He knew everybody and everything there, and I told him that I had come with some friends who were leaving in four days, that I wanted first to see Constantinople with them, and that I intended waiting until they had gone before making use of my letters of introduction, as I was staying a week longer than they were. My friend advised me to [ 269] 270 MEjMOIRS of M. DE BLOWITZ deliver the letters at once, and he undertook to see that they reached their destination. Two days later, on Thursday, we were told that it was the eve of the Kurbam-Bairam, and that the fetes would commence on Friday and last until Mondav eveninsf. This was a great disappointment to me. I under- stood that I should not be able to meet any members of the official world until after the fetes on the following Tuesday. As I was to leave on the Saturday following, this only left me four days to settle the complicated question of an audience with the Sultan. During the three days I had been in Constantinople I had seen a great many people, with whom I had conversed on a great number of topics, and I had begun to understand that this was no easy matter. The Sultan had never granted a private audience to anyone in my position, and the persons on whom I was relvina^ for askino- the Sultan to receive me would be more likely to prevent my obtaining an interview than otherwise. Missak EfFendi, the First Secretary of the Otto- man Embassy in Paris, a delightful man, a clever diplomatist, always pleasant and amiable, as well as a good linguist and an excellent official, had travelled with us. He told me that I ought not to leave Constantinople without seeing the Sultan, and he had mentioned the matter to Said Pasha and to Munir Bey. With his usual courtesy, he had told Munir Bey not to forget to remind the Sultan who I was, and in what capacity I was there, so that he MY INTERVIEW WITH THE SULTAN 271 might weigh his words and not lose sight of the fact that what he said to me would not escape publicity. To anyone who knows Constantinople and the Palace it will be very evident that, after this recommendation, of which I knew nothing until just before my departure, there was no chance whatever of attaining the end I had in view through official influence. Neither Munir Bey, Said Pasha, nor any of those whose responsibility is publicly acknowled2:ed, would have cared to risk the conse- quences of an audience granted me by the Sultan. Abdul Hamid is too attentive and too enlightened not to take into account the Press, and particularly the independent Press of Europe, and not to keep himself well posted about the various correspon- dences published in Europe. Now, as it happened, some of the correspondents of certain newspapers in Constantinople, by their free and independent criticism of Turkey and of the Ministers, and of the deeds of the Sultan himself, had roused the susceptibilities of His Majesty, who still had a lively remembrance of some of these articles. Who would be responsible if, in my turn, I should add to the Sultan's bitter impressions, and who could ask these high officials, whom a glance from their lord and master could annihilate, to accept the consequences of such an interview, and to bear the responsibility of having brought it about and of having asked the Sovereign to grant it ? As my brief sojourn furnished timorous officials with a justification of their fears, it was quite 272 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ probable, and ahnost certain, that I should not see the Chief of Believers before leaving his capital. A fresh circumstance added to the complication of the question. The Friday after the Bairam I went to Therapia to call on Lord DufFerin. When I told him that I had left two letters of introduction from Essad Pasha, the English diplo- matist was of my opinion, that the time was too limited for me to be able to count on an audience. He assured me that Mr. Forster had obtained an audience, but that it had been postponed twice, and that, as he could not remain any longer, he had left without waiting for the day appointed the third time. I thought, naturally, that if so important a personage as Mr. Forster had been kept waiting like this, I might as well give up all idea of succeeding. I asked Lord DufFerin, nevertheless, if he would not be kind enough to second me in my attempt. With his usual perspicacity and know- ledge of all that concerns Oriental men and things, he saw immediately that we should have to avoid taking any direct, official step in the matter, as this would only create a fresh obstacle. He told me that he would write a private letter to Munir Bey, merely informing him that I was among the passengers of the Orient Express, and suggesting that perhaps His Majesty might like to be informed of the fact. He did this that same day. I happened to know, too, that Munir Bey was always pleased MY INTERVIEW WITH THE SULTAN 273 to receive information of this kind through an Ambassador, because in this way he was obliged to convey it to his chief, without incurring the responsibility of having taken the initiative. The Sultan was therefore informed, on Saturday, that I was in Constantinople, and, when communicating to him the note from Lord Dufferin, those who pre- sented it added that, having now discharged their duty, they had only to await the decision of the Sovereio'n. Under these conditions, durino; the two next days a profound silence was maintained with regard to me. The amusing side of the affair was, that two parties were formed round the Sultan on my account, in spite of the unimportance of my personality. Some had proceeded officially, almost compulsorily, and when once their official request had been made they had remained quiet, rather glad, on the whole, of the silence which was maintained with regard to me. Others, on the contrary, anxious that I should see the Sultan, and, in their enthusiasm for him, convinced that this interview could only leave an excellent impression on my mind, were most impatient as the hours slipped by and the hour of my departure approached. They could do nothing to break this silence themselves, nor to get it broken by others, prevented, as they were, by the note sent by an Ambassador and by the official intervention of those Avhose functions authorized them to inter- cede. Things went on in this way until Tuesday evening. 18 274 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ In three days' time I was to leave Constantinople. On Tuesday evening I received from Said Pasha the following letter : 'Sir, ' I had the pleasure of receiving the letter from His Excellency Essad Pasha which you were kind enough to forward to me, and also the letter in which you ask for an interview. I regret that, on account of my numerous occupa- tions, I could not reply earlier. I will let you know the day and hour when I shall be able to see you. Accept the assur- ance of my perfect consideration. ' Said.' As I was to leave on Saturday, this letter was equivalent to a refusal, and I heard the very next day that, on account of Abdul Hamid's silence about the communication made by Lord DufFerin in his note. Said Pasha deemed it prudent not to receive me — which fact was very evident from his letter. Thereupon I hastened the preparations for my departure, and that very evening went to keep an appointment which had been arranged for me with the Sheik Abul Huda-el-Rifai, the Grand Caziasker of Anatolia, in order to complete, at any rate, my interviews with the men of note of the capital. My conversation with this eminent man lasted until very late into the night, and I have heard since that the next morning he wrote to inform the Sultan about it. The following day one of my friends came to tell me that he had just received the visit of a person who frequented the Palace, who had told him MY INTERVIEW WITH THE SULTAN 275 that everyone there wanted me to see the Sultan, but that no one dared introduce the subject, for fear an official demand for an audience should exist, as that would prevent any other steps being taken. I understood then the tact and finesse with which Lord Dufferin had acted, and I was able to declare that no official demand for an audience existed. My friend appeared to be delighted. That same day I had a visit from Waiss Bey, the Turkish Consul-General in Venice, a very distin- guished Orientalist, thoroughly devoted to the Sultan and connected with the Palace. He is an active, intelligent man, very anxious to show Turkey, of which he is an ardent defender, in its best light. He appeared to know what was going on. We talked for a long time, and I heard later on that, on leaving me, he wrote a long letter, which the Sultan would see, in which he pleaded warmly in favour of the audience. All these movements, all these appli- cations, and, one might even say, all these struggles, were going on without my suspecting them in the least. As my visit was to come to an end in a couple of days, I considered my cause lost. In spite of this, the next day (Thursday) I heard that Philippe EfFendi, the editor of the Vakhit, the special journal of the Sultan, a man who is very devoted to His Majesty, and who is broad-minded and a protege of Osman Bey, the First Chamberlain, had said that I ou2:ht not to be allowed to leave without seeing the Sovereign. I knew, too, that 18—2 276 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ Rescliid Bey, the Sultan's Chief Secretary, a very highly educated young man, in whom his master has every confidence and who looks at things in an unprejudiced way, was among those who were inclined towards the audience. Mr. Guarracino, too, an Englishman, who had been in Constantinople almost all his life and who used to be a member of the English Consulate, a very active and intelli- gent man, who was liked by the Mussulmans and a great favourite everywhere, was particularly interested in the success of my enterprise. As I have said, all this agitation was going on around me, and the greatest precautions were taken so that I should not hear anything of it ; yet I understood that all these people had not abandoned the cause, and had not given up all hope of conquering the resistance opposed to them. I felt that I was breath- ing in an atmosphere which, even for Constanti- nople, was full of exceptional mystery. The Turks, who usually converse in a low voice, spoke still lower in my presence, and uttered Turkish mono- syllables, almost in a whisper, as they glanced at me. I went about like an actor in a conspiracy on the stage, knowing that, w^hatever happened, whether I met with failure or success, the result would not be fatal to anyone. On Thursday, in the afternoon, Waiss Bey came to tell me that it would be well for me to go the next day (Friday) to the Selamlik which would take place at the Medjidieh Mosque, near Dolma Bagchi. ' But,' I said, ' I went to the Bairam last Friday, MY INTERVIEW WITH THE SULTAN 277 and I saw the ceremony and the Sultan ; there will be nothins; fresh to see to-morrow.' ' No matter ; it is better to go ; there is no telling. It sometimes happens that the Sultan notices foreigners and asks to see them. Besides, you will see him again, and the ceremony is interesting.' ' Very well, I will go,' I said. ' At what time must I be there ?' ' At mid- day.' Pie had just gone away, when I received a message to the effect that Khair-eddin Pasha would receive me the following day at Nichanne Tache at half- past nine in the morning. Soon after one of my friends called to tell me that Said Pasha would see me at Nichanne Tache at six o'clock — Turkish time. ' What time will that be ?' I asked. My friend began to calculate, and then replied : ' Half -past eleven.' I reflected that if I went at half -"past nine to see Khair-eddin, and at half -past eleven to the Said's, I should never be at the Selamlik at noon. But, as Said Pasha had given me Turkish time, it was quite allowable for me to make a mistake of an hour in my calculations, and so arrive at half-past ten to see him. If he received me then, I should have time to go to the Selamlik ; and if he did not receive me, I could apologize and leave a few lines for him, explaining that it was impossible for me to wait. In the evening I went to a dinner given in my 278 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ honour at the Cluh. I asked Mr. Guarracino whether a seat at table had been purposely left vacant, and he told me that Philippe EiFendi was to have been there ; ' but,' he added, lowering his voice, ' he must have gone to the Palace to see whether there is anything fresh.' I finished the evening at the house of Mr. Smythe, a very pleasant sort of man, a director of the Otto- man Bank, where I was able to admire some charming specimens of the English colony, and I afterwards returned, at rather a late hour, to the Hotel d'Angleterre. Early next morning Waiss Bey and Mr. Guarracino came to tell me that they would wait for me, between half-past eleven and twelve, on the Dolma Bagchi road to take me to the guard-house which faces the Medjidieh Mosque, where I should be quite near to the Sultan as he passed. I went to Khair-eddin's at half -past nine, and left him at half -past ten to go to Said Pasha's, which is just oj^posite. I had done well to go an hour earlier, for Said Pasha received me at once. When I took leave of him, although the hands of my watch pointed to a quarter to twelve, I feared that I should miss the Selamlik. I had scarcely left the house, when I met Mr. Guarracino, who had brought a horse, and who had come at full speed to tell me that it was late. We found Waiss Bey stamping about impatiently, and we went along at full gallop towards Dolma Bagchi, when we were told that the Selamlik was MY INTERVIEW WITH THE SULTAN 279 to take place at Becliik Tache, and not at the Medjidieli Mosque. There everyone was waiting in a state of uncertainty, for it was expected that the ceremony woukl have taken place at the Medjidieli Mosque, and, although the troops were drawn up, the officers present, and instructions had been given to the softas, yet at the last moment a counter-order might arrive, and the Sultan, with that persistent care of his not to appear in a locality that has been indicated beforehand, might change the meeting- place. In cases of this kind, nothing can give an idea of the rapidity with which this official change of quarters is effected. The troops, the officials of the procession, the horses and carriages, and the assembled crowd, disappear in the twinkling of an eye and go quickly to the mosque indicated, with- out any surprise or displeasure, as though it were the most natural thing ; the guard-house looks just as usual, and five minutes later a stranger passing by would never imagine that only a few minutes before a crowd had been waiting there, that soldiers had been drawn up in line, that rows of carriages, with the horses unharnessed, had been on the spot, amidst all the ceremonials of an absolute Govern- ment whose Chief deigns to be saluted once a week. But when we saw that sand was being thrown on the grovmd where the Sultan was to pass, we under- stood that it was certainly here that the ceremony would take place. Turkish finances are not in a state which allows of sand being wasted. A few minutes later an Aide-de-Camp on horse- 280 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ back galloped up, announcing that His Majesty was about to leave the Palace and come to the Mosque of Bechik Taclie. I was then advised to mount on the highest of the steps leading to the guard-house, so that I might be above the crowd and see the Sultan. My companions, however, looked greatly dis- tressed. At Bechik Tache the mosque is some distance from the guard-house. It is beyond the little triangular spot, just opposite the door, through which the Sultan enters. I was in the midst of all the foreigners who had rushed to see the ceremony, and even if I should manage to see the Sultan, how could I have the slightest chance of being seen by him ? If, just then, I had suggested to my two companions that we should go away, they would have been delighted, so convinced were they that we were merely wasting our time and that I should simply witness the failure of their plans. As these thoughts were crossing my mind, a tall, strongly- built man, dressed in a grey suit of European cut and holding a soft hat in his hand, crossed the square which the troops were guarding. He had a full face, a dark complexion, and a black, stiff mous- tache. He was quite out of breath as he approached us, and he murmured a few words to the officer in command of the guard-house, and then made a sign to us to follow him. ' It's Philippe EfFendi,' said Mr. Guarracino ; ' he has an irade for us to have good places.' We went through the guard-house, turned down MY INTERVIEW WITH THE SULTAN 281 a small corridor to the ri2:lit. and came into a drawing-room which was very clean and furnished with armchairs and a wide sofa occupying the whole length of the two windows, which looked on to the square and on to the mosque. Evidently this word ' irade ' was of the same derivation as ' irradiation.' From the moment it had been pro- nounced in my favour, I felt that luminous emana- tions were irradiating around me. As w^e entered, the officers, with their gold lace, who were sitting, rose, looked at me with respectful curiosity, and invited me to take a seat on the sofa. As soon as this was done, a soldier brought me coffee, and another one cigarettes ; I had become the Sultan's guest. Suddenly a great noise was heard in the street. The Sultan was approaching. Philippe Effendi said a few words to Mr. Guarracino, who opened the lower part of one of the windows, told me to get up on the sofa, and then invited me to sit down on the white marble of the window. Everyone drew back a little, and at the same moment, in obedience to an order given outside, a clear space was made in front of the window on which I was seated. I was thus completely isolated, both from the outside and the interior, against the somewhat dark background of the room, wdth the sun full on me, showing me up in the foreground of the picture. I was seated sideways, my legs hanging over the sofa, my body leaning forward, and my head out of the window. 282 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ I understood that I was posing for the Sultan. ' It is to be hoped,' I said, in real terror, to Mr. Guarracino, ' that there is no photographer here with his apparatus. My pose would certainly not be to my advantage.* .if 4t 4k 4b 4k TT TP TP TP TT The cheering of the troops could be heard, as the Sultan appeared in a close carriage with the windows up. I did not see him very well. I knew he would look towards me, he could scarcely do otherwise, as I had been placed in such a con- spicuous position, and I bowed with all the respect due to the Sovereign of the country. The carriage stopped ; Abdul Hamid entered the mosque, after turning round towards the crowd, and, the muezzin having appeared on the gallery, we understood that prayers had commenced within. I at once left my uncomfortable seat and entered the room again, but I had only been inside a few minutes when Philippe EfFendi suddenly rushed out. ' What's the matter ?' I asked Mr. Guarracino. ' Another irade,' he answered. ' Where ?' ' There, the gentleman wearing a fez who is just crossing the road.' He was right, for the irade, in the red fez, was talking to Philippe EfFendi. The latter soon re- turned and said : ' An order for us to be ready to go up to Yildiz Kiosque after the Selamlik.' Things were advancing very slowly, but, still, they MY INTERVIEW WITH THE SULTAN 283 were advancing. My pose at the window had not caused the Sultan to change his plans. At this moment Mavroyeni Pasha, a clever and witty Greek, who was private physician to the Padishah, came in. We talked together for a few minutes. ' I am sorry you have not seen the Sultan,' he said ; ' you would have acquired for yourself proof of the stupid untruths that are told about hiui. You would have seen for yourself how sound his mind is, how just he is, and how healthy, too. People say that he has all kinds of diseases, that he has scrofula and is subject to fainting fits. It is infamous. I have never known him ill, and I am the most expensive luxury that he allows him- self.' On looking round I noticed that Philippe EfFendi had disappeared. ' Where has he gone ?' I asked Waiss Bey. ' There's another irade on your account.' Philippe EfFendi came back again. ' Strict orders have been issued to take you to Yildiz Kiosque. When there, a Chamberlain will tell us what is to be done,' he said. My companions were radiant. Evidently one of those mysterious battles had been waged round the Sultan with regard to me, one of those battles the secret of which is guarded by the walls of the Palace and about which conquerors and conquered are equally silent. I was gradually penetrating it, and if I am able to tell all the details now, it is 284 INIEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ because, in the first place, I was able to observe everything myself, and also because victory makes the conquerors more readily inclined to be com- municative. Very soon the fourth and last irade arrived, and I knew from the faces of my friends that victory was nearly certain. ' An order to go to the Marshals' room and to wait there.' We were now in the stronghold, or, rather, we were just about to enter. ' But who gives these orders, one after the other ?' I asked. ' The Sultan communicates them to a Chamber- lain, who transmits them to officers on duty outside.' ' Then, the Sultan is not at prayer ?' ' No, that is one of the thousand European errors. The mosque is not a place entirely consecrated to prayer. People can i^ray everywhere, since Allah is everywhere. The mosque is, principally, a meet- ing-place ; all things can be discussed there, and they are discussed. It often happens, too, as to- day ' — and they pointed to some servants who were carrying trays — ' that the Sultan invites those who are with him to take some refreshments. It is well to remember that the Selamlik was only instituted by the reigning family. Formerly the Sultan always remained invisible, and he might be assassinated in his palace and a successor substituted for him with- out the people having any idea of it. It was there- fore decided that, cost what it might, he should show himself at least once a week to his people. MY INTERVIEW WITH THE SULTAN 285 It once happened that a Sultan who was dangerously ill was, nevertheless, carried to the Selamlik, and he died on his return to the Palace.' Just at this moment military orders were heard, the music struck up, the horses began to paw the ground, people rushed to the windows, and Abdul Hamid, leaving the mosque, took his seat in a victoria, mth Osman Bey at his side and two of his Aides-de-Camp opposite, and started off at a fast trot along the old road which leads to Yildiz Kiosque. We left the guard-house ; our carriages were waiting for us, and we drove to the Palace by the new road, which in itself aiFords a wonderful sight. It is admirably made and rises in a gentle incline, cut in the side of a green slope, with trees dotted about here and there. What remains of the hill out of which it was carved forms a declivity, sloping on both sides, one leading towards the new road and the other going down towards the old road. The two slopes, the whole length of our drive, were covered with men, women, and children, who had hurried there to see the Sultan. These are the rare occasions when Turkish women and children leave their homes to see anything that is taking place without, and no Mussulman dare forbid his family to be present. On the green grass of the slopes and under the slight shade of the trees the bright, harmonious colours of the feredjes, or striped mantles, of two colours, red and yellow, violet and white, blue and pink, showed up in great brilliancy, punctuated with red by the caps of the 286 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ boys, who were frolicking about in and out of the groups. The women wore over their faces those veils which tend to become more and more transparent, and against which, for mere form's sake, there are periodical irades ordering a return to thick veils ; but these irades only cause a fleeting tumult which scarcely lasts a day. The veil is, I believe, soon destined to disappear altogether, and Turkish women, conforming to the true precepts of the Koran, will show their faces, which have not been seen hitherto by curious travellers, and will only retain their flowing draperies, which cover their entire bodies in a perfectly modest manner. As we reached the gate of Yildiz Kiosque, a soldier, acting as sentry, advanced towards us. Philippe Eff'endi leaned forward and murmured the word ' irade.' The soldier stepped back respectfully, and, by a path which starts from the gate and turns to the right a hundred yards farther along, we reached a low door and entered Yildiz Kiosque. Philippe EfFendi left us for an instant, in order to ask Osman Bey, the First Chamberlain, to have us conducted to the Marshals' room. As soon as he entered it, a cavedji brought us some coffee and cigarettes. We were invited to sit down and asked to wait. Ten minutes later a Chamberlain appeared at the door, bowed, and asked me to follow him. We passed through two drawing-rooms, then along a large gallery divided by a red screen, and another drawing-room covered with fine matting, and the MY INTERVIEW WITH THE SULTAN 287 Chamberlain, who walked in front of me, made a sign for me to wait there. I thought that this Chamberlain was takino; me to one of the Sultan's Aides-de-Camp, who would tell me when I could see his master ; for, so far, neither Philippe Effendi, nor Waiss Bay, nor Mr. Guarracino — either because they did not know, or because, with that stubborn discretion peculiar to Oriental diplomacy, they did not want to compromise themselves — none of the three coidd or woidd tell me which day would be fixed for my audience with the Sultan. After a few minutes the Chamberlain who was conducting me stopped in front of an open door and beckoned to me to approach, and I must confess that I was much surprised, on advancing, to find myself face to face with Abdul Hamid, who was standing up in front of me. The Sultan was wearing the insignia of a Marshal of his army and the uniform of his Life-guards. His trousers were blue with a double band of red, and were held by straps over his patent-leather boots, furnished with rowels. On his straight coat he wore the military medal which had been presented to him by his army ; his cloak was lined with red and finished with plain large buttons of reddish gold, and on his head was a red fez. His large sword, in its sheath of red velvet relieved with embossed gold, having attached to the hilt a cord and gilded tassels, dragged slightly on the ground. Abdul Hamid advanced to meet me, and held out his hand. He was wearing gloves of soft white 288 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ kid, such as are adopted by European officers when on service. He invited me to sit in an armchair, and he sat down himself on a sofa covered with red damask with large blue flowers. He leaned back against a cushion, and signed to a Chamberlain who was standing in a doorway. This Chamberlain was Kaghib Bey, and the Sultan ordered him to take the armchair near mine. To my left, between the armchair in which I was seated and the sofa where the Sultan was, there was a small wooden table, gilded and with a slab of malachite, upon which were placed an onyx match-box, a small oval ash-tray, also of onyx, and a cigarette-case of chased silver. Raghib Bey was to serve as interpreter. The presence of an interpreter certainly does prevent the conversation being carried on rapidly, but this incon- venience is largely compensated for by numerous advantages. In the first place, when one is in the presence of a personage like the Sultan, it is more easy to express one's ideas to an interpreter, who will transmit them, than to the personage in ques- tion. Then, too, while he is replying, one can study his face without being preoccupied, because one does not understand what he is saying, and one can also be preparing the conversation which is to follow. During my interview I noticed these three ad- vantages, and, to begin with, I was able to study Abdul Hamid at my ease. He was rather above the average height, of slight MY INTERVIEW WITH THE SULTAN 289 build, and almost thin ; he had a brown skin, warm and dry-looking, his beard was black, well groomed, and rather short and thick. His mouth was ener- getic, but sad ; his nose a regular Turkish nose, large, long and bony, with a slight deflection of the upper part of the nostril. His eyes were black, rather large, resolute, thoughtful, and penetrating, but not gentle-looking ; they were set deep in the orbit, and as the light fell on one side of his face, leaving the other side in the shade, his eyes ap- peared to be remarkably deep-sunk. His forehead was wide and straight, of medium height, and slightly furrowed. The black hair which was visible on his temples, between the fez and the beard, was short and almost close- shaven. Abdul Hamid was then forty-one years of age, but he looked more, particularly as he had lost an upper tooth on the left side near the middle. He spoke in a louder voice than his subjects ; his language was sonorous, his words distinct, and his phrases lengthened out and terminated without any hesitation. I expected to have Munir Bey for interpreter, as he usually acts in that capacity in such cases ; but it was explained to me later that it would have been imposing upon Munir Bey an extraordinary task to have made him act as interpreter for an interview which he had by no means facilitated. ' I am very glad,' I said, bowing, as the Sultan signed for me to open the conversation, ' not to leave Turkey without being admitted to your Majesty's presence, for, from all that I have seen 19 290 JMEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ and heard here, I believe that I am in accordance witli the absolute truth in proclaiming that in your Majesty is centred the great hope of this country and the most certain remedy possible for all the many evils from which it is sufferins;,' ' I am very pleased to see you,' he answered, ' and I thank you for having wished to judge this country for yovirself, for in Europe, and even in America, everyone slanders it systematically, without taking the trouble to examine it closely. I am greatly encouraged in my desire to remedy the evils of this country by the fine qualities of its subjects and also by the great resources of the land. Those who maintain that Turkey is incurable .slander us deliberately and as though on purpose. What is required ? Improvements in our finances, in our laws, and in our administration. I have already been able to reform the organization of the finances with regard to the Civil List. My Government has not contracted any fresh loan for a very long time, and I have been able to arrange for the payment of the interest of the Public Debt. The floating debt is not so considerable as is reported, but there must be some solution arrived at about it, so that it may not be an ever-increasing obstacle. People are wrong in representing me as opposed to liberty. I know that a country must keep up with the times, but the excess of a liberty to which one is un- accustomed is as dangerous as the absence of all liberty. ' A country to which one gives liberty which the MY INTERVIEW WITH THE SULTAN 291 people do not know how to use is like a man to whom one gives a gun the handling of which he does not understand. He kills his father, mother and brothers, and then finishes by killing himself. We must, therefore, prepare the country for this liberty, and that is what I am trying to do. I have opened schools, and these are being multiplied. Education, in its various developments, is the best means of qualifying people for liberty. I have also organized an administrative school, which has given very good results. Its pupils now occupy posts in our administrations ; Ragliib Bey, here present, is one of them. You see that the idea of making men capable of aspiring to liberty, and of knowing how to use it, does not alarm me. Besides, not one of our ills is incurable, and we have within us forces and qualities which will facilitate a complete cure. We have not many friends, but our country must be a very fine one since so many envy it, and their policy consists in discrediting us in order to make an easy prey of us.' After a minute's silence he asked : ' Were you at the Berlin Congress ?' ' Yes, your Majesty, and, if the Sultan will allow me to say so, Turkey on that occasion made one of her greatest mistakes. When she ought to have been represented by her prominent and most imposing personages, she was represented by men who, no doubt, were very devoted and well-in- tentioned, but who had no authority, who trembled before Prince Bismarck, and upon whom he could 19—2 292 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ impose silence by a mere glance. I do not know why this mistake was made, but in Berlin everyone remarked it, and it was generally thought that the Turkish Government had sent Plenipotentiaries of foreign origin so that the eventual consequences of the Berlin Treaty should not fall upon the Mussulmans.' ' Yes, you are right ; I have greatly regretted what you wisely call a mistake, and I still regret it. I understood it when I saw that Greeks had been admitted to the Congress — they had no right to be there — and when I saw that, in presence of their admission, my Plenipotentiaries did not protest and leave the meeting. It is when nations have been conquered that it is their duty not to cheapen their pride. But we were in a painful situation, the enemy was at our gates, and we could not reckon much on the equity of Europe, for our friends there were not numerous. We had very few men who cared to 2:0 to Berlin to face the decisions of this Congress and to give their signatures to the treaty of spoliation which we foresaw. Sacri- fices were imposed upon me then from which I am still suffering. Do you imagine that Bulgaria and Thessaly are any happier at present than they were before their separation ? But no matter : this explains the mistake we made ; it does not excuse it.' ' Your Majesty said that you did not count much on the equity of Europe ; but neither England nor France has abandoned the defence of Turkey, MY INTERVIEW WITH THE SULTAN 293 and your Majesty cannot reproach them with that.' ' Yes, I have never reckoned them among my enemies. We have always sought their friend- ship, and, in spite of all that has been done, we have never failed to recognise the necessity of it. Unfortunately, of late clouds have arisen between us ; but I hope that these clouds, and particularly the two chief sombre points, will be dissipated by a friendly understanding.' ' Your Majesty is alluding to Egypt and to Tunis ?' 'Yes ; I saw with satisfaction that quite recently the English Government seemed disposed to evacuate. Do you think that England will soon decide to carry this into effect ?' ' I think. Sire, that in England they are contem- plating political evacuation ; but, although everyone is convinced that England neither proposes annexa- tion nor an indefinite occupation, one must take into consideration the political situation of that country. There is in England a force which it is difficult to appreciate elsewhere, and which is called public opinion. When England saw herself obliged to go alone to Egypt, it was necessary to stimulate this force in order to make it consent to a costly and dangerous expedition, and at present it will be necessary to allow the English Cabinet, which depends on the public opinion of the country, sufficient time to influence it and to make it admit that the occasion has come for evacuating Egypt. 294 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ But apart from these two points, Egypt and Tunis, France and England can have no reservation at present with regard to Turkey ; and if Turkey, like all nations which are suffering, had not become more distrustful than in her better days, she would understand that she can from henceforth place unreserved confidence in the friendship of these two nations.' ' Yes ; but in the meantime they have not hesitated to violate my rights. It caused me great trouble, for I value their friendship very highly, and I fancy that mine is not to be despised by either of them. In so many different points we come into contact with each other, and a nation should take this seriously into account. Then, too, friendship between nations is not only mani- fested by diplomatic actions ; it is shown also by the equitable way in which an opinion is formed of a country. My country is judged superficially, and that is the reason it is calumniated. I value the opinion of Europe, and I should like to see no credence given to those who amuse themselves with spreading satirical reports about us. Your words will be heard ; so tell Europeans, and prove to them, that, after observing our country in an impartial manner, one forms a better opinion of it. I am informed that you have seen a great many people here, and, as you must be in the habit of observ- ing, will you tell me whether you have drawn any inferences from what you have seen ?' ' If your Majesty will allow me to speak frankly — MY INTERVIEW WITH THE SULTAN 295 and I can scarcely do otherwise, for if I did I might be obliged to write to-morrow the contrary of what I said to-day — my opinion is this : I believe that every evil from which this country is suifering could be remedied, and easily remedied. But there are two difficulties : The first is, that all depends on the sole will of your Majesty, and consequently your Majesty would have to give up to a certain degree this absolute will. The second difficulty is that, if your Majesty decided to do this, those whom your Majesty commands would have to agree to this partial and progressive abdication. Now, the curious part is that those who depend on the absolute will of your Majesty will probably be the first to resist a change which would prevent them from screening their own faults under the cover of the absolute orders of their Sovereign. But if once this were obtained, if your Majesty could succeed in creating an administration with the capabilities and the energy necessary for carrying out the reforms decided upon, it would be an immense step towards the improvement of Turkey. Your Majesty holds in your hand all liberty, because you alone can will everything. If your Majesty would open your hand little by little, setting gradually free this liberty in proportion as the country is capable of accepting and of using it, Turkey would rapidly rise from her present position. ' The consolidation of the floating debt, the suppression of the havaUs^ officials held responsible 296 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ for what they do, roads opened up through the countr}^, courts of justice established and public in- struction always encouraged — these are the reforms which would soon bear fruit ; but, as I said before, your Majesty must root out that spirit of absolute submission which causes every official to tolerate the continuation of abuses for which he is not responsible.' ' I understand perfectly well what you have just said,' answered the Sultan. ' I am glad to find that you do not share the opinion of those who believe that this country cannot recover. As to what you say regarding myself, I am of 3^our opinion, and I have quite decided to open gradually my hand. The difficulty is to know just how far to go. When it was seen that this country could not support a Constitution, and a Parliament which did not entirely represent the country, but only part of the country, people came to me and began to talk about responsibilities. It was another way of reorganiz- ing a Constitution. I refused this. Those who spoke of responsibilities only saw in this a means of substituting their will for mine at the expense of others, and the great mass of the country would only have changed from the will of one to that of another. I am now trying, as you have just said, to prepare this country for the more inde- pendent part it has to play, and I have already modified many things, which are not noticed abroad, but which are producing a good effect at home.' MY INTERVIEW WITH THE SULTAN 297 Then, returnino^ obstinately to his first idea, he asked : ' Do you think that the English will soon consent to evacuate Egypt ?' ' I have already had the honour of replying to 3^our Majesty on this subject,' I said. ' But I will take the liberty o£ remarking that England is in Egypt against her will. AVhen she asked your Majesty to go with her to Egypt, influenced as she was by that secret dread which takes possession of all who are laying their hand on no matter what Ottoman territory, she was absolutely sincere. It was a great and terrible mistake of Turkey's to refuse to accompany England, thus obliging her to go alone — which meant that she would remain there. History will regard with equal astonish- ment this proposal of England's and Turkey's refusal. The onl}^ consolation of Turkey — if, indeed, that can be any consolation — is that in this question France was no wiser than she was.' I knew perfectly well that I had just attacked the Sultan direct. Not only had Abdul Hamid been the principal author of Turkey's refusal, but he had refused to listen to the most trustworthy advice, and for fear of displeasing the Mussulmans — a fear which was chimerical, far-fetched, and not at all justified — Abdul Hamid missed an opportunity, perhaps unique, of changing the character of the Egyptian occupation and of maintaining an uncon- tested supremacy over the Delta of the Nile. I therefore awaited his reply with some im- 298 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ patience. I thought, or, rather, I feared, that he would bring forward some of those subtle argu- ments which the organs of the Ottoman Press had endeavoured to circulate, in order to minimize the effect of the refusal of the Porte. But Abdul Hamid, I repeat and I proclaim it, is a man of superior mind, who, when he is struck by sound reasoning, is perhaps annoyed, but who at the same time is influenced by it. As he had no good argu- ments to offer, and would not stoop to poor ones, he did not reply, but changed the subject. This was, as anyone can see, a tacit approval of what I had just said, and I learnt later on that it was to be interpreted in this way. ' When are you leaving ?' he asked. ' To-morrow, your Majesty.' ' So soon ! I am sorry you are not staying longer. But I should like you to bear in mind that, if you write to me, either about things that have happened or about current topics, I will answer you. If, for State reasons, I am unable to, I will tell you plainly that I cannot do so. Take note, too, that if ever you return to Constantinople, you must come the very day of your arrival to see me. You have only to say that it was my wish that you should come, that it was by my order you asked to see me, and I promise you that I will receive you* And, as 1 am now talking to someone who under- stands the gravity of the mission confided to the veritable journalist, who endeavours to find out the truth and to publish it, remember that I do not MY INTERVIEW WITH THE SULTAN 299 wish to suppress existing liberties, but to give new liberties ; that I do not Avisli to increase the financial troubles of my Empire, but to remedy them ; and that I do not wish to abolish justice, but to establish and consolidate it. Remember that this nation, which bears in itself the causes of its weakness, also contains the elements of great strength, and that I wish to cure the former and make use of the latter.' Abdul Hamid rose, and at this moment there was an expression in his eyes which showed that he was deeply moved. I quite understood that he felt sincerely what he had just been saying to me, but that at the same time he saw, rising up before him, all the obstacles which stood between his plans and their realization. He had just been pleading, as it were, to a European journalist the cause of his race and of his people, and a struggle was perhaps going on Avithin him between the duty of the Monarch and the pride of the Khalif. It did not last long, however. Abdul Hamid drew himself up, went a few steps with me, and then, taking my hand in his, held it a few minutes while he spoke. ' His Majesty thanks you for your visit, which he will remember with pleasure,' interpreted Raghib Bey, ' and he begs you to accept this as a souvenir of this conversation.' He handed me a box containing the insignia of the Second Order of the Medjidieh, just as I had bowed to Abdul Hamid for the second time at the door of the room in which he had received me. 300 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ I found my friends where I had left them. They were rather surprised at my long absence. I ex- plained to them what had happened, and we decided to go to Osman Bey, the First Chamberlain, to present my thanks, according to the custom of the country. Osman Bey, one of the most enlightened Turks, who has established and endowed the largest exist- ing printing-works in the Ottoman Empire, received me with the affability peculiar to his countrymen of the educated class, and, after offering us coffee, called one of his officials, who appeared to be accustomed to this duty, to fasten on the right side of my coat and to place round my neck, in spite of my tourist's costume, the insignia of my new dignity, so that, as Osman Bey remarked, according to the prescriptions, ' the will of the Sultan may be accomplished.' I then left the Yildiz Kiosque with my friends. The numerous Turks whom we met saluted me respectfully, without appearing astonished at my accoutrements, which made me feel somewhat embarrassed. The guards of the Palace shouldered arms, and as I passed through the last gateway I perceived a crowd of persons staring at me. They under- stood that I had just had an interview with the Sultan. But I could not refrain from saying to myself : ' I only hope that no caricaturist will catch sight of me !' CHAPTER XIV EXILE OF THE FRENCH PRINCES There is no regime and no Government which at some time or another does not make a mistake, and I believe that a grave error was committed by the French Republic when, in May, 1886, it decided to expel from the country the Princes belonging to the dynasties which had reigned over France — the Comte de Paris and his son, the Due d'Orleans, on the one side, and Prince Jerome Napoleon and his son, Prince Victor Napoleon, on the other. I think it was a mistake because, in the first place, when a democratic Government inscribes on the walls of its public buildings the great word ' Liberty,' its desire should be that liberty should exist not only for, but also against, itself ; in the second place, because exile is a barbarous punishment, which ought to disappear from the customs of contem- porary civilization ; and lastly, because, by exiling the Princes, to whom she had hitherto shown hospitality, the French Republic thereby gave them the right to conspire against her ; she could no longer appeal to their sentiments of honour to respect the order of things established ; she placed [ 301 ] 302 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ tliem in the best position that claimants to the Throne could wish for — that of being able to con- spire at their ease. Without paradox, I say that, if I Avere the Government, it seems to me that, for my own personal tranquillity, I should allow myself the luxury of having in my country a Pretender as a hostage. M^ 4b 4k 4b 4b TT TP TP TP TV Now, the Comte de Paris, in particular, the heir to the Throne of Louis Philippe, could not be con- sidered as a very dangerous Pretender. Tall and strong, with a frank, placid sort of face, intelligent, loyal, but not bright eyes, a firm-looking mouth with a kind, but not melancholy, expression, sturdy on his legs, but with a slight stoop, his shoulders square but sloping — his physical appearance was, on the whole, more that of a bourgeois than of a candidate for the Crown. He liked work of a prolonged and serious nature, and delighted in social problems, the solution of which is apt to demand a life-time. It was with veritable enthusiasm that he penned a voluminous work on the American Civil War, and on the 21st of July, 1874, he wrote me a long letter on that subject, from which I quote the following characteristic passage: ' I have,' he said, ' found great satisfaction, in the midst of my trials during the last few years, in accomplishing this work, which has been consider- able, and in placing on the scene, after conscientious EXILE OF THE FRENCH PRINCES 303 researches for historical truth, actors who are most of them known to me personally. I have found in this an occupation during my exile, something to refresh my mind at critical moments. It was not for the sake of bringing back my vanished illusions, nor with the idea of turnina; mv thouo-hts from the ])resent to the past, that I have continued this work, which I began a long time ago. What illusions could I have lost ? Confidence in the future, the conviction that my country will recover morally, outlive in my mind all the vicissitudes it has experienced. And if my thoughts turn often towards America, it is in order to recall to mind the crisis which I witnessed, the discouragement and trouble which in those difficult times seemed to have taken possession of all hearts, the gloomy predictions which I heard on all sides, and to say to myself that, after all, the day came when those who had reasoned calmly saw their patriotic confi- dence justified in a most brilliant manner.' It seems to me that the whole of the Comte de Paris was in that letter. He was waiting, without eagerness or regret, for the hour that Providence should decree for him to ascend the Throne. He had very few illusions, and a kind of vague presenti- ment that that hour would never arrive for him. He was an enemy, not only of \iolent means, but even of all noise and agitation. It seemed as though he were destined to end his days peacefully in calm and in this work. This was the precise moment chosen by the 804 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ Republic to place round the forehead of this ' model Pretender' the halo of exile. ^ tP T? tP TV As soon as I heard that the Bill for the expul- sion of the French Princes had been introduced into the Chamber of Deputies, I went to the Chateau d'Eu, in Normandy, where the Comte de Paris and all his family were then residing. I had already had the honour of seeing the heir to the Throne of Louis Philippe several times, and we had kept up a rather lengthy correspondence with each other. As soon as I asked for an audience, he granted it willingly. He received me in his library in the midst of his books and of the telegrams of sympathy which were pouring in upon his table from all parts of France. I assured him that I had not come for an inter- view, but to express to him how grieved I was personally at the thought of the terrible exile with which he was threatened. ' Oh,' he answered, ' in this circumstance, as in so many others, there is no need for me to ask you to keep our meeting secret. There is no necessity for me to conceal the fact that I have had a conversation with you. When I heard at Talavera that the Bill of expulsion had been laid before the Chamber, it was not of myself that I first thought, nor yet of my family. I thought of my country, and I felt an immense sadness come over me at the idea that, after a hundred years of struggling and discord, EXILE OF THE FRENCH PRINCES 305 the era of proscription had not yet closed, and that the children of France should still be seen wandering about without a home in a foreign land.' ' And where do you think of going, Monseigneur,' I asked, ' if, as seems probable, the Bill should pass as regards you and the Due d'Orleans ?' ' I have not yet definitely decided, but I think very seriously of going to England. I receive from that country so many and such inviting proofs of general sympathy, and I have such touching letters from persons whom I do not even know, that at present it will be difficult for me to seek refuge elsewhere. I cannot go to Germany ; Austria would be too far away from our beloved France ; and I know only too well, from a certain experience which I have not yet had time to forget, that London is the centre of information, so that I am very much drawn towards it. ' I thought of Switzerland, but I can go there later on, for I do not intend to stay definitely in any fixed place. I have no intention of buying a house, or of settling down for good. Formerly, when in exile, I chose a fixed residence, because circumstances were then different. I was not at that time the undisputed head of the House of France, so that I could then w^ait, without failing in any duty, for events to take place. At present it is not the same thing, and I do not give up hope of seeing my country again, for, even under its present form, I cannot believe that this persecution wdll 20 306 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ continue, and that France will not reopen her doors to all her children. ' That is why I do not wish to settle down definitely. I shall go away, and we shall try to imagine that we are travelling ; we shall change our abode without changing our hopes.' ' Is it true, Monseigneur, that a General said to you at the reception on the loth o£ May : "Mon- seigneur, you have not only soldiers, but an army i ' Such a remark was never made to me. Besides, there ivere, on the occasion, only two Generals present, both of whom were retired officers, and neither of them had any conversation with me. Neither of them uttered that phrase. A great many reports were spread on that occasion, and many pretexts were sought for. I was told that the Premier had taken exception to my having invited some Ambassadors. I could not have advised him of the fact, for that would have been giving to my invitations a political character they did not possess. I did not invite the Diplomatic Corps ; I simply invited to a family party some diplomats who were my personal friends. ' I had known Lord Lyons, for instance, for twenty-five years, and had always been on friendly terms with him. It would have been giving a political character to my invitations if I had excluded Lord Lyons because he was the Ambassador of England. I have also been blamed for certain newspaper articles. That merely shows EXILE OF THE FRENCH PRINCES 307 how short of arguments some people were. I neither knew of, nor did I inspire, these articles, otherwise I should have said to their authors, as I have said to all my friends: "Do not let anyone misrepresent the character of this fete. I am the father of a family inviting his friends, and this little reunion has not been prompted by any other idea." ' ' Monseigneur,' I said, ' as it is probable that the Bill will be passed by which you alone and the Due d'Orleans will be exiled, and the other Princes will be allowed to remain in a more or less tolerable position, will these Princes follow you ?' ' I have just communicated to my brother my formal desire that he should remain, since he has a right to do so. I particularly wish him to stay here, where I can no longer reside ; I particularly desire that he should live in the land from which I am exiled. I have already told you that I do not intend to take up any fixed abode. ' I cannot expect that he should travel about with me, and make his home in the places where I stay, according to circumstances or according to my preferences. It will be a consolation to me to feel that he is here, and I know too well his affection for me not to be compelled to act with authority in order to insist on his staying in France. A great deal has been said about the Due d'Aumale, and when he learnt the way in which his defence had been undertaken in order to save him from exile, he was very bitter. He came at once to see me, and he made no secret of his visit. 20—2 308 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ ' It was the best, and, indeed, the only way to reply to those who wished to prove that they were right in insisting that he should be allowed to remain in France. I will say of him what I said about the Due de Chartres. I cannot compel him to go wandering about. He has not, as I have, the duties of the exceptional situation which this law demands o£ me, for it treats me in such a distinctly exclusive manner that, if I had adopted it myself, it would have been imputed to me as a crime. By separating me from the rest of my family, they qualify me in a more ostensible way than I should ever have done, and if my pride were greater than my love of my country, I should now be delighted. As to the other Princes, they have never troubled about politics, but have remained content with serving their Fatherland. It is only just, therefore, that they should be held blameless of any crime, and it would be strange if I were to show myself more exactino; towards them than are our adversaries.' o ' People say, Monseigneur, that you wanted to wait until you were expelled by force instead of obeying a simple order.' ' They did not know me well to say that. I can only see two ways of proceeding. Three centuries ago a Prince in my situation would have killed any- one who had come with such an order, and would have rushed off to the country with his comrades to start a civil war. But that is neither in accordance with my character nor with our times. I shall obey the law. I owe that to my friends, and I owe it to EXILE OF THE FRENCH PRINCES 309 my adversaries. I owe it to my country, too, for it is being taught to scorn the law. I shall depart in obedience to the law, of which I shall be duly informed.' ' Shall you keep the day of your departure a secret, Monseigneur ?' ' No, certainly not. Unless I am obliged to act differently, I shall start by daylight, and I know my friends well enough to be sure that, when I take leave of them, they will all act in a dignified way, as becomes the friends of an exiled family dear to them. I shall be glad to shake hands with those who come to see me off, but when the moment arrives, it is for consolation that I shall look rather than for noisy satisfaction.' I have taken care to reproduce the Comte's exact words — in the first place, because they do him honour, and, in the second place, because he adhered to them scrupulously. When, on the 22nd of June, 1886, at ten o'clock in the evening, and in the same library where he had spoken to me of his plans when in exile, the Comte de Paris received the decisive telegram announcing that, by a majority of thirty-seven votes, the Senate had ratified the decision of the Chamber of Deputies and voted his exile, he showed no sign of anger or revolt. He went down into the large salon, where all the Princes of France were anxiously awaiting him, and, handing the telegram to the Due d'Aumale, simply remarked : 310 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ ' The Bill is adopted in its entirety by a majority of thirty-seven votes. . . . We start the day after to-morrow.' And on the second day, at two o'clock in the afternoon, the piers black with people, an English boat, which had hoisted at its mainmast the tri- colour ed flag, sailed slowly away from the T report quay. I can still see that scene. The sun was shining brilliantly, and the deck of the boat was covered with flowers. On the bridge stood a man, bare- headed, his handkerchief in his hand, his head bent slightly sideways over his shoulder. His figure, which usually had a slight stoop, was now erect, making him look taller. It was the Comte de Paris leaving for England, an exile. For a long time he remained thus, standing on the bridge, gazing at the sunny shores of France from which he had just been torn away, and it seemed as though his eyes desired to take in every bend of the coast, in order to engrave it on his memory for ever. Perhaps, since he had the con- viction that he would never reign over this country, he had also, at that solemn hour, a presentiment that, in all his life, he would never again see the land of France. CHAPTER XV SAN REMO I DOUBT if in modern times, or perhaps even in the past, a greater, or more impressive, or more afFect- ingly tragic episode has ever taken place than that of which the marvellous res^ion of the ' Cote d'Azur,' by the shore of the eternally blue Mediter- ranean, was the scene during the winter of 1887-'88. On the frontier which separates France and Italy, in the delicious little town of San Remo, among the palms and the orange-trees in blossom, there, in the sunlight and the fragrance which bathed the white city, a man whom suffering had vanquished was slowly dying. He was the son of the old Emperor William I., and the son-in-law of Queen Victoria. I refer to the Crown Prince Frederick William. The whole world had its eyes fixed on this town and on this man. With anxious curiosity every- body was watching the frightful struggle in progress there, the object of which was to prolong the life of the doomed heir to a throne. Would he live long enough to become Emperor ? Would he have the strength to traverse the little space separating him from one of the greatest thrones on earth ? ['311 ] 812 INIEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ Who would be the first to die — the okl Emperor, enfeebled by age, or his son, enfeebled by sickness ? AVho would be King — the Crown Prince Frederick, or the young man, ardent, impetuous and impatient, known as Prince William ? . . . All the world over, these were the questions that people were asking themselves and to which they were awaiting a reply. San Remo had been, one might almost say, taken by storm by reporters from every country imme- diately after the arrival there of the Crown Prince. Opposite his villa was a hotel, the Hotel de la Mediterranee. People almost came to blows in order to secure a front-room there. Certain American papers had sent out young ladies as reporters, relying on their sex for procuring them certain privileges. These ladies, from morning to night, kept levelling their photographic apparatus at the villa, the garden, and more especially at the balcony on which, in the afternoon, Frederick William was wont to try and soothe his suffering, as he listened to the somewhat distant murmur of the sea. To protect him against this inquisitorial indiscretion a high wall of verdure had been constructed, and on the balcony a screen had been placed. But this was all so much time and trouble thrown away. The reporters, men and women alike, ascended to the roof of the hotel, and from that vantage-point, thrusting their vision beyond both screen and wall of verdure, photographed and gazed and listened to their heart's content. . . . Yet they obtained little enough. No one, at all SAN REMO 3ia events, liad the slightest inkling of what was taking place in the interior of the villa, whither no out- sider had been allowed to penetrate. The occu- pants, orderly officers, doctors, maids of honour, servants, were all extremely discreet. Not the slightest echo escaped by the windows ; not a morsel of gossip issued by the door. Reporters and journalists remained in an ignorance anything but blissful, and telegraphed nothing of importance. As one of them, a Frenchman, remarked : ' So little is known as to what is going on around the Crown Prince that it is impossible even to exaggerate or to give play to one's imagination.' I myself, happening to be at Monte Carlo, had gone over to San Remo, and had striven to penetrate a little the mystery, to raise a corner of the veil, to bring back a few echoes of the tragedy which was evidently taking place, which I felt certain was going on behind the walls of verdure. But I had completely failed, and had left San Remo disap- pointed, irritated, but haunted by the image of this villa, picturesquely suspended in its garden of verdure, but tantalizingly mute, and as enigmatic as a sphinx. tP TT ^ ^ ^ One morning, however, in the first week of March, 1888, I found among my correspondence a letter with a mauve envelope. I recall vividly, even now, its very form and colour. The letter was in a large and fine feminine 314 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ liandwritina:. It contained only four lines, as follows : ' If you wish to know all about the tragedy of San Remo, why do you not try to find Mme. Zirio ?' More than once, during my long and adventurous existence, I have received just such mysterious and anonymous suggestions. They were not always written on mauve letter-paper, nor did they always emanate from a feminine hand. According to my humour at the time, or to the presentiment I felt, or to the sensations aroused in me, I either flung them into the waste-paper basket or religiously heeded their contents. And when I adopted the latter resolution I never had cause to reo;ret it. I remembered (juite well the name of Mme. Zirio, whom I had met once in the South of France. She was a tall, handsome woman, with bright, honest eyes, a delicate yet energetic mouth, and brilliant black hair, in which, like the women of Catalonia, she often wore a large fantastic comb. Her whole bearing, thanks to her Marseilles extraction, betrayed the suppleness of the Phocians and the wavy motion of the Greeks. She was married to an Italian, who was always ill, M. Baptiste Zirio, and I was unable to make out what possible con- nection there could be between her and the dying heir of the German Empire. Yet I felt a presenti- ment bidding me ' Go !' and I went. The same evening I packed my bag and took the Mediterranean Express for San Remo. SAN REMO 315 When there, I discovered without difficulty the little house occupied by Mme. Zirio. I rang the door-bell and was ushered in. It was only after I found myself seated in this lady's drawing-room that the humour of the situation struck me, and that I began to wonder how I should explain my position to my hostess. I concluded that the simplest means were the best, and when Mme. Zirio appeared, and we had exchanged the preliminary compliments, I merely showed her the mauve letter. She blushed a little and then turned pale. ' It is really strange,' she said ; ' I, too, received a letter yesterday almost identical with this one. The handwriting was very much like this, and the colour of the paper was the same. Mine also con- tained four lines : ' If you receive the visit of a celebrated journalist, why not tell him the truth about the tragedy of San Remo ?' The coincidence was, to say the least, odd. I hastened to add that the mysterious person who had sent these two letters certainly knew what she was about, for Mme. Zirio, whose name had hitherto been j^i'onoi^inced by no one in the world, whose very existence was unsuspected by any journalist, was, in reality, the proprietor of the w^hite villa occupied by the Crown Prince Frederick. It was she who had supervised all the preparations, and who, having only five weeks allotted her, had en- gaged and trained the admirably discreet corps of 316 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ attendants, from whom no one at San Remo had been able to extract the slightest information. It was she who had daily access to the interior of the princely habitation, and who was consulted hourly, by night as well as by day, as to what had to be done, and it was she to whom Prince William had paid a visit during his forty-eight hours' stay at San Remo, and to whom, even, in token of his gratitude and friendship, he had given his photo- graph with a dedication. Zirio had herself arranged the apartments. The ground-floor was used as a general drawing-room and dining-room. The first-floor was occupied by the Crown Prince and his wife. A large bedroom, with two small beds exactly alike, communicated by a large dressing-room and by a small corridor with the apartments of the maid of honour. Countess von Briichl. On the second-floor were the apartments of the Princesses — Princess Victoria, who was engaged to Prince Alexander of Battenberg, and who, display- ing her hands, which were interminably long, said, with a laugh, in French : ' Moi, j'ai des Hohenzol- lern les mains, les pieds et les oreilles ; c'est enorme !' and Princess Sophie, who, on the eve of her return to Berlin, said : ' I am glad to leave, for I was almost forgetting here that I am a Royal Princess.' The Crown Prince was so much delighted with the house when he first entered it, that, after almost joyfully taking off his cap and throwing Jiside his SAN REMO 317 long brown ulster, he exclaimed to Mme. Zirio : ' I am touched by the attentive way in which every- thing has been arranged for our stay here. One feels that it is the eye of a woman, and the eye of a woman of this lovely coast, which has watched over everything for us.' . . . . And seated there in Mme. Zirio's drawing-room, only a few steps from the white villa and near the blue sea, my hostess, obeying the mysterious letter on the mauve paper, related to me what was called ' The Tragedy of San Remo.' ^ w y^ VF ^ It was, indeed, a veritable tragedy, and behind the peaceful walls of the sunlit house there were some terrible struo-o-les and certain frio:htful rival- ries. The sick man had brought with him German doctors, among whom was Professor Bergmann, and English doctors, the most prominent of the number being Sir Morell Mackenzie; and between these doctors the quarrels were almost dramatic in their intensity. At the outset the Germans held their peace, relatively speaking ; but later on they exjDressed their opinions of Sir Morell Mackenzie with a brutal want of self-control, even going so far as to say that he furnished information to the Press, and that on this information he speculated on the Bourse. The servants and attendants were all either German or English, and reflected the dissensions of the doctors. Count von SeckendorfF, who had taken up his abode in a dark room, into which the sun never penetrated, on the ground-floor, 318 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ was the inflexible partisan of the Royal Princess, while Count Radolinski sided with the Germans. Between the two parties there was not one single moment o£ truce. The struggle was sombre and silent, but it was visible on any and every occasion. The two camps attacked and abused each other. When the moment arrived to perform the operation of tracheotomy, the wretched battle continued even around the tube which was to prolong the agony of Frederick III. The German doctors wanted a German tube, the English doctors an English one. Finally, under the direction of the famous American doctor, Thomas Evans, a goldsmith constructed the model which was adopted. On the 9th of November, 1887, at 6.30 p.m., another element of tragedy heightened the dramatic character of the situation. Prince William of Prussia arrived at San Remo. The local authorities, his brother (Prince Henry), and the Aides-de-Camp awaited him. With his characteristic impulsive- ness. Prince Henry rushed forward to throw himself into his brother's arms. Prince William stopped him with a haughtiness that did not escape observa- tion. His face was grave, and he looked sedate and hierarchic. The smiles vanished from the lips of the onlookers, and the veil of sadness seemed still heavier. During his visit, which lasted forty-eight hours. Prince William saw very little of his father, if, indeed, he saw him at all. But he had long talks with the German doctors, displaying towards their SAN REMO 319 English colleagues either disdain or utter indiffer- ence. ' My mother,' he said, ' is really very short- sighted in substituting English for German science. Bismarck, who never makes a mistake, considers German science superior to all other.' He went with his brother and sisters on a few short sea-trips, which was his way of spending the afternoon, and appeared quite gay, as though he had nothing whatever to worry him. ' You see,' he said, ' it is better to have only boys, for a girl gives much more trouble, and is a great deal more expensive. One must have a governess for her, a maid of honour, and quite a complicated household. Whereas boys can be dressed all alike in uniform. One piece of stuff serves for them all. . . My boys are all dressed as gunners, even the youngest, who is only eighteen months old, and who is a corporal. On his last birthday I took command of his company and marched it past the Emperor William. It was the last time he laughed, and he laughed till the tears came trickling down his cheeks, for he saw the little corporal marching past straight and upright, turning his head at the word of command.' On the day following his arrival Prince William announced his departure. ' Ah, so much the better,' said Mme. Zirio, who chanced to be there. ' Then, the Crown Prince is improving, and the last consultation was re- assuring ?' 320 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ ' Oh no,' replied Prince William ; ' on the contrary, my father, as was foreseen when I left Berlin, is despaired of. He is suffering, without the slightest doubt, from cancer. It is a matter of only a certain number of days, perhaps weeks. I am going because there is no longer anything to hope for. My grandfather is much weaker. The Tsar is coming, and my presence in Berlin is indispens- able. I think I shall still have time to return here.' There were a few moments of silence, and then Mme. Zirio exclaimed, laughing : ' Will you allow me to say, " Au revoir, future Emperor " ?' ' Willingly,' replied the Prince, and then took his leave. The following day he left San Remo for Berlin. He w^as absolutely convinced that his father's case was hopeless, and his conviction was strengthened by the verdict of those doctors in whom alone he had faith. In his opinion Morell Mackenzie was an ignoramus, whose assertions were not worth discuss- ing in presence of the infallible verdict of the German faculty. On the 7tli of February, 1888, just four weeks before I arrived at San Remo, at 11 a.m., the Crown Prince and his wife were about to go for a drive on the Corniche in an open carriage. Morell Mackenzie and Dr. Bramann, Dr. Bergmann's assistant, were at the door of the villa. Just as the driver was about to start the horses, who were growing im- SAN REMO 321 patient, a slight breeze sprang up on the coast. Mackenzie, walking towards Bramann, made a sign to the driver, who pulled back his team. The Prince, with a sad look in his eyes, turned his head towards the doctors. ' This drive is imprudent,' said Mackenzie to Bramann. ' The respiration is becoming difficult. Two hours hence it may, perhaps, be too late, and Bergmann will not be here for two days. We must come to a decision.' ' I shall never have the courage to assume the re- sponsibility of this operation,' replied Dr. Bramann. The Prince, who was watching them both, saw that Bramann was growing pale. ' At all events,' replied Mackenzie, ' before allowing him to go out, we must make a fresh examination.' He made an affectionate sign to the future Emperor, inviting him to get out of the carriage, and the Crown Prince flung off the furs that covered his knees, and, turning towards the Princess as if to ask her pardon for having spoiled her drive, he stepped down and entered the house. The doctors then examined the throat once more. ' I will wait an hour,' said Mackenzie. ' If there is no change you must operate.' An iron bedstead was sent for, the headrail of which was broken for the convenience of the doctors. The bed was placed in the middle of the room, with a red cushion on the pillows. At one o'clock there was a fresh examination. 21 322 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ Mackenzie, after a rapid glance, merely turned to Bramann and said : ' Are you ready ?' ' Yes,' replied the latter. The Prince lay down on the little iron bed. He was quite calm. ' Is chloroform indispensable ?' he asked. ' Yes, Prince,' replied the doctors. The anaesthetic then began its work, and Bramann took off his coat. The operation was commenced. Two hours later it was over, and the Crown Princess Frederick entered the apartment of her maid of honour, the Countess von Briichl, exclaim- ing with sobs : ' Fritz has the tube in his throat.' ^ ^ -^ ■^ 7^ All this, I need hardly say, is history, and even now, as I write these lines, I can recall vividly the scene at San Remo, when Mme. Zirio related to me, as the shadows fell, the whole story of this tragedy, of which she herself had been so absorbed a spectator. This interview, as I have said, occurred on the 8th of March, 1888. As I sat there drinking in every word that fell from the lips of my inter- locutor, and fixing them faithfully in my memory, something more intensely dramatic than all that precedes took place. The drawing-room door suddenly, burst open, and a servant rushed in, completely out of breath. SAN REMO 3213 ' Madame, madame,' she exclaimed, ' have you heard the news ?' ' No ; what is it ?' ' It has just come from the Wliite Villa. The old Emperor has just died in Berlin.' A moment later we were on our way to the White Villa. I shall never forget this historical scene, one of the most affecting I have ever witnessed. In the Crown Prince's garden a pall of sorrow seemed to hang like an atmosphere. Officers, major-domos, sentries, and servants, were hurrying hither and thither in strange confusion. The large drawing-room on the ground-floor was brilliantly lighted, and through the windows we could see everything that was going on. The members of the household had all assembled there, and were standing in a circle. The con- versation was in undertones. All seemed to feel the strangeness, the really stupefying position of this sudden elevation of the Prince, whose death had already been discounted and deplored. Suddenly the door opened and the ' Emperor ' appeared. He had become handsome again, as in the radiant days of his youth. His beard, with a few silver streaks, glowed in the brilliant light of the chan- delier. Tall and well built, he dominated the entire company. His blue eyes were slightly misty. His delicate complexion, now heightened with a little colour, seemed to show the real tranquillity 21—2 324 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ which had taken possession of his soul ; and his mouth, with the red lips, had now that fascinating smile which characterized him. With a firm step he walked straight to a small table in the middle of the drawing-room, and wrote — for the tube prevented him from speaking — a few lines which he signed. An officer read out the paper aloud. It was the announcement of the death of the Emperor William I., and of his own accession as Frederick III. The Emperor then walked towards the Empress, made a long and reverent bow, paying full homage to his wife's valiant courage, and with a grave and tender gesture passed round her neck the ribbon of the Black Eagle. The Empress, with tears in her eyes, threw herself into the arms of Frederick III., and as they embraced they gave full vent at last to their sobs, which they had so long and so heroically restrained. All present then marched past the new Emperor. Dr. Morell Mackenzie, who had performed the operation, stopped somewhat longer than the others. Frederick III. had seized his two hands, clasping them warmly. At a small table the Emperor wrote for him a few words of gratitude : ' I thank you for having made me live long enough to recompense the valiant courage of my wife. . . .' After this brief scene everybody left the drawing-room. The Enijjeror ascended with the Empress to his apartments on the first-floor. The SAN REMO 325 lights gradually went out. Once more the White Villa was plunged in shadow and silence. tp ^r tP IP The next day I left San Remo for Paris. I have never since seen Mme. Zirio, and I cannot say whether she has kept the mysterious mauve letter. Nor have I any idea, even now, as to the author of its strange contents. During my journalistic career I have been aided by many a chance, I have met with many extra- ordinary incidents, but no chance, no incident, has appeared to me more marvellous than that which led me to San Remo to witness the final scenes of that historical traffedv, which had aroused the passionate interest of the whole world. And I felt it my duty, in these my Memoirs, to devote to this episode an entire chapter, for it will show the remarkable part which the inscrutable goddess called Destiny plays in the career of a journalist. CHAPTER XVI HOW BISMARCK RETIRED This chapter might also be entitled ' Of the Difficulties experienced hy a Journalist who wishes to maintain Cordial Relations with a Diplomatist.' And I write it, not only for the sake of retracing an episode of contemporary history with which I was connected, but also to show the strange obstacles, the unexpected contradictions, and the unheard-of difficulties, that a journalist must face in order to keep the public well posted on the great events that are happening in the world. In 1891 Germany was represented in Paris by an Ambassador who was first Count, and then Prince, Miinster. Count Miinster was one of the most striking types of a German I have ever met. He was like a straight, healthy tree brought from one of the German forests, and continual contact with the diplomatic world had only softened very slightly the roughness of his bark. He had that frigid and somewhat monotonous slowness of Germans who are given to reflection. He had neither that feminine gracefulness so frequently found in [ 326 ] HOW BISMARCK RETIRED 327 diplomatists nor yet that quick understanding with which women are usually credited. His somewhat imposing physical heaviness gave one the exact idea of his moral nature, and this curious and rare harmonv of the exterior with the interior was almost perfect in his case. Count Mlinster was Ambassador in Paris at a very difficult period. The relations between the two countries were far from being then what they have since become. There was great tension between Paris and Berlin — or, to speak more exactly, between the French nation and the German nation. There were frequent incidents springing up, either on the frontier or in the very heart of the capital, which rendered the task of the diplomatist and the Governments of both countries extremely arduous. Rumours of war were sometimes heard in the distance. In addition to this, the mission of Count Mlinster was rendered all the more complex by the fact that, in Germany, the most serious and disquieting quarrels were beginning to take place between the Emperor, William II., and his formidable Chancellor, Prince Bismarck. There were rumours of resignation in the air, and German diplomatists abroad did not know whether the orders they received from Wilhelmstrasse came from the master of yesterday or the master of the future. Finallv, the resio^nation of the Chancellor was announced in March, 1890, and fell like a thunder- 328 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ holt. All the suhordinates of Bismarck wondered whether the retirement from power of their chief meant their own dismissal. Count Miinster, on his arrival in Paris, had done his utmost to be agreeable to everyone, and had proved himself to be most conciliating. He had invited me several times to the Embassy, and had talked to me a great deal about the difficulties of his mission, the complexity of his position, and the unsatisfactory condition of international relations. He had always welcomed me most cordially, and had almost insisted upon my returning to see him, to keep him posted with regard to public opinion, and to give him any advice I might think useful for the maintenance of peaceful relations between the two countries. One morning in June, fifteen months after the resignation of Prince Bismarck, I read, Avithout much surprise, in several journals a telegram from Berlin to the effect that ' there was a rumour afloat there of the recall of Count Miinster, German Ambassador in Paris, and that he was to be super- seded by another diplomatist.' I went immediately to the Embassy, and asked the Count how much truth there was in this state- ment concerning him. The Ambassador was rather nervous and irritated. ' They are stabbing me in the back,' he said ; ' they will not forgive me because, in the quarrel between the Emperor and the Chancellor, I sided with my Sovereign. Prince Bismarck cannot put up with HOW BISMARCK RETIRED 329 the position of being nobody, and he wants to drag others down with him in his fall.' ' Excuse me,' I interrupted, ' but I thought that, on the contrary, the Chancellor had accepted his withdrawal from public affairs very philosophically, and that he was rather glad to be relieved of the burden of power.' ' I thought so, too,' answered Count Minister, ' but I only thought so for half an hour. At the end of thirty minutes my illusions had vanished, and I knew what to think of his frame of mind.' And then, before I had added a word or asked another question of any kind. Count Miinster, with a shade of irony in his voice, began the following extraordinary story, which I now tell without altering a single word : ' On Wednesday, the 19th of March of last year (1890), I arrived in Berlin. My first call was on Prince Bismarck. I was quite ignorant of Avhat had taken place the previous day. The Prince, after the exchange of the first greetings, told me that he had resi2:ned. He made the statement in a calm voice, with a smile on his lips, congratulating himself on being able to resume the country life of which he was so fond, to revisit his forests and broad plains, for which he had a great liking, and to become himself once again during the few remaining years he had to live. In short, he was happy at the idea of its being possible for him to spend the whole of his time without being harassed by constant anxieties and worries. I evinced great 330 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ surprise at this news, and attempted some objec- tions ; but I did not maintain this line of conduct lono;, for the countenance of the Prince, his lan- guage and tone of voice, impressed me greatly, and, I should add, filled me with admiration for him. I discovered in him a wonderful philosophy, the accents of a man who divests himself of his honours and power with ease and manly resolution, and who, with the satisfaction of having well occu- pied his life and accomplished his duty, resumes the path which leads him to nobly- won repose. I asked myself how such a man's place could be filled, and I did not understand how, in view of the atti- tude he must to the last moment have maintained, the young Emperor could have taken it upon him- self to part with a man who, by the self-control of which he was giving proof at so very critical a moment, showed what eminent services he might yet have rendered his master. Yes, I confess, the more the Prince's attitude excited my admiration, the less could I account for the Emperor's having decided on overturning him, and the less could I see how such a man's place was to be filled. This two- fold idea haunted me while the Prince was speaking, and then, as often happens in such circumstances, I suddenly recalled to mind, in full detail, two scenes which I had witnessed, two conversations which I had heard. From that moment, while listening to the Prince's monologue, I understood how the Emperor could have conceived and realized the idea of provoking and accepting the Chancellor's HOW BISMARCK RETIRED 331 retirement, and I foresaw the successor he would give him. Then all became clear to me on the two points. I knew the young Emperor's perfect venera- tion for his grandfather, and I placed together this respectful homage and the first scene which my mind had called up. ' A year before his death, at a tea-party which he attended, the old Emperor, who had for some time been conversing with a lady, raised his voice so as to be heard by me and others, and uttered the following words, which fixed themselves in my memory : ' " Yes, I assure you, you do not see things from such a good standpoint as I do, but Bismarck has become very stubborn, and it takes all my strength of will to put up with him ; but when I am driven to extremities, and things cannot go on further, the choice of his successor will not embarrass me : my mind is made up — it will be General Caprivi." ' As the lady appeared somewhat amazed at the name, the Emperor William continued : ' " Yes, the man is not very well known, but I have had him under my orders, I have often talked with him, and I assure you his appointment is the best possible choice if it ever becomes necessary to part with Bismarck." ' I was, therefore, almost convinced that General Caprivi would arrive in office, for I was sufficiently well acquainted with the Emperor William I. to know that he must have used the same language to his grandson, to whom he always repeated on the 332 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ following day the conversations he had had, and to whom he must certainly have repeated the one I have just recalled. ' As I continued to listen to, and at times to con- verse with, Prince Bismarck, my surprise increasing at the continued calmness with which he was relating his resignation, another of the Emperor's conversations flashed across my mind, and greatly lessened the astonishment I had at the first moment experienced, when Prince Bismarck informed me of his retirement. I remembered that, some con- siderable time before the Emperor William's death, at a period when his health was fairly good, he attended a ' punch ' given b}^ his grandson, the present Emperor, to officers of all arms. Prince Bismarck had shortly before appointed his son. Count Herl)ert, Secretary of State, Minister of Foreign Affairs. ' The Emperor William I., speaking aloud, and concealing nothing from all the officers who were listening, said : ' " It must be admitted that this young Count Herbert has got on prodigiously fast under the rule of his father. It is the greatest act of nepotism which politics have ever recorded." ' I took the liberty of saying to the Emperor : ' " But how is it your Majesty has not made the remark to him ? — for I see that this act of favour, of such importance for public affairs, has not escaped your observation." ' " Why," said the Emperor, " I cannot at this HOW BISMARCK RETIRED 333 moment part with the Prince ; he is necessary to his country, and is still necessary to me. I should have readily made the remark to him, but I reflected that, as he does not feel the impropriety of these extraordinary promotions, he could not take the remark coolly, and that, if I made it, it might have more serious consequences than I intended." ' The more I reflected on these two conversations of Emperor William I., the less surprised I was both at Prince Bismarck's resignation and at the young Emperor's resolution, for I saw that, in accepting the resignation, he had, as it were, followed the indications of his grandfather's desire, and had beforehand chosen the successor pointed out to him. Knowing how profound was his respect for the old monarch, I felt convinced that he con- sidered himself screened by these recollections and by that authority ; they had inspired him with the energy and resolution of which he had given proof in parting almost harshly with the great Chancellor. ' I rose, and said to the Chancellor that, as the Chamber was sitting, I was going thither. ' The Prince replied : " Wait a moment ; I will put on my uniform and accompany you." ' He left the room. A few minutes afterwards I heard the Prince and the Princess talking in a very animated way and in a loud tone. Their conversation lasted a quarter of an hour, at the end of Avhich time the Prince re-entered the room, without having changed his attire. He held a large letter open in his hand. He had turned pale, and 334 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ had an irritated expression. He came up to me, and said : ' " I cannot accompany you ; I have this moment received a letter from that young man in which he informs me that he confers on me the title of Duke of Lauenburg ; this plainly indicates that my resig- nation is definitive and my disgrace complete. I cannot accept this mocking retirement. He will soon see that a Bismarck is not dismissed in this style." ' He then began walking up and down the room in great wrath, uttering threats, accusing everybody, inveighing against his adversaries and the intriguers who had worked in opposition to him. I saw, in short, a man who was loudly protesting against his fall, and whom the conversation with the Princess had evidently worked up — for at all times she and his son had incited him to violent resolutions. It was they who encouraged him in all the precipitate or extreme acts with which he had been reproached. ' I then understood that, when he had received me and had talked with such philosophic calmness and dignity of his resignation, he did not believe it was final, but, notwithstanding all that had passed, was persuaded that the Emperor would ask him to resume his post, and not to consider his resignation as definitive. I confess that I was then struck by surprise and sadness. I took leave of a man who, in the space of a single visit, had so strangely altered in my eyes.' * * # * * HOW BISMARCK RETIRED 335 So spoke Count Mlinster. He added to his extra- ordinary story a detail which was decidedly piquant. On going away, after his interview with the Chan- cellor, he asked, before leaving the house, whether it would not be possible for him to pay his respects to Princess Bismarck. But an Aide-de-Camp of the Emperor, who was just passing by, and who recog- nised him, said : ' Oh no, Excellency ! I do not think it would be a favourable moment for you to see the Princess. To give you an instance of the state of mind she is now in, a little while ago I took her a portrait of the Emperor, which had been sent by His Majesty to Prince Bismarck as a souvenir. On seeing it, the Princess exclaimed : " Let it be taken to Friedrichs- ruhe and placed in the stable ! . . ." ' As he finished. Count Miinster turned to me and said : ' You see why I have reason to believe that Prince Bismarck is not reconciled to his fall. I have also reason to believe that he does not forgive me for not having followed him, and the report of my recall, spread abroad by his friends, is more the expression of a desire than of a reality.' Thereupon, after talking about several other matters, I left Count Miinster and went away. In the evening I telegraphed an account of this memorable interview to The Times. The next day it appeared in the columns of that paper. The day following it was reproduced by the Press of the whole world, for it had been transmitted by telegraph 336 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ to the furthest extremities of the globe. It gave rise everywhere to the most varied comments ; some were ironical, others indignant, still others amusing. One English paper, which republished it in extenso^ added the following line : ' M. de Blowitz has again been guilty of grave indiscretion.' Here, by way of parenthesis, I should like to say a few words on a subject which I have deeply at heart. In the course of my long career the phrase I have just quoted has been printed about me at various times. I have more than once been accused of indiscretion, and more than once the epithet ' indiscreet ' has been applied to my name. I will begin by saying that none of those persons who have reproached me in this way could ever quote one example, one single example, to show that, when I gave my word of honour to be silent, or when I promised not to repeat anything, I have ever broken my word or promise. I defy anyone to prove that I have ever committed an act of treachery. To quote but one instance : When Pope Leo XIII. , after a conversation of more than an hour, in the course of which he had made certain statements that would have caused a great stir in the world, asked me, through Cardinal Jacobini, to give my word of honour not to repeat what had been said, I gave it ; and not only did I never repeat a word of the pontifical statements, but I even destroyed the notes I had taken, and endeavoured to forget what had been said. HOW BISMARCK RETIRED 337 But if it is called an indiscretion to repeat things that have been said to a journalist by persons who have not taken the precaution to demand secrecy ; if it be an indiscretion to try to find out what is going on and to tell what one knows, to inform the public of all that one discovers by chance, why, certainly, then I flatter myself that I have been indiscreet ; I boast of it, and it is an extra reason for my being proud. I consider that a journalist is, first of all, the servant of his paper and of the public. I consider that he ought to keep nothing hidden from them ; I consider that all he knows, all hel earns, all he sees, all he hears, and all that he feels, belongs to his paper ; that there is only one single law in the world which should prevent him from speaking, which should close his lips — the law of honour ! How often have people — sometimes people in very high positions — come to me and said : ' I am going to tell you something extremely interesting, but it is on the understanding that what I tell you is for you alone, and you must not say a word about it in your paper ' ! I have always answered them : ' Then don't tell me your story ; keep it to your- self. ... I am not inquisitive for my own sake — only for the sake of my paper. I do not care to know what happens if the public is not to know it. I am a journalist, and not a confessor. . . .' And it has always seemed to me extremely grotesque for people to imagine that a man who is 22 338 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ a journalist, who spends all his time, uses all his efforts, his brain, his energy, to know about things, who goes to see Ministers, receives Ambassadors at his table, who rushes to the other end of the world to interview Sovereigns, should do all that for the solitary pleasure of being well posted, of knowing for himself, just for his own private self, what is happening, so that he may store it up in his own memory and never let it be known. No, I have always told things when no imperative obligation prevented my doing so ; I have always told my paper and my readers all that I knew, because they had a right to know it. And I main- tain that journalists who are silent when they could speak fail in their duty to the paper which they are supposed to serve, and in their duty to the public for whom they are supposed to be working. This said, I return to my story. When Count Miinster, who had not asked for secrecy, saw in TJie Times of the 30th of June, 1891, the account of Prince Bismarck's resignation which he had related to me, he did not at first show any signs of displeasure or surprise. He did not offer the slightest protest. His displeasure only began three or four days later, when he received some cuttings from German papers criticising his statements in disagreeable terms. His displeasure was transformed into serious annoyance when the cuttings were followed by letters from friends of Prince Bismarck, written in the most angry and threatening terms. HOW BISMARCK RETIRED The Ambassador then, and not till then, weighed the importance of the words he had uttered, and was anxious about the consequences to himself that those words might entail. Accordingly, eight or ten days after their publication in The Times^ Count Mlinster sent me a secretary from his Embassy, who spoke to me as follows : ' The Ambassador,' he said, ' regrets that, in the account which you published, and which was very exact, you should have introduced the name of Princess Bismarck. He fears that the comments raised by this incident may cause him serious un- pleasantness. He therefore wishes me to inform you that, in order to diminish the effect produced, he will ask the Wolff Telegraph Agency to declare that there was a certain amount of imagination in the story published. He sincerely hopes that you will not take this amiss, and that 3^ou will only attribute this rectification to the imperative necessity of circumstances.' I merely replied : ' Tell Count Minister that, if the publication of his conversation is really likely to cause any annoyance to him, I shall take no exception to the slight reserve he wishes to make, and will not even protest in any way.' Thereupon Count Miinster's messenger thanked nie heartily, and the next day the Wolff Telegraph Agency communicated an official note to all the papers, stating, in the name of the German Ambassador in Paris, that there was a certain 22—2 340 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ amount o£ imagination in the account published in The Times about the resignation of Prince Bismarck. In accordance with my promise I made no reply. But, strangely enough, this official note, instead of calming the papers devoted to Bismarck, appeared to have exasperated them still more. They declared that this rectification was equal to an avowal ; they denounced the German Ambassador in Paris in the most violent terms ; they demanded that he should take back his words ; they coupled wath his name epithets which were almost abusive ; in a word, they opened wide the flood-gates of their anger and indignation. This fearful deluge caused Count Miinster to lose all his composure, and, without consulting me this time, a month after my article had appeared in The Times^ he published a fresh denial in the following terms : ' We are authorized by Count Miinster, who is at present at his country seat at Derneburg, near Hanover, to deny the authenticity of the account of an interview with him published a few weeks ago in a newspaper. The article appeared without his knowledge, and he repudiates all responsibility for the statements contained in it.' And as the storm, far from calming down, con- tinued to rage, on the 2nd of August — I say the 2nd of August — absolutely wild with terror (that is his only excuse). Count Miinster went so far as to write to Count Herbert Bismarck a letter beginning as follows : HOW BISMARCK RETIRED 341 ' I beg you to tell the Prince that I am quite beside myself on account of the inventions of this . . . Blowitz, and to express to him my regret at the wrong use which has been made of my name.' The dots in this phrase represent an epithet, probably abusive, which the Hamhurger Nachrichten thought better to suppress. * ^ « ^ * I will stop here, and will not qualify the action of a man, bearing a well-known and respected name, who, after having acknowledged the accuracy of a statement made by him, after having asked permis- sion, for private reasons, to add some attenuation, after publicly declaring that there was * some imagination ' in what had been published, leaving it vinderstood that there was much that was true, and after asking for a promise that no reply should be made to his statement, could forget himself to such an extent as to write a letter of the kind. I was, however, more than avenged, for public opinion, which finally gave judgment on the matter, did not doubt for a single instant who told the truth — the diplomatist who spoke or the journalist who was silent. For more than six months after, the organs of Prince Bismarck continued their attacks against Count Miinster, thus proving the value they attached to his denials, and the ex-Chancellor himself said, 'I shall never forget it,' clearly showing towards w^hich side his opinion leaned. I particularly wished to write this chapter in order 342 MEIMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ to show the treatment to which a correspondent exposes himself when he wants to tell the public all he knows, and also to show how almost impossible it is for those two complex beings — the diplomatist and the journalist — to have any intercourse with each other. In order for them to agree, the former must keep silent about what he knows, and the latter must talk about what he knows nothing. As soon as the one ceases to keep his counsel, and the other tries to be informed about that of which he talks, what happened to me will happen again. May this serve as a lesson to diplomatists, and also to journalists ! CHAPTER XVII DIPLOMACY AND JOURNALISM And now, as I have dwelt briefly on that delicate and complex question of the relations between journalism and diplomacy, I do not see why I should not narrate, in a final chapter, some of the numerous anecdotes on the same subject which are now present in my memory, and why, before the last pages of the book are reached, I should not give some proofs of the ingratitude and treachery which represent, to the journalist who does his duty, the cost price of any success he may obtain. During my long career, it has happened to me only once that a public man, a statesman, has testi- fied with any warmth his surprised gratitude at an act of personal discretion on my part, done at the expense of immediate journalistic success, when he himself had, so to speak, furnished me with the very element of this success. One evening in November, 1875, I happened to be at the Quai d'Orsay house of the Due Decazes, who was then French Minister of Foreign Afl^airs. We were in the billiard-room. The Due was in high spirits. He was playing at billiards with a friend of the Duchesse, who was playing so well that she [ 343 ] 344 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLO\VITZ seemed likely to win. Suddenly the door opened. A Cabinet attache entered and handed to the Due a small bundle of telegrams. Opening the packet, the Due began to read one of the telegrams. Sud- denly he became red, then pale, and wiped his temples, moist with sweat. Then, as if maddened, with an irresistible movement he took the billiard- cue which he had put down, struck it on the rim of the table, broke it across his knee, and threw the bits into the fire. The persons present, as may be imagined, were in a great state of mind. Suddenly approaching me, his teeth set with anger, he said : * Do you know what I have just heard ? Derby has just bought 200,000 Suez shares from Ismail, while every pos.sible effort has been made to conceal from us, not only the negotiations, but even Ismail's intention of selling them. It is an infamy ! It is England putting her hand on the Isthmus of Suez, and my personal failure has in no way retarded the act. I authorize you to say what you have just seen. I even beg you to say it, and to add that Lord Derby will have to pay for it.' And he added, half talking to himself : ' Yes, I swear that he shall pay for it.' He then quickly left the room, and I, too, went out. On the Avay I went over the scene in my mind, as I have here described it from my notes of the time. I saw instantly what an im- pression the story would make when told in my telegram and reproduced throughout the world, to the glory of the journal in which it appeared. But when I took up my pen to write it out, other DIPLOMACY AND JOURNALISM 345 thoughts invaded my mind. I saw the two Ministers of Foreign Affairs of England and France pitted against each other, the malignity of certain diploma- tists poisoning the wound, and I understood that, after all, I could not tell the story, even though I added that I was authorized to do so, for the mere publication would have all the aspect of a veritable provocation. I saw that it would only furnish arms to the foes of the Due Decazes, whom so many people desired to overturn, and that this revelation of Lord Derby's cleverness would be gratuitously interpreted as in itself an aggression. I dropped the pen and left the office, announcing that I would not return that night. On the morrow, at eleven o'clock, I was told that there was a messenger from the Due Decazes. Immediately after luncheon I went to the Quai d'Orsay. The Due Decazes had just come down to his work, and I was immediately introduced into his cabinet. He handed a telegram to me. In a tone almost harsh, he asked : ' Why didn't you publish the scene that you witnessed yesterday, as I asked you to do ?' I explained to him my reasons for keeping silent. He got up, seized both my hands, looked at me with profound emotion, and said : ' You understand that I have just said what I did as a joke. You have acted as a friend of the Minister — as a friend of peace ; and never shall I forget what you have done for me — for us : for you have sacrificed a journalistic success to your sense of duty. Believe me, the latter is the better memory.' 346 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ The Due Decazes remained two years longer in power, when he was carried away by the electoral storm which burst in the false coup d'etat of the 16th of May, 1877. If he ever referred to the purchase of the Suez Canal shares to Lord Derby, the matter has remained a diplomatic secret ; the public has known nothing of it, and the spirit of France was not troubled. To-day Loid Derby and the Due Decazes are no more. The shares have remained in the peaceful possession of Great Britain, and Lord Derby coidd feel at his death that he had been the author of one of the most clever and paying acts of patriotism possible, for, besides the immense hold which this act has given to England on the affairs of the Suez Canal, she gets from this possession to-day the enormous sum of £17,000,000 sterling. I must add that on two other occasions I saw the Due Decazes the victim of almost the same anger, and on both occasions he recalled to me the incident of which I have just spoken, and the gratitude which he felt in reference to it. I happened once to be with him at Vichy, when the sons of Ismail were stopping there, in the charge of an Egyptian Colonel and a tutor whose name escapes me. One day these Princes gave a dinner. They invited the Due Decazes and me as well. The Due sat at the right of Ismail's eldest boy, and I was on the second son's left. The dinner, entirely in the European fashion, was served by a single maitre d hotel. The soup had been passed before we sat down to table. The DIPLOMACY AND JOURNALISM 347 maitre dlwtel first served the eldest of the Princes, then the second, then the others (I believe there were four), and it was only then that he served the Due Decazes, who appeared to be somewhat sur- prised. But he undoubtedly thought it only a single oversight, and, as he was forbidden fish, he refused the course. But the same thing occurred through- out the dinner. The younger Princes were mere children, with good appetites, accustomed to be humoured, like Princes brought up by tutors who trembled before them, and they turned the food in the dishes over and over to get the best portions, so that by the time the dishes reached the Due Decazes they presented anything but an appetising appear- ance. The Due had become a little pale. He had omitted the second course, as I have said. The following course he had refused so as to make his thought apparent, hoping that that would suffice to call attention to the mistake that was being com- mitted. He was the French Minister of Foreign Affairs ; Vichy was French soil ; and it was, so to speak, France whom these young foreign Princes had invited to their table. All honour was due to France. The dishes ought certainly to have been first handed to the Due, and only if he refused to help himself before the eldest Prince should they have reached him second. But matters went on quite differently. During the entire dinner — and it was a long one — the dishes were offered in succession to all the Princes, and came back pillaged to the Due Decazes, who refused them. 848 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ I saw his anger rising to his face as the dinner went on. I feared an explosion. But the diploma- tist restrained himself, and the gentleman in him found a smile to respond to the Prince every time that the latter addressed him, which, however, was not often. When the dinner was over, the Due called to him the officer whose duty it was to attend to these matters, and said to him quietly, but in a tone of muffled wrath : ' You are not very well up in the arrangement of official dinners, sir. I will see that vou o-et better instructions.' And while the officer became livid at these words, the Due turned his back on him, and, coming up to me, said : ' This time, too, I beg you not to say anything about this ridiculous business ; it will be quickly set right.' And, indeed, the result was, I believe, that the unfortunate officer soon lost his situation. The other time when I saw the Due Decazes angry, and when he silently recalled my discretion in reference to the Suez Canal shares, was as follows : France had sent a vessel, the Orenoque^ to Civita Vecchia, where it anchored and remained for some years as a sort of defiance to the conquered unity of Ital}^ The idea was that, if it were necessary, the Pope might find there a refuge in Italian waters as a safe stage in getting away to foreign soil. This ship, anchored there in constant protest against the occupation of Rome by the Italians, became an object of irritation in Italian eyes. The Chevalier de Nigra, then Italian Ambassador DIPLOMACY AND JOURNALISM 349 in Paris, often spoke to me of what he picturesquely called ' une faute cl'orthographe obstinee ' which France was committing in her relations with Italy. ' But why,' said I to him one day — ' why don't you speak to the Due Decazes ?' ' That's impossible,' replied the Chevalier de Nigra. ' If once I mention the matter to him, we shall have to go on to the very end. In a matter of this sort there is no half- way point, for when a nation has said, " I beg you to withdraw this ship," it must soon add, " I wish you to withdraw it." But you, when you see the Due, explain to him what I have just been saying, that he may understand why, notwithstanding the irritation this matter of the Orenoque causes, 1 cannot speak of it to him." And, indeed, as a result of this conversation I saw the Due Decazes. ' We certainly should have this matter out between us,' said he to me ; ' but it must be quite clear that the conversation is to be purely a friendly one, quite unofficial, that no written trace shall remain of it, and that all that is said shall be said from me to him and from him to me.' The conversation took place. I afterwards learned that it finished with these words, uttered by the Chevalier de Nigra : ' You will force us to seek the friendship of those who treat us less cavalierly.' I had the bad luck to drop in at the Quai d'Orsay just at the moment when the Chevalier de Nigra was going out. The conversation with the latter had exasperated the Due Decazes, and when I entered his ' study ' he was in a paroxysm of anger. I saw 350 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ it as soon as I entered, but it was too late, and in my embarrassment, not quite knowing what to say, I limited myself to these words, which were quite contrary to my habit : ' Eh bien, M. le Due, qu'y a-t-il de nouveau ?' The Due, who was only look- ing for an excuse to burst out, roughly replied : ' Really, mon cher, it isn't my business to do your correspondence.' I got angry in my turn ; I stopped sviddenly, and replied : ' True, sir ; but it's a very good thing for my readers that it is not your busi- ness.' The Due remained a moment uncertain, but as I started towards the door he burst into a laugh, and, getting up, came to me and said : * Come, give me your hand and make peace. You know well enough that I promised never to get annoyed with you.' And, indeed, amid all the vicissitudes of time and things, I had the honour of keeping his friendship to the end. On another occasion, and, so to speak, in spite of myself, I mentioned a diplomatist from whom I had a communication. This diplomatist, w^ho still occu- pies a highly important post, wrote to me in 1876 as follows, thanking me for an invitation to dinner, addressed to him on the intervention of a common friend : ' I have now for a long time desired to make the acquaintance of a man whose reputation is based on a journalistic work beyond and above all criticism,' etc. We were soon on the best of terms, and I know few persons whose gift of lively, piquant, anecdotal talk was so fine as his. One day, while passing through Paris, he fell ill at a DIPLOMACY AND JOURNALISM 351 hotel. I went to see him, and, showing me a copy of a confidential despatch addressed to his Govern- ment, he said : ' Sac-a-la-papier ' (this was his way of saying Sac-a-papier), 'read that; it would be amusing to publish.' I was naturally of his opinion, and he ended by giving it to me, urging me to cut out anything which appeared to me compromising. I went through this work of expurgation most conscientiously. The telegram appeared in a remote corner in the outer sheet of the paper. It did not make the stir I had expected, and, indeed, it was very little spoken of. But the Minister of Foreign Affairs to whom it was addressed noticed its publication, and spoke of it to my friendly in- formant, who forthwith wrote me a violent letter, as if I had abused his confidence, quite forgetting that it was he himself who had entrusted the despatch to me for publication. I have never seen this remarkable and charming man since, and the loss of his friendship is the price I had to pay for having involuntarily stripped him, as regards his chief, of that useful anonymity behind which alone a trained diplomatist manages to preserve the sweetness of his manners and the charming smile of his lips. Need I recall, for the edification of any journalist who reads me, that, in his relations with diplomacy, he must always remember that the true diplomatist necessarily knows nothing of gratitude, that he regards the journalist as an auxiliary, sometimes useful, and always dangerous, and that he will never 352 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ hesitate to throw him overboard when it suits his ideas of his duty to do so ? In this connection I recall a striking and decisive illustration. It was in 1874, at the moment when the Arnim trial was going on in Germany. Baron Holstein, who had played so curious a role in connection with Count Arnim, was Second Secretary of the German Embassy in Paris. His intervention in this terrible question between Arnim and Bismarck was not liked, and was badly judged here. French public opinion looked askance at what was con- sidered the interference of Germany in the interior politics of the country, and Baron Holstein was violently attacked for the part he played in this matter. The Journal des Dehats^ which enjoyed then a real powxr and influence, was particularly noticeable in its campaign against Baron Holstein, and its attitude was such that, if persisted in. Baron Holstein's stay at Paris must necessarily have become impossible. It was at this time that I received a visit from M. Kodolphe Lindau, who was also at the German Embassy, and who brought to me a document justifying Baron Holstein. By very con- vincing arguments he showed me that I ought to undertake his defence against the Journal des Debats. In the then state of French public opinion this was a heavy task ; but I undertook it conscien- tiously as a duty, and I had the satisfaction — always so rare, however — of seeing this paper lay down its arms before my arguments. This took place towards the end of December, 1874, and on the DIPLOMACY AND JOURNALISM 353 30th of that month Baron Holstein wrote to me that, if he had not been kept at home by an attack of influenza, he would have hastened to come in person to thank me. A week later, on the 8th of January, 1875, indeed, he did come, and thanked me warmly. I had made, he said, by my courageous intervention, his stay in Paris possible. We talked for some time of his personal situation. I told him that I was myself just then in a critical place, not certainly knowing whether or not I should succeed Mr. Hardman as chief Correspondent of The Times^ and that I had, of course, many competitors to whom I could oppose only my devotion and my work. Some days after — that is, on the 16th of January — a friendly hand sent me a letter of Baron Holstein, sixteen octavo pages in length, bearing the superscription, ' Kaiserlich Deutsche Bothschaft in Frankreich,' and entirely written and signed by the Baron's hand. It was addressed to one of the most intimate friends of Mr. John Delane, Editor of TJie Times, and denounced me as quite under the thumb of the Due Decazes, and as willingly ignoring and concealing from my readers an Orleanist plot which was preparing a coup cTetat In this letter T/w Times was urged to send to Paris some clever and impartial person to keep the paper in touch with what was here going on underneath, as well as on the surface. This letter, I repeat, reached me on the 16th of January, a week after Baron Holstein's visit of gratitude, and it had been sent on the 12th. I need 354 MEMOIRS OF M. DE BLOWITZ not say that I have carefully preserved this curious and instructive document now for almost eighteen years, and if I divulge it to-day, it is because it is so appropriate in these pages, showing, as it does, with what stoicism a diplomatist bent upon his duty rids himself of a weight of gratitude when he thinks that he ought to do so in the interests of a higher cause. My memoirs are now at an end. The life of a journalist is so ephemeral, what he accomplishes is so swiftly swept away, what he writes is so promptly wiped out by oblivion, that I have taken the liberty, in the preceding pages, of retracing, as they return to my mind, some of the historical events in which I happened to play a part. I have written this book without any other after- thought than to survive, for a few months, Time — that rolls by and carries all away. I have not narrated everything that I have seen or learnt during my long and adventurous existence, because I con- sider that I have the right to unfold only secrets that are mine, and because I do not wish to follow the example of some men, who, when they speak from the tomb, attack, destroy . . . and only give their victims an opportunity to reply by digging their nails into the planks of their coffin. All that I have written is the expression of truth. I have considered it my duty to present, in their real DIPLOMACY AND JOURNALISM 355 simplicity, events with which I have been closely connected, and which others, in their narratives, have amplified, less in order to tell the truth than to disguise it at my expense. I have never sought applause nor feared criti- cism. I know that the fatigued reader stops on the way. I need not, therefore, ask those who have followed me to the end to refrain from reproaching me too severely for the time they have spent in the company of so poor a personality as myself. 23—2 INDEX Abarzuzza, M., 86, 87 Abdul Hamid II., Sultan of Turkey, 282, 285, 287-299 Agnel, Mdlle. d' (afterwards Mme. de Blowitz), 21 Alexander II., Emperor of Russia, 108, 109, 114, 119, 120, 124, 125 Alger, J. C, 83 Alphonso XII., King of Spain, 86, 94-98 Alva, Mdlle., 176, 182, 184-201, 205-215 Alven, Dr., 189-200, 204, 210, 211 Andrassy, Count, 180 Appert, General, 43 Austin, Charles Sumner, 46 and note, 73 Banuelos, Comte de, 89 Comtesse de, 91 Beaconsfield, Earl of, 141, 165 Beckman, Mr., 217, 218 Bergmann, Professor, 317 Bismarck, Prince, 102-105, 126, 127, 137, 141, 143, 154, 156-168, 202, 219, 220, 230 Bismarck, Princess, 157 Blowitz, Henri-Georges-Stephan- Adolphe : birth, 2 ; attempt to kidnap, 3-6 ; a feat of memory, 7 ; starts on his travels, 8 ; his fortune told by a gipsy, 13 ; returns home after five years, 13-15 ; leaves home next day, 16 ; breaks his pipe at Angers and meets Count Kolowrath, 16, 17 ; in Paris, 18; meets M. Thiers and M. de Falloux, 18, 19 ; gives a lecture on German literature, 19, 20 ; appointed Professor of Foreign Languages and Literature at Angers, 20; Professor of Foreign Literature at Mar- seilles, 21 ; marriage. 21 ; in- vents a flax-combing machine, 21, 22 ; causes defeat of M. de Lesseps at Marseilles, 26, 27 ; retires to the Drome, 28 ; corre- sponds with M. Thiers on the prospects of war with Germany, 28, 29 ; is naturalized a French subject, 30 ; returns to Mar- seilles, 30 ; organizes private wire which leads to defeat of Commune, 31, 32; with M. Thiers at Versailles, 31-34; decorated for exceptional ser- vices, 37 ; meets Laurence Oli- phaut, 37 ; iirst telegram to The Times, 41, 267 ; visits prisons with Oliphant, 43-45 ; definitely enters service of The Times, 48 ; telegraphs M. Thiers' speech from memory, 52, 53 ; accom- panies M. Thiers to Trouville, 58 ; lives with OUphant, 73, 74 ; establishes private wire to The Times, 78 ; appointed Paris correspondeiit of The Times, 99 ; attends Berlin Congress, 136- 154 ; visit to Constantinople, 289-299 Blowitz, his interviews with Abdul Hamid II., 287-299 Alphonso XII., 94-96, 98 Bismarck, Prince, 156-168 Decazes, Due, 106 - 109, 111-113, 129, 130, ?43- 350 Dufferui, Marquis of, 272 [ 356 J INDEX 357 Blowitz, his interviews with Freycinet, M. de, 261-265 Gambetta, M., 171-173 Hohenlohe, Prince, 135, 142, 148, 148, 168 Holstein, Baron, 168, 171 Humbert, King, 246 Leflo, General, 115-125 Leo XIII., 246-248 Miinster, Count, 328-335 Orlofif, Prince, 211-214 Paris, Comte de, 304-309 Rende, Mgr. de, 244, 245 St, Vallier, Comte de, 148, 150-152 Thiers, M., 33-36, 41, 48- 51, 65-67, 70-72, 267 Waddington, M., 204-206, 214, 215 Bramann, Dr., 320-322 Buckle, G. E., 237 Calmon, M., 33 Chamil, Mme. Marsa, 175-216 Clasczko, M., 106 Corti, Count, 132 Cremieux, M. Adolphe, 30 Decazes, Due, 100, 106, 107, 110, 111, 116, 121, 129-131, 343, 350 Delane, John, 52, 53, 81-84, 99, 110, 113, 115 Derby, Earl of, 114, 344-346 Desprez, M., 224 Dufaure, M., 132, 202, 203 Dufferm, Marquis of, 272, 275 Elou, Mme. Georgine, 238-260 Espivent de la Villeboisnet, General, 31, 32 Essad Pasha, 269 FaUoux, M. de, 19-21 Frederick William, Crown Prince of Prussia, 311, 316-325 Crown Princess, 322 Freycinet, M. de, 261-268 Gaillard, Colonel, 42, 44 Gambetta, M., 26-28, 167, 171-173, 203, 261-268 Gontaut-Biron, Vicomte de, 112- 114 Gortschakoff, Prince, 114, 118, 119, 123, 140 Guarracino, M., 276, 278, 280-282, 287 Gunsbourg, M., 66-69 Hardman, Frederic, 38, 42, 46, 48, 76-80 Harris, Mr., 53, 54, 74 Haymerle, Count de, 180 Henry of Prussia, Prince, 318 Hoftenhausen, Baron, 236 Hohenlohe, Prince, 108, 135, 143, 144, 148, 156, 166, 168, 224 Holstein, Baron, 168-171, 352, 353 Humbert, King of Italy, 246 Jacobini, Cardinal, 245, 249, 250, 288 Karatheodori Pasha, 180 Keratry, Comte de, 56. 57 Kolowrath, Count, 17 Kralta, Princess, 218-236 Ledochowski, Cardinal, 250, 257, 258 Leflo, General, 115-125 Leo XIII., Pope, 241. 244, 247, 248 Lesseps, M. de, 26-28 Lyons, Lord, 44 Macdonald, J. C, 76, 78, 237, 238 Mackenzie, Sir Morell, 317, 320, 321, 324 MacMahon, Marshal, 101, 117, 131 Marshall, Frederick, 37, 38 Mavroyeni Pasha, 283 Meurand, M., 36, 42 Missak Effendi, 270 Moltke, Count von, 102, 103, 112, 122, 161 Morphy, Comte, 92, 93, 96 Morris, Mowbray, 73 Munster, Count, 326-335, 338-341 Nigra, Chevalier de, 349 Nothomb, Baron, 147 Oliphant, Laurence, 37-42, 48, 51, 53-55, 73-76, 81 Orloff, Prince, 66, 116, 211-214 Osman Bey, 300 Oubril, Baron d', 165 358 INDEX Paris, Comte de. 302-310 Pessard, M, Hector, 174-177 Philippe Effendi, 275, 281-283, 286 Pouyer-Quertier, M., 103 Eadowitz, M. de, 112, 125-127 Eaghib, Bey, 288 Eeinach, M. Joseph, 267 Eemusat, Comte de, 100 Eende, Mgr. de, 244, 245 Eussell, Lord Odo, 137 Said Pasha, 274 Saint - Hilaire, M. Barthelemy, 32 St. Vallier, Comte de, 148, 150, 151, 154, 202 Salisbury, Marquis of, 141 Sartorius, Baron, 235, 236 Shuvaloff, Count, 164, 165 Thiers, M., 19, 28, 29, 32, 36, 41, 42, 46, 48-51, 56-72, 161-163, 267 Timachief, M., 49-51 Valon, M. Bertrand de, 66, 68, 69 Comtesse de, 66, 70, 114 Waddington, M., 132, 137, 164, 201-206, 213-215 Waiss Bey, 275, 276, 278 Wallace, Donald Mackenzie, 149 and note, 152-154 Walter, John, 81 William I., German Emperor, 102, 103, 114, 228-231, 323 William of Prussia, Prince, after- wards William III., German Emperor, 318-320 Zirio, Mme., 314-317 THE END BILLING AND SONS, LTD., PRINTERS, GUILDFORD Telegrams : 37 Bedford Street, • Scholarly, London.' Strand, London. October^ 1903. Mr. Edward Arnold's New and Popular Books. MY MEMOIRS. By HENRI STEPHAN DE BLOWITZ. Edited by STEPHAN LAUZANNE DE BLOWITZ. Second Impression. Demy Zvo. With Portrait, x^s. nett. Contrary to the general belief, the late M. de Blowitz, who was for nearly thirty years the Paris Correspondent of The Times., had been engaged for some time before his death in putting into shape for publication some of the more remarkable incidents of his career. These characteristic chapters of autobiography, which have been arranged for the press by M. de Blowitz's adopted son, the Editor of Le Matin, reveal some of the methods by which the best-known of modern Correspondents achieved his greatest journalistic triumphs. M. de Blowitz describes in his own inimitable manner his early youth ; how he became a journalist ; his interview with Alphonso XII., when the latter was proclaimed King of Spain ; how he averted the German invasion of France in 1875 ; the part he played at the Berlin Congress, when he secured the publication of the Treaty in The Times on the very morning that it was signed ; the subsequent attempt made, through the agency of a woman, to discover how he did it ; what the Sultan told him during his visit to Constantinople ; and the circumstances of Prince Bismarck's retirement. On these and many other topics which have been the source of world-wide curiosity, M. de Blowitz takes the reader into his confidence. He was the only man who could have written such memoirs — or who would have written them as he has done. LONDON : EDWARD ARNOLD, 37 BEDFORD STREET, STRAND. FURTHER RECOLLECTIONS OF A DIPLOMATIST. By the Right Hon. Sir HORACE RUMBOLD, Bart.,G.C.B.,G.C.M.G. Demy Zvo. \^s. nett. Sir Horace Rumbold begins the Second Series of his Recollections in the year 1873, at the point to which he brought his readers in the volumes already published. He begins by describing his stay in Chile, where he filled the position of Minister, and had the handling of the well-known Tacna affair ; it required all a diplomatist's skill to prevent this curious episode from developing into a serious crisis between Great Britain and Chile. Returning home in 1876, Sir Horace enjoyed a period of leisure that enabled him to meet in society all the most famous men and women of the day ; about this time he began to keep a diary, ' of almost Pepysian fulness,' to the no small advantage of the readers of his ' Recollections.' Later on we follow him to appointments in Greece and Sweden, retaining, wherever he found himself, that cosmopolitan interest in his surroundings that has made his earlier book such charming reading. Sir Horace has not had time to prepare more than one volume for this autumn, but he hopes in due course to complete his 'Recollections,' and bring them down to the date of his retirement from the Diplomatic Service. ODDS AND ENDS. By FRANCIS PIGOU, D.D., Dean of Bristol, Author of 'Phases of My Life,' etc. Demy ^vo. 16s. This is another instalment of Dean Pigou's apparently inexhaustible fund of anecdote and reminiscence. Readers of his ' Phases of my Life ' will be prepared to enjoy the feast of good stories set before them in this new volume. Whether the subject be Boyhood and Schoolboy Life, or Sunday Schools, or Preaching, or Parochial Missions, or Cathedrals, or The Relation of Disease to Crime, or Club-life, or Odd People I have met, and Odd Sayings and Doings, they will rely on finding abundance of good wit, good humour, and good sense; and they will not be disappointed. 1 THE DIARY OF SIR JOHN MOORE. Edited by Major-General Sir J. F. MAURICE, K.C.B. Two vols. Demy 2>vo. With Portrait and Maps. 305. nett. This Diary covers the whole of Sir John Moore's military career from the time when he first saw service in Corsica in 1793 ^^ within a fort- night of his death at Corunna in 1809. It seems to have been written with the minute care and perspicacity that characterized all Moore's work, and has been printed with scarcely the change of a word from the original. It not only contains a vivid record of military events during a momentous period, but gives free expression to the writer's views on his contemporaries, civil and military, on the policy pursued by Ministers, and the means adopted to face the gravest danger that has ever threatened the existence of Great Britain as an independent Power. But the Diary is, above all, interesting from the light it throws upon the character of Sir John Moore himself; no one can read unmoved the unconscious testimony to his own virtues of this great man's private reflections, intended for no eye but his own. In modesty, in devotion to duty, in integrity, in military skill, he stands out in striking contrast to most of his contemporaries. The Diary has been edited by General Sir Frederick Maurice, K.C.B., with appropriate introductions to Moore's various campaigns in Corsica, the West Indies, Flanders, Egypt, Sweden, Sicily, and the Peninsula ; while the abortive French invasion of Ireland provides not the least interesting chapter in a valuable book. The portrait of Sir John Moore is reproduced from the picture by Sir Thomas Lawrence in the National Portrait Gallery, THE PROBLEM OF THE ARMY. By L. S. AMERY, Editor of '"The Times" History of the War in South Africa.' Crown Svo. ^s. This is a reprint of the striking articles originally published in T/ie Times. It is believed that many will be glad to possess in a permanent form this important contribution to the literature of the subject, con- sisting as it does of a serious inquiry by one of the leading writers of the day into the military needs of the Empire and the means of satisfying them. The book is rendered additionally interesting by the incorporation of extracts from the evidence given before the War Com- mission, which justifies the author's argument in the most remarkable manner. THIRTY SEASONS IN SCANDINAVIA. By E. B. KENNEDY. Demy %vo. With nnmerous Illustrations. \os. 6d. ?iett. 'No one has properly seen Norway,' says Mr. Kennedy, 'until he has been up and sojourned on the roof of that grand country ;' and surely Mr. Kennedy has a right to speak, for he has spent thirty seasons in exploring every part, not only of its ' roof,' but of its fjords, lakes, rivers, and islands, and knows perhaps as much as any living man of Scandinavia from the sporting point of view. In this record of his adventures he writes of every kind of sport with delightful freshness and appreciation. He is a true sportsman, and as one reads one realizes the secret of his keen enjoyment of his life ; for he understands men and loves animals, and has that observant sympathy with Nature in all its forms which many men who live in the open air either lack or are unable to express in words. His pages teem with anecdotes of fishing, shooting, hunting, and ski-ing, and contain incidentally many valuable hints on camping and cooking. There is also much interesting information about the people, their manners and customs ; nor are the lemmings, beavers, and ponies forgotten. The book, which is illustrated with some remarkable photographs, cannot fail to delight all lovers of the rod and gun. FRATRIBUS. Sermons ipreacbeD mainly in IKIlincbcster College Cbapel. By JOHN TRANT BRAMSTON, M.A. Crown Zvo. ^s. nett. Mr. Bramston has found, from an experience as a Winchester College house-master extending over thirty-four years, that the preacher most likely to influence a school congregation is not the professor or the lecturer, or even the schoolmaster, but the man who will speak to the boys as brothers, and endeavour to look at the problems of school-life from their own point of view. Among the twenty-seven sermons in this volume are included some specially addressed to the younger boys at the outset of their career. It is believed that schoolmasters and parents alike will find the collection a valuable one. ROUND KANGCHENJUNGA. By DOUGLAS W. FRESHFIELD, F.R.G.S., Lately President of the Alpine Club. Royal Zvo. With Maps and fiiimeroits Illustrations. \%s. neit. The magnificent range of Kangchenjunga is perhaps, in one sense, the best-known portion of the Himalaya Mountains, inasmuch as it is visible from the popular hill-station of Darjiling ; but till quite recently it was almost unexplored and very inadequately mapped. The complete circuit of the great mountain had never been made, and its possibihty was uncertain, till it was demonstrated by Mr. Freshfield's remarkable journey. The map which was the first-fruit of that journey is in itself an invaluable addition to our geographical knowledge, but the volume which describes it has a far wider range of interest. Its results have been dealt with by Professor Garwood, but the book will appeal first and foremost to mountaineers and lovers of adventurous travel. The country traversed has also its own crop of frontier questions and poli- tical and racial problems, and these, too, are dealt with by Mr. Freshfield with his usual clearness, while his descriptive powers have found abundant scope in what is, perhaps, the most superb scenery in the world. In connection with the numerous photographs which adorn his narrative, it is enough to mention the name of Signor Vittorio Sella. MEMORIES OF THE MONTHS. Third Series. By the Right Hon. Sir HERBERT MAXWELL, Bart, M.P. Large crown Zvo. With Photogravure Illustrations. 75. dd. It is now three years since the Second Series of ' Memories of the Months ' appeared, and it is hoped that the pubhc will welcome this fresh instalment, which, while dealing with Sport and Natural History on the same general lines as its predecessors, is, of course, entirely different from anything that has hitherto been published in the ' Memories.' Sir Herbert is, indeed, continually adding to his stock of Memories by fresh experiences, so that his books afford a valuable index to the condition of angling and deer-stalking at the time of writing \ while it is rare to find a sportsman who has so keen an interest in all matters of Natural History, Forestry, etc. This volume is uniform in style and binding with the First and Second Series. THREE ROLLING STONES IN JAPAN. By GILBERT WATSON. Demy Svo. With numerous Illustrations. 12s. 6d. nett. Japan is proverbially a young man's paradise, and when three young men wander through the country with the fixed intention of enjoying themselves, one expects to hear a glowing account of their proceedings. But it is not often that the story combines literary charm with its other merits. The adventures of these ' Rolling Stones ' are not only interesting — that they could hardly fail to be — but are described with quite exceptional skill. Mr. AVatson gives a picture of Japan and its people which fills one with a great longing. Possessing an artist's appreciation of the beautiful as well as a keen sense of humour, he sketches his scenery and characters with a light and sympathetic touch. The heroine Karakamoko, a rick shaw-man's daughter, who accompanies the party as interpreter and guide, is a most fascinating creature, with whom the reader will inevitably fall in love. The book is copiously illustrated with photographs. AUSTRALIND. a fflacratlve of ManDerings in Mestern Bustralia anJ) tbc ihzXm Bast. By HENRY TAUNTON. Oiie volume Zvo. \os. 6d. nett. There are few of the wilder aspects of life in Australia of which Mr. Taunton does not possess an intimate first-hand knowledge, and a remarkable knack of vivid writing has enabled him to turn his varied material to excellent account. Whether he is lying in wait for wild cattle, riding after wild horses, or striving gallantly to sit a buck-jumper, the reader hears and sees and struggles with him. Equally graphic are his sketches of Australian types and of the aborigines, and his chapters on pearl-fishing give an interesting picture of this curious industry. IMPERIAL FISCAL REFORM. By Sir VINCENT H. P. CAILLARD. Crown Zvo, 3^. dd. nett. Sir Vincent Caillard has long been meditating a comprehensive work on Imperial Trade and Finance. But in view of the general inquiry into the fiscal policy of the Empire suggested by Mr. Chamberlain last May, he has postponed for a time the completion of this work, thinking that he would render greater service to those who wish to take part in the inquiry by showing them in less voluminous form the figures and arguments which have led him to his well-known economic conclusions. The present book is especially remarkable for the care taken to eliminate the effect on trade of the South African War, and to keep in view the conditions prevailing in normal circumstances. A large portion of the earlier chapters have already appeared in a more condensed shape in the pages of the National Review^ but the concluding chapters are entirely fresh matter, and have been written with the express purpose of discussing the scheme for the preferential treatment of the colonies, as understood up to the present time. Sir Vincent Caillard directs the attention of all who desire earnestly to search for the truth to two propositions : (i) That preferential treatment of the colonies must only be looked upon as a step towards Free Trade within the Empire ; and (2) that it is a very great error to draw hard-and-fast conclusions from the present conditions of the world without any regard to the future. KNOWLEDGE IS POWER. 21 ©uiDe to ipereonal Culture. By PHILIP GIBBS. Crotvn Svo. 35. 6d. This book is a revised and much enlarged edition of the volume of Essays on self-education, by Mr. Gibbs, already so favourably received by the public to whom the name of ' Self-Help ' is familiar as that of an attractive writer in weekly newspapers. It contains a series of articles on the various elements which contribute to the true culture of the mind, short sketches of Great ^Vriters and studies on Great Sub- jects, together with many valuable suggestions for serious inquiry into ' the things which matter ' and upon which every thoughtful man or woman should have an opinion. PAT M'CARTY, FARMER OF ANTRIM: HIS RHYMES. By J. STEVENSON. Crown Zvo, ds. nett. A good deal has been written lately about the coming poet of Ireland. Without going so far as to claim that role for Pat M'Carty, we are confident that he will be welcomed as afi Irish poet, whose native notes are thoroughly racy of the soil. 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Ashbee, with about one hundred and fifty woodcuts, and is to be printed in red and black on Batchelor hand-made paper. There will also probably be a special binding of green vellum with a gold block design and clasps. Exceptional circumstances connected with the Book of Common Prayer render it essential that this work, in order to be of historic value, shall be issued with the imprint of the King's printers ; the Prayer-Book will therefore be published by his Majesty's printers, Messrs. Eyre and Spottiswoode, acting under the Royal Letters Patent, who will superintend the work of the Essex House Press. Mr. Edward Arnold, publisher to the Essex House Press, is now entering subscriptions for the work, and as the few available copies are being rapidly taken up, those who desire to possess this important work are recommended to apply as soon as possible. The edition will be strictly limited to a total of four hundred copies for England and America, at a price of Twelve Guineas (;^i2 12s.) nett. There will also be five copies for England on vellum at Forty Pounds (^40) nett, all of which are already sold. 12 THE NATIONAL REVIEW. Edited by L. J. MAXSE. Price 2S. dd. net. This important Review now occupies the foremost place among the monthly periodicals of the United Kingdom. Its circulation has shown a steady and continuous increase, and is at present more than double what it was five years ago. It has, moreover, established for itself a unique position from the tone of public - spirited independence in which it approaches the political and social questions of the day. 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