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 UC-NRLF 
 
 273 flM7 
 
GIFT OF 
 
 
THE 
 NEXT STEP 
 
 By 
 CLOTILDE GRUNSKY 
 
 AND 
 
 C. EWALD GRUNSKY 
 
 PUBLISHED IN THE 
 INTEREST OF WORLD'S PEACE 
 
 1915 
 
PEACE AND PATRIOTISM - Page 3 
 THE UNITED WORLD - - Page 16 
 
 / 
 
 -ft 
 
 + 
 
 Additional copies for distribution maybe obtained 
 
 by application to Miss Clotilde Grunsky, 2574 
 
 Union Street,. San Francisco, California. 
 
 Postage prepaid to any country in the Postal Union 
 
 Single copies at lOc 
 
 In lots of 100 at $5.00 
 
PEACE 
 AND PATRIOTISM 
 
 by 
 CLOTILDE GRUNSKY. 
 
 An Address Delivered at the Springtime Conference, Los Gatos, 
 California, April 13, 1915. 
 
 It is the fashion nowadays to pray for Europe. With the earnest 
 new belief that war is wrong, we rise and beseech God to bring 
 reason to a world gone mad. We pray for our brothers at arms as 
 for sinners who are lost and must be saved. We recognize the 
 present conflict as the great crime of the ages and we feel that 
 those who today support it can be looked upon only as criminals 
 before God. We cry upon them to cease in God's name. 
 
 And who are we thus fervently to counsel with our Maker? We 
 are those who yesterday made boast of ancestors because one 
 time they won a war. We are they whose hearts beat high to 
 read the passionate defiance of the Revolution orators. We have 
 boasted of our brave dead, calling them heroes; we have sung of 
 them and told their stories to our children, glorious narratives of 
 loyalty and sacrifice we have been proud to call our own. But 
 yesterday it was, we stood with bared heads to join in the strains 
 of the Star Spangled Banner and in our hearts there was some- 
 thing of a real thrill of patriotism. For a moment we too could 
 be capable of great sacrifice for our country and we felt uplifted 
 by the experience, we felt that we had touched something greater 
 and finer than the selfishness of our everyday lives. 
 
 But yesterday this was, today today, we find ourselves respond- 
 ing just the same. We recite our country's praises with the same 
 
 336078 
 
ring of pride, we sing America with the same solemn inward dedi- 
 cation. Dazedly we realize that it is just such feelings as these 
 which today are animating the warring peoples of Europe. This, 
 a little bit intensified, is what war means to them. We who have 
 prayed, are we so sure then that the war is wrong? We believe 
 in our new vision of Peace with the certain conviction that here 
 lies a great Truth and yet we cannot help the real admiration, the 
 positive humility we feel in the presence of the great heroes of 
 history yes, before some of the humbler heroes of this present 
 war on whose behalf we even now have plead with God. 
 
 I believe this apparent inconsistency is a real stumbling block 
 in the minds of many. For there are a great many people in the 
 world today who do not disbelieve in war. I have read articles 
 in American newspapers and magazines defending it. Many a 
 peace-loving American there is who knows that if the occasion 
 should arise, he, too, would go forth with a glad heart to do 
 battle for his country. There are few who are not in receipt of 
 letters from Europe glorying in the present conflict. "I am glad 
 to be living today, for it is a great time," writes one, "a great time, 
 when people forget petty things and make unselfish sacrifice. We 
 are living on a higher plane than ever before." "Word came to- 
 day that our eldest boy was killed," writes another. "It is terrible 
 to think that he will never come back to us. He was so young. 
 But we cannot grudge him to the country, and we do not wear 
 mourning for him, for we know he died a noble death." We read 
 these letters, perhaps, with a pitying sense of superiority. But oh, 
 it was our own people who were feeling these things in 1865, in 
 1776. It was our own brave women of the north and south who 
 gave their husbands and sons and learned to stand erect under a 
 sorrow which they counted a pride. How dare we pity them, we 
 of little lives? 
 
 War has the great virtue of being a sacrifice. On the part of 
 the individual it is a giving without hope of gain. Much has been 
 said about the armies which march forth to kill their fellow men, 
 but there is never an army of them all, I believe, who did not 
 march forth in the spirit of self-sacrifice. They were going forth 
 not to kill, but to be killed, not as adventurers, but martyrs. 
 Much has been said of war bringing out the worst in man so does 
 
ggrg area 
 
 it bring out his best. What wonder in this age of sordid bargain- 
 ings that a nation-wide sacrifice in the name of loyalty is looked 
 upon as a height hitherto unreached? Who shall condemn the 
 spirit of an unselfish patriotism in favor of the commercialism of 
 which it took the place? I cannot, I cannot read the pages of 
 history and fail to pay my tribute to the indomitable courage and 
 sacrifice therein recorded. I cannot view the present conflict with- 
 out something of admiration, much of sympathy for the individuals 
 of both sides who are giving of their best with no return. 
 
 And yet and yet there is the terrible other side to the picture. 
 We look on at the awful useless devastations sweeping over 
 Europe, we realize that it is national patriotism which has sup- 
 plied the fuel for this conflagration, and we know with a sudden 
 deep conviction that national patriotism is wrong. 
 
 We know it not alone for this war, but for any war in which a 
 nation might engage. For no war can present a clear issue be- 
 tween right and wrong. Clear as his principles may shine before 
 the man who goes to war in the name of right, if he will but lift 
 up his eyes, he must see that it is not the wrong he is fighting but 
 his fellowmen, partly right and partly wrong. Set up his idol as 
 he may, the stage is shifted while his head is bowed and he looks 
 up to find that he has laid his sacrifice at the foot not of Right, but 
 of Nationality. 
 
 In the ardor of his giving, he perhaps refuses to acknowledge 
 a mistake. Blindly he gives his worship to his country, blacken- 
 ing his checkered foe with the hatred which must fill up the great 
 blanks that Reason has left to an unsatisfied conscience. His 
 nation becomes the defender of the world against itself, the bearer 
 of the divine spark which alone may justify humanity. Alone they 
 have achieved their present high civilization highest civilization 
 of all to them, because they understand it alone they shall go on 
 triumphant to lead man onward and upward. It is their right to 
 lead. 
 
 It is the blindness of a faith that fears to see. What difference 
 to the world if this name or that be given to it while it struggles 
 if the lines upon a schoolroom map be drawn now here, now there. 
 There is no geographic barrier to divide the right from the wrong, 
 
no little island of humanity which is more worth saving than the 
 whole. 
 
 The heritage of achievements made, of hilltops gained from 
 which to look aloft again it is a heritage which comes from all 
 mankind. A nation can thank its immediate ancestors for very 
 little of its civilization. Its science is Egyptian, Italian, German, 
 American; its music, its art, its very manners the drif tings from 
 a hundred shores; its religion and its morals are but a compound 
 of the wonderings of the savage with the vision of the Hebrew 
 and the philosophy of all the world. No one nation gave Plato, 
 Dante, Shakespeare, Tolstoi, Kant to the world. And no nation, 
 supreme above the .others, shall nurse its spark alone to triumphant 
 flame. If we believe, as believe we must to stand upright at all, 
 if we believe that humanity shall rise somehow justified in the 
 end, we know that we must cast our lot in with the world, to rise 
 and fall in its success. The brave few who with clear vision 
 struggle upward to a little higher level, wherever they be, of what- 
 ever nationality, they truly have a bond more strong than the 
 good and bad of any one people. And what is nationality that 
 men should go forth to destroy their nearest of spiritual kin in 
 its name? 
 
 What now must be the feelings of the mother whose son went 
 forth to battle and came not back again? Proud she stands, un- 
 flinching for she knows he died for what was right. She gladly 
 gave him to the cause. For what was right ah, but in the nights 
 to come when she must lie awake and think upon that life which 
 died unuttered, the gift ungiven when she faces all the ques- 
 tionings and looks her sorrow in the eyes, is there no doubt? It 
 was a mighty sacrifice to give her all. She must be very sure it 
 was the Right for which he died. If she could know that by his 
 death humanity had been saved one shame, had been helped to 
 one truth, she could have peace. Such a sacrifice a Christ could 
 make. Ah, but can she then be sure? A nation, true, was saved its 
 pride, another nation shamed what then? Her patriotism rises 
 to his defense. Her people had not wished the war; it was 
 forced upon them. The nation had been asked to submit to a 
 great injustice. God help them, they must fight, it was all that 
 
they could do. Yes, she believes all that, but uncomfortably the 
 question still remains. Her son and other mothers' sons who died, 
 how had they helped humanity? And then the answer comes: 
 
 And even if it must be, it is wrong. 
 They say it was a noble thing to die; 
 His country called and he with vision high 
 Laid down his life, his heart aglow with song. 
 Well, there they lie upon thy fields the strong; 
 They had not learned to doubt or question why 
 But we who gave them up, we learn to cry, 
 "Oh God, how long must this thing be how long?" 
 We grant that as things are, it must be so; 
 We kissed him on the mouth and bade him go. 
 It is the things which are that we assail 
 If nations lead to this, then nations fail. 
 For all mankind a man may quench his light, 
 Not for a few Oh God, it was not right! 
 
 Even if it must be, aye, the tangle is so great, it seems to be 
 inevitable. Who was the cause of this war was it Austria, Eng- 
 land, Germany, Russia, was it Kaiser Wilhelm or Sir Edward 
 Grey? Each will assure you with all sincerity that he was forced 
 into it. And I verily believe they were. It is the system of na- 
 tionality which is at fault, the system of a nationality which 
 involves a spy system, a secret diplomacy, an army and a navy 
 always at hand so that peace itself is not peace, but only an 
 armed truce. It is the system of nationality which regards the 
 success of any other nation as a menace to its own, which makes 
 England's forced claim of mistress of the seas a wrong done 
 German commerce, which makes Germany's rising strength a 
 menace to English supremacy. Under this system surely, the war 
 was inevitable it was nevertheless wrong. 
 
 For from humanity's standpoint and how else can right and 
 wrong be judged? war is always terribly wrong. Think, if of 
 nothing else, of the fearful waste of fine lives whose annihilation 
 leaves a blank that goes widening on down the generations. The 
 argument has been advanced by those who should know better 
 
that war is justifiable scientifically on the ground that the fittest 
 survive. This may have been partially true in the days of per- 
 sonal conflict; in the days of trained armies, of modern implements 
 of warfare, the result is just the opposite. The fittest it is who 
 offer themselves for the sacrifice, the fittest are chosen for the 
 army, the fittest are put in the front rank of battle. It is the 
 unfit who are found too narrow chested, too puny to serve, the unfit 
 who were too mean of spirit to volunteer. These become the 
 fathers of the next generation. 
 
 And let no belief in the upward progress of mankind blind us 
 to the fact that it contains the germs of downward tendencies as 
 well. I do believe in the ultimate justification of humanity, but 
 I believe in it because I believe we will become clear sighted 
 enough in time to utilize intelligently the forces of evolution. 
 There is no miracle of God or man which can bring a generation 
 of men and women of high ideals and character from the de- 
 generate protoplasm of the weaklings of the generation preceding. 
 There are many misunderstood exceptions of course, but the law 
 holds that the weak is father to the weak, the strong to the 
 strong. Can you estimate the loss to humanity of that brave army 
 of the strong who should have gone on multiplying and 
 gathering strength down through the generations? Is not a very 
 corollary to our belief in the destiny of man, the belief that we 
 must speedily understand the laws of his progress and further 
 them, that we must learn among other things to do away with war? 
 
 There need be no pictures painted of the terrors of war of 
 the battlefields which were once fields of grain, of the empty 
 homes and hearts, of the horrors which make the liberty of war 
 their cloak, of the blind hate of prejudice which grows up in 
 men's hearts and lives on, the terrible heritage of ages to come. 
 It is enough to see clearly this race of man, this curious mixture 
 of what we call evil and good, struggling without purpose as it 
 were on our little planet. There is much of pleasure, much of 
 sorrow, a little struggling up, a little slipping down. It seems 
 as though there were infinite actions of good, infinite actions of 
 evil, but no hope of ever a directing hand. A life of earnest 
 endeavor is thrown away, the world drifts on directionless. To 
 
believe this, to believe that life is worth only the amusing pleasures, 
 its little hopes of today balanced against its little sorrows of to- 
 morrow, this is to stand against a blank wall and look despair in 
 the face. What is it then to be a man merely to be a figment of 
 ether capable of sensations, capable of satisfactions bought by 
 actions called good merely because they bring such satisfactions? 
 All that is best in us revolts at this conception. I do not stop to 
 argue truths and reasons believe it if you will. But this much 
 I hold clear beyond dispute: The only thing which can make this 
 tangled life of man worth while is the belief that some how we 
 shall work out a solution in the end, that this hybrid creature 
 man contains within him the germ which can somehow develop 
 and grow upwards to the sun. We must believe a life of service 
 not thrown away, we must believe that every attempt to solve the 
 social problem, the problems of disease and crime is an effort in 
 the right direction, an effort which shall some day learn the vision 
 to succeed. This much we must believe in to hold the dignity of 
 life. We alone can justify our lives, we can justify them alone 
 by working toward the betterment of humanity. 
 
 And see where now we stand. There has practically never been 
 a time in the world's history when there has not been a war. 
 There is a war today. If the organization of the world remains as 
 it is, there is no hope of there not being a war tomorrow and the 
 next day. Well, how do we measure up? In the household of man 
 there is a struggling upward, a few earnest workers who are giv- 
 ing their lives to the educational and social problems of their 
 people, a great many who are helping in smaller and less conscious 
 ways and then suddenly war. Every other form of activity 
 ceases; the earnest work of years is discarded, set aside like a 
 plaything. The work of the educator, the social economist, the 
 eugenist becomes a terrible farce. The best of the nation is 
 swept aside, the flower and hope of the nation are wiped out, the 
 man who but now was working for humanity as a whole goes forth 
 to slay his fellow workers because they happen to be called by 
 the name of a different nationality. It is a horrible travesty and 
 all that there is of dignity in life, all that there is of purpose, calls 
 out upon us that it must be stopped. 
 
And why can it not be stopped? The, world is organized now 
 into great groups called nations. They are the product of a 
 gradual evolution which passed from the individual to the tribe, 
 to the kingdom, to the empire. They represent the best that man 
 has framed thus far as a social being, great communities in which 
 the individuals, have united for their mutual welfare, a recog- 
 nition that the good of men is not centered wholly in themselves, 
 but includes in a larger sense the good of those about them, the 
 good of society at large. Obviously the only legitimate excuse 
 which a national government can have for being is that it makes 
 possible the greater welfare, the greater protection and possibili- 
 ties of progress of its people. Unquestionably there is much in 
 a nation which answers this requirement, much in national patriot- 
 ism which is a zeal towards this end. 
 
 But see how the nations now stand. We find that a national con- 
 sciousness has grown up perhaps I should say, still remains 
 which regards tfre nation as an entity with a destiny apart from 
 the destiny of the world. As if in a very practical sense its pros- 
 perity, in a very real sense its salvation were not dependent on 
 the prosperity and salvation of all other nations. The English, 
 it says, shall be the greatest of all peoples. Is Germany surpassing 
 us in scientific discoveries, in new inventions, in social institutions? 
 Then Germany is a menace to England. Germany, it says, shall 
 be supreme in the world. Would such and such a country impose 
 a progress un-German upon us? Does such and such a country 
 stand in the way of German commercial development? Then 
 good or bad for the world as it may be, that country must go. 
 This phase of nationality it is which leads to war, it is in a certain 
 sense, always war whether fighting is going on or not. 
 
 And the travesty of all this, is that the leaders of the nations, 
 the nations themselves hold this principle because they believe that 
 it is for the good of their people that they hold it. For the good 
 of their people, when even in peace the question is never one of 
 right and wrong and humanity's finest hopes may be crushed out 
 in the name of justice. For the good of their people, when such a 
 doctrine lays them open to the continual danger of a war. They 
 do not wish a war I do not believe there lives a man so criminal 
 
 10 
 
in soul that he could wish a war but though, they do not see it, 
 their principle is war in its very essence. They find suddenly that 
 war is forced upon them, the sword begins to cut the hand that 
 holds it. 
 
 Nationality makes then, in a sense, our greatest advancement. 
 It is also, in a sense, our greatest menace, a powder magazine 
 waiting only for the touch to blow our finest into dust and send 
 mankind stumbling on downward into the night. 
 
 And we are not exempt. We call the United States the haven 
 of peace, the safe refuge of what spark of civilization is left 
 burning. Do you realize that we are standing today on the brink 
 of war that we always stand so? That so long as the United 
 States is a nation, as long as Europe, as Asia is organized into 
 nations with all that that word implies we may find ourselves 
 any day in a situation which will involve us in a war. Suppose 
 us even to remain passive some nation may find our natural 
 development a menace to her interests, some nation may feel her 
 national growth demands expansion; we will be insulted, imposed 
 upon, an excuse will be found to declare war upon us and we shall 
 not be able to avoid it. Sane men and women as we may be, 
 believers in peace, we are still men and women with something of 
 red blood in our veins and I do not question that the circumstances 
 could be found under which we would take up arms. 
 
 Can we understand this situation and turn aside from it, can we 
 see the right as clearly as it looms before us and still delay? 
 We cannot say that war is wrong and sigh and let it go. We 
 cannot pray that God may see fit to change it all in His good time. 
 God only works through man. The Truth is his, and he who holds 
 a Truth and acts in its name, he it is who does the miracle of God. 
 The Truth of God is here, the work is here to do must we not 
 rise to do it in His name? 
 
 With our present system of nation and jealous nation, we have 
 war. Looking before us into the future, we can see only new ex- 
 pansions, new conflicts, new wars. Rank upon rank, we see the 
 fine inheritance of the nations wiped out, bit by bit we feel the 
 hope of humanity's salvation slipping through our fingers. The 
 system must be changed. We see the vision clearly and it gives 
 us strength to dare. It shall be changed. 
 
 11 
 
This does not mean that we have quite lost our hold upon the 
 practical. We do not expect warring Europe to hear our voice 
 and throw aside its arms; we do not* hope to remodel human 
 nature with a word to suit the world's best needs. This plan and 
 that have been proposed. Glorious they are, visions of a world 
 grown wise but containing no answer to the manifold problems 
 of the present. They are the task completed, but they give us no 
 beginning, no first step we can safely make. 
 
 And yet this first step must be taken, the world union must 
 come, a confederacy of nations, united to maintain a permanent 
 peace. We can make it only as practical as possible. There shall 
 be first an international congress which shall have power to make 
 and administer laws controlling international affairs. The present 
 diplomatic relations between the nations of such a confederacy 
 shall be done away with, permanent committees shall take the 
 place of secret treaties and spy systems. A court or courts shall 
 settle all disputes between nations. There shall be an international 
 police force of sufficient strength to completely overshadow any 
 national resistance which might arise within or without the con- 
 federacy. This involves the disarmament of the individual nations 
 and the support by taxation or other means which the congress 
 shall specify of an international army and navy. 
 
 These changes, of course, shall be made gradually and only 
 upon the adoption of this plan by a sufficient number of world 
 powers to insure the protection of those disarmed. If free trade 
 and other economic reforms prove essential to the maintenance 
 of peace, then the international congress, supported by the national 
 governments, shall make such rulings when they become neces- 
 sary. They shall not be imposed upon the world, but will be the 
 natural outgrowth of the needs of its new organization. 
 
 Whatever exceptions our private prejudices may make to the 
 details of specific reforms advocated by this peace advocate or 
 that, in the main, this seems clearly a course for which we can 
 stand. 
 
 Such an international government leaves to the nation its ele- 
 ments of helpfulness and robs it only of its pernicious prides and 
 jealousies; such a world union lifts patriotism from a blind self 
 sacrifice to a self dedication no less noble and far more wise it 
 
 12 
 
makes patriotism coincident with love of humanity and love of 
 right. 
 
 To the statesmen of the old system, perhaps, this scheme seems 
 ethically sound, but too quixotic to be practicable. What new 
 step in advance was not? Must not the idea of a tribe have 
 appeared so to the early caveman? To the struggling peoples of 
 the Dark Ages must not a national patriotism have appeared un- 
 believable? But the nations would not all come in at first, they 
 urge. We do not need them all to make a beginning. Even the 
 necessary few are not yet ready to take the step. We can but 
 try and see. We know that it is right and if the nations still 
 delay well, we can but work the harder to make them under- 
 stand; it is a new call for our effort. Once in, they say, it seems 
 far too much like the millennium for the nations suddenly to give 
 up all their prejudice and work peacefully together. They would 
 find their interests clash and there would be a civil war, per- 
 haps but if these dangers lie in our path, we must risk them, that 
 is all. There are but two paths for us to take and this is the right 
 one. God help us. We shall weather the civil war somehow or 
 we shall perish in the attempt. We cannot improve matters fey 
 failing to make the effort. 
 
 There is bound to be a period of adjustment whenever such a 
 step be taken, bound to be a period when feelings clash, when 
 interests seem opposed, when apparently there is no pulling 
 together possible. Then gradually the edges of nationality and 
 prejudice shall wear off. People shall no longer count each other 
 foreigners of whom to be jealous, but rather fellow citizens of a 
 great state with common interests. So it was that the United 
 States weathered the storms of sectional interests and emerged 
 a nation. It might have perished in the attempt, it could not do 
 otherwise than make it. 
 
 To some such platform as this then, we can give our loyalty. 
 And it is our loyalty which is the matter of prime importance, for 
 whatever the means, whatever the details of the organization 
 which is to be the answer to the problem, it is alone the fire of a 
 new patriotism which shall put the courage in men's hearts to act. 
 It is their loyalty to Right, to man which shall outshine the loyalty 
 to their national few. 
 
 13 
 
If our nation, if other nations are not now ready to give up 
 their jealousies and struggles, it is because their people have not 
 yet lifted up their eyes from their little altar fires to the sun. 
 There are many weary souls abroad who have felt so keenly the 
 high thrill of sacrifice, who have paid so dearly to their idol, 
 patriotism, that they could not welcome one who came to prove 
 them wrong. There are many among us for whom the lowly fire 
 shines so bright, they cannot see the day is dawning overhead. 
 If they but knew, if they but understood, if once they saw the 
 vision clearly, this Right, that Wrong, this way destruction, that 
 a hope, then surely they must take their stand to serve this new 
 loyalty with the ardor learned in service of the old. 
 
 Is ignorance then all? Is then our task so light? For see, we 
 can begin at home. I can think clearly, you think clearly so 
 much gained. And we who hold the torch within our hands and 
 see it burn, we now can hold the flame on high that others too 
 may see. Little by little the light shall spread, perhaps running 
 quickly on the wave of a great enthusiasm, perhaps slowly with 
 the wearing away of a prejudice but surely always, for there is 
 no going back. 
 
 Yesterday it was we held the love of country next to love of 
 God, well, we have not disowned that faith, we have but grown 
 within it. The past is not a garment which we cast off when we 
 don a new, it is our childhood, very fibre of our being. Our wider 
 judgments are but childhood ones a little bit expanded, our ideals 
 reach but little way beyond the old, our loyalties are the loyalties 
 the past has taught. And so we honor national patriotism which 
 has lifted man to the heights of loyalty and sacrifice; we must 
 honor it who would fee advocates of peace, for it is only by its 
 light that we could see to read the words that tell us of a vision 
 still beyond. 
 
 Patriotism it is a point of view. We stood upon the lowlands 
 once and loved the country near at hand. But we have climbed a 
 little higher now to see beyond the near horizon the broader scene 
 is ours to love. "Ours" is the magic word ours to make or mar, 
 
 14 
 
to live for and to serve in sacrifice or to betray in selfishness. 
 Ours was the nation and we loved it, good and bad ours is the 
 motley world. 
 
 I stooped and ran my fingers in the earth 
 And sudden felt my kinship with, the mould; 
 My own this strip of land, now bare and cold 
 Beneath my touch I saw it warm, give birth; 
 I thrilled in ownership and knew my worth. 
 I saw the sun rim round the house with gold, 
 I saw the smoke uncurling, fold on fold: 
 I dreamt it lost life's fullness grew life's dearth. 
 My fathers gave their lives to keep this land, 
 My fathers loved and wrought and sang its soul, 
 Real, pulsing mine they made it yes, mine all! 
 Another threatens now with jealous hand. 
 I care not who he is, he asks my whole 
 My God, and I should stand and see it fall! 
 
 Oh blind, who stretch their hands out toward the light 
 
 That shines to fill their little dark! The sun 
 
 Greets those who can forget a battle won, 
 
 Who dare to judge the god for which they fight. 
 
 I see not dully with my fathers' sight; 
 
 This little land was theirs they knew but one 
 
 But mine the world and every brave deed done; 
 
 My nation are the few who stand for right. 
 
 My fathers lived their lives both false and true, 
 
 One people holds no torch to guide the rest 
 
 My hope lies in the whole humanity. 
 
 I still am proud, my love finds idols new; 
 
 I still must give unpaid to give my best 
 
 Oh world, oh man, take thou my loyalty! 
 
 15 
 
THE UNITED WORLD 
 
 By 
 C. E. GRUNSKY. 
 
 October, 1914. 
 
 The time has now come when the Nations of the World must 
 unite in one strong coalition for the settlement of international 
 differences without recourse to war. 
 
 The hope that with advancing civilization each country upon its 
 own initiative will disarm is futile. Disarmament must be com- 
 pelled by higher authority and will not result until there shall 
 have been organized, under the earnest and hearty co-operation 
 of the foremost nations of the world, an International Govern- 
 ment with adequate power to deal with all international questions 
 and with a sufficient armament, to enforce peace between all 
 countries the world over. 
 
 Immediately upon the organization of such an International 
 Coalition and the creation of a navy of adequate power to police 
 the world, the disarmament of each nation should begin according 
 to some reasonable program. 
 
 16 
 
CONSTITUTION OF THE 
 UNITED WORLD 
 
 The people of the world, realizing that to insure peace between 
 nations and to promote the general welfare in all parts of the 
 world, international strife must be prevented, acting through their 
 respective National Governments do hereby establish this Con- 
 stitution for the United World. 
 
 ARTICLE I. 
 
 Section 1. The Government of the United World shall have 
 such powers as may from time to time be conferred upon it by 
 the people of those countries which have joined this Coalition of 
 Nations. 
 
 Section 2. Until its powers are extended or otherwise modified 
 the Government of the United World shall have power to settle 
 international disputes; to limit the armament of nations with a 
 view to permitting each country to maintain only such armament 
 as may be required for international police purposes; to enforce 
 observance of its decrees in reference to these matters by force 
 of arms if necessary; to maintain to this end a navy and such 
 armies as may be necessary; to establish army and navy posts 
 in any part of the world; to take such measures as may be neces- 
 sary to maintain this coalition of nations; and to provide for an 
 equitable apportionment of the expenses of the Government to 
 the countries which have joined this coalition; to enforce its 
 levies for funds; to borrow money; to acquire lands for govern- 
 ment, for military, for naval and for related purposes; to make 
 such laws as may be necessary for the execution of the powers 
 herein set forth and to enforce obedience thereto, and to take all 
 measures that may be necessary to preserve this union. 
 
 Section 3. Legislative power is hereby vested in a Senate to be 
 composed of Senators from each of the countries which have 
 joined this coalition. Each such country shall be entitled to one 
 Senator in addition to one for each 10,000,000 population or frac- 
 tion thereof up to a population of 100,000,000 and to one for each 
 
 17 
 
50,000,000 or fraction thereof in excess of a population of 100,000,- 
 000. 
 
 All Senators except those first elected or appointed shall be 
 elected or appointed for terms of six years. Those first elected 
 or appointed shall be elected or appointed by the country which 
 they are to represent in groups as nearly equal as practicable for 
 terms of two, four and six years. 
 
 The method of the election or appointment of Senators from 
 the several countries shall be determined by the people of these 
 countries within the limit of numbers as here set forth, the last 
 preceding official census being taken as the guide in determining 
 the numbers of Senators to which each country is entitled. The 
 Senatorial terms shall begin to run at noon on the first day of 
 January after this Constitution goes into effect. 
 
 Section 4. Thq Senate shall have full power to pass rules and 
 regulations for the conduct of its proceedings; to establish and 
 organize a State Department; an Army Department; a Naval 
 Department; a Treasury Department; a Department of Public 
 Works, and such other executive Departments as may be found 
 to be necessary or desirable. 
 
 It shall have power to prescribe the qualifications of its mem- 
 bers; to settle disputes in case of rival claims to membership; to 
 suspend and to expel members, and to impeach for cause and 
 bring to trial before the Supreme Tribunal, the President or any of 
 the members of the Cabinet. It shall be the duty of the Senate, 
 subject to the limitations of this Constitution, to exercise the 
 powers set forth in Section 2 of this Constitution. 
 
 Section 5. The Senate shall elect a President of the United 
 World, to hold office during the year in which elected and there- 
 after for ten years from 12 o'clock midday of the first day of 
 January following this election, and shall in the year preceding 
 the expiration of the presidential term elect his successor. It 
 shall in the case of a presidential vacancy elect for the unexpired 
 term. The presidential term shall be for ten years; the presi- 
 dential decades shall begin to run at noon of the first day of 
 January following the election of the first President. 
 
 Any person in the World shall be eligible for President. 
 
 18 
 
The President shall, in the case of a failure to elect his suc- 
 cessor or delay in the qualification of his successor, hold office 
 until a successor has been elected and has qualified. 
 
 The Senate shall prescribe an oath of office to be taken by the 
 President-elect before he can assume the duties of the office. 
 
 Section 6. The Senate shall have power to determine the method 
 of the election of the President, which must be by secret ballot, 
 and shall fix the time when balloting must begin not later than the 
 first day of October nor earlier that the first day of July of the 
 year preceding the beginning of a new presidential term. 
 
 Section 7. The Senate shall elect from its own body for such 
 term of years as it may fix, a presiding officer who shall in the 
 case of a vacancy in the office of President automatically become 
 President and shall hold office as President but only until a new 
 President shall have been elected by the Senate and shall have 
 qualified. 
 
 Section 8. The Senate shall have power to levy upon the 
 various nations which participate in the coalition, on any basis 
 which it may find equitable, for funds with which to carry on the 
 government; and it shall have power to enforce the payment of 
 such levies. 
 
 Section 9. The President shall appoint a Cabinet consisting of 
 a Secretary of State, a Secretary of the Treasury, a Secretary of 
 the Army, a Secretary of the Navy, and a Secretary of Public 
 Works. 
 
 Section 10. The five Cabinet members shall be the executive 
 heads of their respective departments. They shall hold office at 
 the pleasure of the President and until their successors are ap- 
 pointed and shall have qualified. They shall have a voice in the 
 proceedings of the Senate, but without the right to vote. In the 
 case of a vacancy both in the office of President and in that of 
 the presiding officer of the Senate, the Secretary of State shall per- 
 form the duties of the President, and in case this office also is 
 vacant then this and any additional vacancies are to be filled by 
 automatic advancement to the Presidency of the Secretary of the 
 Treasury, of the Secretary of Public Works, of the Secretary of 
 the Army, of the Secretary of the Navy, in the order here named. 
 
 19 
 

 Section 11. The Senate shall have power to fix the compensa 
 tion of its members and employees of the President and of th< 
 members of the Cabinet. 
 
 Section 12. The Senate shall from among nominations made b 
 the various countries which have joined this coalition of Nations 
 name 21 Justices who shall form a Supreme Tribunal for the con 
 sideration of all matters pertaining to international relations tha 
 may under the laws, rules and regulations of the Senate properl 
 be brought before it. 
 
 Each Justice shall hold office for life. 
 
 No more than three Justices shall be from the same country. 
 
 All appointments of Justices must be made from among nomi- 
 nees by such nations as desire to avail themselves of the privilege 
 of making nominations; provided that when any nation has madej 
 no nominations any of its citizens shall be eligible and all of 
 shall be considered to be in nomination. 
 
 
 
 
 AMENDMENTS. 
 ARTICLE II. 
 
 Section 1. Amendments to this Constitution may be proposed} 
 by the Senate. A two-thirds vote of all Senators entitled to vot< 
 shall be necessary to secure the submission of an amendment to th< 
 nations which are members of the United World. Upon ratifica- 
 tion by two-thirds of these nations any amendment thus propose 
 shall be in full force and effect. 
 
 ENACTING CLAUSE. 
 
 Section 2. This Constitution is to be in full force and effect up- 
 on ratification by at least seven nations, among whom there rnusl 
 be: England, France, Germany, Italy and the United States oi 
 America. 
 
 The Senate shall meet for the first time at noon on the first Mon- 
 day of July in the year following the year in which this Constitu- 
 tion goes into effect. 
 
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