f 
 
 QC
 
 A SHORT 
 
 HISTORICAL SKETCH 
 
 118 
 
 AND 
 
 ACCOUNT OF THE EXPENCES INCURRED 
 
 Under the Heads of 
 
 CIVIL LIST, 
 
 PENSIONS, AND PUBLIC OFFICES; 
 
 WITH 
 
 SOME OBSERVATIONS ON THE CONDUCT 
 
 OF THE 
 
 IN 
 
 A LETTER ADDRESSED TO A FRIEND. 
 
 BY THE AUTHOR OF A LETTER SIGNED 
 
 A FREEHOLDER OF CORNWALL. 
 
 SECOND EDITION, 
 
 WITH ADDITIONS AND ALTERATION*. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 PRINTED FOR J. HATCHARD, BOOKSELLER TO HER MAJESTY, 
 OPPOSITE ALBANY, PICCADILLY. 
 
 1810.
 
 THE following LETTER was published first in 
 August 1809: the Writer has been able, in 
 the interval, to correct some Errors, and to 
 make some Additions. 
 
 January 1810. 
 
 Brettell and Co. Printers, Marshatl- 
 Strwt, 6oldea-S<|uare, T^oniWa.
 
 Stack 
 Anna* 
 
 5 
 
 02% 
 
 A SHORT 
 
 MY DEAR SIR, 
 
 JlN compliance with your repeated request, 
 I address a letter to you, containing some accounts 
 and details respecting the expences of the Civil and 
 Pension List, the establishments of the great offices 
 of state, the sources from \vhich those expences are 
 supplied, and the measures taken from time to time 
 by government or parliament for their oeconomi- 
 cal regulation. 
 
 I most perfectly agree with you in opinion, as 
 to the urgent call for a public exposition of the 
 real truth on these subjects, and the probable 
 utility of such an attempt as the present, at this 
 important crisis ; for we all know that a set of 
 gentlemen, associated as " political reformers/' 
 have employed themselves with unusual industry 
 in disseminating, by every possible mode of cir- 
 culation, statements respecting the expences and 
 of these establishments, tending to
 
 degrade and render odious the government and 
 parliament of the country ; statements founded on 
 such gross misrepresentations of facts, that it needs 
 more than common candour to believe (what would 
 indeed be a poor justification) that they have arisen 
 wholly from the want of proper information. 
 
 It may not be amiss, in the first instance, to 
 make some observations on the character and views 
 of the persons who have erected themselves into a 
 sort of (< club of reformers," and to give a general 
 description of the means which they have adopted 
 for carrying their plans into effect. The leading 
 members of this club have, in a manner, fixed 
 their head-quarters in London; among them I could 
 point out several individuals, whose admiration of 
 the principles of the French revolution induced 
 them, some years since, to take every possible step, 
 under cover of the word " Reform," to introduce 
 a similar revolution in this country. 
 
 It might have been reasonably expected, that, 
 after the experience which we have had in our 
 time, every loyal or even prudent man would have 
 watched the proceedings of these gentlemen with 
 the most vigilant and anxious suspicion : but, 
 unfortunately, there are among us, even at a dis- 
 tance from the capital, some who think differently; 
 having for years, in their private meetings, been 
 heating their imaginations, and perplexing their 
 own understandings, as well as those of their 
 neighbours, with ideal models of perfect govern- 
 ments, and faultless bases of popular representation :
 
 dissatisfied, upon system, with every existing insti- 
 tution and with every act of every successive admi- 
 nistration ; believing, with a confiding and almost 
 zealous credulity, every tale of corruption detailed 
 by the great club in their newspapers ; they have 
 also become active reformers ; associate and cor- 
 respond with the club in London ; are the parti- 
 sans of their schemes, and the imitators of their 
 proceedings. 
 
 Before I enter into my sketch of our Civil List 
 and other establishments, it may not be unneces- 
 sary to give you, specifically and in detail, the 
 general catalogue of grievances, which are studi- 
 ously impressed on the minds of the unwary, 
 through the medium of weekly publications, in 
 debates at taverns, and in private society. 
 
 They say, that " the expences of the Civil List, 
 " detailed in that magazine of corruption, the Red 
 " Book, are unnecessary and enormous: 
 
 " The pension list excessive and unlimited : 
 
 " That the salaries and establishments of office 
 " are beyond what is necessary for the public 
 " service." 
 
 After having thus prepared the minds of their 
 hearers to believe, that every regulation, in every 
 department, is vicious in the principle of its insti- 
 tution, and is the efficient cause of an unprincipled 
 and extravagant expenditure; the next assertion is, 
 
 " That all this unnecessary and corrupt expence 
 " is defrayed by taxes levied on the public :" and, 
 lastly, they assert,
 
 " That parliament, the constitutional guardian 
 " of the public purse, through a defective state of 
 " the representation, if not the partaker, is, by its 
 '* silence and inactivity, an accomplice in this 
 " glaring system of iniquity." 
 
 Their conclusion from these premises is, that 
 " Reform," RADICAL " Reform" in the represen- 
 tation of the people, is the only remedy for evils 
 so desperate and universal. 
 
 I must, therefore, request you, my dear Sir, 
 during your perusal of what I have to offer to your 
 consideration, to keep constantly within your view 
 the above assertions. Upon them the advocates 
 for Reform rely, as a principal feature of their case. 
 It is by arguments derived from such assertions, 
 that they have misled the judgments or inflamed 
 the passions of the unwary and uninformed : and 
 it is by the truth or falsehood of these actual asser- 
 tions, that their own claim to the character which 
 they assume, namely, that of temperate, well-in- 
 formed, wise and safe directors of t4ie public opi- 
 nion, is to be estimated. 
 
 I shall, in the first place, call your attention to 
 the expenditure of the Civil List, which includes 
 a very considerable proportion of those salaries con- 
 tained in the Red Book, so confidently exhibited to 
 the public as an object of suspicion and dislike. 
 
 CIVIL LIST. 
 
 (c The ordinary revenue of the king," says 
 Mr. Justice Blackstone, " is such as has subsisted
 
 " time out of mind in the Crown, or has been 
 " granted by Parliament, by way of purchase or 
 " exchange, for such of the King's inherent here- 
 " ditary revenues as were found inconvenient to 
 " the subject." 
 
 It is most clear, from this description, that the 
 ordinary revenue of the King, charged with its 
 present burthens, namely., the civil list establish- 
 ment,, is as much his property, and held by him on 
 as legal and valid a title, as that of any individual 
 subject in the kingdom. 
 
 Mr. Justice Blackstone further states, that, in 
 the late reigns, the produce of certain branches of 
 the Excise and Customs, with other articles, com- 
 prising the whole hereditary revenue of the Crown, 
 and also 120,000/. per annum in money, were set- 
 tled on the King for life, for the support of his 
 majesty's household, and the honour and dignity 
 of his crown : Parliament undertaking to supply 
 any deficiency below 800,00()/. per annum, the 
 King receiving the surplus beyond it ; which pro- 
 bably was considerable, as it appears from the 
 same respectable authority (Blackstone) that these 
 duties were computed to have produced, in some 
 years, one million. But his present Majesty, soon 
 after his accession, having spontaneously signified 
 his consent, " that his own hereditary revenue 
 " might be disposed of as might best conduce to 
 " the satisfaction and utility of the public/' and 
 having graciously accepted the limited sum of 
 800,000/. per annum (charged with life annuities
 
 of 77,000/. per annum), for the use of the Civil 
 List; " the said hereditary and other revenues 
 " are now carried, entered and made a part of the 
 " aggregate fund," in the general revenue of the 
 country. See Stat. 1 Geo. 3. c. 1. 
 
 Mr. Blackstone computed, at the time he wrote, 
 that " the public was a gainer of upwards of 
 ." 100,000/. per annum by this disinterested bounty 
 " of his Majesty." By which I understand him 
 to mean, his voluntary acceptance of 800,000/. 
 per annum in lieu of the revenues enjoyed by his 
 predecessor. 
 
 At two subsequent periods additions have been 
 made to this annuity, viz. 
 
 By Stat. J 7 Geo. 3. . . 100,000 per annum. 
 
 44 Geo. 3. . . 60,000 
 
 the total being at this moment 960,000/. per an- 
 num, exclusive of the King's proportion of the 
 fees of offices in the Exchequer, regulated or sup- 
 pressed by Stat. 23, Geo. 3. of which I shall say 
 more hereafter. 
 
 The amount of these is not certain, but proba- 
 bly, on an average of late years, is about ^5,000/. 
 per annum. 
 
 It will appear, from the following statement, 
 that Mr. Justice Blackstone has not under-rated 
 the advantage derived by the public from his 
 Majesty's acceptance of a limited annuity, in lieu 
 of the hereditary and other revenues enjoyed by 
 his predecessor. The account from which my 
 authority is derived was laid before Parliament in
 
 1802, and is in my possession. It appears from 
 thence, 
 
 That the total produce of the hereditary and other reve- 
 nues enjoyed by his late Majesty, and in lieu of which 
 his present Majesty accepted the limited annuity of 
 960,000/. (as before stated), was from 1777 to 1800, 
 both inclusive , 30,253,885 
 
 That the total sum paid by the public, in the same period, 
 on account of the above annuity, Exchequer fees, and 
 in discharge of Civil List debts (888,340/.) was . . 22,654 676 
 
 Leaving a balance of gain, as before explained, of . <. 7,599,209 
 
 The whole period of the account extends to 
 24 years ; the average annual gain has therefore 
 been 300, OOO/. per annum. But if we take only 
 the last three years, which is fair, as the annuity 
 is limited and the revenues are annually increas- 
 ing, its total amount will be found to exceed 
 700, OOO/. per annum, making a further gain, to 
 be computed from the close of the account to the 
 end of 1808, or during eight years, of 5,600,000/. 
 
 Having now shewn historically the source from 
 which the Civil List expenditure is defrayed, I 
 shall next proceed to mention the attention which 
 Parliament has paid to the proper and oeconoinical 
 regulation of this establishment : In process of 
 time the annuity accepted by his Majesty be- 
 coming insufficient for defraying the charges on 
 the Civil List, its attention was directed to the 
 question, and an act was passed in 1?82 (2<z! Geo. 3. 
 c. 82.) for its future regulation. 
 
 I shall not enter into the details of the Civil 
 List act farther than to shew, in the first place.,
 
 10 
 
 how provident and jealous the Parliament in our 
 times has been, in contriving the most efficient 
 security against any corruption or abuse which 
 might arise from the disposal of the immediate 
 revenue of the Crown; and, secondly, with what 
 care and vigilance it has formed plans for its ceco- 
 nomical expenditure. 
 
 Under the first head (that of preventing corrup- 
 tion)., I shall mention the regulations affecting 
 the grant of Pensions, and the application of the 
 funds derived from the Civil List for Secret 
 Service. 
 
 The amount of Pensions which can be made a 
 charge on jthc Civil List is limited by this act, as 
 may be hereafter seen. 
 
 In times preceding the act they were paid from 
 private lists, and in private places. By the act, 
 they can only be paid by the public officers at the 
 Exchequer, and from public lists, containing the 
 names of the parties and recorded therein. One 
 instance is to be quoted as an exception; but this 
 very exception marks the object of Parliament, 
 and defines its views : the first Lord of the Trea- 
 sury may return a pension into the Exchequer 
 without a name, 'provided he makes oath, That 
 such pension is not payable to any member of the 
 House of Commons, or to any other person for the 
 purpose of supporting or procuring an interest in 
 any place returning members to parliament. 
 
 The sum allotted for Secret Service Money, is 
 also limited in its extent, and a series of clauses
 
 11 
 
 are enacted to secure its regular and due applica- 
 tion to the service on account of which it has 
 been issued by order of the Lords Commissioners 
 of the Trees u ry. 
 
 The other object of the act was, that of secu- 
 ring order and ceconomy in the expenditure of the 
 Civil List revenues. With this vievr, a number 
 of useless places r with their salaries, were abolish- 
 ed. But I think it most material to state, how, 
 and under what conditions, that abolition took 
 place. The persons who held them were not dis- 
 missed with all their claims unsatisfied, or their 
 former services unrewarded. On the contrary, 
 full power was given to satisfy every claim, and 
 to give every man his due. The clause to this 
 effect is a solemn, just, and practical recognition 
 of this useful, wise, and honourable principle, 
 that, in every reform, the claims of individuals, 
 whether legal or equitable, ought to be duly at- 
 tended to, and that no public advantage is to be 
 acquired by a parliamentary or other violation of 
 a private right. 
 
 The next oeconomical regulation that followed, 
 was that of dividing the expences of the Civil List 
 into distinct classes, and the forming an estimate 
 of the expence necessary for the support of each. 
 I shall here give you an abstract of the estimate 
 framed for the purpose ; as I think it will, in some 
 degree at least, furnish you with information as 
 to the sort of articles defrayed by the King for 
 the benefit of the public, out of the sum which he
 
 12 
 
 receives in exchange for his hereditary revenues, 
 I call this only an abstract ; it literally is so ; for 
 every individual salary., and many minute expences, 
 are separately detailed in the original estimate: 
 
 \tt Class " Pensions and allowances to the Koyal Family, 
 including the privy purse of the King and Queen . 203,500 
 
 3d Class '* Payment of the salaries of the Lord High 
 Chancellor of Great Britain, the Lord Keeper or the 
 Lords Commissioners of the Great ^eal, the Speaker of 
 the House of Commons, the Judges of the King's Bench, 
 and Common Pleas, and Barons of the Exchequer, and 
 Justices of the Courts of Great Britain in the Principality 
 of Wales 32,955 
 
 3d Class " Salaries to Ministers at foreign courts, being 
 
 resident at the said Courts 70,852 
 
 4f/t Class Approved Bills of all Tradesmen, Artificers, and 
 Labourers, for any articles supplied or work done for his 
 Majesty's service 147,200 
 
 5th Class " Menial servants of his Majesty's household .. 90,965 
 
 6th Class " Pensions in the form of royal bounty, /"92,:>82 
 
 Ditto to retired Ambassadors 8,975 
 
 .Compensations for Offices abolished 16,632 
 
 118,189 
 
 1th Class " Salaries; including those to sundry civil and 
 law Officers, public servants in the Courts of Law, Re- 
 venue Offices, and in the Houses of Lords and Commons, 
 in the Exchequer, &c. &c. &c 81,44-8 
 
 8//* Class " Salaries and Pensions of the High Treasurer, 
 or Lords Commissioners of his Majesty's Treasury, and 
 the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the offices of the Se- 
 cretary of htate, and a multiplicity of other public ser- 
 vices distinctly named in the estimate 138,476 
 
 Total . 897,399 
 
 It is in this place necessary that I should ob- 
 serve, that the whole of the expences above de- 
 tailed are not at this period (1810) defrayed from
 
 13 
 
 the funds applicable to the support of the Civil 
 List. An increased provision has been made for 
 the numerous branches of the Royal Family, as 
 Mell as an augmentation of the salaries of the 
 Judges j with a superannuation fund on their re- 
 tirement from a^e or infirmity. 
 
 o *, 
 
 This increase is charged by act of parliament 
 on what is called the Consolidated Fund, or the 
 general revenue of the country. There may be 
 some other articles, subject to the same obser- 
 vation, which are in the same mode a charge on 
 the public funds, and may, in part, be said to be 
 in aid of the Civil List, which became unequal 
 to its burthens. 
 
 I can however say, subject to the above excep- 
 tion, that his Majesty, from the above annuity 
 accepted by him in exchange for his hereditary 
 and other revenues, maintains the dignity and 
 splendour of his crown ; in a great degree provides 
 for his numerous family ; diffuses the royal bounty 
 in the shape of pensions ; largely contributes to 
 the expence of administering justice; pays his own 
 ambassadors; and, in part, contributes to the car- 
 rying on the great business of the state, by paying 
 the salaries and expences of its antient and neces- 
 sary establishments. 
 
 It will not be improper to say, in this place, 
 that at a period subsequent to that in which the 
 estimate which I have recited was formed, the at- 
 tention of Parliament was again called to the con- 
 sideration of the expenditure of the Civil List.
 
 14 
 
 The subject more than once underwent the exa- 
 mination of committees of the House of Commons; 
 their reports of 1803 and 1804, will, if you refer 
 to them, prove their diligent and vigilant atten- 
 tion to this important question. 
 
 I refer you to these reports with confidence, be- 
 ing fully convinced that if our countrymen could 
 be induced to examine into facts themselves, they 
 would acknowledge, from absolute proof, that no 
 neglect or dereliction of duty is imputable to Par- 
 liament, and treat as they deserve the obvious mis- 
 representations of reformers on this subject. 
 
 But I shall not interrupt the detail of facts 
 which I have undertaken, by further observations 
 at this moment. 
 
 It will be seen from the reports in 1803 and 
 1804, to which I have alluded, that the increased 
 expences of the Civil List (which they undoubt- 
 edly prove) did not originate from any source of 
 corruption, No excess beyond the estimate of 1786* 
 will be found under the head of Pensions, none 
 even in the provision for the Royal Family ; none 
 for the salaries of ministers, or the establishments 
 of office ; but the whole falls on those articles, the 
 cost of which has (nominally at least) increased 
 the expenditure of every subject of the country in 
 common with that of his Majesty. 
 
 I shall not enter into further details or explana- 
 tion, having shewn, in contradiction to what has 
 been so loudly asserted, or at times so artfully in- 
 sinuated, by those who wish to make alleged abuses
 
 15 
 
 their plea for radical Reform, that the Civil List 
 expences (a large proportion of the Red Book} are 
 defrayed from the purse of the King, and not from 
 the pocket of the public : that there does not ap- 
 pear to be any ground for believing what is also 
 asserted, that these expences are conducted with 
 a want of oecoiiomy, or applied to purposes of cor- 
 ruption : it is also proved, that Parliament, so far 
 from having been inattentive to this head of ex- 
 penditure, has framed and carried into execution 
 a plan for its economical regulation, and has oc- 
 casionally enquired, through the medium of its 
 committees, how far these regulations have been 
 observed and carried into effect. 
 
 Before I entirely, quit this part of my subject, it 
 may not be wholly unnecessary to compare the 
 proceedings whicli I have described with those 
 that took place on the grant of a Civil List to 
 King William in 1697: Stat. 9 and 10, W. 3. 
 
 It has of late been much the fashion to speak 
 with an enthusiastic reverence of the transactions 
 of those days, and then to conclude with lamen- 
 tations of our present departure from the principles 
 of them. I most unquestionably rejoice, as much 
 as any man, in the recollection of what passed in 
 168; the great men of those days preserved our 
 religion and our liberties from destruction, by the 
 assistance of King William, and, I trust, have 
 placed them on a basis which will be found im- 
 moveable. But I admire them principally because 
 they effected all these great things, by measures
 
 16 
 
 of firmness, wisdom, and moderation ; partaking 
 in no form or degree of the nature or complexion 
 of those proceedings which are, in modern lan- 
 guage, called " Revolutionary." 
 
 But although I agree with these gentlemen in 
 their first proposition,, I must hesitate as to my 
 admission of the fact, that the Parliament, during 
 the reign of our present King, would suffer from 
 a general comparison of their conduct with that 
 of those in the time of King William. 
 
 I think, at least, I may venture to affirm with 
 confidence, that the Parliament in those dajs have 
 shewn abundantly greater attention to the interest 
 of the public, in the votes which they have passed 
 respecting the King's Civil List expences, than 
 was displayed by the Parliaments of King Wil- 
 liam. 
 
 We have already seen in detail what has been 
 done by the Parliament of our times; I will now 
 give you as briefly as possible a detail of what the 
 Parliaments in King William's time did, not for- 
 getting what they omitted to do. 
 
 By Stat. 9 and 10, W. 3. certain revenues were 
 Assigned, together with those that were hereditary, 
 for the support of the Civil List of King William, 
 the Parliament undertaking to supply any defi- 
 ciency below 700,000/. per annum, and contract- 
 ing that any surplus beyond it should be returned 
 into the Exchequer. In three years afterwards, 
 by Stat. 12 and 18, W. 3. the contract for repay- 
 ment of the surplus was repealed, and the whole
 
 17 
 
 was vested in the Crown*, in the first year of the 
 second triennial Parliament. This repeal alone 
 proves that the overplus must have been consider- 
 able, and it is scarcely too much to infer, that 
 the Civil List revenue given to King William, in 
 point of actual numerical value, was equal to that 
 first granted to his present Majesty (800,()00/. per 
 annum). 
 
 But I think it right to call your attention, in 
 this place, to a comparison between the real value 
 of 800,000/. per annum in Ifio,? and 1760, or of 
 96f),000/. per annum in 180y. It is by this test 
 the merit of the different Parliaments, in point of 
 oeconomy, is to be tried. 
 
 Perhaps there are few questions which can be 
 investigated on sure and sound principles with 
 more difficulty,, than that \vhidi involves a com- 
 parison of the real value of money as applied to 
 the purposes of life at different periods. The sub- 
 ject has, I understand, been ably treated by the 
 late Sir George Shuckburgh, and I must refer you, 
 and those who wish to consider the subject scien- 
 tifically, to his treatise. 
 
 * The real and marked distinction between the conduct of our 
 present King and Parliament, and that of all former K<ns and Par- 
 liaments, respecting the Civil List, is, that former Kings retained 
 both the management of the assigned revenues, and the surplus be- 
 yond the fixed annuity. 
 
 Our King surrendered even the management of his own revenues 
 to the public officers ; and Parliament retained the surplus for the be- 
 nefit of the public. It is this surplus that makes what is fairly called, 
 by Blackstone, the gain of the public, and is the foundation of the 
 modern account of 1802. 
 
 B
 
 18 
 
 But there is no man living who recollects the 
 real value of money only twenty years ago, i. e. 
 the conveniences it could furnish, but must be 
 sensible that there must bean enormous difference 
 between 800.000/. in 1697 and 800,000/. in 176*0, 
 and perhaps a still greater between 800,000/, in 
 1697 and 960, OOO/. in 1809 : it is not too much, 
 I believe, to affirm, that this value is at least tri- 
 pled if not quadrupled. 
 
 What would our complaining gentlemen say, 
 if the King's pension-list were now tripled or 
 quadrupled ? or, further, if all restraints on its 
 amount were taken away, and perfect secrecy as 
 to the persons on whom they were conferred could 
 be preserved ? But I shall make the latter part of 
 this sentence better understood, by stating parti- 
 cularly what the Parliament of King William 
 omitted to do. They did not limit the amount of 
 the Civil-List Pensions; they did not enact that 
 they should be paid from a public list, at a public 
 place; they did not limit or regulate the amount 
 or disposal of Secret-Service Money ; they did not 
 class, apportion, (economize, or form estimates of 
 his Majesty's expences : I think, my clear Sir, our 
 Parliaments do not suffer by the comparison. 
 
 My next head of inquiry will relate generally 
 to all sorts of Pensions.
 
 19 
 
 PENSIONS. 
 
 I shall begin this part of my subject, by dividing 
 Pensions into distinct classes, in respect of the 
 funds from which they are defrayed. 
 
 They?r,tf, comprising such as are paid from the 
 hereditary revenues, or absolute property, of the 
 Crown : 
 
 Qdly, Such as are paid by the Public, by an act 
 of parliament, or other sufficient authority : 
 
 Sdly, Such as are charged on tke establishment 
 of the different public offices. 
 
 The Pensions defrayed from the actual revenue 
 of the Crown, and bestowed on individuals, by 
 what is, with strict propriety, called " the royaj 
 f bounty," are supplied from several funds ; 
 
 1st, As we have already seen, a part is derived 
 from the 960,000/. charged with the payment of 
 the Civil List establishment : 
 
 Qdly, From the fund created by the 41 per cent, 
 duties, paid in the West Indies : 
 
 3<%, From the hereditary revenues of the 
 Crown in Scotland. 
 
 It has been already seen, that the estimate 
 framed in 1785 of the Pensions, that should make 
 a part of the Civil List establishment, confined 
 their amount to a limited sum: in treating there- 
 fore of this head of Pensions, we have little to 
 examine, further than to ascertain how far this 
 
 B2
 
 20 
 
 limit fixed by Parliament has been observed. It 
 appears from an account presented to the House 
 ot Commons in the year 1804, that the Pensions 
 paid from the Civil List establishment, have, in 
 every year, from 1787 to ^O^, fallen short of the 
 estimate made in 1786; one year only excepted, 
 \vhe*i its amount exceeded it about 1000/. Nor 
 is this solidary instance of trifling excess any vio- 
 lation of the act of Parliament, which legalizes 
 the payment of any excess in any one year not 
 exceeding 5000/. 
 
 The Committee of Expenditure, in their report 
 made in 1803, express their satisfaction that this 
 description of Pensions had not exceeded the limit 
 fixed by the estimate in 1786. In fact, their 
 amount was only 89,067/. 
 
 The second head of Pensions paid from the 
 King's personal funds, consist of those charged on 
 the 4i per cent, duties, which are certain sums 
 paid to the Crown (or, I believe, goods in kind, 
 when not compounded for) in the West-India 
 islands. These duties not being included in the 
 hereditary revenues transferred by the Crown to 
 the public in exchange for the 800, OOO/. per 
 annum, remain the property of the King, and are 
 at his absolute disposal. (See the Reports of the 
 Committee of Finance 1797, and of the Com- 
 mittee of Expenditure 1808). 
 
 The Pensions charged on the 4^- per cent, fund, 
 and now in course of payment, amount to 30,497^ 
 exclusive of two contingent Pensions not now due,
 
 21 
 
 amounting to 5,7SO/. (Committee of Expenditure 
 180S). 
 
 The third class of Pensions paid from the King's 
 property are those charged on the Civil List of 
 Scotland. It appears from the report of the Com- 
 mittee of Expenditure 1808, that these Pensions 
 are defrayed from the duties and revenues payable 
 to the Crown in Scotland : which being expressly 
 reserved to his Majesty by the Civil List Act (1st 
 Geo. III. cap. 1.) are now also exclusively and 
 absolutely his property, " subject to their ancient 
 " charges." 
 
 The total amount of these revenues is stated to 
 be, on an average, 69,7901. per annum : the char- 
 ges on them (including 36,5061. for the Pension 
 List) amount to 53,843/. 
 
 The surplus, both of this revenue and of the 4j 
 per eent. duties, has been, as it appears from par- 
 liamentary accounts, occasionally, applied in aid 
 of the Civil List of England; and so far as their 
 amount goes., has been a relief to the public from 
 any Civil List debts that have occurred. 
 
 There are a few other pensions of small amount 
 payable from the revenue of Gibraltar, the Isle of 
 Man, Ceylon, and Lower Canada, which I rather 
 conceive come under the description of the King's 
 revenue: the total in 1808 was 3,589/. I shall 
 close this first general head of Pensions, with a few 
 observations : 
 
 1st. That it is clear, that all these pensions 
 (with perhaps the exception of the latter small
 
 class) are paid from a fund which does not at alt 
 depend on the increase or decrease of taxation, 
 and which was taken by the King for the support 
 of his Crown and Dignity, in lieu of other reve- 
 nues, the amount of which greatly exceeds that 
 of the fund so taken, to the manifest gain of the 
 public. 
 
 2dly. I beg leave to observe, that a list of the 
 names of the persons entitled to either of the 
 above Pensions, with the sum which he will 
 receive, is recorded at the office where it is paid, 
 and that a copy of the list may be, at any time, 
 called for by either house o-f Parliament. 
 
 Further ; Such copies have been, frequently be- 
 fore them, and have been printed by order of 
 the House. In the course of the year 1808, 
 a list more complete and extensive than any that 
 had before appeared, was submitted to the con> 
 mittee on expenditure, reported by them, and 
 printed ; and must have been in the possession of 
 every member of the House during several months 
 of the last session. 
 
 If, therefore, there be, or has been, any corrup- 
 tion or mis-management in the distribution of the 
 royal bounty, the question at least has had every 
 possible publicity ; and most certainly has, in fact,, 
 undergone the most minute investigation, not 
 only lately, but in former times* But, with an 
 exception which I shall hereafter mention, respect- 
 ing the Pensions charged on the Civil List of 
 Scotland, no committee has discovered any one
 
 23 
 
 circumstance so decidedly wrong, as to make any 
 animadversion on their part necessary. I have 
 not even heard that any gentlemen of any politi- 
 cal party, or of those who, under the specious 
 title of Reformers, profess their hatred of both 
 parties, has openly and in his place as a member of 
 parliament, expressed his discontent on this part 
 of the subject: I say, openly and in his place; 
 hecause I am fully aware of what has been said 
 about '* the Red Book" at taverns, at their clubs, 
 and at their public meetings., where special care is 
 taken that no man shall be heard in opposition ta 
 bold and unfounded assertions. 
 
 On my part, I neither mean to assert, much less 
 to insinuate, that the sums implied in the shape of 
 royal bounty have been in all cases apportioned 
 with a perfect equality of distribution, according 
 to the merit or wants of the person receiving it :* 
 the royal bounty may have been taken by surprise, 
 like the bounty of individuals ; and instances of 
 abuse may be named, which have also escaped the 
 vigilance of Parliament. But I do most confi- 
 dently believe, as far as my information reaches, 
 that not the most remote trace of corruption upon 
 system, or of wilful negligence on the part of Par- 
 liament (which is the real question), can be im- 
 puted to any of the parties concerned. 
 
 I have mentioned above, that the Pensions 
 charged on the Civil List of Scotland, afford an 
 
 * See 1st of Geo. III. c. \ . where distress or merit are mentioned as 
 qualifications for *he objects of the King's Pensions.
 
 exception to some of the remarks which I have 
 made. It is certainly true, that the Committee 
 of Finance in 1797, and the Committee of Expen- 
 diture in 1808, have made some observations, re- 
 commending that these Pensions should undergo 
 some limitation and controul. The Committee in 
 1808, express a hope "that the subject will un- 
 " dergo further investigation, and till that takes 
 " place, that no additional Pensions will be 
 "granted."- They conclude by saying, that 
 these Pensions are for the most part small, and 
 two-thirds of them are granted to females. An 
 observation that may with strict propriety be also 
 applied to those paid from the Civil List of Eng- 
 land. 
 
 The next class of Pensions contains those which 
 are clearly paid out of the general revenue of the 
 country, the principal of which are charged by 
 act of parliament on that aggregate of public 
 taxes called the Consolidated Fund. 
 
 The first general head of these Pensions, is those 
 granted to the Prince of Wales, and the other 
 branches of the Royal Family, in aid of the Civil 
 List. 
 
 The second, consists of those Pensions granted 
 to the very eminent persons who have, in our 
 times, distinguished themselves in our service, so 
 much to their own honour and with such lasting 
 advantage to their country. 
 
 In this last will be found the names of a Nelson, 
 a St Vincent, and an Abercromby, and many
 
 others : the services of such men cannot be too 
 gratefully remembered, or scarcely too liberally 
 rewarded. The total charge on the consolidated 
 fund on both accounts was, in 1808, 282,77 '/ 
 
 I must here remark, that in this list I have con- 
 fined myself to what are strictly Pensions, ex- 
 cluding all salaries, or compensation^ for old 
 crown grants purchased ; such as the Duke of 
 Richmond's duty on coals, &c. 
 
 The salaries on this fund, are principally those 
 paid to the Judges, to the Boards of parliamentary 
 Commissioners lately appointed by act of parlia- 
 ment, for auditing the public accounts, and some 
 officers of the Mint. A certain portion of these 
 are paid in aid of the Civil List. 
 
 Beside the above parliamentary Pensions, other* 
 are annually paid, which are unquestionably a 
 charge on the public revenue, derived from tax- 
 ation. 
 
 ARMY. 
 These are paid at the War-Office, viz. 
 
 The Compassionate List .5,163 
 
 Widows' Pensions 36,673 
 
 - ,.41,83* 
 
 ORDNANCE. 
 
 There is also a sum annually included in the ordnance esti- 
 mates and voted by Parliament ; it is described as con- 
 sisting of the pay of superannuated and disabled men ; 
 half-pay for good services of reduced officers; Pensions to 
 widows, &c. &c. The total, 1808, 60,805 
 
 NAVY. 
 
 The Pensions under this head of service, are defrayed from 
 the produce of the sales of old stores, in the different
 
 Dock-yards, and arc applied to the payment of fixed 
 allowances to sea officers, and persons connected with the 
 naval service, according to a regular order of superannu- 
 ation: their amount is 62,884 
 There is also a superannuation fund in this department, for 
 masters attendant, ship-wrights, sail-makers, mast-makers, 
 &c. &c. amounting to 6,306 
 
 Total f.69, 190 
 
 I shall now proceed to state the very few obser- 
 vations which I have to make, on |the third de- 
 scription of Pensions, which are said to be granted 
 to persons who are, or have been, employed in 
 official situations under government. In doing 
 this, I shall confine my remarks, to what are called 
 by the Committee of Finance, " Offices of Expen- 
 diture," which include all the great offices of state, 
 a list of which you will find in a future part of 
 this letter: I do this, partly to avoid detail, and 
 partly because the Pensions of this kind, in what 
 are called " offices of collection," are few and of a 
 very trivial amount. 
 
 I am not in possession of sufficient documents, 
 to enable me to state with precision how much of 
 these Pensions is paid by the public, and how 
 much from funds to which they are not contri- 
 butors. I must therefore content myself with 
 saying, that they are discharged in various pro- 
 portions from the Civil List, and from what is 
 called " the fee fund of an office" (a term I will 
 hereafter explain) ; and partly also from the gene- 
 ral public revenue. These Pensions are charged 
 on, and make a part of, what is called the esta-
 
 blisbment of an office, and are paid under various 
 authorities ; being in some cases voted by Parlia- 
 ment on estimate, as part of the expences of the 
 general department; in some cases they have been 
 created by a Treasury letter or minute of that 
 Board ; and in others, they have been created by 
 the authority of the office where they are paid. 
 
 The total amount so described was, in 1808 . 43,422 
 
 I cannot close this part of my subject without 
 declaring my satisfaction, that the Committee of 
 Expenditure in 1808, have expressed some dissa- 
 tisfaction with this head of Pensions. They are" 
 not, in my judgment, granted by such an autho- 
 rity or under such a controul, as gives the public 
 sufficient security against abuse. It becomes, how-^ 
 ever, unnecessary to argue this question: as it has 
 been already submitted to Parliament by Mr. Mar- 
 tin, in a series of resolutions which, modified by 
 the Chancellor of the Exchequer, are now under 
 reference to a committee. See Appendix. Their 
 are also a few pensions not included in tlie above, 
 which are paid from the Civil List : they relate 
 to the offices of the Lord High Steward and the 
 Master of the Horse their amount, 7,454/. 
 
 After having given you in detail an account of 
 the Pensions paid by the Royal bounty, from the 
 King's personal funds ; and also of those paid by 
 Act of Parliament, or otherwise, from the public 
 revenue for the establishments of the Royal Fa- 
 aaiJ}^ or as a reward foj useful or distinguished
 
 28 
 
 public services ; I feel it necessary that I should 
 add, as far as I am enabled to do it, something 
 respecting the following heads of expenditure, viz. 
 
 1st, Compensations for loss of offices, which it 
 has been judged expedient to abolish or regulate. 
 
 Qdly, Sinecure places, or offices executed wholly 
 or chiefly by deputy. 
 
 On examiningthe list of " Compensations/' it will 
 be found that the principal part of the expences in- 
 curred under this head., arises from compensations 
 given for offices abolished by the Civil List Act (2d 
 Geo. III. cap. 82.) beforere ferred to; and, 2dly, 
 from the compensations granted in Ireland on 
 account of offices lost by the union. The amount 
 of compensations is said by the Committee of Ex- 
 penditure to exhibit a sum continually decreasing, 
 as the lives of those entitled to them gradually 
 fall in. The compensations paid in Ireland, fall 
 wholly on the revenue of that country. I do not 
 attempt to give you details of expenditure in any 
 instance respecting that part of the kingdom, not 
 being in possession of sufficient information ; and 
 I am unwilling to say any thing on imperfect 
 authority, or which I am not able to explain. 
 
 The compensations paid in England, exclusive 
 of those charged on the Civil List, amount to a 
 sum not worthy notice, and do not arise in any of 
 the " Offices of Expenditure" to which I shall con- 
 fine my observations.
 
 29 
 
 Sinecures and Offices executed wholly or chiefly 
 by Deputy. 
 
 These situations are described by the Com- 
 mittee of Expenditure as being somewhat in the 
 nature of pensions ; because money is paid where 
 no service is performed. But they are still consi- 
 dered as partaking of the nature of offices, from 
 the name of official business having been conti- 
 nued after the functions are become extinct and 
 obsolete. I think this description not universally 
 accurate ; it applies only to those cases where the 
 whole business of a department has ceased. But 
 there are many cases, both in the exchequer and 
 the courts of law, where only the head officer 
 holds the sinecure, and the office remains efficient 
 in the hands of a deputy and clerks paid by him. 
 
 It will be seen, on inspection of the report from 
 the Committee of 1808, that this source of ex- 
 pence has been derived almost entirely from our 
 ancient institutions. 
 
 Having thus generally explained the nature of 
 existing sinecure places, I shall, in the first place, 
 advise you, my dear Sir, to read the observations 
 made by Mr. Biuke on this subject, in his justly 
 celebrated speech on oeconomical Reform (Feb. 
 1807), and also those made by the Committee of 
 Finance in 1797. (22d Kept. p. 19.) 
 
 I think I can mention these authorities with 
 confidence : Mr. Burke's speech was the prelude 
 to a most extensive plan of practical Reform 
 which was to a considerable degree carried into
 
 30 
 
 effect; and I may add, that it contains such 
 clear and satisfactory information as to every 
 point connected with the objects proposed to be 
 reformed, such a comprehensive view of the pre- 
 sent, prospective, and collateral efft.'.s of what 
 he proposed to be done ; such wise, sound, saga- 
 cious, and just principles, on which future reforms 
 should be planned and executed, that it may be 
 considered as the land-mark which all those who 
 venture to launch out on this perilous subject must 
 constantly keep in view. 
 
 I can also speak with confidence as to the deli- 
 berate opinions formed by the Committee of Fi- 
 nance, whose chairman was the present Speaker 
 of the House of Commons, (the Rt. Hon. Charles 
 Abbott.,) the extent and accuracy of whose infor- 
 mation is universally admitted. I think you will 
 discover, from the perusal of these documents, 
 that the real constitutional question for your deci- 
 sion is, not whether any sinecure places should be 
 permitted to exist, but to what extent and 
 amount their existence is consistent with the in- 
 dependence and the prosperity of the country. I 
 shall now proceed to state, as far as I am able, 
 from the documents I possess, though I fear not 
 with the 'perfect accuracy I could have wished to 
 attain, the actual amount of sinecure offices, in- 
 cluding those executed by deputy, when the 
 office itself is efficient, jbut the head-officer per- 
 forms no service in person. 
 
 The first sum that I shall mention, amounts to
 
 31 
 
 somewhat above 39,000/. per annum, and includes 
 all sinecures of which I have any knowledge, (see 
 3d Rep. of the Committee of Expenditure,) except 
 those in the exchequer, the courts of law, inclu* 
 ding the ecclesiastical and admiralty jurisdictions; 
 and lastly, those connected with the civil admi- 
 nistration of Scotland. 
 
 The salaries comprised in this sum of 59,000/. 
 are paid partly from the Civil List, partly from 
 fees paid by individuals, partly by the revenues 
 from particular and local jurisdictions, and partly 
 from the public revenue : the proportions I cannot 
 ascertain. 
 
 The next division of sinecure places arises 
 wholly in the Exchequer : the sum paid in respect 
 of which, amounts in gross to upwards of 62,000/. 
 per aim. 
 
 The whole of this is not paid to actual sinecure 
 officers ; I believe, however, that a great pro- 
 portion of it is ; part is undoubtedly paid to 
 efficient officers, but the return is so worded as 
 to render it impossible to distinguish the profits of 
 the sinecure from those of the efficient officer. 
 
 I shall go fully into this subject: It appears, 
 from the Appendix to the Reports of the Com- 
 mittee of Accounts in 1781, that the principal 
 officers on the ancient establishment of the Ex- 
 chequer, are paid partly by a small salary, but 
 principally by fees on the issue of public money. 
 I speak from conjecture, when I say, that it is 
 probable that some doubt arose concerning the
 
 52 
 
 extent of those fees at some time during the rei:;n 
 of King William ; but it certainly appears, that 
 in that period a list of them was made out by the 
 then Barons of the Exchequer, and they were de- 
 clared " ancient, just, and legal;" they were also 
 reduced into form, specified in a table, and sub- 
 mitted to both houses of Parliament. 
 
 In 1783 an act passed, (23d Geo. III. c. 82.) 
 which enacts, that on the death, surrender, &c. 
 of certain principal officers in the Exchequer, the 
 above fees should not be paid to their successors, 
 but should be carried to a fund for the payment of 
 fixed salaries to some of them ; the offices of others 
 being by the same act wholly abolished. It fur- 
 ther directs, that two-thirds of the surplus of those 
 fees, after payment of salaries, should be carried 
 to the account of the consolidated fund, and one- 
 third in aid of the Civil List, as I have already 
 mentioned. 
 
 Some of the principal officers are still alive and 
 remain on the ancient establishment, and retain 
 their proportion of the ancient fees ; but the pub- 
 lic has derived from the death of others a very 
 large portion. I can collect from the actual 
 accounts of the consolidated fund in my posses- 
 sion, that its income has been increased from 
 1801 to 1809, by no less a sum than 437, 842/. by 
 the provisions of this act, or an average of up- 
 wards of 48,000/. per ami. A very considerable 
 addition will arise when the regulation takes com- 
 plete effect on the decease of the surviving officers
 
 33 
 
 on the old establishment. I cannot state it accu* 
 ratHy from the information 1 possess. 
 
 The next sum I shall mention, under the head 
 of sinecure places, and places executed by deputy, 
 (between which I see a distinction,) arises princi- 
 pally from a distribution of fees paid by suitors in 
 the courts of justice to particular officers of the 
 courts, including the admiralty and ecclesiastical 
 jurisdictions; but their emoluments are also de- 
 rived from the produce of other funds, to a much 
 smaller amount. 
 
 The sum total, if I calculate sums accurately, 
 amounted in 1808 to upwards of 7I,000/. per ann. 
 
 On considering the amount of this sum, my first 
 impressions lead me to conceive that measures 
 tending to immediate and radical reform ought to 
 take place. In the zeal of the moment I conceive 
 that no probable difficulty could occur in pursuing 
 the usual and just plan of preserving the interest 
 of present possessors; and, on their decease or ter- 
 mination of interest, of carrying the fees to a 
 general fund, for the payment of fixed salaries, to 
 such officers as it might be deemed, after consi 
 deration, adviseable to retain. 
 
 But, having pursued my usual course of investi- 
 gation of the subject, I am convinced that great, 
 if not insurmountable difficulties will be found in 
 adopting any general plan in this very compli- 
 cated and delicate question : 1 never considered 
 any subject to which the wise maxim of " Festina 
 lente" is so completely applicable. My first en- 
 
 c
 
 34 
 
 quiry was into the title, by which these officers 
 enjoy their fees and emoluments; and on this 
 head I find, from Blackstone's Commentaries, 
 (book 1. c. 8. | that one branch of the King's ordi- 
 nary revenue, before-mentioned, formerly arose 
 from certain fees paid by individuals (being 
 suitors in the courts of justice), which have, in part 
 at least, been granted out, by the Crown, from 
 time to time, to different officers. 
 
 It appears to me that the legality of these grants 
 is not only confirmed by ancient usage, but in one 
 instance (affecting, it is true, oniy particular cases) 
 by an act of parliament (7th Ann), which restrains 
 future grants of them for any longer term than 
 that of the life of the Sovereign who grants them. 
 This restraint on future grants seems to admit 
 the legality of all former grants indirectly, and of 
 all, consistent with it, directly. It way be well 
 supposed, from this general description, that the 
 persons possessed of these fees, hold them under 
 every possible variety of tenure and of interest. 
 Some hold during pleasure; others during good 
 behaviour ; others during life, as a freehold ; others 
 during the life of the longest liver of two lives.; 
 others of three lives ; some hold to them and their 
 heirs; in one instance, to him and his heirs male ; 
 one says that he holds " in perpetuity;" another, 
 " for ever." (See Appendix to 2/th Hep. of Com- 
 mittee of Finance, 1797-) The same variety is 
 discoverable in their appointments; some hold 
 -by patent from the Crown; others under the
 
 S5 
 
 King's grantee; and again, from the grantee of a 
 grantee. 
 
 In some cases, the return states in terms that 
 the appointment was obtained by " purchase," a 
 practice openly acknowledged and sanctioned by 
 ancient invamble usage. 
 
 I certainly feel that, as I speak only from such 
 information as can be collected by an individual, 
 I should go much beyond what becomes me, 
 if I were to venture to recommend any particular 
 measure in any case; but, a very slight considera- 
 tion of what I have above stated, will convince 
 any man of cool and temperate mind, that few, 
 very few men can be qualified to decide what 
 ought to be done in a case involving such a variety 
 of rights and interests, all of -\\hich must be at- 
 tended to ; for I cannot too often repeat, that any 
 deliberate violation of an acknowledged private 
 right will, by its consequences, create mischiefs 
 ten-fold greater than can arise from the conti- 
 nuance of any office which may be reasonably ob- 
 jected to. I cannot, however, so far depart from 
 my first impressions as not to express a hope that 
 some means may be devised for a future ameliora- 
 tion of the system ; though it seems perfectly evi- 
 dent that the public revenue, or the individual 
 guitors, can derive at present no advantage in point 
 of emolument, from any reform that may take 
 place. I see Mr. Martyn's resolutions attach only 
 upon detached and separate points; but it appears, 
 from the Report of the Finance Committee, before 
 
 c 2
 
 36 
 
 alludecTto, (27th,) that both the Crown and Parlia- 
 ment have continually interfered to prevent any 
 encroachment or abuse in those fees ; and that a 
 general survey of them took place in 1732, in vir- 
 tue of a Royal commission which was issued in 
 consequence of a report from a Committee of the 
 House of Commons, at the head of which was 
 Lord Chancellor Hardwicke. 
 
 The only remaining head of sinecure places 
 arises from the ancient civil establishment of Scot- 
 land ; the salaries of which are paid partly from 
 the crown revenue there, and partly from the pub- 
 lic revenue of Greit Britain. The total amount, 
 anno 1808", was 29.320/. 
 
 I know not how far, or to what extent these 
 offices can be regulated, consistently with the 
 articles of the Union. 
 
 I cannot conclude this article without stating 
 what has actually been done respecting sinecure 
 places within these few years, in certain depart- 
 ments. 
 
 By 38. Geo. III. no less than 196 sinecure 
 places were abolished in the Customs, giving a 
 profit to the public of 42,6o5/. per ann. 
 
 It will be found, upon examination, that in for- 
 mer times the office of the Mint afforded, at the 
 periods of re-coinage, an " excessive" profit to the 
 Master, who was entitled to certain fees per pound, 
 on the coinage of bullion. (See 24th Rep. Com- 
 mittee of Finance). 
 
 By ^tat. 39- Geo, III. the ancient fees of the
 
 37 
 
 office were wholly abolished, and the Master is 
 paid, in lieu thereof, a fixed salary of 3000/. per 
 annum ; in return for which, he is obliged to re- 
 
 o 
 
 ceive all bullion tendered fora coinage, is respon- 
 sible for its safe custody and for its delivery, 
 coined of the due standard. 
 
 I do not, by any means, present the above arti- 
 cles as including the whole of Modern Reforms; 
 I know there are more; but I think it unneces- 
 sary for me to go into further detail, especially as 
 I trust this will be much better done at some fu- 
 ture period, by some person more fully qualified 
 for the office. I have heard that the office of 
 Apothecary-General has been the subject of a late 
 and very salutary regulation. 
 
 I shall now proceed to make some observations 
 on Public Offices. 
 
 PUBLIC OFFICES. 
 
 IN submitting to you my observations on this 
 part of the subject, 1 shall confine myself entirely 
 to the charges and establishment of those offices 
 which are called *' Offices of Expenditure." The 
 expences of the " Offices of Collection " are every 
 year submitted to Parliament in the state of a per- 
 centage on the sum collected ; in an account, the 
 form of which was recommended by the Commit- 
 tee of Finance in 1797. The account itself is very 
 voluminous, comprehending every general head of 
 receipt and expenditure.
 
 38 
 
 I must observe, that the payment of these offi- 
 ces, and the sources of expences which I have be- 
 fore particularized, under the head of the Civil 
 List, and Pensions, comprehend a much larger 
 extent of the public expenditure than what will be 
 found in the " Red Book," so much the object of 
 abuse by our declaiming Reformers; who, among 
 other reasons for this practice, have very prub bly 
 been induced to adopt it, because similar decla- 
 mations against the u Livre Rouge" 1 in France had 
 
 o o 
 
 no small effect in producing the revolution in that 
 unhappy country. I shall add a list of the several 
 offices of expenditure above alluded to. 
 
 Of ice. Charge. 
 
 Admiralty, of. :'5,83S 
 
 Navy Office 43,334 
 
 Pay Office (Navy) 27,38 1 
 
 Transport Office 20,0 ' 
 
 Victualling Office 3,036 
 
 War Office 43,199 
 
 Pay Office (Army) 27,2.9 
 
 Barracks 24,404 
 
 Or.iiinnce 108,522 
 
 Secretary of State, Home . . 17,884, 
 
 Ditto, War 17, ','84 
 
 Ditto, Foreign 18,6fj4 
 
 Treasury 54.53J 
 
 ..431,393 
 
 I shall, in the first place, give you a general 
 explanation of the several funds, from which the 
 expences of maintaining these great puhlic esta- 
 blishments are supplied ; from which it will appear, 
 that only a proportion of the expence of maintain- 
 ing them is taken from the pocket of the subject.
 
 39 
 
 The several funds are derived, 
 
 l.rf, From the Civil List; that is, the property 
 of the Crown. 
 
 2d. From the Fee Fund, or fees of office, paid 
 by individuals. 
 
 3d. From the Puhlic Revenue. 
 
 I shall, in the first place, explain what is meant 
 by the " Fee Fund" of an office. 
 
 It appears from the report of the committee 
 appointed by act of Parliament in 1780, to inquire 
 into the fees, gratuities^ perquisites, and tmolu- 
 ments, of the several offices of government ; that 
 various fees were payable to different officers per- 
 sonally, in several departments, on the issue of 
 certain documents, or on account of business done 
 for individuals, and not to the office generally. 
 
 The many bad effects of such an arrangement, 
 were obvious; and among the principal., was the 
 great inequality that it occasioned in the payment 
 of the different servants of the public. 
 
 By the advice of these commissioners, I believe, 
 a general Fee Fund was first established at the 
 office of the Treasury, the regulations for which 
 were, in effect, " That no fees, gifts, or perquisites, 
 " should be received by individuals ; but that a 
 " clerk should be appointed for collecting all fees 
 " heretofore taken, with a table for his guidance, 
 " specifying the sum due 041 eaeh instrument ; the 
 te fixed salaries of all officers and clerks on the 
 " establishment, are defrayed from this fund, as 
 " far as it extends; if it should exceed the total
 
 40 
 
 <f amount of all the salaries, the surplus would be 
 " applied in paying the contingent charges of the 
 " office." 
 
 I am not enabled to speak from positive infor- 
 mation, but I believe, and I know I have heard, 
 that such a fund is at this time established in every 
 office where fees are due. 
 
 I know that it exists at the Treasury ; at the 
 offices of the Secretary of State for the home, 
 foreign, and war departments ; the Admiralty ; 
 the Navy-office, and the War-office. 
 
 This very salutary regulation was carried into 
 effect, in some departments, by the advice of the 
 Committee of Finance, in 1797. 
 
 I have in vain searched for documents to ascer- 
 tain the amount and effects of this very excellent 
 regulation, at the several offices, up to the present 
 period. I can, however, from authentic sources of 
 information (Reports of the Committeeof Finance), 
 state what were the facts in 1797, and in such form 
 as will show how the expences of the offices below 
 were defrayed from their respective funds. The 
 same principle still remains; but the several pro- 
 portions at present I do not know. 
 
 TREASURY. 
 
 Civil List L. 24,999 
 
 Fee Fund . 11,563 
 
 Kew Year's Gifts J,i91 
 
 Public 3,011 
 
 I. 40, 764
 
 41 
 
 OFFICES OF THE SECRETARY OF STATE. 
 
 Civil List paid L. 2,178 N /Home . . . 1.14,511 
 
 Fee Fund . . . 31,J95/ \Foreign. . . . 11,686 
 
 Profits of Gazette 60 i \ L. 36,873 < War * .... 10,676 
 
 Public .... 2,500 i / 
 
 V L. 36,87.1 
 
 Though it is certainly true, that the offices 
 above-mentioned, and also some others, are sup- 
 ported in a considerable degree from funds to which 
 the public are not contributors ; yet it is equally 
 true, that there are many which are paid perhaps 
 wholly by the public. 
 
 It was my wish to have stated, separately and 
 distinctly, what has been defrayed from each fund; 
 but this is not in my power to do from any docu- 
 ments in my possession. 
 
 I know that, on this and every other subject 
 where the expenditure of the public money is con- 
 cerned., all men are fairly and reasonably jealous. 
 But I also know, that there are men who are aware 
 of the existence of this reasonable feeling, and that 
 they studiously excite it into a dangerous activity 
 by rumours and insinuations without end; the 
 purport of which is to instil into the public mind 
 a belief of the enormous extent of the salaries, fees, 
 and perquisites of office. The next step,, is a broad 
 assertion, that Parliament, either from a corrupt 
 influence or the most criminal negligence, are, and 
 long have been, the silent and torpid spectators of 
 a ruinous waste of the public money: next follows, 
 as a part, and the real object of the system, a cry
 
 for a Reform in Parliament, as our only resource. 
 I cannot In this place detail the various complicated 
 and continual labours of Parliament on this subject. 
 But I shall call your attention to the facts which 
 I have proved ; namely, that no fee, gratuity, or 
 perquisite, can now legally be taken by any officer 
 in any department for his own use. ' 
 
 They are still taken, it is true ; because they are 
 legally due; but they are strictly applied in aid 
 ef the public revenues. But this leads to another 
 observation, which has been suggested to me by 
 assertions that have been thrown out to this effect, 
 namely, " that, whether the public offices are paid 
 " from a Fee Fund or from the public taxes, they 
 *' are equally paid by the public." I am extremely 
 glad that I have an opportunity of animadverting 
 n such an assertion, which, if my recollection 
 does not fail me, has appeared somewhere in 
 print. 
 
 Now, in the first place, I think I scarcely need 
 argue much to prove, that there is an essential 
 distinction between a fee paid by an individual, by 
 his own consent, as a reward for the labour of 
 some public officer, who has prepared a document 
 or done some act from which the person paying 
 the fee will derive a benefit or a convenience; and 
 a tax levied on the public, and collected by the 
 operation of law. Is there any similarity between 
 a sum paid as a fee for preparing a commission or 
 other paper conferring a beneficial appointment, 
 and a sum {aid for a window tax ? I would ask,
 
 whether any gentleman, who still thinks there is a 
 perfect similarity, will consent that all fees should 
 be abolished, and that the deficiency (no inconsi- 
 derable sum) should be supplied by a public tax ? 
 But 1 \viH carry the argument no further; the dis- 
 tinction is much too plain to be misunderstood. 
 
 A considerable proportion of the fees paid in 
 public offices, and applied in discharging the fixed 
 salaries of its officers, are of the above nature and 
 description ; but it is also true, that some are not 
 of this kind, but are ultimately paid from the 
 public revenue. This is certainly the case at the 
 War Office, in part ; but even then the beneficial 
 effects of this ivgula'.ion are strongly marked. 
 
 In 1?9G the establishment of the War Office 
 was paid, partly by fixed salaries and partly by 
 cenam fees, separately appropriated to particular 
 officers; their amount, in some cases, exceeding 
 the extent of the most liberal salary. The total, 
 consisting of salaries and fees, was, in 1796, 
 .51,23S/. 
 
 In 1797 a Fee Fund was created, by order of 
 council, out of which fixed salaries were to be 
 paid ; the total amount of which, without any 
 diminution of the establishment, was only 19,420/. 
 giving a net gain to the public of 31,818/. per 
 annum. The details of this transaction are con- 
 tained in the Nineteenth and Thirty-sixth Reports 
 of the Committee of Finance, at whose recom- 
 mendation it took place. 
 
 With such facts as these before us (similar one*
 
 44 
 
 are detailed in various parts of this Letter, and 
 many more might be mentioned), I trust that the 
 persons who still persist in asserting that Parlia- 
 ment has done nothing, and, from its constitution, 
 neither can or will do any thing to promote oeco- 
 nomy in the expenditure of the public money, 
 will be reduced to very few: and I should think 
 every advantage I can wish for gained, if these 
 persevering few should feel themselves obliged to 
 bring forward specific instead of vague accusa- 
 tions, with the condition of being called on to 
 prove what they may say. 
 
 But still your Reformer will say, that the sala- 
 ries of office, from whatever fund they are paid, 
 are enormous. If the fact he asserts be true, I 
 admit his conclusion, that they should not con- 
 tinue to be so. But I beg leave to deny the as- 
 sertion, in terms as strong as language can con- 
 vey. It is absolutely unfounded as a general 
 position. 
 
 It is possible, I admit, that some individual in- 
 stances might be found, where the public servants 
 are overpaid. But I do not speak without due 
 consideration, or on vague, and of course imper- 
 fect, information, when I affirm, that the servants 
 of his Majesty and the public, from the highest 
 to the lowest, are not paid beyond the extent 
 that public justice and the public interest requires, 
 It is now well understood, that gentlemen filling 
 the first offices of state, may, and I believe have, 
 retired with fortunes materially impaired, not-
 
 45 
 
 withstanding what the Reformers designedly re- 
 present as the enormous profits of office. As to 
 the salaries of those officers immediately subordi-* 
 nate to the principals, and those again of an infe- 
 rior degree, let any man inspect the record of the 
 official establishment, and he will no longer be 
 guided by the delusive tales of visionary or design- 
 ing Reformers. 
 
 Now, my dear Sir, let no man for a moment 
 suppose that I am of opinion, that the continual 
 and vigilant attention both of Parliament and Go- 
 vernment is not required for the regulating and 
 controlling the expences of the Civil and Pension 
 List, and the emoluments of office. I have no such 
 sentiments. I hold no such language. I know 
 that such exertion is indispensably necessary. But 
 I will not associate myself with those who are cla- 
 morous upon system, and complain, as if it were, 
 by rote, respecting subjects on which their infor- 
 mation is very superficial and imperfect. I address 
 no arguments to those gentlemen among the Re- 
 formers, who wilfully inculcate reform, with a 
 view to a revolution on their principles. With 
 them I will hold no communication. With them 
 I will deal on no terms. But if those gentlemen 
 who really prosecute reform with honest views, 
 (and I sincerely believe there are many such,) will 
 temperately, diligently, and faithfully, examine 
 proper documents before they act; if they will 
 confine the remedies which they propose to the 
 particular grievance that they may have thus as-
 
 46 
 
 certained, and will he content to go no further; 
 if they will cease to impute any corruption which 
 they can prove, or all they hear of from any source* 
 exclusively, to a defective system of government, 
 charging nothing to the impeifect nature of the 
 beings who conduct it, or live under it ; if they 
 will cease to make their appeals to tumultuous 
 and necessarily uninformed meetings, collected 
 by themselves for the purpose of effecting a re- 
 form, which, in such hands, must necessarily be- 
 come a revolution ; if they will confine them- 
 selves to arguments deduced from, or supported 
 by, facts, and not deceive themselves and others 
 by theories that assume them ; then, and not till 
 then, will they find every loyal and honest sub- 
 ject a friend and fellow-labourer. But whilst 
 they correspond and associate with those with 
 whom they now correspond and associate ; whilst 
 they continue to act as they are now acting, every 
 man, as a loyal subject, must feel it his duty to 
 oppose them by every fair means which his ability 
 can suggest or his activity can execute. 
 
 I have before mentioned, under the first head 
 of Pensions, that lists of the names and sums af- 
 fecting each are duly recorded, and that they may 
 be produced when called for by Parliament. I 
 must repeat this observation, as applied to every 
 pension and every office throughout the extensive 
 departments of the kingdom. I think I may al- 
 most confidently affirm, that the production of any 
 document affecting either, has never been opposed;
 
 .47 
 
 .so that no question affecting the public interest 
 can be better protected from flagrant abuse than 
 
 o 
 
 this is, by those most effectual guardians in all 
 public concerns unlimited power of enquiry, and 
 complete publicity. 
 
 The most correct lists of every pension, and the 
 details of almost every establishment, are in the 
 hands of the Committee of Expenditure at this 
 moment, made up to the present period. 
 
 I have now gone through the several subjects 
 which I have proposed to investigate: but I am 
 fully aware that our Reformers will say, that these 
 are not the only grounds on which they demand 
 reform. I shall be told, that places are disposed 
 of by sale ; and that the borough system of repre- 
 sentation is corrupt. 
 
 It is unquestionably true, that, in some instan- 
 ces, it has been proved that recommendations to 
 places, not the places themselves, have been sold. 
 But it is equally true, that neither the speech of 
 any Reformer that I have heard, or any resolutions 
 that have been passed, have candidly or fairly stated 
 the whole truth of the circumstances affecting this 
 question; they have, on the contrary, most inju- 
 riously misrepresented it, by stating, the transac- 
 tion as involving the credit of Government and the 
 character of Parliament. Let the truth be told in 
 the form in which it has been proved, and it wilt 
 appear that, though recommendations to places 
 have been sold, yet that neither the character, 
 purity, or vigilauce of Parliament or Government
 
 43 
 
 are involved, or even remotely connected, with the 
 question. In few words, what are the facts?- 
 The various and extensive departments of the pub- 
 lic service require a multitude of secretaries, 
 clerks, and other officers. It is utterly, nay phy- 
 sically impossible, that the principal servants of 
 Government can, of themselves, and from their 
 own means of information, discover persons qua- 
 lified for every office as it becomes vacant. It is 
 therefore clear, that the persons ultimately ap- 
 pointed to fill the numerous vacancies in the offi- 
 cial, the revenue, and other departments, must, in 
 many cases, derive their appointment through the 
 recommendation of persons neither filling the situ- 
 ation of Ministers of state, nor immediately con- 
 nected with, or even known by them. It is well 
 understood, that these places are almost generally 
 obtained through a long chain of successive re- 
 commendations. 
 
 If, then, any candidate for office should be so 
 unjustifiably eager to obtain his object, as to offer 
 a bribe to any individual in this successive chain, 
 and he should be so corrupt as to accept it, his 
 recommendation has certainly been sold ; and, in 
 this sense, the place may be said to have been 
 given for a corrupt consideration. But who is 
 the criminal party ? Why, certainly, only the in- 
 dividual who has betrayed his trust, and not the 
 Government, and still less the Parliament., who 
 cannot have the most remote knowledge of, or 
 connection with, the transaction.
 
 49 
 
 I am well aware of :what will be stated in this 
 place, as an exception arising from the facts dis- 
 closed by the evidence affecting the Duke of York, 
 as well as those reported by the committee ap- 
 pointed to enquire into the disposal of East-India 
 patronage, which call hi question the conduct of 
 my Lord Castlereagh. 
 
 I do not address you, my dear Sir, as the de- 
 fender or the apologist of either the Duke of York 
 or of my Lord Castlereagh. But I wish you to 
 consider what I have to say in one simple point of 
 view, as applied to this single question ; namely, 
 whether what has appeared in evidence, or has 
 taken place in Parliament, on either question, 
 requires the aid of certain measures that have 
 been proposed, and which will be particularly 
 mentioned in a future page ? 
 
 The only allegation which I have heard against 
 the conduct of the House of Cqmmons, in the 
 case of the Duke of York, is, that they did not 
 find him guilty of conniving at the scandalous sale 
 of the recommendations for promotion, carried on 
 by Mrs. Clarke and her agents. This, they say, 
 was wilfully and corruptly refused by the House 
 of Commons, in contradiction to evidence. 
 
 This is a very serious and violent accusation, 
 and ought to be supported by the strongest proof, 
 and not by mere assertion. We have all, at dif- 
 ferent times, heard it made; but by whom? Why 
 by persons who could not, on their honour, de- 
 clare that they had ever examined, or even seen,
 
 the only authentic copy of the evidence upon the 
 case. 
 
 I can tell those gentlemen, that if they will in- 
 spect the list given in the public papers of those 
 members who acquitted the Duke of York of this 
 charge, they will find among them, men of as high 
 and as independent a spirit, of as unblemished in- 
 tegrity, and of talents as 'acute in distinguishing 
 right from wrong, as in the list of those \vho con- 
 demned him ; nay, if they 'will, at last, condescend 
 to read the evidence itself, I am confident that, 
 whatever judgment they may form, they will see 
 abundant reason to admit, that any person might 
 form the contrary one, on principles equally dis- 
 interested and honest. I think that no man will 
 now contend that this circumstance, in any way, 
 calls for a Reform of Parliament. 
 
 But again they say. Parliament were guilty of 
 a violation of their duty, as the guardians of the 
 constitution, by refusing to inflict a censure on 
 Lord Castlereagh. 
 
 It most certainly appears, that Lord Castlereagh, 
 at a time when he filled one of the principal offices 
 of state, engaged to procure for a Mr. Reding, 
 the situation of a writer in the service of the East- 
 India Company ; if Mr. Reding would favourably 
 introduce LordClancarty (a friend of Lord Castle- 
 reagh's) to the notice of the electors of a borough 
 in Ireland. It is to be observed, that Lord Castle- 
 reagh admitted the facts himself, and that neither 
 he or any of his friends defended or justified the
 
 principle of the proceeding. He fairly submitted 
 himself to the merciful judgment of Parliament. 
 The House, most undoubtedly, refused to pass 
 the resolution proposed to them ; but they did not 
 thereby establish this principle, viz. that the con- 
 duct of my Lord Castlereagh was consistent with 
 the spirit of the constitution. On the contrary, 
 they have made such transactions highly criminal, 
 and subject to the most severe forfeiture, by a bill 
 since introduced into Parliament by Mr. Curwen. 
 It appears to me, that the House refused to pass 
 this vote of censure, foreseeing the probable con- 
 sequences of it as affecting my Lord Castlereagh; 
 and conceiving that, under all the circumstances, 
 the punishment would have exceeded the offence. 
 I do not mean in the smallest degree to argue 
 respecting the merits of the case of Lord Castle- 
 reagh, and still less to justify or defend what he 
 did. My only argument applies in this way: 
 Suppose it to be admitted, that the decision of 
 the House of Commons was wrong, and that they 
 ought to have recorded a vote of censure on his 
 Lordship, can it be contended that the omission 
 can justify or call for the revolutionary species of 
 reform recommended by Sir Francis Burdett (of 
 which I shall say somewhat hereafter), or the still 
 more wild project of Mr. Brand Hollis, in which 
 every man, not being a criminal, lunatic, or minor, 
 is not only to have the franchise of an elector, but 
 is also declared capable of being elected, especially 
 if the details of this reform are to be carried into 
 
 p 2
 
 52 
 
 effect, by those gentlemen who have lately chosen 
 to celebrate their jub\\ee on the anniversary of the 
 acquittal of Messrs. Hardy and Co., who seem to 
 have had better fortune than Messrs. Watt and 
 Downie, who were tried at Edinburgh in 1794-, 
 two months before them. I am old enough to 
 have a perfect recollection of what passed before 
 and after the trial of these patriots. 
 
 The resolutions communicated by Mr. Brand 
 Hollis remind me of the rhapsodies of Anacharsis 
 Clootzs, and they would have struck me with as- 
 tonishment, if I had not seen the name of " Brand 
 Hollis" mentioned as a member of a committee 
 appointed by the " Revolution Society,". in 1791, 
 for the purpose of conducting a correspondence 
 with Political Societies in France; and from my 
 having also seen, that the meeting which appoint- 
 ed him a member of their committee, declared 
 themselves, on the same day, a Society for Revo* 
 lutions, and that they should never cease to desire 
 them <( until freedom and happiness, the common 
 '' right of all men, should be in possession of 
 f ' all!!!" See Correspondence of the Revolution- 
 Society, published in 1792. I cannot refer you 
 to either the bookseller or printer, none being 
 tiamtd in the copy which I have. 
 
 There is one circumstance, however, too re- 
 markable to be passed over; namely, that after 
 the most rigorous and extensive enquiry that in- 
 genuity could devise, not a single fact could be 
 .produced, affecting, by the most remote and vague
 
 55 
 
 suspicion, any other person in any of the different 
 departments of state. This fact does not place in 
 the most favourable point of view, that ill-founded 
 and malicious assertion made in the public resolu- 
 tions of different meetings, cc that corruptions no- 
 " toriously exist in all other departments of the 
 i( state, as brought to light by different commit- 
 " tees of the House of Commons." 
 
 But it is asserted, that this traffic for places was 
 so notorious., that public offices were opened for 
 the purpose of conducting it. It is true, that 
 certain offices have existed in London under the 
 title of "General Agency Offices," and that they 
 have been perfectly ready to do any dirty Work 
 for any man that would pay them. It is equally 
 true, that they have been the agents and go-between 
 in the traffic for places,, as above described ; but 
 some of these gentlemen have lately found, that 
 such practices were indictable., and have already 
 been convicted and in the last session of Parlia- 
 ment, a bill has been passed to place f ' public agency 
 offices" under further restrictive penalties. 
 
 What charge can there be against government 
 or Parliament here? The one prosecutes the of- 
 fender, and the other does all that is in its power 
 to prevent a repetition of the offence. I will not 
 close this subject without saying, that no one 
 transaction, on the part of the Reformers, has 
 created in my mind so strong a feeling of disgust, 
 as what I have described. The misrepresentation 
 is too palpable to be supposed innocent on the
 
 54 
 
 part of those who conduct the great machine of 
 Reform in London. 
 
 But it is said, that our system of representation 
 is corrupt, as far as certain boroughs are con- 
 cerned. I shall certainly not contradict the fact; 
 or attempt to palliate or excuse the conduct of 
 those who are concerned in corrupt transactions. 
 But, surely, neither the opini >n of any individual, 
 nor rumour, however general, can justify the vio- 
 lent measure of universal disfranchisement, without 
 proof of criminality legally involving forfeiture. 
 
 The great charter says, as applied to persons, 
 " Nemo.aliquo modo dextruatur nisi per judicium 
 lf pttrium suorum r el per legem terra." 
 
 The same wise and equitable maxim may surely 
 be applied, with equal force, to rights vested in 
 persons, as to \.he persons possessing them 
 
 If persons deriving rights or franchises from the 
 Crown, to be used for the bene6t of the public, 
 be duly convicted of abusing their trust, disfran- 
 chisement is no injury to them, but an act of jus- 
 tice to the public. But let the conviction be 
 " per judicium parium," by unbiassed judges, 
 forming their judgment on proof, and not on the 
 evidence of common rumour. Certainly, let not 
 these judges be such reformers as I have men- 
 tioned before; whose prejudices,, habits, and pas- 
 sions, render them incapable of forming an un- 
 biassed determination. 
 
 Of all the destructive principles of action, none 
 has been found in practice to be more decidedly
 
 hostile to the existence of civil society, than that 
 of a claim to the abolition of personal rights, on 
 the alleged plea of public convenience or neces- 
 sity. It makes power arrogant and oppressive, 
 on capricious and arbitrary theories ; and renders 
 right nugatory and defenceless. The general 
 rights to life, property, or liberty, are weakened 
 by the admission of such a principle on any spe- 
 cious pretence. They are absolutely gone, when 
 it is adopted by power as a rule of action. I do 
 not speak on a theoretic view of the question, 
 but from the actual practice of France in the ear- 
 liest days of the Revolution. The plunder of the 
 church, and the murder of its ministers, imme- 
 diately followed the admission of this detestable 
 principle. 
 
 Convict first, and then disfranchise. With 
 this sentiment all will agree. It has been acted 
 upon (with the approbation of all men not inte- 
 rested) in the cases of the boroughs of Shoreham, 
 Cricklade, and Aylesbury, in our times and in our 
 recollection. , 
 
 But do irregular transactions, in cases of elec- 
 tion, take place only in boroughs ? Are its worst 
 vices, envy, hatred, malice, and ail uncharitable- 
 ness? excluded from all elections but those of bo- 
 roughs? Are there no tumults or riots, no bribery, 
 corruption, or perjury, at other elections, besides 
 those of boroughs r 
 
 Let gentlemen recollect the two contested elec- 
 tions for the county of Middlesex. I do not
 
 36 
 
 speak here from rumour or from prejudice, but 
 from proof derived from legal evidence. Every 
 vice, more or less incident to every election, exist- 
 ed on those events to an extent and with an enor- 
 mity never before witnessed. Many persons, con- 
 victed of wilful perjury at those elections, are 
 now suffering the punishment of their crimes on 
 the shore of Botany-Bay. AH this took place on 
 tl:r election -of Sir Francis Burdett the great 
 champion of Reform the patron and adviser of 
 all reforners. 
 
 But this gentleman., forsooth, has atoned for 
 all these mischiefs, by a new plan of perfect pu- 
 rity, suggested to him by his having been invol- 
 ved (through wicked agents, no doubt) in prac- 
 tices diametrically opposite. Other persons, of 
 the common mould, obtain their claims to purity 
 and perfection from the habitual practice of 
 \ irtue. 
 
 The records of the Middlesex election do not 
 Exactly prove this to be his case ; but what is 
 most wonderful in the transaction is, that exactly 
 the same plan in substance was suggested to the 
 French Reformers, by the same means probably. 
 It, however, soon failed there. 
 
 In this new mode of election, all is to be per- 
 fect, peaceable, and incorrupt ! Though every 
 man, almost, is to have a vote, yet all the elec- 
 tions are to be finished in one day ! No sheriffs, 
 mayors, or bailiffs ; no lawyers, and therefore no 
 strife ; all is to done by the overseers of the
 
 57 
 
 poor ! ! ! Whether these elections are to be an- 
 nual or triennial, we are not told ; but only, that 
 the present duration of Parliaments shall not 
 continue. 
 
 I shall not condescend to argue upon such a 
 plan. No man could expect a quiet home in any 
 parish. Cabal would enter every door, and a 
 perpetual canvas disunite every family. Every 
 parish would become a borough, with its worst 
 vices. Envy, hatred, malice, and all unchari- 
 ta.bleness, would possess an universal and uncon- 
 trolled dominion. 
 
 Before I conclude this long letter, I will briefly 
 recapitulate the several sums paid on account of 
 the various descriptions of pensions, distinguish- 
 ing the funds from which they are paid. 
 
 PENSIONS PAID FROM THE KING'S FUND. 
 
 1st, From Civil List, limited by act of Parliament . 89,067 
 
 2.d, From the Offices of Master of the Horse, and of the 
 
 Lord High Steward , 7,454 
 
 3d, Charged on 4 1-half per cent, duties 30,497 
 
 4th, Civil List of Scotland 36,506 
 
 5th, Charged on revenues of Gibraltar, &c 3,589 
 
 Total . 167,113 
 
 PENSIONS PAID BY THE PUBLIC. 
 The Royal Family and other distinguished persons, charged 
 
 on the consolidated fund . 282,773 
 
 Pensions annually paid, being in the nature of the 
 Invalid Establishments. 
 
 Army ..41,836) 
 
 Ordnance 60,805 171,831 
 
 Navy , 69,190 > 
 
 ..454,604
 
 .58 
 
 Pensions charged on the Fee Fund, or establishment of dif- 
 ferent offices 43,42? 
 
 The establishment of offices ".431,393 
 
 Deduct Pensions above stated 43,432 
 
 387,971 
 
 I have, as you will recollect, in the very be- 
 ginning of my letter, stated, that on a very mo- 
 derate computation, the sum gained by the public 
 by the exchange of the King's hereditary and 
 other revenues, for an annuity of 900,000/. might 
 be estimated from the close of 1800 to the close 
 of 1808, at 5,600,0001. I am inclined to think, 
 that the amount of all the pensions and the public 
 official establishment which I have described, as 
 Jar as they are defrayed by the public, does not in 
 the same period (1801 to 1808, both inclusive) 
 amount to the same sum, but falls short of it. 
 So that, in one sense, all the public pensions, 
 and all the public offices of expenditure, may be 
 $aid to have been paid by the King., and not by 
 the public, during the above period of the last 
 eight years. 
 
 The actual amount of the Pensions paid from the consoli- 
 dated fund to the Royal Family, and other distinguished 
 
 persons, in the period, was L. 1,177,195 
 
 (i.e. From ,801 to 1805!, both inclusive,) 
 
 I am not able to ascertain the actual amount paid to the 
 Army, Navy, and Ordnance, during every year of the 
 period, but taking it at 3-4ths of what it was in 1808, 
 (171, &31/.) or at 128,S74/. per apnum, for eight years, 
 ^ 1,030,992 
 
 Carried over . Z. 2,208,187
 
 59 
 
 Brought over . .1.2,208,187 
 
 The total charge .of the Public Offices, including the Pen- 
 sions on the establishment, was, in 1808, 43I,393/. ; 
 but it appears, that this expence is only in part defrayed 
 by the public, but is also supplied by the Civil List and 
 Fee Fund. It is also certain, that the expences of office 
 have not been so great during each year of the period, 
 as during the last, -say, 3-5Un> on the total 43 1 ,393/. 
 or 258,83j/. for eight years 2,070,680 
 
 Total paid by the public in eight years. . L. 4,878,867 
 
 The gain before stated to have been derived by the public 
 from their bargain with the Crown, in the same period, 
 was .-.... 5.600,009 
 
 Net gain by the public . . . Z. 721,133 
 
 The final balance, therefore, of gain by the 
 public, would be 721,135/. The calculation above 
 is certainly only of conjecture, on which I do 
 not found any conclusion ; and I think I might 
 add another, equally one of conjecture, which is, 
 that this sum of ?2J,135/. would defray the charge 
 of all the sinecure places during the above period, 
 including even those in the Exchequer and courts 
 of justice; but most certainly all that are paid 
 from the public revenue. 
 
 I do not mean to argue from hence, that be- 
 cause the public have in fact paid little, or per- 
 haps nothing, towards supporting these national 
 establishments, therefore Parliament should relax 
 in its vigilance : I mean no such thing : on the 
 contrary, no Reformer, however zealous, can more 
 strongly inculcate and enforce the necessity of 
 the daily vigilance of Parliament on all questions
 
 where the public money is concerned, than myself, 
 It may be somewhat of a digression, but I am in- 
 duced to think that there was a time when those 
 who are now compelled to oppose the persons who 
 come forward as Reformers, might, on full expla- 
 nation,, and perhaps with some mutual conces- 
 sions, have agreed with those among them whose 
 views are disinterested and honest: but I fear 
 these days are passed ; and, from private as well 
 as public feelings, I deeply regret it. The ques- 
 tion of Reform has now been taken up by such 
 men, and conducted in such a manner, with the 
 concurrence of those who were before moderate, 
 that the hope of union, for wise and salutary 
 purposes among those who mean well, is, I fear, 
 hopeless. 
 
 Repeated steps have been taken, of a nature 
 gradually to introduce distrust, where there was 
 confidence ; and the cold distance of reserve, where 
 there was openness and warmth. But complaint 
 is fruitless; I shall therefore close this long letter; 
 and will endeavour to. collect into an Appendix, 
 some documents, which will establish,, beyond 
 contradiction, the fact, that the labours of Par- 
 liament in the public service, on these points, have 
 been incessant, and that the regulations of office, 
 besides those in our statute-books, are of very 
 considerable extent. That they have not been 
 perfectly effectual, I admit ; and that they never 
 will or can be so, I am certain ; from a cause that 
 affects you and myself, and all the Reformers that
 
 61 
 
 ever existed the imperfection of the nature com- 
 mon to us all. 
 
 I am convinced, that the importance of the 
 subject will excuse the length of this letter. It 
 contains a multiplicity of detail, collected from 
 various sources. I have spared no labour in being 
 accurate, nor have I taken a single fact from a 
 document that is not authentic. It may contain 
 some errors, but they are not wilful ones ; nor, if 
 they be pointed out, will I make them so by per- 
 severing in them. 
 
 I shall conclude, by quoting a passage from 
 Hooker, which very forcibly describes the advan- 
 tages possessed by those who address the public 
 under the plausible character of Reformers, and 
 the disadvantages of those who oppose them. I, 
 however, rely on the good sense of my country- 
 men for a fair hearing ; and on their good spirit, 
 for fair play. The passage from Hooker is as 
 follows : 
 
 " He that goeth about to persuade a multitude 
 " that they are not so well governed as they 
 " ought to be, shall never want attentive and 
 " favourable hearers. Because they know the 
 " manifold defects whereunto every kind of go- 
 " vernment is subject. But the secret lets and 
 " difficulties,, which in public proceedings are in- 
 i{ numerable and inevitable, they have not ordi- 
 " narily the judgment to consider: and also, be- 
 " cause such as openly reprove supposed disorders 
 u of the state, are taken for principal friends to
 
 62 
 
 " the common benefit of all,, and for men that 
 " carry singular freedom of mind. Under this 
 " fair and plausible colour, whatsoever they utter 
 " passeth for good and current : that which is 
 " wanting in the weight of their speech,, is sup- 
 " plied by the aptness of men's minds to accept 
 tc and believe it. Whereas, on the other side, if 
 *' we maintain things that are established, we 
 " have not only to strive with a number of pre- 
 *' judices, deeply rooted in the hearts of men, 
 44 who think that we serve the time and speak in 
 " favour of the present state, because thereby we 
 " either hold or seek preferment. But we have 
 " also to bear such exceptions as minds, so averted 
 " before-hand, usually take against what they are 
 " loth should be poured into them." 
 
 I have now,, my clear Sir, no more than to sub- 
 scribe myself, 
 
 Your faithful and humble Servant, 
 
 A FREEHOLDER OF CORNWALL, 
 
 January 1810.
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 List of Committees formed by Parliament, for 
 examining the Public Expenditure. 
 
 Commissioners of Public Accounts (Stat. 20 Geo. III.) 1st Re- 
 port, dated Nov. 27, 1780; 15th and last, 19th Dec. 1786. 
 Commissioners of Enquiry, into the Fees, Perquisites, and 
 Emoluments of Office (25th Geo. III. cap. 19), 1st Report, 
 llth April, 1786 ; 10th and last, 30th June, 1788. 
 Commissioners to examine into the Emoluments in the Cus- 
 toms, (29th Geo. III. cap. 64). 
 Select Committees of Income and Expenditure, March 21, 
 
 1786; May 10, 1791. 
 Committee of Finance, 1st Report, March 1, 1797. 
 
 36th ditto, June 26, 1798. 
 Committee on Civil List, 1803, 1804. 
 Naval Commissioners, 43d Geo. III. cap. 16. 
 45th Geo. III. cap. 46. 
 
 Military Commissioners, 45th Geo. III. cap. 47. 
 Committee Public Expenditure, appointed 7th July, 1807. 
 
 The above List includes only investigations on an extensive 
 cale, and of general notoriety. A multitude of other enqui- 
 ries, on a smaller scale, affecting only particular objects, may 
 be found in the Journals during the same period. 
 
 PROCEEDINGS. 
 
 Number of Acts of Parliament, in consequence of pro- 
 ceedings of Commissioners of Accounts 16 
 
 Dumber of Acts of Parliament, in consequence of Finance 
 Committee . 30
 
 64 
 
 For particulars, see Index to the Finance Committee, title, 
 " Acts of Parliament." 
 
 The Index to the Statutes, from 1786 to this date, will show 
 under their different titles, at least as many more. See title 
 " Public Accounts, Offices and Officers." 
 
 But all regulations do not require Acts of Parliament ; a 
 multiplicity of transactions of this kind take place without it, 
 and escape all public notice. For proceedings of Government, 
 in consequence of the recommendation of the Finance Com- 
 mittee, see title, Proceedings^ in the last volume of the Reports 
 of the Finance Committee, which comprehend the following 
 heads of service : 
 
 Customs 
 
 Excise 
 
 Stamps 
 
 Post Office 
 
 Tax Office 
 
 Salt Office 
 
 Hawkers and Pedlars 
 
 Pension Duties 
 
 Treasury 
 
 Secretaries of State 
 Admiralty 
 Transport Office 
 Secretary of War 
 Ordnance 
 Exchequer 
 
 A mere abstract of regulations, since 1786, would fill a 
 volume. 
 
 The last I have heard of, is the abolition of all fees at 
 the Custom-house, mentioned in Mr. Huskisson's admirable 
 speech in answer to Mr. Wardle on the last day of the 
 session 1809. 
 
 I shall conclude this Appendix, by giving the Resolutions 
 of Mr. Martin, before mentioned (as altered by Mr. Perceval), 
 at length, copied from the House of Commons papers of the 
 session 1809. 
 
 COMMITTEE UPON PUBLIC OFFICES, 1809. 
 
 1st. That it is the opinion of this House, that the utmost at- 
 tention to ceconomy, in all the branches of Public Expenditure 
 which is consistent with the interests of the public service, is- 
 at all tiuuN the duty of this House.
 
 65 
 
 * 
 
 3d. That, for this purpose, in addition to the useful and 
 effective measures already taken by Parliament, for the aboli- 
 tion and regulation of various sinecure offices, and offices exe- 
 cuted by deputy, it is expedient to extend the like principles 
 of abolition or regulation to such other cases as may appear ta 
 require and admit of the same. 
 
 3d. That, for the purpose of bringing under the immediate 
 notice of Parliament all increase or diminution in the salaries, 
 emoluments, and expences incurred for official services in all 
 public offices, an account, showing the increase or diminution 
 which may hare taken place during the preceding year in the 
 same, shall be laid before the House, on or before the 25th 
 day of March, in each year, if Parliament should be then 
 sitting, or within forty days of the commencement of every 
 session of Parliament ; distinguishing in suck account any in- 
 crease or diminution in the number and amount of super- 
 annuations belonging to. such offices, and distinguishing also 
 any compensation for offices abolished, or special allowance or 
 remuneration granted to any person in such offices for good 
 services, charged upon the incidents or other funds of the 
 same ; from any increase or diminution in the permanent esta- 
 blishment of such offices, and specifying, in case of super- 
 annuation, compensation, or special allowance, the services of 
 the parties, and the grounds upon which the same has been 
 granted, and the proportion which such superannuation bears 
 to the salary, which had belonged to the person to whom the 
 same has been allowed. 
 
 4th. That it is expedient that allowances, in the nature of 
 superannuations, to persons w r ho have been employed in the 
 civil departments of the Navy, Ordnance, or Army, should no 
 longer be included in the general estimates for those services, 
 but that they should be annually presented to Parliament in 
 estimates, separate and distinct from such general estimates, 
 and be separately voted by Parliament. 
 
 5th. That all pensions, and allowances in the nature of 
 superannuations, or compensations, hereafter to be granted, 
 to any persons employed in any of the public offices, or hold- 
 ing any civil employments in any other branch of the public 
 

 
 06 
 
 4 
 
 service, should not be comprised within the amount of pe 
 granted or grantable out of the Civil List, but shall be provided 
 in the following manner : 
 
 J. In those offices where the establishment of the office is 
 paid out of a fund created by the fees received in such offices, 
 or out of the revenues collected under the management of the 
 same, all such allowances in the nature of superannuation, and 
 all such compensations and special allowances or remunerations 
 as aforesaid, should be charged, in the first instance, upon 
 such fund or funds ; and in case of such fund or funds being 
 found deficient for the payment of the establishments and 
 above-mentioned charges, such deficiency shall, in the offices 
 of the Secretary of State, the Treasury, and the Privy-council, 
 be defrayed out of the Civil List ; and, in all other depart- 
 ments, shall be presented to this House annually, when such 
 deficiency shall occur, by way of estimate, and shall upon such 
 estimate be provided for by this House. 
 
 2. When there is no such fund or funds, the whole of such 
 superannuations and other allowances as aforesaid, except in 
 such departments as are charged and chargeable wholly upon 
 the Civil List, shall be presented annually to Parliament by 
 way of estimate, and shall, upon such estimate, be provided 
 for by this House. 
 
 6th. That it is expedient, that the total amount produced by 
 the sale of old naval stores, should be paid over to the Trea- 
 surer of the Navy, and be credited by him in his account with 
 the public, and be applied to the ordinary services of the navy ; 
 and an account thereof annually laid before this House, together 
 with the navy estimate. 
 
 7th. That it is expedient that all naval pensions and allow- 
 ances now existing, or hereafter to be granted by the Admi- 
 ralty, under the authority of any order in council or otherwise, 
 should not be assigned upon the said fund of old stores, but 
 should, within one year from the granting the same, be pro-i 
 duccd to Parliament by way of estimate, and upon such esti- 
 mate be voted and provided for by this House; distinguish- 
 ing in such estimate all new pensions or allowances, granted 
 within the preceding year, from those which had been h>-
 
 67 
 
 eluded in any former estimates ; and that such pensions and 
 allowances as are at present charged upon the said fund of 
 old stores, shall remain chargeable upon the same, till some 
 other provision shall be made by Parliament for the payment 
 thereof. 
 
 8th. That the pensions granted to persons who have served 
 the Crown in foreign courts, have greatly increased in number 
 and amount since the. act of the 22d year of his present Ma- 
 jesty, chapter eighty-two ; although the same has in part arisen 
 from the state of Europe, it is expedient to check their fur- 
 ther increase ; and that the remuneration granted should bear 
 a due proportion to the service performed, and that no such 
 pension should exceed 2,00<W. per annum ; to abate, if such 
 person should be appointed to any civil station under the Crown 
 of equal or greater amount, and be subject to a proportionate 
 abatement if the value of such situation should be less than the 
 amount of the pension. 
 
 9th. That it is expedient, that after the expiration of any 
 existing interest of any office, -which by law is intitled to the 
 sale of any appointment in any of the Courts of Law, pro- 
 vision should be made to prevent the sale of such offices, 
 tinder such regulations as may be conducive to the public 
 interest, and to the dignity of the offices in which such right 
 is now vested. 
 
 10th. That it is expedient that the office of Registrar of the 
 High Court of Admiralty, and of the High Court of Appeals 
 for Prizes, after the expiration of the interests at present vested 
 in possession or reversion in the same, be regulated ; and the 
 amount of the emoluments of the same, after providing such 
 salary as may be deemed expedient for such office, be applied 
 to defray the salaries now payable to the Judge or any other 
 officer in the said courts, and the surplus, after making such 
 payments, be carried to the account of the Consolidated Fund 
 of Great Britain. 
 
 llth. That the office of Clerk of the Crown, and Protho- 
 notary of the Court of King's Bench in Ireland, the office of 
 Clerk of the Common Pleas in the Court of Exchequer in 
 Ireland, and Prothonotary of the Common Picas, in Ireland,
 
 68 
 
 should> after the expiration of the interests now vested in pos- 
 session or reversion in the same, be regulated ; and that the 
 emoluments of the same, beyond the amovmt of such salary 
 as may be provided for such offices respectively, be applied 
 to the discharge of the salaries of the Judges, or other 
 officers in the establishment of such courts respectively, and 
 the surplus, if any, be carried to the consolidated fund of 
 
 Ireland. 
 
 i 
 
 12th. That a bill, or bills, be brought in to carry into effect 
 ?uch of the said resolutions as may require to be provided for 
 by Parliament. 
 
 THE END. 
 
 Brettell and Co. Printer*, 
 Han>*l)tTrt. Gulden-Square, Londoa.
 
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