X 
 
LETTER 
 
 TO THE 
 
 EARL OF SHELBURNE, 
 
 NOW 
 
 MARQUIS OF LANSDOWNE. 
 
A 
 
 / v 
 
 LETTER 
 
 TO THE 
 
 EARL OF SHELBURNE, 
 
 MARQJJIS OF LANSDOWNE, 
 
 JULY 10, 1782, 
 
 RESPECTING THE ACKNOWLEDGEMENT OF 
 
 AM/E R I C A N INDEPENDENCE. 
 
 By THOMAS 
 
 Secretary for Foreign Affairs to Congrefs in the American 
 
 War, and Author of COMMON SENSE, a LETTER to 
 
 the ABBE RAYNAL, RIGHTS of MAN, &c. 
 
 DUBLIN: 
 
 PRINTED FOR G. BURNET, P. BYRNE, P, WOGAN, W. 
 
 SLEATER, A. GRUBBER, J. MOORE, J. JONES, G. 
 
 DRAPER, W, JONES, R. WHITE, R. M'ALLISTER, 
 
 J. RICE AND M.O'LEARY. 
 
 M.DCC.XCI, 
 
V 
 
 t 
 
A: 
 
 i , i 1 O 
 
 LETTER, &c 
 
 MY LORD, 
 
 JL\ SPEECH which has been printed in 
 feveral of the Britifli and New- York Newf- 
 papers ; as coming from your Lordfhip, in 
 anfwer to one from the Duke of Rich- 
 mond of the loth of July laft, contains 
 expreffions and opinions fo new and fingu- 
 lar, and fo enveloped in myfterious rea- 
 foning, that I addrefs this publication to 
 }ou, for the purpofe of giving them a free 
 and candid examination. The fpeech I al- 
 lude to is in thefe words : 
 
 M92669 
 
6 A LETTER TO THE 
 
 " His : Lprdfllip f&ici, it had been men- 
 " tioned in another place f that he had been 
 "guilty of incontinence. To clear himfelf 
 * of this, he aflerted that he ftill held the 
 " fame principles in refpedt to American 
 " Independence which he at firft imbibed. 
 " He had been, and yet was of opinion, 
 " whenever the Parliament of Great Britain 
 44 acknowledges that point, the fun of Eng- 
 " land's glory is fet for ever. Such were 
 " the fentiments he pofleffed on a former 
 " day, and fuch the fentiments he conti- 
 " nued to hold at this hour. It was the 
 " opinion of Lord Chatham, as well as many 
 u able fbtefmen. Other noble Lords, how- 
 44 ever> think differently; and as the majority 
 *' of the Cabinet fupport them, heacquiefced 
 " in the meafure, diffenting from the idea j 
 ' and the point is fettled for bringing the m^p- 
 4i tcr into the full difcuffion of Pariiaraent, 
 fci where it will be candidly, fairly, and im- 
 partially 
 
MARQJLJ1S J OF LANSDOWNE. 7 
 
 " partially debated. The Independence of 
 44 America would end in the ruin of Eng- 
 " land ; and that a peace patched up with 
 " France would give that proud enemy the 
 " means of yet trampling on this country. 
 " The fun of England's glory he wifhed not 
 " to fee fet for ever ; he looked for a fpark 
 44 at leaft to be left, which might in time light 
 4 ? us up to a new day. But if Independence 
 " was to be granted, if Parliament deemed 
 " that meafure prudent, he forefaw in his 
 " own mind that England was undone. He 
 " wifhed to God that he had been deputed 
 ec toCongrefs, that he might plead the caufe 
 " of that country as well as of this, and that 
 
 1 he might exercife whatever powers he 
 " poifcffed as an orator, to fave both from 
 " ruin, in a conviction to Congrefs, that, if 
 
 ; their Independence was figned, their liber- 
 were gone for ever. 
 
 u PEACE, 
 
f A LETTER TO THE 
 
 " PEACE, his Lordfhip added, was a de- 
 " firable objed, but it muft be an honour- 
 V4 able peace, and not an humiliating one, 
 " didated by France, or infifted on by Ame- 
 44 rica It was very true, this kingdom was 
 " not in a flourifhing ftate, it was impo- 
 " verifhed by war. But if we were not 
 " rich, it was evident that France was poor. 
 " If we were ftraitened in our finances, 
 " the enemy were exhaufted in their re- 
 " fources. This was a great empire j it 
 4 abounded with brave men, who were able 
 "and willing to fight in a common caufe ; 
 u the language of humiliation fhould not, 
 " therefore, be the language of Great Britain. 
 46 His Lordfhip faid, that he was not afha- 
 '" me.d nor afraid of thofe expreffions going 
 " to America. There were numbers, great 
 " -numbers there, who were of the fame way 
 " of thinking, in rcfped to that counfey 
 
 " being 
 
S OF LANSDOWNE. $ 
 
 " being dependent on this, and who, with 
 cc his Lordfhip, perceived ruin and inde- 
 " pendence linked together." 
 
 THUS far the fpeech; on which I remark, 
 That his Lordfhip is a total flranger to 
 the mind and fentiments of America 5 that 
 he has wrapped himfelf up in fond delufion, 
 that fomething lefs than Independence may, 
 under his Adminiftration, be accepted ; and 
 he wifhes himfelf fent to Congrefs, to prove 
 the moft extraordinary of all doclrines, which 
 is, that INDEPENDENCE, the fublimeft of all 
 human conditions, is lofs of liberty. 
 
 IN anfwer to which we may fay, that in 
 order to know what the contrary word DE- 
 PENDENCE means, we have only to look back 
 to thofe years of fevere humiliation, when 
 the roildeft of all petitions could obtain no 
 
 B other 
 
io A LETTER TO THE 
 
 other notice than the haughtieft of all in- 
 fultsj and when the bafe terms of uncon- 
 ditional fubmiffion were demanded, or un- 
 diftinguifhable deftru&ion threatened. It fs 
 nothing to us that the Miniftry have been 
 changed, for they may be changed again. 
 The guilt of Government is the crime of a 
 whole country j and the nation that can, 
 though but for a moment, think and adt as 
 England has done, can never afterwards be 
 believed or trufted. There are cafes in 
 which it is as impoffible to reftore character 
 to life, as it is to recover the dead. It is a 
 phoenix that can expire but once, and from 
 whofe afhes there is no refurredion. Some 
 offences are of fuch a flight compofition, 
 that they reach no farther than the temper, 
 and are created or cured by a thought. But 
 the firi~of England has ftruck the heart of 
 
 America, 
 
MARQJUIS OF LANSDOWNE. u 
 
 America, and nature has not left it in our 
 power to fay we can forgive. 
 
 YOUR Lordfhip wiflies for an opportunity 
 to plead before Congrefs the caufe of England 
 and America, andtofave, as you fay, both from 
 ruin. 
 
 THAT the country, which, for more than 
 feven years, has fought our deftrution, 
 (bould now cringe to folicit our protection, 
 is adding the wretchednefs of difgrace to the 
 mifery of difappointment; and if England 
 has the leaft fpark of fuppofed honour left, 
 that fpark muft be darkened by afking, and 
 extinguished by receiving, the fmalleft fa- 
 vour from America: for the criminal who 
 owes his life to the grace and mercy of the 
 injured, is more executed by living than he 
 dies. 
 
 B 2 BUT 
 
ii A LETTER TO T*JR 
 
 BUT a thoufand pleadings, even from your 
 Lordfhip, can have no effect Honour, in 
 tereft, and every fenfation ot the heart, would 
 plrui again!! you. We are a p -ople who 
 think not as you think, and what ^s equally 
 true, you cannot ful as we f^e.. The.i 
 tions of the two countries a^e e\x^<uHn^hr 
 different. We have been the feat p 
 you have feen nothing of it. The nrW; 
 wanton deflruftion has been committed ia 
 our fight 5 the moft infolent barbarity has 
 been aded on our feelings. We can look 
 round and fee the remains of burnt and de- 
 flroyed houfes, once the fair fruit of hard 
 induflry, and now the ftriking monuments 
 of Britifh brutality. We walk over the dead 
 -whom we loved, in every part of America, 
 and remember by whom they fell. There 
 is fcarcely a village but brings to life fome 
 melancholy thought, and reminds us of <W 
 
 we 
 
MARQUIS OF LANSDOWNE. 13 
 
 we have fuffered, and of thofe we have loft 
 by the inhumanity of Britain. A thoufand 
 images arife to us, which, from fituation, 
 you cannot fee, ai>d are accompanied by as 
 many ideas which you cannot knowj and 
 therefore your fuppofed fyftcm of reafoning 
 would apply to nothing, and all your expec^ 
 tations die of themftlves. 
 
 THE queftion, whether England fhall ac- 
 cede to the Independence of America, and 
 which your Lordfliip fays is to undergo a 
 parliamentary difcuffion, is fo very fimplo, 
 and compofed of fo few cafes, that it fcarcely 
 needs a debate. 
 
 IT is the only way out of an expenfive 
 and ruinous war, which has now no object, 
 and without which acknowledgement there 
 caril)e no peace. 
 
 BUT 
 
14 A LETTER TO THE 
 
 BUT your Lordfhip fays, " The fun of 
 Great Britain will fet whenever Jhe acknow- 
 ledges the Independence of America' 9 Whereas 
 the metaphor would have been ftriflly juft, 
 to have left the fun wholly out of the figure, 
 and have afcribed her not acknowledging it 
 to the influence of the moon. 
 
 BUT the expreflion, if true, is thegreatcft 
 confeflion of difgrace that could be made, 
 and furnifhes America with the higheft no- 
 tions of fovereign independent importance. 
 Mr Wedderburne, about the year 1776, 
 made ufe of an idea of much the fame kind, 
 " Relinquijh America!" fays \\t-What is 
 u // but to defire a giant tojhrink fpontaneoujly 
 " into a dwarf." 
 
 ALAS! are thofe people who call them* 
 felves Englishmen, of fo little internal cdiife- 
 
 quence, 
 
MARQJJIS bF LANSDOWNE. if 
 
 quence, that when America is gone, or (huts 
 her eyes upon them, their fun is fet, they 
 can fhine no more, but grope about in ob- 
 fcurity, and contrad into infignificant ani- 
 mals? Was America, then, the giant of the 
 empire, and England only her dwarf in 
 waiting? Is the cafe fo ftrangely altered, that 
 thofe who once thought we could not live 
 without them, now declare they cannot exift 
 without us? Will they tell to the world, 
 and that from their firft Minifter of State, 
 that America is their all in all ; that it is by 
 her importance only they can live, and breathe, 
 and have a being? Will they, who threatened 
 to bring us to their feet, now caft themfelves 
 at ours, and own that without us they are 
 not a nation ? Are they become fo unqualified 
 to debate on Independence, that they have 
 loft all idea of it in themfelves, and are call- 
 ing To the rocks and mountains of America 
 
 to 
 
** /V A LETTER TO THE 
 
 to cover their infignificance ? Or, if America 
 is loft, is it manly to fob over it like a child 
 for its rattle, and invite the laughter of the 
 world by declarations of difgrace ? Surely, 
 the more confiftent condud would be, to 
 bear it without complaint ; and to fhew that 
 England, without America, can preferve 
 her independence, and a fuitable rank with 
 other Kuropean Towers. You were not con- 
 tented while you had her, and to weep for 
 her now is childilh. 
 
 BUT Lord Shelburne thinks that fome- 
 thing may yet be done. What that fome- 
 thing is, or how it is to be accomplifhed, 
 is a matter in obfcurity. By arms there is 
 no hope. The experience of nearly eight 
 years, with the expence of an hundred million 
 pounds fterling, and the lofs of two armies, 
 muft pofitively decide that point, Befides, 
 
 the 
 
MARQUIS OF LANSDOWNE. 17 
 
 the Britifli have loft their intereft in America 
 with the difaffected. , Every part of it has 
 been tried. There is no n.ew fcene left for 
 delufion : and the thoufands who have been 
 ruined by adhering to them, and have now 
 to quit the fettlements they had acquired, 
 and be conveyed like tranfports to cultivate 
 the deferts of Auguftine and Nova Scotia, 
 has put an end to all farther expectations of 
 aid. 
 
 IF you caft your eyes on the people* of 
 England, what have they to. confole them- 
 felves with for the millions expended ? or, 
 what encouragement is there left to continue 
 throwing good money after bad ? America 
 can carry on the war for ten years longer, 
 and all the charges of government included^ 
 for lefs than you can defray the charges of 
 war * and government for one year. And I, 
 
 C 4 who 
 
j A LETTER TO THE 
 
 who know both countries, know well, that 
 the people of America can afford to pay their 
 fhare of the expence much better than the 
 people of England can. Befides, it is their 
 own eflates and property, their own rights, 
 liberties and government, they are defend- 
 ing; and were they not to do it, they would 
 deferve tolofe all, and none would pity them. 
 The fault would be their own, and their pu- 
 nifliment juft. 
 
 THE Britifh army in America care not 
 how long the war lafts. They enjoy an eafy 
 and indolent life. They fatten on the folly 
 of one country and the fpoils of another ; 
 and, between their plunder and their pay, 
 may go home rich. But the cafe is very 
 different with the labouring farmer, the 
 working tradefman, and the neceffitous poor 
 19 England, the fweat of whofe brow "gods 
 
 day 
 
MARQJJIS OF LANSPOWNE. i; 
 
 4ay after day to feed, in prodigality and floth, 
 the army that is robbing both them and us. 
 Removed from the eye of the country that 
 fupports them, and diftant from the governr 
 ment that employs them,, they cut and carve 
 for themfelves, and there is none to call them 
 to account. 
 
 BUT England will be ruined, fays Lori 
 Shelburne, if America is independent. 
 
 THEN, I fay, is England already ruined, 
 for America is already independent : and if 
 Lord Shelburne will not allow this, he im- 
 pediately denies the fad which he infers. 
 JSefides, to make England the mere creature 
 
 of America, is paying too great a complimenj: 
 
 o 
 
 to us, and too little to himfelf. 
 
 P 2 BUT 
 
*o ALETTER.TOTHE 
 
 BUT the declaration is a rhapfody of in- 
 confiftcnce. For to fay, as Lord Shelburne 
 has numberlefs times faid, that the war 
 againft America is ruinous; and yet to con- 
 tinue the profecution of that ruinous war for 
 the purpofe of avoiding ruin, is a language 
 which cannot be underftood. Neither is it 
 poflible to fee how the Independence of 
 America is to accomplish the ruin of Eng- 
 land after the war is over, and yet not effedt 
 it before. America cannot be more inde- 
 pendent of her, nor a greater enemy to her, 
 hereafter than fhe is now ; nor England de- 
 rive leis advantages from her than at prefent : 
 why then is ruin to follow in the beft flate 
 of the cafe, and not in the worft ! And if not 
 in the \V6rft, why is it to follow at all ? 
 
 THAT a nation is to be ruined by peace 
 and commerce, and fourteen or fifteen mil- 
 lions 
 
MARQJJIS -OP -LANSf)O*WNE, a-i 
 
 lions a-year lefs expences than before, is a 
 new dodtrme in politics. We have heard 
 much clamour of national favings and oeco- 
 nomy^ but furely the true oeconomy would 
 be, to fave the whole charge of a filly, fool- 
 ifli, and headftrong war; becaufe, compared 
 with this, all other retrenchments are baw- 
 bles and trifles. 
 
 BUT is it poffible that Lord Shelburne can 
 beferious in fuppofing the leaft advantage can 
 be obtained by arms, or that any advantage 
 can be equal to the expence, or the danger 
 of attempting it? Will not the capture of 
 one army after another fatisfy him, but all 
 muft become prifoners f Muft England ever 
 be the fport of hope and the dupe of delufionf 
 Sometimes our currency was to failj another 
 time our army was todifband: then whole 
 provinces were to revolt. Such a General 
 
 faid 
 
? A LETTER TO THE 
 
 faid this and that ; another wrote fo and fo. 
 
 Lord Chatham was of this opinion ; and 
 
 Lord Somebody elfe of another. To-day 
 
 20,000 Ruffians and 20 Ruffian fhips of the 
 
 line were to come; to-morrow the Emprefs 
 
 was abufed without mercy or decency.- 
 
 Then the Emperor of Germany was to be 
 
 bribed with a million of money, and the 
 
 King of Pruffia was to do wonderful things. 
 
 At one time it was, Lo here! and then it 
 
 was, Lo there ! Sometimes this Power, and 
 
 fornetimes that Power, was to engage in the 
 
 war, juft as if the whole world was as mad 
 
 and foolifh as Britain. And thus, from year 
 
 to year, has every ftraw been catched at, 
 
 and every Will-with-a-Wifp led them a nevy 
 
 dance. 
 
 THIS year a ft ill newer folly is to take 
 place. Lord Shclburne wilhes to be fent 
 
 to 
 
MARQJJIS OF LANSDOWNE. 23 
 
 to Congrefs, and he thinks that fometh'mg 
 may be done. 
 
 ARE not the repeated declarations of Con- 
 grefs, and which all America fupports, that 
 they will not even hear any propofals what- 
 ever, until the unconditional and unequivo- 
 cal Independence of America is recognifed ; 
 arc not, I fay, thefe declarations anfwer 
 enough? 
 
 BUT for England to receive any thing 
 from America now, after fo many infults, 
 injuries, and outrages, aded towards us, 
 would fhew fuch a fpirit of meannefs in her, 
 that we could not but defpife her for ac- 
 cepting it. And fo far from Lord Shelburne 
 coming here to folicit it, it would be the 
 greateft difgrace we could do them to offer 
 it. England would appear a wretch indeed, 
 
 at 
 
24 A LETTER TO THE 
 
 at this time of day, to afk or owe any thing 
 to the bounty of America. Has not the 
 name of Englifhman blots enough upon it, 
 without inventing more? Even Lucifer would 
 fcorn to reign in Heaven by permiffion, and 
 yet an Englifhman can creep for only an 
 entrance into America. Or has a land of 
 Liberty fo many charms, that to be a door- 
 keeper in it is better than to be an Englifh 
 Minifter of State? 
 
 BUT what can this expeded fomething 
 be? or, if obtained, what can it amount to, 
 but new difgraces, contentions, and quar- 
 rels? The people of America have for years 
 accuftomed themfelves to think and fpeak 
 fo freely and contemptuoufly of Englifh 
 authority, and the inveteracy is fo deeply 
 rooted, that a perfon invefted with any au- 
 thority from that country, and attempting 
 
 to 
 
MARQJJIS OF LANSDOWNE. 2$ 
 
 to cxercife it here, would have the life of a 
 toad under a harrow, They would look on 
 him as an interloper, to whom their com- 
 paffion permitted a refidence. He would 
 be no more than the Mungo of the farce; 
 and if he difliked that, he muft fet off. It 
 would he a ftation of degradation, debated 
 by our pity, and defpifed by our pride, and 
 would place England in a more contempti- 
 ble fituation than any fhe has yet fuffercd 
 by the war. We have too high an opinion 
 of ourfelves, ever to think of yielding again 
 the leaft obedience to outlandifh authority 4 
 and for a thoufand reafons, England wotild 
 be the laft country in the world to yield it 
 to. She has been treacherous, and we know 
 it. Her chara&er is gone, and we have ft en 
 the funeral. 
 
 D SUE ELY 
 
26 A LETfT^R TO THE 
 
 SURELY (he loves to fifh in troubled was- 
 ters, and drink the cup of contention, or fhe 
 would not now think of mingling her affairs 
 with thofe of America. It would be like a 
 foolifli dotard taking to his arms the bride 
 that defpifes him, or who has placed on his 
 head the enfigns of her difguft. It is kiffing 
 the hand that boxes his ears, and propofing 
 to renew the exchange. The thought is as 
 fervile as the war was wicked, and fhews 
 thelaft fcene of the drama as inconfiftent as 
 the firft, 
 
 > ' v: <EfttifliV 
 
 As America is gone, the only aft of man- 
 hood is to kt her go. Your Lordfhip had 
 ilo hand in the ffeparation, and you will 
 gain ilo honour by temporifing politics. 
 Befides, there is fomething fo exceedingly 
 whimfical, unfteady, and even infincere in 
 2 the 
 
MARQJUIS OF LANSDOWNE. $7 
 
 the prefent condud of England, that flie 
 exhibits herfelf in the moft dishonourable co* 
 lours. 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 ON the fecond of Auguft laft General Cai> 
 leton and Admiral Digby wrote to General 
 Wafhington in thefe words: . i 
 
 " THE refolation of the Houfe of Com- 
 " mons of the 27th of February laft have 
 " been placed in your Excellency's hands, 
 " and intimations given at the fame, time, 
 " that farther pacific meafures were likely 
 " to follow. Since which, until the prefent 
 " time, we have had no dired communica- 
 ' s tions from England 5 but a mail is now 
 " arrived, which brings us very important 
 ".information. We are acquainted, Sif, 
 " by authority, that negotiations for a geae- 
 ' ral peace have already commenced at 
 D 2 " Paris, 
 
i* A LETTER TO THE 
 
 " Paris, and that Mr. Grenville is inverted 
 u with ful! powers to treat with all the 
 " parties at war, and is now at Paris in the 
 " execution of hiscommiffion. And we are 
 i; farther, Sir, made acquainted, " that his 
 " Majefty, in order to remove any obftacles to 
 * that peace 'which he fo ardently wijhes to 
 " rejlore^ has commanded his Miniflers to diretf 
 " Mr. Grenvilk) that the Independence of the 
 u thirteen United provinces ^ jhould be propofed 
 u by him in the Jirji injlance, in/lead of making 
 u // a . condition of a general treaty." 
 
 Now, taking your prefent meafures into 
 view, and comparing them with the decla- 
 ration in this Letter, pray, what is the word 
 of your King, or his Minifters, or the Par- 
 liament, good for? Muft we not look upon 
 you as a confederated body of faithlefs, trea- 
 cherous men, whofe affurances are fraud, 
 
 and 
 
MARQJUIS OF LANSDOWNE. 2^ 
 
 and their language deceit? What opinion 
 can we poffibly form of you, but that you 
 are a loft, abandoned, profligate nation, who 
 {port even with your own character, and are 
 to be held by nothing but the bayonet or the 
 
 halter? 
 
 t - 
 
 To fay, after this, that the jun of Great 
 Britain mil be fet whenever Jhe acknowledges 
 the Independence of America, when the not 
 doing it is the unqualified lie of Govern- 
 ment, can be no other than the language of 
 ridicule, the jargon of inconfiftency. There 
 were thoufands in America who predided 
 the delation, and looked upon it as a trick 
 of treachery, to take us from our guard, and 
 draw off our attention from the only fyftem 
 of finance, by which we can be called, or 
 deferve to be called, a fovereign, indepen- 
 dent people. The fraud, on your part, 
 
 might 
 
30 A LjETTJSR T,0 
 
 might be worth attempting, but the facrifice 
 to obtain it is too high. 
 
 THERE were others who credited the a 
 furance, becaufe they thought it impoffible 
 that men who had their characters to efta- 
 blifli, would begin it with a lie. The pro- 
 fecution of the war by the former Miniftry 
 was favage and horrid ; fince which it has 
 been mean, trickifli, and dtlufi ve. The one 
 went greedily into the paffion of revenge, 
 the other into the lUbtleties of low contri- 
 vance; till) between the crimes of both, 
 there is fcarcely left a man in America, be 
 he Whig or Tory, who does not defpife or 
 deleft the condud of Britain. 
 
 THE management of Lord Shelburne, 
 whatever may be his views, is a caution to 
 us, and muft be to the world, never to regard 
 
 Britifh 
 
MARQUIS OF LANSDOWNE. j 
 
 Brftifti affuranfces: A perfidy fo notorious 
 cannot: be hid! ft ftands even irt the public 
 papers of New York, with the names of 
 Carleton and Digby affixed to it It is a 
 proclamation that the King of England is 
 not to be believed : that the fpifit of lying 
 is the governing principle of the Miniftry. 
 It is holding up the char ader of the Hbufe 
 06 Commons to public infamy, and- warning 
 all men not to- credit them; Such is the con- 
 fequence which Lord Shelburne's manage- 
 ment has brought upon his country. 
 
 AFTER the authorifed declarations con- 
 tained in Carleton and Digby's letter, you 
 ought, from every motive of honour, policy, 
 and prudence, to have fulfillled them, what- 
 ever might have been the event. It was the 
 leaft atonement you could poffibly make to 
 America, and the greateft kindnefs you could 
 
 do 
 
3* A LETTER TO THE 
 
 do to yourfclves ; for you will fave millions 
 by a general peace, and you will lofe as many 
 by continuing the war. 
 
 COMMON SENSE. 
 
 Philadelphia* 
 OSober 29, 1782. 
 
 P. The manufcript copy of this letter 
 is fent your Lordfliip, by the way of our 
 Head Quarters, to New York, inclofing a 
 late pamphlet of mine, addreffed to the Abbe 
 Reynal, which will ferve to give your Lord- 
 fhip fome idea of the principles and fenti- 
 ments of America. 
 
 A P P E N- 
 
f^nWr^K^i^^^^ 
 
 . 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 J HE two following Letters were firft 
 publifhed in England in the Morning 
 Poft. 
 
 rMHii4M^ 
 
 TO THE AUTHORS OF 
 
 THE REPUBLICAN. 
 
 GENTLEMEN, 
 
 M. DUCHASTELET has mentioned to me 
 the intention of fome perfons to commence a 
 Work under the title of The Republican. 
 
 E As 
 
34 TO THE AUTHORS OF [\PP. 
 
 As I am a Citizen of a country which 
 knows no other Majefty than that of the 
 People no other Government than that of 
 the Reprefentative body no other Sove- 
 reignty than that of the Laws, and which 
 is attached to France both by Alliance and 
 by Gratitude, I voluntarily offer you my 
 fervices in fupport of principles as honou- 
 rable to a nation as they are adapted to pro- 
 mote the happinefs of mankind. I offer 
 them to you with the more zeal, as I know 
 the moral, literary, and political character of 
 thofe who are engaged in the undertaking, 
 and find myfelf honoured in their good opi- 
 nion. 
 
 Bar I muft at the fame time obfefve, that 
 from my ignorance of the French language, 
 my works muft neceffarily undergo a tranf- 
 lation - 9 they can of courfe be but of little 
 
 utility, 
 
AVI'.] THE REPUBLICAN. 35 
 
 utility, and my offering muft confift more 
 of wifhes than fervices I muft add, that 1 am 
 obliged to pafs a part of this fummer in Eng- 
 land and Ireland. 
 
 As the Public has done me the unmerited 
 favour of recognizing me under the appel- 
 lation of " Common Senfe," which is my ufual 
 fignature, I fhall continue it in this publicati- 
 on to avoid miftakes, and to prevent my being 
 fuppofed the author of works not my own. As 
 to my Political Principles, I ihall endeavour, in 
 this letter, to trace their general features in 
 fuch a manner, as that they cannot be mif- 
 underftood. 
 
 IT is defireable in moft inflances to avoid 
 that, which may give even the leaft fufpicion 
 with refped to the part meant to be adopted, 
 and particularly on the prefent occafion, where 
 
 a perfect 
 
36 TO THE AUTHORS OF [AFP. 
 
 a perfcfl clear nefs of expreffion is neceflary to 
 the avoidance of any poffible mifmterpreta- 
 tion. I am happy, therefore, to find, that the 
 work in queftion is entitled "The Republican" 
 This word exprefTes perfedtly the idea which 
 we ought to have of Government in general 
 Res Publicaihc public affairs of a Nation. 
 
 f As to the word Monarchy, though the 
 addrefs and intrigue of Courts have rendered 
 it familiar, it does not contain the lefs of re- 
 proach or of infult to a nation. The word, 
 in its immediate and original fenfe, fignifies 
 the absolute Power of a Jingle Individual^ who 
 may prove a fool, an hypocrite, or a tyrant. 
 The appellation admits of no other interpre- 
 tation than that which is here given. France 
 is therefore not a Monarchy $ it is infulted 
 when called by that name. The fervile 
 fpirit which chara&erifes this fpecies of Go- 
 vernment 
 
THE REPUBLICAN. 35 
 
 vernment is banifhed from FRANCE, and this 
 country, Ijke AMERICA, can now afford 
 to Monarchy no more than a glance of difV 
 dain. 
 
 OF the errors which monarchic ignorance 
 or knavery has fpread through the world j 
 the one, which bears the marks of the moft 
 dexterous invention, is the opinion that the 
 fyfteni of Republicanijin is only adapted to a 
 fmall country, and that & Monarchy is Anted, 
 on the contrary, to thofe of greater extent. 
 Such is the language of Courts* and fuch the 
 fentiments which they have caufed to be a- 
 dopted in monarchic countries ; but the opi- 
 nion is contrary at the fame time to principle 
 and to experience, 
 
 THE GOVERNMENT, to be of real uie, 
 (hould poffefs a complete knowledge of all 
 
" 3 8 TO THE AUTHORS OF [APP. 
 
 the parties* all the circumftances, and all 
 the interefls of a nation. The monarchic 
 fyftem, in confequence, inftead of being 
 fuited to a country of great extent, would 
 be more admiffible in a fmall territory, 
 where an individual may be fuppofed to 
 know the affairs and the interefts of the 
 whole. But when it is attempted to extend 
 this individual knowledge to the affairs of a 
 great country, the capacity of knowing 
 bears no longer any proportion to the ex- 
 tent or multiplicity of the objects which 
 ought to be known, and the Government 
 inevitably falls from ignorance into tyranny, 
 For the proof of this pofition we need only 
 look to SPAIN, RUSSIA, GERMANY, TUR- 
 KEY, and the whole of the Eaftern Conti- 
 nent Countries for the deliverance of which 
 I offer my moft fincere wifhes. 
 
 ON 
 
APP.] THE REPUBLICAN. 39 
 
 ON the contrary, the true Republican fyf- 
 tern, by Election and Reprefentation, offers 
 the only means which are known, and in 
 my opinion the only means which are po- 
 fible of proportioning the wifdom and the 
 information of a Government to the extent 
 of a country. 
 
 THE fyftem of Reprefentation is the ftrong- 
 eft and moft powerful center that can be 
 devifed for a nation. Its attraction adls fo 
 powerfully, that men give it their approba- 
 tion even without reafoning on the caufe; and 
 FRANCE, however diflant its feveral parts, 
 finds itfelf at this moment an Whole in its 
 central Reprefentation. The citizen is affurcd 
 that his rights are protected, and the foldier 
 feels that he is no longer the Slave of a Def- 
 pot, but that he is become one of the Na- 
 tion, and interefted of courfe in its defence. 
 
 THE 
 
. AUTHORS OF 
 
 THE States at prefent flyled Republican, as 
 HOLLAND, GENOA, VENICE, BERNE, &c. 
 are not only unworthy of the name, but are 
 actually in oppofition to every Principle of 
 a Republican Government, and the countries 
 fubmitted to their power are, truly fpeaking, 
 fubjeSed to an Arijiocratic Slavery! 
 
 IT is, perhaps, impoffible in the firftfteps 
 which are made in a Revolution, to avoid 
 till kind of error, in principle or in pradice, 
 or in fbme inftances to prevent the combi- 
 nation of both. Before the fenfe of a na- 
 tion is fufficiently enlightened, and before 
 men have entered into the habits of a free 
 communication with each other of their 
 natural thoughts, a certain referve -a timid 
 prudence feizes on the human mind, and 
 prevents it from attaining its level, with 
 that vigour and promptitude which belongs 
 
 to 
 
APP.] THE REPUBLICAN. 41 
 
 to Right.' An example of this influence dif- 
 covers itfelf in the commencement of the 
 prefent Revolution : but happily this difco- 
 very has been made before the Conftitution 
 was completed, and in time to provide a 
 remedy. 
 
 THE Hereditary Succejfwn can never exift 
 as a matter of right; it is a nullity a no- 
 thing. To admit the idea is to regard men 
 as a fpecies of property belonging to fome 
 individuals, either born or to be born! It is 
 to confider our defcendents, and all pofterity 
 as mere animals without a Right or a Will! 
 It is, in fine, the mofl bafe and humiliating 
 idea that ever degraded the human fpecies, 
 and which, for the honour of Humanity, 
 fhould be deftroycd for ever. 
 
 THE idea of hereditary fucceffion is fo 
 contrary to the Rights of Man, that if we 
 
 F were 
 
4* TO THE AUTHORS OF [APP. 
 
 were ourfelves to be recalled to exiftence, 
 inftead of being replaced by our pofterity, 
 we {hould not have the right of depriving 
 ourfelves beforehand of thofe Rights which 
 would then properly belong to us. On what 
 ground, then, or by what authority, do we 
 dare to deprive of their rights thofe children 
 who will foorv be men ? Why are we not 
 ftruck with the injuftice which we perpe- 
 trate on our defcendents, by endeavouring 
 to tranfmit them as a vile herd, to matters 
 whofe vices are all that can be forefeen. 
 
 WHENEVER the French Conflitution {hall 
 be rendered conformable to its Declaration of 
 Rights^ we {hall then be enabled to give to 
 FRANCE, and with juflice, the appellation 
 of a civic Empire-, for its government will 
 be the empire of Laws founded on the great 
 republican principles of Ete&ive Reprefenta- 
 
APf.] THE REPUBLICAN. 43 
 
 .- - , - 
 
 tio*, and the Rights of Man But Monar- 
 chy and Hereditary Succeffion are incom- 
 patible with the bafis of its confutation. 
 
 1 hope that I have at prefent fufficiently 
 proved to you that I am a good Republican j 
 and I have fuch a confidence in the truth of 
 thefe principles, that I doubt not they will 
 foon be as univerfal in France as in America. 
 The pride of human nature will affift their 
 evidence, will contribute to their eftablifli- 
 ment, and Men will be afhamed of Mo- 
 narchy. 
 
 I am, with refped 
 Gentlemen, 
 
 Your friend, 
 THOMAS PAINE. 
 
 LET- 
 
LETTER 
 
 TO THE 
 
 ABBE S Y E Y E S. 
 
 "- - 
 
 Paris, 8th July, 1791. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 jL\T the moment of my departure for 
 England, I read, in the Moniteur of Tuef- 
 day laft, your letter, in which you give the 
 challenge, on the fubjed of Government, 
 and offer to defend what is called the Mo- 
 narchical opinion againft the Republican fyftem. 
 
 " I ACCEPT of your challenge with plea- 
 fure j and I place fuch a confidence in the 
 fuprioeirty of the Republican fyftem over 
 that nullity of fyftem, called Monarchy, 
 that I engage not to exceed the extent of 
 
 fifty 
 
APP.] LETTER TO THE, &c. 4- 
 
 fifty pages, and to leave you the liberty o] 
 taking as much latitude as you may think 
 proper. 
 
 " THE refpeft which I bear your mora 
 and literary reputation, will be your fecuritj 
 for my candour in the courfe of this difcuf 
 (ion j but, notwithftanding that I (hall trea 
 the fubjedl ferioufly and (incerely, let mi 
 premife, that I confider myfelf at liberty ti 
 ridicule as they deferve, Monarchical abfur 
 dities, whenfoever the occafion (hall prefen 
 itfelf. 
 
 i 
 
 " BY Republicanifm, I do not under 
 fland what the name fignifies in Hollanc 
 and in fome parts of Italy. I undei 
 ftand (imply a government by reprefentatio 
 a government founded upon the principle 
 of the Declaration of Rights; principle 
 
 t 
 
LETTER-TO THE APP-] 
 
 to which feveral parts of the French Con- 
 ftitution arife in contradiction. The Decla- 
 rations of the Rights of France and America 
 ire but one and the fame thing in principles, 
 and aimoft in expreifions ; and this is the 
 Republicanifm which I undertake to defend 
 igainft what is called Monarchy and Arifto- 
 :racy. 
 
 I SEE with pleafure, that in refped to one 
 point, we are already agreed ; and that 
 Is the extreme danger of a Civil Lift of thirty 
 millions. I can difcover no reafon why one 
 Df the parts of the government fhould be 
 fupported with fo extravagant a prpfufion, 
 tvhilft the other fcarcely receives what is fuf- 
 Scient for its common wants. 
 
 " THIS dangerous and dishonourable dif- 
 proportion, at once fupplies the one with 
 
 the 
 
ABBESEYES. 4 
 
 the means of corrupting, and throws th 
 other into the predicament of being cor 
 rupted. In America there is but Jittle dif 
 ference, with regard to this point, betweei 
 the legiflative and the executive part of ou 
 government j but the firft is much bette 
 attended to than it is in France.* 
 
 " In whatfoever manner. Sir, I may trea 
 the fubjedt of which you have propofed th 
 inveftigation, I hope that you will not doub 
 my entertaining for you the higheft efteerr 
 I muft alfo add, that I am not the perfons 
 enemy of Kings. Quite the contrary. N 
 man more heartily wiflies than myfelf to fe 
 them all in the happy and honourable flat 
 of private individuals; but, 1 am the avow 
 
 * A Deputy to the Congrefs receives about a guinea and 
 half daily ; and provifions are cheaper in America than i 
 France. 
 
 ec 
 
4.S LETTER TO THE, be. AP>.] 
 
 ed, open, and intrepid enemy of what is 
 called Monarchy ; and I am fuch by princi- 
 ples which nothing can either alter or cor- 
 rupt- by my attachment to humanity ; by 
 the anxiety which I feel within myfelf for 
 the dignity and the honour of the human 
 race; by the difguft which I experience, 
 when I obferved men direded by children, 
 and governed by brutes 5 by the horror which 
 all the evils that Monarchy has fpread over 
 the earth excite within my bread ; and by 
 thofe fentiments which make me fhudder at 
 the calamities, the exactions, the wars, and 
 the maflacres with which Monarchy has 
 cruflied mankind: in fhort, it is againft all 
 the Hell of Monarchy that I have declared 
 war. 
 
 (Signed) THOMAS PAINE." 
 
 THE END. 
 
 
A 
 
THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY