^5 f HF REMARKS i-^f ON X I THE VOLUME OF HYDRABAD PAPERS -PRINTED FOR THE USE OF THE EAST INDIA PROPRIETORS. BY THE HON. DOUGLAS KINNAIRD. LONDON: PRINTED FOR J. M. RICHARDSON, CORNHILL, AND JAMES RIDGWAY, PICCADILLY. 1825. LONDON : IKINTK!) BY THOMAS PAVXSON, WHIl EFHIARS. TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE GEORGE CANNING, 4'c. Sfc. Sfc. Sfc. Sir, The volume of papers, upon which the ac- companying remarks are made, was printed for the purpose of exposing the truth or the falsehood of leports, deeply affecting the public honor and character of the late Governor-general of India, the Marquis of Hastings. As that nobleman's brilliant services were, for the most part, rendered during the period in which you presided over tlie Board of Controul, and have found in you their official and eloquent pa- negyrist before the assembled representatives of his country, it is to be presumed you cannot be indifferent to the result of the examination of these documents. IV In the confident anticipation that the following- pages will exhibit the untainted purity, the states- manUke wisdom, and the indefatigable zeal of the Marquis of Hastings, in every detail of this mis- represented and calumniated passage of his go- vernment, I venture to submit them to your un- prejudiced perusal. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your very obedient and humble Servant, Douglas Kinnaird. Pall Mall East, February 23d, 1825, REMARKS, &c. 1 HE following remarks are the result of an attentive ex- amination of the volume of papers printed by the East India Company, entitled Papers relating to the Pccuniarri Transactions of Messrs. W. Palmer and Co. \soith the Govern- ment of his Highness the Nizam. Their publication was called for by a Court of Pro- prietors of East India stock, upon the motion of Mr. John Smith, M. P., subsequent to the refusal of the Chairman to give any reply to a question, publicly put to him, whether any charge of misconduct had been, or could be substan- tiated against the Marquis of Hastings for any part of his civil administration of the government of India. If any such charo-e can be substantiated against that distinguished person, it is to be presumed that the proofs are to be found in this volume of papers. The calumny of which the friends of the Marquis of Hastings thought it necessary to take public notice, vi^as contained in the following allegation. That Sir William Rumbold had been invited by the Marquis of Hastings to accompany him to India, being a creditor on his Lordship for a large portion of his wife's (Lady Rumbold's) fortune ; of which Lord Hastings was a trustee. That Lord Hastings was to compensate Sir William Rumbold, by using his power and his influence in his favour, on any occasion that might present itself. That he, (Lord Hastings,) had a corrupt interest and motive for so doing : that, in contemplation of availing liimself of B Lord Hasting-s' undue favour and protection in behalf ot any commercial establishment with which he might connect himself, Sir William Rumbold sought and formed a con- nection with the firm of W. Palmer and Co., of Hyderabad, That thereupon Lord Hastings did give to that establish- ment improper countenance and privileges, contrary to his duty and to the interests committed to his charge; — par- ticularly, 1st, by granting to the firm of W. Palmer and Co. a licence exempting its members, in the terms of the 37th Geo. 3d., from the penalties attached to dealings in money between British subjects and native princes; such licence being dated July 23d, 1816; — 2dly, in cor- ruptly sanctioning in October 1819 their establishment at Aurungabad, and their contract with the Nizam's minister, Chundoo Loll, for the regular monthly payment of a body of reformed regular troops ; — 3dly, In sanctioning a loan from W. Palmer and Co. to the Nizam's government on the 15th of July, 1820; all these acts being done for the purpose of enabling the house of William Palmer and Co. to make inordinate gains at the expence and to the ruin of the Company's ally, the Nizam. The Company's resi- dent at Hyderabad, Mr. Russell, is libelled as having been a secret partner or participator in these luidue gains of the house, and as having, therefore, corruptly recommended the above mentioned sanctions. The minister, Chundoo Loll, is also alleged to have wilfully sacrificed his country's in- terest, from his supposed conviction of the power that Sir William Rumbold had over the mind of the Governor- general, whose favour and support were necessary to him, Chundoo Loll, for his continuance in office. And the house of W. Palmer and Co. is charged collectively and individually with extortion, usury, legerdemain, fraud, infamy, and perjury. An attentive examination of the Hyderabad papers has not only led the author of these remarks to the conclusion, that there is not the slightest ground for 3 any one of the above charges agahist any one of the above persons ; but it has enabled him, he thinks, to dis- cover the sources in which they had their origin, the means by which they were put into secret circuhition, as well as the gross credulity by which they were encouraged into open assertion. It is owing to their present publication alone, that the destined victims of calumny and injustice have been enabled to learn the crimes, of which, without trial and without a hearing, they have been declared guilty, and for which they have been persecuted with a reckless attack on their characters and fortunes. No call has been made upon them, no opportunity has been afforded to them, to reply to accusation, to explain misapprehension, or to disprove mis-statement. Mr. Russell thus addresses the Court of Directors on the subject. " The proceedings out of which those allegations have arisen, have, from first to last, been concealed from us. The acrimonious party spirit in which they originated is manifest in the tone and temper which pervade the whole correspondence ; and although, when much higher autho- rity is assailed, we ought not, perhaps, to complain, that some blows fall on us also ; still we do very much complain that on an occasion affecting our characters as public ser- vants, we have been denied every opportunity of repelling what was false, of explaining what was doubtful, or of say- ing one single syllable in our justification." * Thus, in the absence of any specific charge, and of any responsible accuser, the objects of attack are compelled to labour through an enormous folio volume of correspond- ence, to pick out the matter on which they have been condemned. It is, however, only necessary to be really acquainted with the contents of this volume, to establish the utter absence of all ground on which the accusations have been made. Mr. Russell's Letter, of 1824, to the Court of Directors, p. l. B 2 Whether the original motive for these calumnies may have been to injure Sir William Rumbold and his partners, or Mr. Russell, or Lord Hastings, it is abundantly apparent that their judges and their accusers have been equally ready to believe without examination, and to record as true everv charge that has been made. In the course of these observations the author has not knowingly stated a single fact, for which he has not cited his authority, or given an innnediate i-eference to the document. The plot being laid in a country, with the manners, habits, and laws of which comparatively few of that public before whom the accusation is made, are acquainted ; it may not be without advantage to give some general idea of its condition, and of the relation in which the native and the Beufral o-overnments stood towards each other. The description shall be given principally in the language of Mr. Russell, extracted from several of the Resident's dis- patches in the years 1810, 1815, 1817, and particularly from a report of 1 8 1 9, which Mr. Russell was called upon to transmit in the discharge of his official duty as Resident, at the conclusion of Lord Hiistings' brilliant achievements for the pacification of India. These will, at the same time, exhibit how differently both the Governor-General and the Resident were employing their energies, from combining and plotting the ruin of their ally. Previous to the perusal of the following documents, it is only necessary to state, that the Nizam is the Sovereign of one of the very i'ew Indian states that still retain a nominal independence, guaranteed by British protection ; and which still bear the title of the East India Company's allies. The rest, be it observed, have not exchanged that title to rank amongst their enemies ; but the bands of their alliance have been so tightly drawn, that one after another has gradually disappeared in their embrace. The guarantee of the do- minions of the Company's native allies, has offered a fair pretence to introduce the aid and experience of British officers, t() relieve them and their subjects from the duties 5 of selt-deteiice. The sure irregiiiuiity vvilh which their troops have been paid, has ever afFordetl a ready title to proffer assistance, in the better collection and disbursement of their revenues. The internal government has thus gradually and necessarily fallen into the hands of the civil servant, accredited to the Court : and the native troops of the country have learnt to feel allegiance only to the European officers in their command. The easy suppression by diis armed force of many of the grosser acts of violence of the chieftains and subordinate officers of the native Sove- reio-n, have tended to make this direct interference to be regarded by the natives with little of disfavour or of dis- content. Under such circumstances, the native Sovereign has been permitted to wear his crown, until it has appeared more convenient to the Company to rule in their own, than in his name and authority. During such a process, the happiness of the country, and the British character, are at once in the hands of the Resident for the time being. His personal conduct, and his statesmanlike talents, may enable him to be the protector, instead of becoming the destroyer of the national independence. Mr. Russell was resident at Hy- derabad from the year 1810 to 1821. In the following dispatches will be found sufficient evidence of his character as a man, and of his talents as a statesman. They are a few only of the many here recorded, and splendid proofs of the services which his employers appear to liave under- stood so little how to appreciate. Extract from Mr. Russell's Letter tu the Court of Directors, p. 12. It would almost seem, by some of the expressions used in the correspondence from Bengal, as if the sufferings and dis- tresses of the Nizam's country had been occasioned by the mi- nister's dealings with Messrs. W. Palmer and Co. ; or that, at least, the investigation of those dealings had now first made them known. Before any of the partners of that firm were born, the Nizam's government was in a condition tending B 3 6 rapidly to decay. The despatches of your Residents, for years, were full of complaints of the vices of his administration, and the disorders of his country. My predecessor, Captain T. Sydenham, in a despatch to the Earl of Minto, written in 1810, stated his conviction, that " during the reign of the pre- " sent Nizam, no improvement could be expected, unless the " administration of the country were placed under the con- " troul of the Resident ; that the disorders of the present " government were too deeply rooted, and too widely ex- " tended, to admit of any partial reform ; and that it was, " therefore, unfortunate, that the only effectual remedy that " could be applied, should be so much at variance with our " views and policy." From the time that I took charge of the Residency in 1811, I repeatedly and earnestly called the at- tention of government to this subject: and I had been at Hyderabad only a month, when, after exhibiting a staternent of the Nizam's public income and expenditure, I described " the whole of the country to be in so lamentable a condition, " that it could not long continue to endure the extortions " which were practised upon it by the avarice and rapacity of " its governors." In the month of June 1815, the Marquis of Hastings called upon the different Residents, to give him, confidentially, their opinion on the measures to be pursued for the suppression of the Pindarrees ; on our political and military position with re- ference to other powers ; and on the expediency of a general revision of our various treaties with the substantive states of India. In my answer to his Lordship, after disposing of the par- ticular points on which he had consulted me, I availed myself of the opportunity to describe, in greater detail than I had before had occasion to do, the evils which pervaded every branch of the Nizam's government ; and I suggested, that when the accom- plishment of the projects we then entertained should leave us sufficiently at leisure, some attention should be given to the state of his affairs, and some method devised for their improve- ment. I pointed out the degree in which those evils were the consequence of his alliance with us, and the degrading influence which sucli a state of dependauce must necessarily have on the character and conduct, both of the prince and of his ministers. " All the functions of business," I stated, " have been ab- " sorbed into the hands of the minister ; and even his office is '* no longer the honorable station that it was. Neither his •' talents nor his industry have an open field to act in. They " are confined by restrictions. The qualities which would " suit the minister of a free government, are of too bold, and " manly, and patriotic a character, to suit the minister of a •' subordinate and dependant power. A prince, be his natural " disposition what it may, cannot be virtuous or respectable " when he has no longer any thing to hope or fear, either from ■" his own subjects, or from foreign enemies ; and the best man " in the world would in time become a bad minister, if his " power were left, after his responsibility was taken away." I renewed the subject in the following year; and, at the close of the war it was resumed, with a declared intention, on the part of the Marquis of Hastings, to enter on a comprehen- sive system of reform. The successful issue of the contest, to which the fidelity and exertions of Chundoo Loll, together with his liberal and judicious application of his resources, had essentially contributed ; and the consolidation of his authority by the militaiy establishment which he had formed at so much expence, haol removed many of the impediments by which our views at Hyderabad had before been obstructed. The same dangers no longer existed, either at home or abroad. We were then enabled to meet the complicated disorders which prevailed, without the invidious employment of our own troops ; and to undertake, with a reasonable prospect of success, the correction of evils which it had never before been thought practicable to encounter. I annex to this letter some of the principal passages of the reports to which I have referred. Is it possible Jo r any body who reads them., to suppose that the government, to vohich those reports ivere addressed, tvas kept in ignorance of the real condition of the Niza7ns government and country f Extract Jrom Mr. Russell's Letter, 30th June, ISl 5, Jrom Hyderabad. * 40. The character of a Mahometan government is exclusively military. Every gentleman is a soldier. If he is not in the army, he is nothing. His estates are held by military tenure ; his distinctions are acquired by military service ; and his de- pendants and retainers are the officers and soldiers of his mili- tary party. The army constitutes, in fact, the nobility of the country. Civil titles and distinctions are unknown. The in- troduction of our subsidiary force, and the protection we are bound to give the Nizam, have removed the necessity of his supporting a large military establishment of his own ; and have destroyed the field, in which even the small number of troops he does keep up might have acquired credit and experience. His army having become unnecessary, is, of course, neglected. * Appendix B. to Mr. Russell's letter to (lie Court of Directors. B 4 8 The estates of the principal families have been resumed on the death of the holders : and during the last fifteen years, where- ever the head of a family has died, the ftimily itself has ex- pired with him. There is now hardly a noble family left at Hyderabad. It was not without the greatest difficulty that 4000 horse could be collected lately, to join our army in the ceded districts : and not a single officer of family could be found, who was qualified to command them. The person who was chosen, though supposed to be a good soldier, was a pri- vate horseman not many years ago. 41. Even the few men of birth that do remain, have no longer any thing to look forward to. They have no objects of hope or ambition. The splendour of the court has faded with the decay of the government. The distinctions which arose from the notice of the prince, and from the intercourse between him and his nobles, have been lost. 42. The middle class of society, which, in well ordered go- vernments, is at once the most important in itself, and the most useful to the state at large, either never existed, or was long ago destroyed. There is no tie to connect the higher and lower orders together. The gradation, if there ever was one, has been broken. And as to the lower classes, the great bulk of the population, their condition is as abject and mise- rable as it is possible to conceive. More than one half of the country is a desert ; and even where there is cultivation, the farmer has no interest beyond the supply of his imme- diate necessities. He must provide himself and his children with bread to eat, and more than that he knows he would not be suffered to retain out of the fruits of his utmost in- dustry. Men will not labour where they can have no share of the profit. 43. The administration of justice, and the collection of the revenues, which are nominally committed to the same hands, are equally neglected and oppressive. The individuals in au- thority consider nothing but how they may most easily ac- complisii their own ends; and the great mass of the people are treated as if the government had no need of their support, and the prince thouglu them of no further use, than to supply him with the means of gratifying his avarice, and ministering to his pleasures. The officer who has the charge of a district, is considered to do his duty according to the amount of his remittances to the capital. He makes the most he can in a short time, both for the government and for himself; and the inhabitants are left without even the siiadow of a security for their lives and property. The revenue is the branch in which the defects of a government are most distinctly felt. It is the pulse of the state. Evils produce one unotlier. As a 9 government becomes weak, it becomes rapacious. It demandti more, as it can enforce less. The consequence is, that, of the Nizam's districts, many are in open rebellion, and the re- mainder are daily sinking under oppression, and becoming rapidly depopulated and impoverished. For several years, the revenues have not been equal to the charges of the govern- ment. The defalcation is annually and rapidly increasing, and the period cannot be very remote, when the temporary expe- dients of the minister must become ineffectual, and when he must yield to the accumulated difficulties of his situation. 46. The disorders in the Nizam's government are of so in- veterate a character, and have acquired so deep and extensive an influence, that it would be difficult, if not indeed imprac- ticable, to correct them by any change in the terms of our engagements, or the mode of administering our controul. Before it can become useful to us, it must acquire strength and energy in itself. It must improve its revenue, recruit its population, and repair its resources. It must form an army; and, above all, it must recover confidence in its own power, and inspire its subjects with the spirit and activity which they have lost. It must regain something of independence ; but the means of accomplishing this are hardly within our reach. Although the restraints of our alliance did produce the mischief, the removal of them would not correct it. The effect has acquired an independent existence, and would not cease with the cessation of the cause. To abandon our con- troul now, would be equally injurious to the Nizam's govern- ment, and to ourselves ; and even to relax it, would be a hazardous experiment. There is almost always danger in receding from the exercise of power. At all events it must be done slowly, and cautiously, and deliberately. And even if the attempt were made, there would not now be time for the effects of it to be brought into action soon enough for our present purpose. Nor could we, under the existence of the danger against which our precautions are immediately di- rected, make the trial with the same confidence and security, as after our enemies shall have been reduced, and our own power extended and consolidated. 47. When our present views shall have been accomplished ; when the power of Meer Khan and the Pindarries shall have been suppressed ; when the interests of Sindia, Holkar, and the Rajah of Nagpore, shall have been assimilated with those of their neighbours ; and when the general tranquillity of India shall have been placed upon a firm and durable footing; then it may be desirable that we should undertake a patient and deliberate revision of our engagements with the various powers, which are now in alliance with us. 13at, at present, 10 the introduction of any substantial improvement into our re- lations with the Nizam is an object rather to be desired than expected. We cannot restore to him what we have been the cause of his losing ; nor can he recover it by any efforts of his own. A government cannot re-ascend to prosperity, by the same degrees through which it has declined. It must com- plete its course, and pass through dissolution, before it can regain its strength. 48. Under every view of the question, therefore, there seems to be only a choice of difficulties. We must either continue the same controul which we now exercise ; or we must lessen it ; or we must increase it. If we continue the same controul, the calamities that have arisen will go on in- creasing, until they reach that extreme point, at which evils remedy themselves. If we lessen our controul, such anarchy and disorder would at once spring up as would probably over- throw the government ; and if we increase it, there are but few steps left for us to take, short of assuming the actual manage- ment and possession of the country. Of these three cases, the last is, perhaps, the most likely to occur. Extract from Mr. Russell's Report to Sir T. Hislop, 5th of July, 1817. * Par. 19. With regard to the political condition of the Ni- zam's government, the Nizam himself may be considered, for all purposes of practical utility, as a mere cipher. The ori- ginal defects of his character, the habits of his life, his dislike of his own ministers, and his jealousy of our controul, have gradually withdrawn him into a sullen and total seclusion. He never quits his palace or holds a public durbar; he is seldom seen even by his own ministers, and he never takes any part in the business of his government. This habit was inconvenient at first, and matters which required dispatch were often at a stand ; but, like many other evils, it has at length produced its own remedy. Most of the functions which were formerly exercised by the Nizam himself, are now exer- cised by his minister, and the same result is attained by easier and more expeditious means. It is difficult to say what the Nizam's real views of policy may be. In all probability, he never has had any distinct or uniform system in his mind : he has rather indulged a petulant ill humour than meditated any precise design. He certainly would be terrified at the notion * Hyder. Pap. p. 29. 11 of being abandoned by us ; but the unavoidable controul and interference which his personal conduct, as well as the rela- tive condition of the two governments, have compelled us to exercise, are so offensive to his pride, and act so immediately upon the worst features of his character, that if his natural timidity and indecision would allow him, he would readily engage in any combination which might be formed against our power. It is on his weakness alone that we can rely for his observance of either the spirit or letter of his engagements. He will cease to be faithful whenever he ceases to be afraid. 20. The present ministry at Hyderabad is framed on a di- vided, and therefore an inconvenient structure ; one person holding the nominal office, and another exercising the real authority of minister. This system was the result of a com- promise between the Nizam and our government, both of whom wanted to appoint a minister of their own selection. Mooneer-ool Moolk, the uncle of the Nizam's wife, and the son-in-law of Meer Allum, is nominally the dewan, or chief minister ; but it was made a condition, at the time of his appointment, that none of the affairs of the government should be administered by him. Rajah Chundoo Loll, though nominally only peishcar, or deputy minister, is invested with all the functions of the office, and administers them without any interference on the part of Mooneer-ool Moolk, and ge- nerally without any reference to the sanction of the Nizam. 21. Mooneer-ool Moolk is a weak man, with not much knowledge of business, of no personal weight or influence, and inveterate habits of duplicity and intrigue ; but he has always, from the circumstances in which he has been placed, been con- nected with our government, and he is, I believe, as much attached to our interests, as it is in the nature of his character to be attached to any cause whatever. Such assistance as he could afford, we might always, perhaps, command, except in a case where the immediate danger of supporting us should be greater than that of supporting our enemies. 22. Rajah Chundoo Loll is a man of great industry and aptitude in business. He is indefatigable in his application, and directs, in his own person, the details of every branch of the government. In his manners he is gentle and unassuming, and his disposition is particularly mild and amiable ; but his personal virtues constitute the great defect of his public cha- racter. He wants firmness to command respect, and energy to controul the violence and rapacity of those who act under his authority : every body likes him, but nobody fears him. He is indebted exclusively to our government for both his elevation and his support, and he is bound to us by the surest of all ties, that of knowing that the very tenure of his oHice 1'2 depends upon our ascendancy, If we were to lose our controul over the government he would certainly lose his authority, and probably his life. On all occasions, of what magnitude soever, where we may require his co-operation, we may confidently depend upon him to the utmost of his power. He will direct and authorize the measure, but it must be enforced by our- selves. 23. Upon the whole, the political condition of the Nizam's government is just now as favourable to the prosecution of our views as it ever can be, with such a prince and such an administration as the present. We have as many friends, and as few enemies, as we can ever expect to have; and hardly any change of our circumstances could give us a more decided controul over all the resources of the government. There are no factions at the capital, and no parties; except the two there always must be, of those who hold office, and those who want it. The great families of the state are almost all extinct, and even the few that remain have dwindled into absolute insigni- ficance. The only efficient authority that exists is that derived from office ; and all offices are now conferred, if not directly by us, at least by the minister, who is under our total and im- mediate controul. 24. But this state of affairs has been produced exclusively by the indisputable predominance of our military power, and can be preserved only by the maintenance of a commanding force vv^ithin the Nizam's territories, &c. &c. &c. Extract from Lord Hastings Letter to Mr. Russell, 26th October. 1819.* I wish now to speak upon a subject much more important, the means of upholding his government. The state of Hyderabad is obviously labouring under difficul- ties which have nearly come to the extreme. Had we any unworthy views, we should only have to let the machine con- tinue running down the slope till it broke to pieces. The con- sciousness of consenting, in that manner, to the destruction of a power which we professed to befriend, would be intolerable : at the same time, the means of counteracting the evil are not easily devised. We must not conceal from ourselves, that the indirect, but actively operative share which we have in the go- vernment, contributes seriously to the mischief. Our interven- « Hyder. Pap. p. 88. 13 tion, as it is unavowed, must necessarily be desultory ; so that it cannot have the effect of keeping the machine in reguhir move- ment, while, on the other hand, it prevents the ministers from pursuing any consecutive system of their own. Matters are hence approaching to a crisis, which threatens to place us in the dilemma of either professedly undertaking the entire man- agement of the Nizam's dominions, or desiring him to adopt a course which shall be unembarrassed by any interference, be- yond our representation, on matters affecting the common in- terest. The first plan, objectionable in many other respects, would be regarded at home, where the exigency could not be comprehended, as an act of wanton oppression. The second, from the peculiarity of the Nizam's character, and the incapa- city of the [persons on whom he would repose himself, would offer no chance of the state's escaping speedy subversion. Our policy must, therefore, be to prevent, if possible, the progress of affairs to the point where such an alternative would be the only option. When I arrived in India, the state of Oude was in circumstances very analogous to that of Hyderabad We held the sovereign in a visible thraldom, which might well have driven him to desperation. The consequences might have been very inconvenient. Though his own military means were null, his treasures might have afforded powerful aid to the confederacy which Bajee Rao was then secretly engaged in forming. Saadut All's hopes, that a new governor- general might alter the system under which he was groaning, made him turn a deaf ear to the private instigations which he certainly received. I immediately removed some of the things which galled him the most ; and on attaining more distinct insight, I completely altered for his successor the sovereign of Oude's position. Rejecting the odious practice of the Resident's domineering, even ostensibly, over the sove- reign, by a combination of his nobles whom we forced the unfortunate prince to pay for keeping him in fetters, I tried whether the government might not be swayed to the comple- tion of all our objects by gentle influence. The experiment has answered perfectly. The grateful return which the Nawaub Vizier made for this emancipation, has been rewarded by our consenting to recognize the regal title, which he wished to assume: a dignity which I should, with equal pleasure, ac- knowledge in the Nizam, were he disposed to follow the example now. I have stated these particulars respecting Oude, not as imagining Hyderabad to be a parallel case, but to shew the principle by which we ought to be guided, as far as existing points will admit. The good sense and honourable feelings of the present king of Oude furnished us with a secure hold upon liini. T apprehend no such reliance could be placed on the 14 Nixam. But tlie main distinction is, that we have engagements with individuals at Hyderabad, of a nature very different from the narrow jobbing relations which we had with people at Lucknow. Chundoo Loll has reposed his existence wholly on our good faith. I lay it down as the basis for every pro- cedure, that we must act up inviolably to the pledges, either specific or implied, which have induced him to promote our views, at the risk of his own fortunes. He must be, at all events, upheld. The great boon to the Nawaub vizier was the leaving to him the free, unobstructed choice of his first minister. Whosoever might be chosen, that person was sure speedily to answer our purposes, because he could not move without our aid. In short, this exists at Hyderabad; yet as the first minister, Moon- eer-ool Moolk is not the one who works with us, there is al- ways the danger of his thwarting secretly what we propose. Further, Chundoo Loll has not the official character which could authorize his joining us to save the state, by an exertion possibly requiring changes unpalatable to many. The question is, whether Mooneer-ool Moolk might not be won to co-operate with us in so salutary an effort. The signal revolution which has taken place in central India, offers a fair excuse for at- tempting to remedy the mischiefs of the Nizam's government, under the appearance of seizing the opportunity for compli- mentary and flattering improvements in the tone of our re- lations with him. The special respects in which any changes could be made, would be to be determined by your advice, grounded on reference to local considerations. Among the latter, you would, of course, weigh how far it might be con- sistent with the safety of our interests, to gratify the Nizam, by assenting to the release of his sons from their confinement in the fort of Golconda. That they can have influence with the public, does not, by your details of the family, seem likely ; and the punishment inflicted on their last transgression, will probably make them fear to indulge in any future turbulence. Still the security of Chundoo Loll is to be the first article of measurement, in contemplating such an act of grace ; and the disposition to the latter must not be indulged, if it be not per- fectly reconcileable to the former. This invariable attention to the interests of Chundoo Loll (to which we are in honour bound) and the maintenance of the reformed troops, are the essentials for us. From the first, which I hold to be more ob- ligatory on our character than materially incumbent through advantages for ourselves, time will free this government, and then a procedure, more consonant to the general principle, may be adopted. The reformed troops, which we owe to Chundoo Loll, will have taken such root in the establishment 15 of the country, that there can now be httle liazard, and shortl}' there will be none, of any endeavours to reduce them. If, therefore, we can put the financial concerns of the state into decent condition, 1 see every reason to hope, that the country may, at no distant period, be swayed to the preservation of public tranquillity (our sole object) without any interference with internal managements, which would always be equally teasing to both parties. I have, &c. (Signed) Hastings. Mr. Russell's Reply, of ^i'th November following. * I have now the honour to reply to that part of your lord- ship's letter of the 26th October, which relates to a reform in the Nizam's affairs. The disorders in the Nizam's affairs are not of recent origin : the government of Hyderabad has not been in a secure or flourishing condition at any period during the last seventy years. When Nizam-ool Moolk, the founder of it, died in 1748, his authority extended from the Nerbudda to Trichino- poly, and from Masulipatam to Beejapoor ; but his death was immediately followed by domestic dissensions, and by the dis- tractions in the Carnatic, in which the French and English were engaged as supporters of the rival nabobs. Nasir Jung was assassinated at Arcot, in 1750; and Mosuffer Jung, his successor, who was murdered in the following year, had already become so conscious of his inability to maintain himself with the resources of his own government, that he had subsidized a body of French troops. The musnud was then contested between Ghazee-ood Deen and Salabut Jung : but Ghazee-ood Deen was poisoned by the mother of his rival, and Salabut Jung succeeded to the government. He was supported, how- ever, entirely by the French party at his court, which exercised a more decided control than has ever been attempted by us; and when M. Bussy was recalled to the Carnatic by M. LaJly, Salabut Jung foresaw the ruin of his affairs, and actually siicd tears when he parted with him. The government was almost immediately usurped by Nizam Ally ; and Salabut Jung, after several ineffectual attempts to escape from the confinement in which he had been placed, was at length put to death, in 1763. In the short space of thirteen years, therefore, three reigning princes, and one competitor for the musnud, had suc- Hyd. Pap. p. 9t). 16 cessivcly died violent deaths. Tiie long reign of Nizam Ally, though less disastrous to the prince, was even more injurious to the country than the stormy period which had preceded it. The government of Hyderabad had been worsted in every war in which it had been engaged, between the death of Nizam-ool Moolk and the treaty of Paungul in 1790, with the single ex- ception of a short campaign against the Mahrattas, which Nizam Ally conducted with some success in 1761, and the result had, in every instance, been attended with a loss of ter- ritory or of revenue. The government had gradually declined in power, resources, and reputation : it had become weaker abroad, and more oppressive at home. The disastrous cam- paign of Kurdla was immediately followed by the rebellion of Alee Jah ; and if Nizam Ally had not thrown himself into our arms, he must either have been a prey of Tippoo and the Mahrattas, or have fallen a sacrifice to the ambition of his own son. In a long and uninterrupted series of calamity and disgrace, it is difficult to fix on the precise point at which any particular disorder may have arisen. A government cannot decline in one respect without declining in all others. Loss of honour is loss of strength. As it becomes weak, it becomes rapacious ; and it is the natural tendency of evils to propagate one another. Yet it appears to me, that the greater number of the abuses which now prevail, if not occasioned, were materially aggra- vated, and received their most powerful and extensive action, during the imbecile and extravagant reign of Nizam Ally, and the oppressive, rapacious, and improvident administration of his favourite, Azim-ool Omrah. The amusements of Nizam Ally, though of the most puerile and frivolous kind, were at- tended with almost incredible expence ; and the great object of his minister appeared to be to feed his pleasures, and relieve him from the cares of government. Azim-ool Omrah relied upon us to protect him against external danger, and as long as the country yielded money in any way, he cared nothing for the sufferings of the inhabitants, from whom it was exacted. The natives of India are less prone, perhaps, to indecorous than to violent acts; yet, when Azim-ool Omrah died, in 1804, his corpse was followed to the grave by the insults and im- precations of the whole populace of Hyderabad. His successor, Meer Alluni, was a very extraordinary man. Of all the natives I ever knew, he had an understanding the most nearly approaching to the vigour and comprehension of European minds. He looked at once at the substance of every thing that was presented to him, and was equally a stranger to forms in his mode of transacting affairs, as in the ordinary habits of his life. He was unquestionably a man of 17 great talents for public business ; but lie was utterly tleficient in those qualities of the heart which supply, and often more than supply, the want of powerful intellectual faculties. He was ambitious, unfeeling, vindictive, and relentless. He never remembered a kindness or forgot an injury ; and although he was fond of the appearance of charity, and courted popular applause, he had no feeling for his fellow creatures, either in- dividually or collectively. Both his situation and his talents gave him the power of doing more good, perhaps, to his go- vernment, than any other individual who has ever been em- ployed under it. Yet he aggravated many abuses, and did not redress one. He raised the assessment, already too heavy, throughout the country, and made an additional imposition of one anna in the rupee, or six and a quarter per cent, on the whole revenues, for his personal emolument. His administra- tion was chiefly passed in a struggle for power with the Nizam ; and all the worst qualities of the present Nizam's character were exasperated and confirmed, by his injurious and offensive treatment. When the present minister, Rajah Chundoo Loll, succeeded to his office, in 1809, every department of tlie government was already in a condition tending rapidly to decay. The admini- stration under him has necessarily been one of expedients ; but far from thinking that the present difficulties are to be imputed to his mismanagement, it appears to me a matter of astonish- ment, that affairs have been administered as they have been. In the Mahratta war of 1803, when the minister had every advantage which the stability of his own power and the un- bounded confidence of his master could give him, although the Nizam's exertions were so slender as to induce the Marquis Wellesley to declare that he had forfeited every claim he could have derived from fulfilling the obligations of the treaty, Azim- ool Omrah was still obliged to insist on an extraordinary aid of ten lacs of rupees out of the Nizam's private treasures. But during the late war, though Rajah Chundoo Loll was charged with the whole responsibility, without being invested with the full authority of government ; though he is a member of a dis- cordant administration, in which he has a rival instead of a colleague in Mooneer-ool Moolk ; though his adherence to our interests has lost him the Nizam's confidence, and deprived him of all those advantages, which even the strongest minister must derive from the favour and countenance of his sovereign ; he still contrived to raise and equip a most respectable and useful body of troops, and furnished, in every particular, an active and efficient co-operation, without making any demand upon the Nizam's coffers, or receiving any extraordinary assistance from any other quarter. To those who compare what he has c 18 done with tlie means he hail of doing it, his exertions must appear astonishing. Either the resources of tlie government must have been improved, or they must have been applied with greater judgment : in either case, Chundoo Loll's merit as a minister is conspicuous- Exaction is the necessary vice of every government, which derives its principal revenue from the direct rent of land. It seems to be universally acknowledged, that the assessment is too high in every country in India : the government demands too much, from the fear of receiving too little. What is exac- tion in the sovereign, becomes extortion in its most oppressive shape, under his subordinate officers ; and even our own go- vernment, with a system the most elaborate and expensive, has hitherto been unable to afford adequate security to the inferior classes of its subjects. Every Indian government subsists upon its immediate means : it is always from hand to mouth. If ever there is a surplus revenue, it goes into the pocket of the prince, not into the coffers of the state. There is no common feeling between a Mahomedan government and its Hindoo sub- jects : public credit has no existence. A minister may borrow money on his personal security, but public loans among them- selves are entirely unknown. Extraordinary expences, there- fore, must be met by extraordinary exactions. This is the sole and entire cause of the difficulties of the Nizam's government, and the source of every oppression that is suffered by its sub- jects. The officers of the revenue being required to pay to the government more than their districts can afford, are obliged, in their turn, to oppress the inhabitants by plunder and confisca- tion. In some degree, the weakness and disorders of the Nizam's government are the necessary consequences of his political situation. An alliance with us, upon the subsidiary system, however it may contribute to the advancement of our own power, leads inevitably to the ultimate destruction of the state which embraces it. Diversities of national character and poli- tical circvmistances will affect the manner and period of its action, but cannot prevent the result itself. The Mahomedans have survived the Mahrattas ; the Nizam is dying comatose, while the Paishwah has expired in convulsions ; but the destiny of both originated in the same cause, and necessarily tended to the same termination. If we owe the foundation of our empire in this country to the weakness in which we found the native powers, we ought not to complain of the evils which that weak- ness necessarily produces. If we have reaped the benefits, we must submit to witness the inconveniences vvhich are its inse- parable attendants. Yet evils may be palliated, though they cannot be radically cured ; the crisis may be retarded, though 19 it cannot be altogether averted. And if it be true, that a part ot" the mischief has arisen from the predominance of our power, it is for that reason the more incumbent upon us that we should endeavour to apply the remedy. The disorders of the Nizam's government are those, more of the system itself, than of the agents by whom it is administered: they are not, therefore, to be corrected by any partial measures. Particular complaints are easily redressed, and particular abuses removed ; but any plan of reform, to do effectual good, must be general and comprehensive. Such a plan, under the pre- sent circumstances of the Nizam's court, can proceed from no other source than the supreme authority of the British govern- ment, and must have its foundation either in the diminution or in the increase of our interference. If there were any individual among the Nizam's own servants, qualified by his character and talents to exercise the functions of government without controul, it would certainly be desirable that he should be made minister, and that the correction of the evil should be left to the spontaneous efforts of his judgment and activity. But there is no person to be found ; nor, in the present condition of the government, would it be reasonable to expect that such a person should be found. It is among the necessary consequences of the dependance of one state upon another, that men of that description are not produced. There is no field in which they can either form or exercise their talents, and it is with faculties as with commodities, that the production depends upon the demand. The Nizam himself has not a single quality to fit him for the administration of his own affairs. His character is a compound of folly and madness, of obstinacy and caprice. He often betrays a capacity for artifice and cunning, but never shows any indication of an upright, manly understanding. The only instance in which he lias been at all consistent, is his hatred of us, and his resistance of every measure in which he thinks we are interested. Whatever method of reform your lordship might suggest would be sure of encountering his decided oppo- sition. Even if it were determined to leave him the uncon- trolled administration of his own affairs, he would not be satis fied. He would resist the proposal, if for no other reason, at least because it had proceeded from the English government. He would then insist on having a minister, and his only anxiety would be, to choose one whom he thought would not be ac- ceptable to us. On the death of Azim-ool Omrah we forced Meer Allum on the Nizam; and so many of the inconveniences which attended his administration were considered (with what justice it is not now necessary to examine) as having arisen from that source, that when Meer Allum died, in 1808, it was c '2 20 determined to abstain altogether from interference, and ta leave the Nizam the uncontrolled selection of his own minister. The two principal candidates were Mooneer-ool Moolk and Sliums-ool Omrah, of whom the Nizam hated Mooneer-ool Moolk and liked Shums-ool Omrah. But he professed to be undecided between them, and would not declare his choice, until he discovered which of the two was preferred by ns. He applied to Captain Sydenham, who declined giving an opinion,, but recommended him, if he felt any difficulty, to refer to the governor-general. The Nizam accordingly wrote to Lord Minto, requesting his advice, and having ascertained by his lordship's answer that we encouraged the pretensions of Shums- ool Omrah, he was at once decided in favour of Mooneer-ool Moolk. His only object, from the beginning, was to ascertain which of the candidates we preferred, in order that he might appoint the other : and by this spirit of senseless obstinate counteraction, your lordship will find him influenced on every occasion. Of all the persons who have ever been connected with him in public or private life, no one has ever been able to make a lasting impression upon his regard. He has had mo- mentary favourites, who have ministered to his vices or flattered his prejudices, but nobody ever retained his confidence long, or was able to employ it usefully. Chundoo Loll has invariably behaved towards him with the utmost deference and respect : he has studiously avoided every appearance that was likely to give him offence ; and although his devotion to our interests is alone fatal to the Nizam's confidence in him as a public man, I still believe that if the Nizam has in his heart a personal regard for any body, it is for Chundoo Loll. As to Mooneer-ool Moolk, such is his weakness and dupli- city, that he can neither trust himself, nor will ever be trusted by any body else. His whole talent, such as it is, and his whole delight and occupation, consist in stratagem. He would intrigue even without an object ; and, absurd as it may seem, I almost believe that he had rather not attain his end at all, than obtain it by fair and open means. Nor are these defects of character redeemed by any useful qualifications. He has no strength or solidity of understanding, no capacity for busi- ness, nor any experience in the higher branches of govern- ment. The very ground of our originally consenting to his being made minister, was a proof of the contempt in which his character was held. He was allowed to fill the situation, merely to prevent its becoming an object of competition to other people. The insignificance which disqualified him from doing any good, it was expected, would disable him from doing any harm; yet the whole of his time, and much of his money, have been spent in intrigues, to obtain an authorit to which *21 he swore, upon the Koran, he never woald aspire : and ahhough he has not advanced his own interests, he has suc- ceeded in widening the breach between the Nizam and Chun- doo Loll, in sowing jealousies and dissensions among the officers of the government, and in impeding and obstructing the public business. Chundoo Loll is a most respectable man in his private cha- racter, and too far superior to his rival as a public officer, to admit of any comparison between them. He has great indus- try, patience, and aptitude, in all the practical branches of the government. He is indefatigable in his application, clear in his views as far as they extend, and as a man of business, I hardly ever knew liis superior. His long experience has given him an intimate acquaintance with all the affairs of every depart- ment, and rendered him perfectly familiar with the manner of transactin. 733. D '2 36 "the subject, it is to be considered entirely confidential, and in- tended onl}' ibr your own private information and guidance. Tliere could be no doubt of Messrs. William Palmer and Co. carrying on a beneficial trade at Hyderabad, and I believe, as far as the nature of it will admit, the risk not great, compared to many other branches of trade. I have had several opportuni- ties, from my intercourse and transactions with a gentleman of respectability and fortune who had been long resident at Hyderabad, to obtain a knowledge of the commerce of that city, and my candid opinion is, that if you can be admitted into the house of William Palmer and Co., and allowed at the same time to keep and remain at Calcutta in your present employ, you should by all means accept Mr. John Palmer's offer ; in which case I should advise you, in order to render the concern beneficial to you, you ought to advance a capital of two to three lacs of rupees, for from my knowledge of the transac- tions of that house at Hyderabad, it will require your carrying that sum into the firm, to make it an object of advantage to you. But if you are obliged to give up your present situation on your becoming a partner of the house in question, I would, were I in your place, prefer to remain in your present employ ; for, believe me, a certain income of forty to fifty thousand rupees yearly, without exposing to any risk, is much more preferable to almost double that sum by entering into specu- lation, when, with all the caution and circumspection, there is generally some degree of danger unavoidable : and my maxim is, that it is best to prefer a certainty to any other of much greater advantage prospectively. This is my sincere and un- biassed opinion, founded on long experience and practical knowledge. To whatever you may determine upon, my cordial best wishes attend such line you may pursue, assuring you, at the same time, I shall ever feel happy in promoting your views. Pray let me know when Lady Hood may be expected here. What wonderful news from Europe ! It appears more like a dream than reality. Britain stands in a very commanding atti- tude, for it is owing to her noble perseverance that Europe has been rescued, and the blessings of a general peace restored. I shall be very glad to hear from you when leisure permits, being, My dear Sir, With great regard. Yours, &c. (Signed) J. Fries. 37 Lo7'd Hastings Letter to Sir William Rumbold, it/i Jan. 1 81 5. * My dear Sir William : The account you have given of the house of Palmer and Co. at Hyderabad is very favourable, and certainly the details justify your inclination for going to that city, in order to inspect the books. I enclose you a letter to the Resident, couched in terms which will ensure to you his attention and most earnest good offices. The partners speculate, that you being one of the firm will interest me in the welfare of the house, to a degree which may be materially beneficial to them : it is a fair and honest calculation. The amount of advantage which the countenance of government may bestow must be uncertain, as I apprehend it would flow principally from the opinion the natives would entertain of the respect likely to be paid by their own government to an establishment known to stand well in the favour of the supreme authority here. Perhaps a more distinct benefit may attend the firm, from the consequent discourage- ment to competition with you, by any other British partner- ship, to which a similarly professed sanction would not be granted. It is on the ground of the service to the Nizam, at the request of our Resident, that I have consented to let the good wishes of Government for the prosperity of this firm be signified. No new establishment could have such a plea. Believe me, &c. Camp, at Kurnaul, (Signed) Moira. 4th January, 1815. As leave of absence from the Presidency will be necessary on account of your magisterial functions, it shall be notified by Mr. Ricketts. The only ciixumstance worthy of observation in the fore- going correspondence, is the direct and internal evidence of the falsehood of the calumny, with regard to Lord Hastings being a creditor for any portion of Lady Rumbold's fortune; and the manly and open manner in which his lordship makes Sir William Rumbold aware that he is alive to the sup- posed value of his name to the firm, from the circumstance of his connection with Lord H. He at the same time distinctly points out to him the limits within which alone * Hyder. Pap. p. 7;}3, 734. D 3 38 that connection can be indirectly useful : viz., by creating confidence in the natives in their dealings with the house. He at the same time suggests to him that no British liouse of agency would be likely to compete with them, as they would not have the same title with that on which Messrs. Palmer and Co. founded their claim, and had received the orimnal sanction in 1814. In April, 1815, Sir William Rumbold went to Hydera- bad, and became a partner with William Palmer, Hastings Palmer, Bunketty Dass, Dr. Currie, and Hans Sotheby. In July, 1816, the governor-general, in council, granted to the house of Palmer and Co., an exemption from the penalties of the act 37 Geo. 3. in order to enable them to have pecuniary dealings with the Nizam's government. Mr. Russell's Letter, 21th June, 1816.* To John Adam, Esq., Secretary to Government, Fort William. Sir, I have the lionour to enclose a memorial, addressed to His Excellency the Right Honourable the Governor-General, which has been sent to me by the firm of Messrs. William Palmer and Co., and which I beg leave to recommend to the favour- able consideration of His Excellency. I have, &c. ^ • (Signed) Henry Russell, Resident. Extract from Bengal Political Consultations, 2SdJul?/, 1816. f Ordered, That the following letter from Messrs. William Palmer and Co., of Hyderabad, which was on the 13th instant referred in the original to the Advocate-General, be here re- corded, together with Mr. Strettell's letter on the point sub- mitted to his opinion. * Hjcl. Pap. p. 3. t Ilycl. Pap. p. :]. 4. 39 ^ To the Right Honourable Francis Earl of Moira, K.G., Gover- nor-General, &c. &c. &c., Fort William. My Lord, When we addressed your Lordship in council upon a former occasion, we were persuaded that the establishment of a com- mercial house here was an object of public utility, and upon that ground we looked with confidence to the support of your Lordship's government in our undertaking. The consideration that address met with, did not disappoint our expectations of the view you would take of our application, and we had made no secret of our transactions. We were disposed to think, that the sanction we then received was sufficient for our security, and we acted upon this supposition. We have, however, heard a doubt expressed, whether that sanction was explicit enough to give security to all our money transactions ; and any uncer- tainty upon this subject, is not only injurious to our affairs, but diminishes the degree of benefit which the local government derives from our establishment. Indeed, this benefit must be mutual ; and the value of money, in this part of the world, must rise and fall in proportion to our credit, which depends upon the public. Impression has hitherto been so favourable to us, that we have, to the great advantage of the Nizam's government, and of the British interests combined with it, established a system of confidence and regularity in the money markets here, which a short time ago could scarcely have been believed practicable. It is not, however, possible that we should carry on transactions so extensive and so general as ours, without being frequently concerned in pecuniary arrange- ments with the government itself; and we entreat that your Lordship in council will, in pursuance of the power vested in you, exempt us from any penalties which we might be subject to under the act of Parliament, provided that whatever trans- actions we may have with the Nizam's government shall be such as will be approved of by the British government. We conceive ourselves to stand essentially wide of what was in the purpose of the legislature, though we now find it doubted whe- ther the letter of the provision might not reach us. We believe that the penalties we allude to were imposed by act of Parlia- ment, with a view to prevent European subjects from acquiring privately too much influence at native courts, and from taking advantage of the necessities of native governments, to extort exorbitant interest from them. We feel confident that our transactions cannot lead to either of these objects, and that their immediate operation has no taint of that quality; so that we are precisely in the situation which the act contemplated, D 1< 40 in giving power to the Governor-General in council to exempt from tlie penalties. Our transactions have always been open and public, and whenever we have considered them as con- nected with the government, they have been directly with the minister, who possesses the confidence and support of the Bri- tish government. The grounds upon which we indulge the hope that we are entitled to especial support and protection from your Lord- ship are, 1st. The acknowledged utility of our establishment (recog- nized by the minister and the Resident), in facilitating and augmenting a traffic, which has been deemed of sufficient im- portance to be the object of a commercial treaty between the Company's and the Nizam's governments. This object has been attended with the decided melioration in the state of the llyots, upon whom the pressure for payments in advance, formerly made by the Nizam, is no longer necessary ; and by the reduction of the rates of interest, owing to the preclusion, in a great measure, of the oppressive dealings of the Patans and Gosauns, and has been aclvnowledged as a benefit of the utmost importance by the minister. 'idly. The benefit of our speculations in timber to both governments, about three thousand logs of teak being annually floated down to the coast by us from the forests on the Goda- very; whereas no other persons have been able to turn those vast internal sources of wealth to any purposes of public utility, and the Bengal markets have hitherto been supplied from the shores of aliens, and powers not unfrequently inimical to the British government, Sdly. The advantages which will result from our having as- certained the Godavery to be navigable by boats for four hun- dred miles, whence we expect to establish the practicability of conveying Berar cotton (the best in India) by water to the coast. The traffic in Berar cotton was formerly carried on by land to Mirzapore, but given up on account of the exorbitant taxes imposed by the petty Rajahs and Zemindars, and the difficulties and dangers of the road Having satisfied ourselves as to the Godavery's being navigable from Dhuinapoor to Co- ringa, by taking boats down at two different periods, we are now employed m ascertaining the practicability of navigating the Wurda, (or, as the natives call it, the Puneeta), from Chanda, in the country of the Rajah of Nagpore, to its junc- tion with the Godavery at Scroucha. We have every reason to expect success in this undertaking, which has been attended with considerable expence and trou- 41 ble, and Avill be productive, in all probability, of great advan- tage to the commerce of this country. We have, &c. (Signed) Wm. Palmer and Co. Mr. StretteU's Letter, 19th July, 1816. * To John Adam, Escj. Secretary to Government. Sir: In obedience to the commands of the right honourable the governor-general in council, conveyed to me in j^our letter of the 13th instant, I have the honour to report, that I see no legal objection to the governor-general in council giving his consent and approbation to Messrs. William Palmer and Co. carrying on the business they have entered upon at Hyderabad, and to their doing the several acts from which they would be restrained by the 37th Geo. 3., cap. \¥1., sec. 28., unless con- sented to and approved of by the governor-general in council in writing. It is proper, however, to observe, that although the 13th Geo. 3. cap. 63. sec. 30. confines the penalty for usury, in taking more than twelve per cent., to such as commit the offence within the company's settlements, I am by no means clear that it does not avoid the security, although it be not given, or the loan made within the company's settlements : It appears, however, to be confined to our own settlements. I have, &c. (Signed) Edward Strettell, Advocate-General. Letter from Secretary to government to Messrs. Palmer and Co. 12>dJuly, 1816. t Gentlemen : 1. I am directed to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 27th of June, requesting the consent and approbation of his excellency the governor-general in council to your doing the several acts from which you would be restrained by the * Ilyd. Tap. p. 5. " t Hyd. Tap. p, 5. 42 37th Ceo. 3. cap. 142. sec. 28. unless consented to and ap- proved of by the governor-general in council in writing. 2. The . 12. E 2 /lO force the fi government %lfiiment of the agreement on the part of the Nizayns t. In order, however, to put this important point L' ' ^ • » I. 1, beyond the possibiHty of a misconception, I addressed Messrs. Palmer and Co. on the subject. I have the honour to inclose copies of my letter to them, and of their answer, which I hope will be satisfactory to the Governor-General, and afford in- formation on all the points on which it has been required. I have, &c. (Signed) Henry Russell, • , Resident. Mr. Russell's Letter to Palmer and Co., 22d April, 1819. * Gentlemen : In a despatch from the supreme government, in answer to my report of the arrangement which has been made between you and the minister for the payment of the regular and re- formed troops in Berar, I have been directed to state, in what degree my sanction was given to that arrangement ; whether I considered that my guarantee was implied on the part of the British government ; in what manner the liquidation of the orders granted to you on the revenues of certain districts is secured to you, and on what terms your advances are made. It is my intention to state, in answer to these enquiries, that the arrangement between you and the minister was framed with my full knowledge and concurrence, and that I consider you to have entered into it under the assurance of receiving from the Resident that support, which is essentially necessary to the security of your transactions of every description ; but that no such guarantee was given or implied on the part of the British government, as could either impose any pecuniary ob- ligation on the Honourable Company, or require that they should enforce the fulfilment of the Nizam's agreement. As it is necessary, however, that the understanding on this im- portant point should be perfectly distinct, I am desirous to give you the opportunity of making any observations that occur to you on the subject. I have, &c. (Signed) Henry Russell, Resident. * Hyd. Pap. p. l;j. 53 Palmer and Co.'s Reply, 2Sih April, 1819.* To H. Russell, Esq., Resident, &c. &c. &c., Hyderabad. Sir : We have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your let- ter, of the 22d April, communicating to us that you are directed by the supreme government, to state certain particu- lars regarding the agreement between the minister and our firm, for the payment of the Nizam's regular and reformed troops in Berar. In answer to these points, we beg to state, that our agreement with the minister, having been made with your full knowledge and concurrence, and for the promotion of a public object of some importance to the Honourable Company's government, which we believe could hardly have been otherwise effected, we considered ourselves entitled to receive from you the fullest support which you could give us, by the exertion of your influence with the minister. We be- lieve it is unnecessary for us to tell you, that we were by no means influenced to enter into our engagements at Aurun- gabad, with a view to any considerable pecuniary benefits. We could have emploi/ed our capital more advantageously ; and our principal object was, to recommend ourselves to the favourable notice of the supreme government, by making ourselves useful in promoting your public objects. We have never understood, that a guarantee of any sort was afforded to us by the British government, or that any pecuniary liability whatever, on the part of the Honourable Company, was involved, either in the encouragement which you gave to the arrangement, or in the support which we expected from you for our security in the conduct of it. But tvc must observe, that in a country tvhere there are no regular courts cf judicature, we never could have established an extensive mercantile concern, ivithout the conviction that we should receive from the Resident that support, which is essential to the transactions of any British merchant in this country; and that we considered ourselves justified in looking for that support, in consequence of the letters which the supreme government was pleased to address to you on the subject of our establishment. We beg to add, that we have no security for the liquidation of the orders granted to us on the revenues of certain districts, beyond the good faith of the minister, and such an eventual support from your influence, as, from the justness of our de- mands, and the public utility of our agreement, you may deem it proper to atibrd us. * Hyd. Pap. p. 13. K 3 54 With regard to the terms on which our advances are made, they will be most fully and distinctly exhibited by the enclosed copy of the written agreement which was entered into with the minister. We have, &c. (Signed) W. Palmer and Co. Palmer and Co.'s Agreement with the Minister. * Substance of a Wajibool submitted by Messrs. W. Palmer and Co., to Rajah Chundoo Loll, consisting of eleven arti- cles, with the Rajah's answers annexed to each article. 1. It will be necessary for the establish- ment of a banking-house at Aurungabad, with means competent to make a monthly loan of two lacs of rupees, for the pay- ment of the troops in Berar, that the capital should not be less than 2,000,000 rupees ; for although the tunkhas are con- sidered as becoming due quarterly, pay- ment on them is not realized usually till till the expiration of five months. A?isiver 1. It is essentially necessary that an establishment be formed at Au- rungabad, for the payment of the troops. 2. It will be required that the minister, in consideration of the loan of twenty -four lacs of rupees, to be made within the year, should grant tunkhas to the amount of thirty lacs of rupees, the extra six lacs being required to cover deficits in the revenues, to cover interest, and to give facility to the estabhshment to make the required monthly payments. It is pre- sumed that this arrangement, even, will leave no balance, from the circumstances enumerated, and from the delays in pay- ment in favour of the minister. Answer 2. In conformity to the requi- sition of the House, tunkhas to the amount of thirty lacs shall be annually assigned to Note. — The best tunkhas formerly grant- ed to us were on Se- reenewas Row and Ka- ree Moongee Venkut Row, and these Ta- lookdars were allowed one month's grace from the time that the tunk- ha became due ; and, at the expiration of that period, Soucars bills, and private bills on their own Fotedars, were given by them, payable at one month's sight. Ruffat-ool Moolk, who is the most regular Ta- lookdar, pays in the same manner the kist due by him at the end of the year, having still a more protracted pe- riod of payment. • Hyd. Pap. p. 14, 15. 16. 55 it. But such balances as shall remain due to government, after the payment of the principal sum advanced to the troops, and interest on it, shall be carried out to the accounts of the succeeding year. 3. Such portions of the tunkhas as shall not have been paid at the expiration of the third month of the following Fuslee year, to be re-imbursed to the House by a payment in cash at Aurungabad. Ansiver 3. Tunkhas to an amount of thirty lacs shall be given. Should a ba- lance still exist in favour of the House, it shall be paid in cash, three months after the expiration of the year. The collec- tions of the revenues of the districts in Berar commence in Sawan and end in Chyt. 4). It will be required that the minister should furnish the best tunkhas, and that the Aumils should be urged to adhere to regularity in their payments, as it will otherwise prevent the House, by a defi- ciency of its funds, from making the pay- ment with punctuality. Ansvoer 4. The best tunkhas will be granted, and the Talookdars shall be par- ticularly directed to close their jiayments within the year. 5. It will be necessary that every pos- sible accommodation be given to the House, in respect to the currencies which it shall issue for the required monthly ad- vances ; for, from the known deficiency of a circulating medium, and the variety of coins in circulation, it is apprehended that the House may occasionally find it impracticable to procure a particular cur- rency ; and as specie is made on that ac- count a marketable commodity, bearing a fluctuating value in proportion to the existing demand, it becomes necessary that the House keep its accounts in some fixed currency, to be hereafter deter- E !• 56 mined upon, and that entries upon the score of premium and discount be ad- mitted. Ansiver 5. You are directed to pay the troops in the coinage of Aurungabad and Hyderabad, the halle zoolferaree, which is the current coin of the country. If you receive other currencies from the districts, you will enter the difference of exchange to the credit or debit of the sircar. 6. That in the event of payments being to be made to detachments at a distance from Aurungabad by bills, the command- ing officer be directed to receive pay- ments from the House in specie, and ne- gotiate his own bills, thereby saving the house from incurring a responsibility on the bills. If it be found convenient to pos- sess the security of the House on this transaction, that a charge of one per cent. on del credere be allowed to it, on the consideration of its being required to cover it from an eventual loss. Anstoer 6. The commanding officer may take the money ; but if he receive bills from the House, one per cent, shall be allowed to it, besides the exchange which such bills may bear. 7. To give facility and security to the negotiation of its bills, the House will endeavour to enter into correspondence with Soucar's houses at all the consider- able mercantile places. Ansxver 7. Let the House establish a correspondence to give facility to a nego- tiation of bills. 8. Tliat the commanding officer be re- quired to receive payments fifteen days in advance, in such sums, not under ten thousand rupees, as the House may find convenient to make ; and that a period of one month from the time oi the pay be- This article becomes necessary, as the House is compelled to collect specie whenever it can, of which it has no means of disposing. 57 coming due, be granted to it, for com- pleting its payments. Answer 8. Agreed to. 9. As the establishment, for the em- ployment of its funds must necessarily engage in transactions unconnected with the payment of the troops, it is requested that the same protection, which is afforded to the House at Hyderabad, be given to its transactions at Aurungabad. Answer 9. The same support which is given to you here, will be afforded to you there. 10. That Rajah Govind Buksh, to whom a direct and frequent reference will be necessary, be requested to afford his protection to the establishment, and to forward the views and traffic of the House. Answer 10. Rajah Govind Buksh shall be directed to give his support to all your transactions. We have not been able to engage in other transactions, from cir- cumstances connected with Rajah Govind Buksh's disposition to- wards us, and from the previous occupation, by certain Soucars, of the traffic of Berar, with whom Rajah Govind Buksh is supposed to have a participation, as we have before explain- ed to Mr. Russell, and we consequently suffer an occasional loss from an unoccupied capital. 11. That the House be permitted to advance money to the troops, subject to a limitation of the amount, by their im- mediate commanding officer, and that such advances be deducted from the monthly stipulated payment. Answer 11. As the advances will be made with the permission of the com- manding officer, he will be directed to deduct the amount from their pay, and give it over to you. (Signed) W. This arrangement ])rincipally bears a re- ference to the House, to enable the men to mount themselves. Cap- tain Davies, the officer commanding the re- formed horse, has found this arrangement a very considerable accommo- dation to the men of his corps. Palmer and Co. 58 Mr.Russcirs Letter, I2th January, 1820.* To C. T. Metcalf, Esq., Secretary to the Government, Fort- William. Sir: I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 9th ultimo, conveying the instructions of His Excellency the most noble the Governor-General on the subject of the pe- cuniary arrangement between the Nizam's government and the House of Messrs. William Palmer and Co. for the payment of His Highness's regular and reformed troops in Berar. No agents have ever been employed on the part of that establishment, either in the collection of the revenues or in the discharge of any other duties connected with the management of the districts on which tunkhas have been granted by the minister; nor should I, under any circumstances, have ad- mitted of the exercise of any such interference, without the express authority of the government- I have, &c. (Signed) H. Russell, Resident. On the 3d July, 1819, the subject was discussed in council at Calcutta ; and on that day, in consequence of Mr. Stuart's desire, (as he himself records in his minute of 10th November,) a reference was made to the Accountant- Generalf " for his opinion as to the expediency of the " arrangement in a financial view, with reference to the in- " terests of the Nizam's government, and ultimately per- ^' haps of that of the Company." This gentleman's opinion, if such it can be called, was given in a letter of 21st July:}:, and fully bears out Lord Hastings in his subsequent regret and self-condenuiation, for having permitted the reference to be made, and for having (to use the words of His Lordship's minute ||) " unfairly betrayed that gentleman beyond his depth." * Hyd. Pap. p. 34. t See the letter to Mr. Sherer, Hyd. Tap. p. \Q. \ See Mr. Shercr's letter, Hyd. Tap. p. 17. II Hyd. Pap. p. 32. 59 Because the two letters of the Resident were laid before tlie Accountant-general for the purpose of enabling him to understand the questions submitted, he thinks proper to dedicate twelve out of the thirteen paragraphs, of which his letter consists, to matters totally distinct from the ques- tion on which his opinion was or could have been required. First, in utter ignorance that the house had received a licence from the Governor-general in council, three years before, exempting them, in the terms of the 37 Geo. III., from its penalties, he is pleased to inform them, that the parties are prohibited by that act, from having any pecu- niary transactions whatever with the Nizam ; for, he adds, that " he presumes, that had the house received such a *' licence the circumstance would have been alluded to " in the correspondence submitted to him." He next solemnly intrudes his doubts on the political question, whether a private house of business be a proper channel, through which to make payments to the troops, and further (assuming falsely such to be the fact) denounces the danger of entrusting to persons, not under the control of immediate authority, in a country where there are no regu- lar courts of judicature, powers, which may be so easily abused. What powers he assumes or alludes to, he does not condescend to name. In point of fact, the house neither had, nor exercised any powers whatever. After he has, in his 12th paragraph, flijipantly denounced the ar- rangement, as highly objectionable, the following words contain the only answer he is pleased to give to the ques- tion on which his opinion was asked. " In a financial view I am unable to discover from this " correspondence any necessity in the case." But he re- commends that Messrs. Palmer and Co. should be desired to furnish figured statements of the whole of their pecuniary transactions with the Nizam's government under the ar- rangement. That Mr. Sherer should have taken upon himself, to 60 volunteer his crude notions, as a counterpoise to the opinion and authority of Mr. Russell, the Resident on the spot, with all cause of local knowledge ; and that he should have done this in a manner so indecorous, requires some theory to account for. His letter is little short of a direct and unqualified attack on the integrity of Mr. Russell. It is a singular and remarkable coincidence, that Mr. Stuart, whose groundless suspicions of Mr. Russell were after- wards exposed by Lord Hastings, in full council, on the 9th October, 1819, should have been the person to call for this opinion of the Accountant-general ; and should have quoted that gentleman with such eagerness in his minute of 10th November. * The circumstances attending that exposure are not re- corded in the minutes of council; but the unjust imputa- tions, cast upon Lord Hastings by the Court of Directors in their never-to-be-forgotten letter of November 1821, drew from his lordship the following statement, as his reason for not having placed them on the record of the council book. Extract from Lord Hastings Letter to the Chairman^ of 6ih December, 1822-1 The charge against me rests upon my having adopted a course of procedure, on grounds which I studiously, and almost avowedly, withheld from the honourable court. As a basis for that supposition, it is assumed that Sir William Rumbold was examined before the council, regarding the particulars of the dealings between the house of William Palmer and Co. and the Nizam's government. No such examination took place: of course, the suppression of information given by Sir William Rumbold on that occasion is inaccurately presumed. It would have been idle to require from Sir William Rumbold exposi- tions already before the board in various documents, and sifted in repeated discussions. The appearance of Sir William Rum- bold was demanded by me, that I might put to him a single question. To explain this, I am compelled to state the cir- * Hyder. Pap. p. 2.5. t'Hyd. Pap. p. 108, 109. Gl cumstances of that sitting : I do it with pain, but I have no option. To all in this country it would be absurd to expatiate on the character of John Palmer, Esq. ; but, since the statement is meant for submission to the honourable court, it is not super- fluous to mention, that the above gentleman is at the head of the British mercantile interest in India, and that he is not more distinguished by that pre-eminence, than by the strict and manly cast of his uprightness. By the communication which he has, on my requisition, made to the council, it ap- pears that he had informed me of a very grave doubt expressed respecting the probity of Mr. Russell. The suspicion pur- ported no less, than that Mr. Russell had been secretly leagued with the house of William Palmer and Co, in negociating the Aurungabad loan, whence exorbitant profit was to be drawn from the Nizam. It had long before been imparted to me by several persons, that Mr. Stuart was strongly prejudiced against Mr. Russell, through artful misrepresentations from the father of a Moonshee whom Mr. Russell had dismissed for malpractices ; but I had, till then, never imagined that any one could listen to an imputation on Mr. Russell's in- tegrity. Though I was entirely unacquainted with that gen- tleman, all I had heard of his character made me confident the surmise had been loosely hazarded. Nevertheless, when such an accusation was hinted against a person holding an important trust, a public duty obviously forbade my suffering such an insinuation to sleep uninvestigated ; and I expressed that sentiment energetically to Mr. Palmer, who was somewhat reluctant to have it known that he had repeated Mr. Stuart's observations. In consequence, I directed that Sir William Rumbold should be requested to attend the council on the morrow. I did not specify my object ; so that the summons might have been expected to apply to a misapprehension on the part of Sir William Rumbold, in correspondence about the nature of accounts which the board desired should be laid before it. On the entrance of Sir William Rumbold into the council chamber, I moved that he should be put upon oath, and be asked, whether, in the transactions above alluded to, Mr. Russell had taken any step in concert with the house of William Palmer and Co., by which he could, directly or in- directly, participate in its profits ; or had any connection with the house, whereby he could, immediately or remotely, com- pass gain, other than the interest of any money of his own which he might have lodged in their bank ? Mr. Stuart, then a member of council, tvas evidently/ in the instant sensible of Mr. Palmer's havinor communicated to me the conversation vohich passed betiveen them. He started up, and eagerly objected to the 62 proposition, on the ground that such a question jnit 2ipon record, xvoidd be degrading to Mr. Russell, as exhibiting him in the light of a person obnoxious to a suspicion, tvhich no man, tvho hicio his character, ivoiddjbr a moment admit. I could not press mij mo- tion liiithout justifying my pertinacity, by bringing fortvard the language held to Mr. Palmer, so much at variance with the pre- sent professio?is. I gave credit to Mr. Stuart for his having, in the interval, satisfied himself that his conjectures tverc unjbunded ; and I shrunk from distressing a gentleman thoroughly honour- able, though too jjrone to listen to defamatory vnhispers. I said, if it were understood in council that no doubt was e^itertained of Mr. Russell's pmrity, I should not agitate the matter further. Of course, the motion dropped. Sir William Rumbold, however, complained strenuously of not being permitted to vouch, upon his oath, that which he asserted on his honour ; namely, that Mr. Russell had not (in the abovementioned transactions) any connection with the house, or cognizance of its procedures, be- yond what was involved in those references to him, of which the particulars were necessarily laid before government. Beyond what I have recited, any thing addressed to Sir William Rum- bold, or started by him before the council, was incidental and unconnected. It was intimated by me, that as Sir William Rum- bold was before the board, he was open to be questioned on any particular. If any interrogatory was put to him, it must have been in a manner so light and so professedly colloquial, as that there was no thought of reducing what passed in that manner to writing ; but nothing of the kind is retained by my memory. I am speaking of topics distinct from that which is represented in a minute of mine on the occasion. As that minute was transmitted home, and is commented upon by the honourable court, its subject will not come within the description of in- formation withheld. Sir William Rumbold's offer to wait upon Mr. Stuart at his own house with the accounts was included in that part of the discussion. Observation on that point shall be reserved, till I shew it in context with matter which will define its bearing. Reverting to the forbearance which has entailed so rigorous a construction from the honourable court, I may truly say, that if I acted improvidently for myself, in not causing these particulars to be recorded on the proceedings of Council, I still cannot regret a delicacy no less due to the honourable court than to Mr. Stuart. No foresight could have looked to the possibility of such an interpretation as I have experienced. My having refrained from gratuitously obtruding upon the honourable court a detail at once so superfluous and so unpleasant, may perhaps now be thought not absolutely blameable. 63 The letter of Mr. Sherer is the first recorded attack on the character of Mr. Russell. It is clear, that if the house of William Palmer and Co. (//zlains the i'ollowing passage of his letter, dated the '28th April, 1819, that lie sanctioned the measure, because he regarded it, under all the circumstances, to be advantngeous ; " as I considered that the punctual [)ayment of the regular and reformed troops was indispensable to their efficiency, and as I knew that it could not be securely provided for by any other means. None of the native bankers at Hyderabad could have com- manded funds adetpiate for the purpose; and even if they " could, their terms would have been much higher than those " of the present arrangement." Unfortunately, hoivcvcr, the information which the Resident lias furnished is too imperfect to enable this government to form a satisfactonj Judgment on the merits (fthe arrangement, and is, in fuel, moue calculated to EXCITK THAN RELIEVE ANXIETY. The circumstance, that at a capital like Hyderabad, native bankers cannot be found possessing adequate funds to make an ailvance to (he government of two lacs o^ rupees monthly, 73 secured upon the growing revenue of the country, and the consequent utter dependance of the Resident and the Nizam's government, for the payment of the troops, upon the only British house of agency estabhshed in the country, is in itself sufficiently extraordinarij and alarming. The terms which, ujmii common mercantile principles, a mercantile house possessing such an advantage over a government ivill demand, must be a natural SUBJECT OF SOLICITUDE AND ENauiRY. But the Resident has en- tirely failed to mention the terms ; and in the communication of the house the same omission is apparent. All the information tve have from the Resident on that important point is, that if native bankers coidd have commanded funds, their terms tvould have been much higher than those of the British house. We have no means of knoiving that those terms are not ruinous, but the as- surance only, that they are less than would have been extorted by native bankers. It certainly did very forcibly strike me, that the duty of this government could not permit us to sanction a transaction of this nature, while we were left in such complete ignorance of all the particulars essential to a just appreciation of its merits, and ivhile all that did appear was calculated to aivaken solicitude and doubt. With that impression, I suggested that the government should recur to the assistance of tlie accountant-general, whose ex- perience in such matters would enable him to offer the go- vernment valuable suggestions on the bearing and tendency of the proposed plan, and in particular, to indicate any points on which further information might be requisite, in aiding the government to come to a right conclusion. The accountant-general having in consequence been called upon, that officer, in a report recorded on our proceedings of the 4'th September last, submitted his reasons for thinking the plan highly objectionable ; and stated, that he was unable to iliscover from the correspondence ani/ necessity in the case in a Jinancial point of view. The accountant, however, indicated some points for further inquiry as proper, with the view of enabling the government to arrive at a more satisfactory decision than was practicable with the information previously submitted. He suggested, that the house should be required to furnish figured statements, showing the sums paid by them in advance to the Nizam's govermnent from time to time ; the interest thereon charged and received by them, specifying dates ; the tunkhas, or as- signments, received and realized by them, specifying dates ; the payments made to them in cash at Aurungabad, under the third article of their agruenicnt ; the discount and premium on dillercnt currencies admitted under the filth article of the 74 agreement; tlie j)reiiiiuiii on bills admitted under the sixth article of the agreement. The government acceded to the accountant-general's propo- sition, and the necessary call was made upon the Resident. But no ansiver has been received from the Resident ; and the government has now seen lit to cancel its former resolution, and to inform the Resident that the statements required, ac- cording to the accountant-generals suggestion, are no longer wanted ; that the governor-general in council does not propose to take cognizance of the arrangement, further than to prevent any interference on the part of the British house or its native agents, in the collection of the revenues, or in any other branch of the management of the districts assigned under the agree- ment of the parties : for which purpose the Resident has been directed to interpose his influence and authority. After the strong feeling upon the question which I have repeat- edhf expressed, and which, I fear, I urged npon the Board xvith too much importuniti/, it was to be anticipated that I should require some very important novel information, or some very powerful novel arguments, to ettect a change of my opinion, and to bring me to acquiesce in the abandonment of that, which appeared to me the wise and prudent resolution of the government, to withhold its sanction from the arrangement until it had been thoroughly sifted. There is before the government, no new information or reasoning upon the subject, other than is comprehended in a letter from Sir William Rumbold, one of the partners of the house, dated 7th October. Hut Sir William also attended the council in person, and entered into explanations on the subject of the arrangements. No minute having been made of Sir William Rumbold's personal communications, they do not appear on the records of government : all I can say of them, therefore, is, that they did not, in my judgment, tend to shake, in the slightest degree, the public grounds on which the government had decided to oall for more accurate information. In Sir William Rumbold's letter, that requisition is taken up in an entire new light. It is represented as being injurious to the reputation and interests of the house. The objection is thus stated : " As mercantile men, we could not with propriety " furnish copies of our accounts with our constituents ; such *' a measure would be highly injurious to our affairs, and '* destroy the confidence which the public repose in us." I am sure that the board will recollect the surprize which that intimation excited when we first received it. We were (juite at a loss to conceive in what manner the production of ligured statements, comprising particulars of a pecuniary "15 arrangement concluded witli the Nizam's minister, under the sanction of the Resident, for the public service of the Nizam's government, could be thought to involve a disclosure of the affairs of the constituents of the house, and a breach of private confidence. We had not imagined that, in speaking of their constituents, Sir William Rumbold could possibly have alluded to the Nizam's government. In the reply of the government, of date the 19th of October last, Sir William Rumbold was accordingly reminded, that the house had not been called on to furnish the accounts of their constituents, but merely their account with the Nizam's go- vernment. Sir William Rumbold, however, xuhen he attended the board, explained that he had meant to include the Nizam's government among those constituents, whose accounts the house could not lay open to the government without an injurious breach of confidence. I should be sorry to treat too lightly a representation from respectable individuals, professing to maintain their rights and interests ; but I acknowledge, that antecedently I could not have brought myself to believe that such an objection would have been seriously urged. The slightest attention to the circumstances in which the house stands, relatively to this government and to the Nizam's government, will, it appears to me, suffice to appreciate the validity of their plea. The house of Messrs. William Palmer and Co. was estab- lished v/ithin the dominions of the Nizam, undei* the special sanction of the British government. They admit throughout the correspondence, that they could not conduct their mer- cantile concerns in that country a day, or an hour, without the protection of the British representative ; and they state, that but for their reliance on that support, they could not have ventured to engage in the arrangements which form the present subject of our deliberations. But further, the abuses experienced in pecuniary transac- tions between native states and British subjects have created so great a jealousy of all such concerns, that by an act of the legislature, the engaging in them, without the special licence of the Indian governments, has been constituted a criminal offence. It is, therefore, by a special dispensation from the penalties of that statute, granted by thi.s government, that the house of Messrs. William Palmer and Co. have been enabled to enter into any pecuniary transactions with the Nizam's government; and the instrument by wliicii the dis])ensation was granted, comprehends a clear and distinct condition, that the hou?e 76 should, at all times, when required so to do by the Resident at Hyderabad, for the time being, communieate to the Resident the nature and objects of their transactions with the govern- ment on the subject of the Nizam. Sir William Rumbold has, in his letter, dwelt with some emphasis upon the willingness of the house to disclose to the Resident any part of their transactions with the minister. The faith due to constituents, then, was no impediment to any disclosures to the Resident : It is to be opposed only to the demand of this government for information ! But are the house prepared seriously to urge, that, because the British representative at the court of Hyderabad was indicated to the house, as the person who was to exercise immediate control over their conduct, and to whom they were bound to com- municate all their transactions with the native state, this go- vernment, therefore, meant to abdicate their right, and their duty of satisfying themselves that the control was duly exer- cised, or of requiring from the Resident, or the house, any information which might be deemed necessary to that end? When the house of Messrs. William Palmer and Co. were applying to this government for the dispensation, they appeared fully sensible of the obligations which it implied. They were conscious that it was their duty to be prepared for the most thorough exposure of their concerns witli the Nizam's govern- ment, not merely to the Resident, but, whenever required, to this government, whose representative the Resident is, and from which all his powers and authority, in this as in every other respect, are derived. The following passage is copied from the memorial of the house, recorded on the proceedings of the government of the 23d July, 1816. " We entreat that your lordship in council " will, in pursuance of the power vested in you, exempt us " from any penalties which we might be subject to under the " act of parliament, provided that whatever transactions we " may have with the Nizam's government shall be such as " will be approved of by the British government. We conceive " ourselves to stand essentially wide of what was in the pur- " pose of the legislature, though we now find it doubted, " whether the letter of the provision might not reach us. We " believe that the penalties we allude to were imposed by act " of parliament, with a view to prevent European subjects " from acquiring privately too much influence at native courts, " and from taking advantage of the necessities of native go- " vernments, to extort exorbitant interest from them. We " feel confident that our transactions cannot lead to either of " these objects, and that their immediate operation has no " taint of that quality ; so that we are precisely in the situation 77 '* which the act contemplated, in giving power to the governor- " general in council to exempt from the penalties. Our " transactions have always been open and public; and when- " ever we have considered them as connected with the so- " vernment, they have been directly with the minister, who " possesses the confidence and support of the British govern- " ment." The contrast of the language held by the house on the present occasion is remarkable. Having procured assign- ments on the Nizam's revenues, to the annual extent of thirty lacs of rupees, and having been called upon by this government to furnish statements, requisite to enable us to form a judg- ment upon the propriety of the arrangements connected with that assignment, the house have thought fit to replj^ that their reputation and interests would suffer if they were to disclose the concerns of their constituents. So far, therefore, as the opposition on the part of the house might influence the question, I am constrained, after the most careful reflection upon the facts and circumstances which 1 have detailed, to regard their objection as destitute of all rea- sonable foundation. After all, and supposing, for the sake of argument, that the plea of the house could be admitted, I apprehend that there could not be the slightest difficulty in procuring the desired information throuijih the Nizam's sjovernment. Attending to CD CD cD the general influence which the Resident possesses over the minister, and to the origin and attendant circumstances of the particular transaction, it would be unreasonable to imagine that Rajah Chundoo Loll could have any objection to furnish- ing any information respecting it, which the Resident, or this government, might desire. It is always to be remembered, that the former resolution of the government, of which I am the feeble advocate, was not confined to inquiry, and pledged the government to no ulterior cause, and was quite consistent with the measure of permitting the arrangement to proceed, if ultimately deemed to be expedient. Yet the Board are aware, that I have never viewed the particular arrangement as an insulated transaction; but, in discussing the question, have submitted to their judg- ment considerations connected with the state of the Nizam's dominions, and the situation of the house of Hyderabad, whicli appeared to me of general importance. Throughout the cor- respondence, the house will be seen, as I have already stated, to weigh on their dependance upon the protection of the British Resident. In their letter of the 25th April, 1819, sent with the Resident's letter of the 29th of April following, they observe: " In a country where there are no regular courts of ■* judicature, we never could have (established an extensive 78 •' mercantile concern, without the conviction that we should " receive from the Resident that support, which is essential to " the transactions of any British resident in this country; and *' that we considered ourselves justified in looking for that " support, in consequence of the letters which the supreme " government was pleased to address to you on the subject of " our establishment." What may be the nature of the assist- ance which the Resident has afforded, is not particularly explained. But the misfortune is, that in the disorder and distractions of that unhappy country, it is too certain that there can be no equal justice. More or less than justice is the alternative. A single British house, which, through the irresistible influence of the British Resident, can always com- mand justice, may be said to possess a monopoly of that pre- cious article ; and that monopoly must draw, in its train, a monopoly of the moneyed concerns and traffic of the country. The facts already before the government lead to the conclu- sion, that the house already enjoy a monopoly of the money- market at the capital. It is clear that none of the native l)ankers dare trust the Nizam's government; and if they have funds to lend, they are probably obliged to advance them through the agency of the house. We may observe, also, that the house is extending the system over the country. With the large assignments on the land revenue whicli they have obtained, they have connected the establishment of a bank at Aurungabad, and they contemplated a correspondence with Soucars at all the principal mercantile places. From the note on the ninth article of the Minute of Agreements annexed to the house's letter to the Resident of the 25th April, cited above, it will be remarked, that the house had already come into collision with certain Soucars who had pre-occupied the traffic of Berar, and with whom Rajah Govind Buksh, the Nizam's chief officer in that province, was supposed to be in participation, and that the house expected the support of the Nizam's government in this contest. Their concerns will tJius pervade the whole country, M-ith the same predominating in- fluence which they possess at the capital. This is a state of things which 1 cannot regard without uneasiness. If present circumstances are adverse to attempting a reform of the dread- ful abuses which exist in the administration of the Nizam's "•overnment, it is at least to be earnestly deprecated, that his iiighness's suffering subjects should see British subjects exten- sively engaged in the system, and largely profiting by its weak- ness and corruption. I had, indeed, indulged in more propitious anticipations. I had cherished the hope, that by a more equable and benign exertion of our influence, we nn'ght extend (he blessings of 79 order and justice to the whole country ; that we might thus redeem the British government from the odium of tolerating, in dominions where our power and influence are confessedly uncontrollable, evils of mal-administration, which I believe to be as great as any that prevailed in the worst of the native governments, which it is the boast of our policy to have cor- rected. I am very sensible of the difficulty of such reforms, when they are to be accomplished by the mere exertion of in- fluence, and I am not over credulous to the sudden ameliora- tions often ascribed to that species of interposition ; but I fear that, in the Nizam's dominions, the evil is too urgent to admit of choice. The Resident, at a former period, has declared, that the utter ruin of the country can be averted only by the direct assumption of it; and if we are not prepared to resort to that extrenuty, the attempt to correct the most prominent abuses by the exertion of our influence, seems to be the only practicable alternative. (Signed) James Stuaht. Lord Hastings' minute.* Uncertain whether I accurately conceive the object of Mr. Stuart, in recording his minute of this date, it is with some doubt that I comment on it. Imagining, however, that it ad- dresses itself to a short remark which I lately made, in writing, relative to the transactions between the Hyderabad minister and the house of Palmer and Co., I feel that it would not be right to let Mr. Stuart's minute pass without attenlion, though what I can say will be little more than amplification of what I have already stated. On the inherent right of this government to take cognizance of any conduct in its subjects which may affect the interests of the Honourable Company, no man can entertain a doubt: it ~is only on the mode of exercising that right, as referable to equity or expedience, that there can be a question. Before I examine how that consideration bears on the present subject, I must be allowed a preliminary observation. Mr. Stuart indulges in lamentation on the disastrous condi- tion of the Nizam's government. I not only join in that la- mentation (though possibly with a more measured contem- plation of the circumstances), but I have preceded him with riyder. Pap. j). 30, 31, 3^, 33, 34. 80 expression of regret. I furtlicr concur with Mr. Stuart, that much of the disorder might perhaps be justly ascribed to the nature of our interference. This I have before professed, declaring my solicitude to correct that evil. The sincerity of such an inclination, on my part, will be credited, if advertence be given to my having actually restricted the Resident at Lucknow from meddling, in any ordinary instance, with the internal government of Oude; a policy, the results of which have been sufficiently encouraging, to recommend its adoption in any parallel case. But I have stated distinctly, that there are peculiarities respecting the government of Hyderabad, which entirely, for the present, preclude the applicability of this system. Mr. Stuart does not attempt to show that this opinion is erroneous, yet he launches out into an expatiation which seems altogether inapposite, if it does not mean to im- peach this government for suffering the continuance of an abuse corrigible at its pleasure. The abuse is not corrigible at our pleasure. The obstacle exists in the personal character of the reigning prince. A constitutional irregularity of mind, approaching to derange- ment, and an evinced propensity to yield himself to the wild councils of the ignorant, profligate parasites about him, make it quite certain, that were the existing control over him sud- denly withdrawn, his country would soon fall into convulsion. This is so clearly seen by others as well as by me, that I am much misinformed if the government of Fort St. George have not disclosed the sentiment, how far more advisable it would be for the Resident not to assist the Nizam's government, but let it come to an otherwise inevitable dissolution, whence con- siderable benefit might be attained by that presidency. Dif- fering widely as to the advantages of such an event, I must uphold the state of Hyderabad, by such means as are practi- cably capable of being directed to the purpose, though they be not of the exact fashion I should desire, and, in this, I believe myself to consult essential justice, not less than the interests of our honourable employers. The establishment of the reformed troops in the Nizam's service is noticed by Mr. Stuart, in a manner which appears to imply a disapprobation of the plan. It is perfectly true, that those troops are, in fact, more ours than those of the so- vereign by whom they are maintained. Although paid by the Nizam, and nominally appertaining to his highness, their habit of receiving their stipend through us, and of being commanded by British officers, leave room for the expectation, that in any rupture between the states, they would side with us against their ostensible master. Now, would it be consonant to wis- dom, or to the trust reposed in us by the Honourable Com- 81 pany, that we should sacrifice such a security to a casuistical point of equity ? I call the point casuistical, because it is wholly gratuitous to represent the arrangement as being im- posed on the Nizam against his secret wishes, there never having been the slightest indication of a sentiment adverse to the measure on his part: therefore, the acting upon it would be palpably to act upon an abstract conception. The esta- blishment has gradually grown to its present size, and linked itself with us, not from any antecedent project, but from the course of events. A force, of a quality more operative than the irregular troops of the Nizam, was wanted to reduce to obedience the refractory Zemindars. A disciplined body, under British officers, was tried; its superiority for all purposes was experienced, when the Pindarries ravaged the Nizam's domi- nions in contempt of his ordinary troops. Necessity urged the extending the amount of an efficient soldiery to its present scale. The direct object and immediate advantages were for the Nizam: that a collateral benefit arises from it to us, does not vitiate the quality of the plan. The interests of the two states are identified by alliance, and it cannot be a legitimate reason for the condemnation of a plan, that while the welfare of the Nizam is promoted, a convenience accrues to us. Should it be admitted as impolitic to let an over refinement cause our open abrogation of such an unexpensive addition to our strength, it would hardly be deemed less so, were we wil- lingly to assent to its extinction for want of support. To this Mr. Stuart (I speak from the tenor of his reasoning) would agree, and would state his objection to be, that the support required was to be on terms injurious to the Nizam, when less onerous conditions might have been elsewhere obtained than from the house of Palmer and Co. In the first place, I beg leave to say, the argument, that the terms with the house of Palmer and Co. are in themselves pregnant with embarrassment to the Nizam's government, is an assumption, for which no colour has been adduced. In the second place, the Resident has, in the most distinct language, informed us, that the Nizam's ministers could not obtain such easy terms in any other quarter with the smallest security that the engagement would not fail, and the troops be left without their pay. In the first position Mr. Stuart would reply, that the assumption was not his, but that of the Accountant-general. When it xvas originally proposed to make a reference to the Accounta7it -general, I did not exactly perceive the Jitness of the step ; but as I cotdd not foresee inconvenience, I voordd yiot dissent. I novo feel my error ; I find that lue have unfairly betrayed the Accountant- general beyond his depth. On every thing relating to his branch of business, the known good sense, as well a» the official accu- o 82 racy oi" that gentleman, must give his conclusion important weight; but that the council should ivtpUcitly refer to the Ac- countant-General as a political oracle, ■would be rather an extra- vagant abandonment of our judgments and our duties. He states, that he must suppose Shroffs could be found at Hyderabad capable of supplying the Nizam with the funds required. In a case tvhere the mutiny of the troops is the expected consequence of delay in decision, or of subsequent unpunctuality in payment, I cannot suffer the loose supposition of any man to stand in the balance against the unequivocal assertion of a public functionary bound by his honour, and by the obligations of his station, to re- present conscientiously that vohich he cannot but know positively. A consideration occurs here which perplexes me. The Accountant-general reasons on the terms of Palmer and Co., therefore he was acquainted with them : Mr, Stuart argues about them as if they were concealed. His not being inti- mately apprized of them rests with himself. When Sir Wil- liam Rumbold was called before the council, he explained, that the supplication of the house for government's dispensing with the delivery of a copy of the accounts bad this sole motive : — the accounts once put on the proceedings of council must be transmitted home, so that the transactions of the house would be subjected, in London, to the inspection of persons liable to form all kind of false deductions, from total ignorance of the habits of the country, and of every concomitant parti- cular. At the same time, he offered to explain every part of the transactions verbally, on oath, to the council. He further pro- posed to wait upon Mr. Stuart at his own house, and there submit the accounts to his examination. The validity of the objection to producing the accounts in council struck me immediately ; and, I believe, was similarly felt by two other members. That we did not question Sir William Rumbold minutely on parti- culars, arose, I apprehend (I know it was so with me), from our being already in full possession of them. After this proffer of Sir William Rumbold's to furnish information in any manner that would not put the accounts on the records of council, it is somewhat hard to treat the house as if it studiously kept back from our view the quality of the transaction in which it was engaged. The license granted to the house of Palmer and Co., to deal with the Nizam's ministers, was founded on the experienced inability, or fear of the Shroffs, to render the necessary aid to the administration : those very Shroff's who are now, in the teeth of that fact, supposed by the Accountant-general to be competent for the supply of all the government's wants. No imputation was till now ever attached on any transaction of the house : on the other hand, I believe it to be well under- stood, that but for the occasional assistance derived from that 83 house, the Nizam's government could not have been kept above water. Surely it would be unequitable to hold forth such an establishment as likely to add to the anguish of a suffering people, when its operation hitherto has been to ward off general confusion in the state, with all the violence to which the in- dustrious part of the community is invariably subjected, when military commotion takes place in India. Surmises of the nature lately agitated ought not to remain afloat. Obscure rumours against a mercantile establishment must be deeply injurious to its credit, especially when those implied doubts of its conduct appear to come from this government. I thence feel bound to declare my opinion definitively, that there is no colour, from any thing which has come within my view, for the slightest imputation on the house of Palmer and Co. The terms of the arrangement are undoubtedly heavy for the Nizam ; but if he will not himself supply from his private treasure (confessedly very large) tiie funds for paying his troops, and if the minister cannot elsewhere obtain money, unless on still more burthensome conditions, there is only the alternative of acquiescing in those terms, or of suffering the troops to disband themselves and plunder the country. That the Shroffs might have been induced to advance money at a an easier rate (though the rate in question is the ordinary scale of accommodation to native princes throughout India) upon the security of similar assignments on particular districts, is a presumption, contradictory not only to the direct assertion of the Resident, but to probability. What trust can a Shroff place in an assignment, when the native government, after having received the loan, can at pleasure annul the security. It is what has repeatedly happened. Asaph-oo Dowlah's ex- tinction of assignments, to vast amount, is in the memory of every one. Mr. Stuart seems to think that the hazard might have been precluded, by the Resident's pledging the interven- •tion of this government to maintain the security inviolate. This entanglement of ourselves in the Nizam's pecuniary con- cerns, is what we have been most studiously, and, in my judg- ment, most prudently, avoiding. It is inferred, however, that this pledge does internally exist, respecting the engagement with Palmer and Co. The conception is erroneous. The Re- sident and the house reciprocally deny the existence of any such understanding. Messrs. Palmer and Co. frankly acknow- ledge, that they could not have entered into the agreement with the minister, were they not confident that their being British subjects would prevent a laxity towards them, which would be exercised with little hesitation towards a native creditor. This reliance on an indefinite degree of protection, differs essentially from an obligation binding us to interference, G 2 84 although it might be in circumstances such as would render it most objectionable. There is much misapprehension, I con- ceive, in regarding Chundoo Loll as the obsequious creature of the Resident : a misapprehension whence an accurate con- clusion is liable to be drawn, that the improvidence supposed to exist in the management of the Nizam's affiiirs may strictly be laid to the Resident's charge. From all that I have heard of Chundoo Loll, I entertain no notion of there being any tincture of servile dependance in his co-operation. Though deemed not a bold man, he is uniibrmly represented as of con- siderable abilit}', of great readiness in the dispatch of affairs, and of steadfast integrity. He has embarked his fortune with ours ; but has been, as appears to me, from his conviction, that the British government is honest in its view of supporting the Nizam's sovereignty. In that persuasion, he usually adopts with cheerfulness the outline of policy suggested by those, whose more extensive knowledge is likely to furnish a sounder opinion than his own : at the same time, he seems to reserve all details to himself, from the confidence that his habitual intimacy with them must make him more competent than the Resident to judge upon such particulars. With such disposi- tion, and the strong sense of duty professed by him towards the Nizam, Chundoo Loll cannot well be contemplated as pliable, in countenancing agreements injurious to his master's interests, even were Mr. Russell capable of endeavouring so to influence him. The character of that minister, therefore, concurs with every fact which inquiry has brought forth, to satisfy me, that in the transaction under review he acted on his own judgment, and as expediently as the unfavourable situation of the Nizam's affairs would allow. It follows, from this rejection of the suspicion of the engagements having been imposed upon him, that he is entitled to belief, when he asserts the advantage of the terms concluded with Messrs. Palmer and Co., beyond what he could obtain in any other quarter. If that belief be conceded, a charge of extortion cannot rest upon a house which has furnished aid on conditions the lightest offered, in a case where acknowledged risk increased the usual high demand for interest in a native state. I am sensible that I have been diffuse in my treatment of this subject. An uneasy consciousness has been the cause of the prolixity. I unadvisedly slid into a procedure, which I am now aware was oppressive towards any commercial firm, possibly grievously hurtful to the one in question ; and the only reparation I can make, is the showing fully my reasons for exonerating the house from all suspicion, and for revoking my concurrence to putting its accounts on record. Fort William, (Signed) Hastings. 10th Nov. 1819. 85 This minute of Mr. Stuart is too remarkable to be passed over without comment. Nothing but the existence of prejudice of the strongest character can account for his frivolous and cavilling objections, the exhibition of appa- rent ignorance on the commonest matters of every day occurrence in commercial transactions, and the undisguised expression of his unwarrantable suspicions of Mr. Rus- sell's integrity. The Resident had distinctly reported, that the regular payment of the troops was an important object of British policy, and that he had repeatedly urged it upon the minister. That Captain Sydenham had origin- ated and pressed on Messrs. Palmer and Co. the under- taking of these payments. That Messrs. Palmer and Co. mentioned to him the plan, and that he communicated it to the minister. That he (Mr. Russell) knew that the object could not be attained by any other means, than through the liouse, and further, that had it been practica- ble, it could not have been done on so favorable terms for the Nizam. The terms were such, tliat Messrs. Palmer and Co. were induced to undertake the payment, more with a view to recommend themselves to the British go- vernment, than to their own profit, and Mr. Russell re- ported, (Hyder. Pap. p. 21.) that " When Rajah Gavind " Buksh expressed a wish to have the payment of his .*' troops restored to him, the house offered at once to give " it up to him." But the minister, fearing fresh irregu- larity, would not consent. Here then was it distinctly stated: — 1st. That the object was paramount and purely British. 2nd. That Captain Sydenham suggested the plan, and not Mr. Russell, nor Messrs. Palmer and Co., nor Chun- doo Loll. 3rd. That Mr. Russell knew it could be attained by no other means, and that both the conduct and completion of the arrangement had received his full concurrence. He had further stated that the guarantee of the British go- G 3 86 vernnient had in no respect been given to the house ; and tliat the house had never interfered in the collection of the revenues of the districts, over which they held assign- ments. With all this before him, Mr. Stuart states that the information furnished by the Resident, is " more caladated " to excite than to relieve anxiety." That, while the full details of the accounts of the house with the minister were not before the council, " all that did appear xvas caladated " to awaken solicitude and doubt." " That the circumstance of the ?iative bankers not being *' able to make the advances to the government^ and the con- " sequent utter dependance of the resident and the Nizam, ^^for the regular troops, on the British house of agency. Was *' siifficieyilly extrawdijiary and alarming. " That the terms on which a house possessing such ad- " vantages over a goveimment will demand, was a naticral siibject of solicitude and inquiry. That although Mr. Russell assured them the terms were *' more favourable than could have been obtained from native " bankers, they do not know that the terms are not ruinous. " And that he considers Mr. liussell bou7id, by solemii obli- " gations of duty, to remonstrate in a manner beyond all " doubt and stispicion, that the measure had originated and *' was prosecuted from no other motives than a disinterested " regard for the welfare of that government" It is remarkable, that Mr. Stuart confines himself to the expression of his alarm and his solicitude, and his doid>t and his uneasiness. The i<^norance displayed in his astonish- ment that natives would not lend their money to sucli a native government, and his alarm at the consequent im- portance of the British house, if sincere, may be pitied and pardoned; but his insinuations and expressed sus- picions of Mr. Russell, in calling upon him to prove the negative of corrupt motives for the origin and conduct of the transaction, in the face of the information and state- (( (( 87 nients before him, affect no less his public character than that of his understanding. Well does the whole of this minute sustain Lord Hastings' charge against Mr. Stuart, *' that he exhibited nothing but an indefinite discontent " at his lordship's administration, in default of any intelli- " gible objections." In the commencement of his minute, Mr. Stuart records his astonishment, that the native bankers will not lend their money to the Nizam's govern- ment, with a view to insinuate his disbelief of the fact; and in the latter part of it, he says, it is " clear that the native " bankers in a country, 'where there is no equal justice, dare " not trust the Nizam's government. ^^ He then complains that a British house of business, which, through the influence of the Resident, can com- mand justice, may be said to possess a monopolxj of that precious article ; and that monopoly must drauo in its train a monopoly of the moneyed concerns and traffic of the country ; and that the house already enjoys a monopoly of the money market in the capital ; for the native bankers, if they have funds to lend, prefer advancing them through the agency of the house. He then strangely avows his jealousy of the house on this account, not appearing to comprehend the transcendent benefit to the Nizam's government, from transacting its business on lower terms, in consequence of its observing good faith in its transactions with the house, owing to the minister's deference to the British government. They had corrected that evil which * Mr. Russell had stated to be " the sole and entire cause of the difficulties of the " Nizam's government," by creating and establishing, for the native government, a public credit. Can it be believed, that a man in his senses would have made it a matter of regret, either as a friend to the Nizam's government, or as a friend to justice, that a British house of agency should be enabled, in consequence of being Hyder. Pap. p. 92. G 4 88 pretty sure of obtaining bare justice, to supersede the ruinous terms on wliich the natives, owing to their not being able to act on^a similar reliance, were compelled to deal? This is to be jealous of the influence which is acquired by moderation and fair dealing. In point of fact, the house did change altogether the rate of usance at Hyderabad, reducing it to nearly one half of what it had previously been. This was at once a benefit to the whole country, and of infinite importance to the minister. The imbecility of this minute is reconcileable only with the existence of the strongest prejudice, which was capable of obscuring a very ordinary understanding. Mr. Stuart distinctly states, that he has not viewed the arrangement, but as in connection with the more important question, viz. ihe weight of the house at Hyderabad ; a remarkable in- stance of the notorious and petty jealousy of the civil servant. Two folio pages are occupied by Mr. Stuart in cavilling comments upon Sir William Rumbold's letter, wherein he objects, as a mercantile man, to be liable to be called upon for the disclosure of the accounts of his constituents, of whom the Nizam's minister was one. But he carefully abstains from noticing the further and stronger reasons which, as appears from Lord Hastings' minute, Sir Wil- liam Rumbold gave in person at the council board, and which influenced Lord Hastings, Mr. Adam, and Mr. Dowdeswell in their decision, to abstain from having the accounts produced ; viz. that he objected to their accounts being unnecessarily made matter of record, and to be trans- mitted to England, 'where they lijoidd be likely to be (as it turned out they have been) misapprehended from ignorance of local circumstances, rate of interest, 4-c. He likewise, when complaining of want of information, and of the ac- counts not being before the council, omits all reference to the fact, stated in Lord ILislings' foregoing minute, that Sir William Rumbold was ready to give to the council 89 any information ««erbally on oath, anil to wait upon Mr. Stuart at his own house and explain the accounts. Had Sir William Rumbold been permitted to have so done, Mr. Stuart would have been unable to have left on record expressions of his marvellous anxiety and alarm, and doubt and solicitude, by making it appear as a matter of complaint that the house was unwilling to afford informa- tion to the council. The rest of his minute consists of a rambling and unmeaning lament on the state of the Ni- zam's country, which is totally misplaced, and unintelligi- ble, for any purpose but that of recommending by inference a direct assumption of the internal administration of the country, which, however, before he closes his minute, he declares to be an inadmissible alternative. The sanction given to the Aurungabad arrangement was communicated to the Court of Directors in a despatch of 21st October, 1820. On the 24t at home ; bid I confess, that the grounds on zvhich it is to be explained and de- fended, appear to me to be so clear, that tve should entertain no apprehension of their being liable to misconstriiclion by the un- prejudiced part of the jmblic. I shall be verij happij to Jind that I have misapprehended the import of the passage in Mr. RusseU's letter, ivhich appeared to me to impljj, at least, the power of the house of William Palmer and Co. to create a combination of the monied interest at Hyder- abad. If that were disproved, and the terms obtained through the intervention of that house sJtoxmi to be as advantageous to ihe minister as any that could be got elseivhere, inuch of my objection rvould be removed, though I still sliouhl think, that that house had as large a share of pecuniary engagement with the Nizam as it is desirable for any single establishynent to have. In iidverting to the recent loan effected for the Guicowar, I had no other object than to show, that money was obtainable by a native state on easier terms than those of the proposed Hyderabad loan, and to suggest the practicability of terms, nearly as favourable, being procurable by the Nizam's minister. Ad- mitting that our interference with the Guicowar's internal administration has been carried beyond wholesome limits, 1 conceive myself to be justified in assuming, that the recurrence of an improper intervention has been guarded against, in the arrangements connected with the particular loan in question. The pressure of time, and a disinclination to prolong the discussion, prevent me from enlarging further on the subject ; but I have thought the few foregoing observations necessary in support of the view I take of the question under consideration. Tlie opinion of the governor-general and Mr. Fendall being adverse to the loan from the British government, that proposi- tion is, of course, negatived. I have stated in my former minute the course which, in that event, I conceive ought to be pursued, and it will remain to be decided by the majority of the board how far that course is expedient, or the reverse. Fort-William, (Signed) J. Adam. 12th July 1820. Mr. Fendall' s third Minute. I have perused the further minutes oi^ the governor-general, Mr. Stuart, and Mr. Adam, uj)on the Hyderabad loan, and con- curring, as I have the honour to do, in the sentiments expressed by his lordship upon the plan proposed by Mr. Adam, ior effecting the loan, I have now only to repeat what I have be- fore stated, that the safest and best mode this government can 129 pursue, is to close with the tei*ms recommended by the Resi- dent, and agreed to by tlie minister and the Iiouse of Messrs. WiUiam Pahner and Co. Fort William, (Signed) John Fendall. 13th July, 1820. Mr. Stuart's Fourth Minute. Mr. Spankie's opinion, for which I have always a high respect, appears to me, on the present occasion, / ivill not say wrotig, but irrelative. The question to Mr. Spankie contains an assumption to which I cannot assent, xnz. that the proposed advance implies either existing or anticipated surplus. If the proposed expen- diture be expedient for promoting essential political interests, I cannot see that we must await or anticipate a surplus before we can legally incur it. That is the question I should desire to put to Mr. Spankie. The matter appears to me to turn not upon the appropriation of surplus, but upon the application of the revenues and funds of the state. Until all expenditure in- cident to the military, civil, and political government of India be supplied, there can, I imagine, be no question of a surplus or of its appropriation. This is my first impression of the legal view of the case ; but the point will, of course, require mature consideration. What is there in the statute to prevent the go- vernment borrowing for such a purpose ? Fort William, (Signed) Jas. Stuart. 14th July, 1820. Mr. Adams Third Minute. I have only to remark on the subject of Mr. Spankie's opinion relative to the proposed loan to the Nizam's government, that I do not consider the appropriation of surplus revenue, either actual or prospective, to be involved in the question at issue. I regard the advance as an appropriation of the general funds of government for a presumed beneficial public purpose ; but the arrangement being viewed with disapprobation, on political grounds, by the Governor-general and the majority of the Board, I should not imagine any further reference to the law officers necessary. Fort William, (Signed) J. Adam. Uth July, 1820. ^ K ISO Governor-generaV s Third Alinnte. The sole substitute proposed by Mr. Stuart and Mr. Adam for the loan contemplated by the Nizam's minister, is one which (my own judgment being fortified by professional opinion), I must consider as entirely inadmissible. Those gen- tlemen endeavour to maintain, that the loan of sixty lacs to the Nizam would not be taken from surplus, but would come out of the current receipts ; and they attempt to assimilate it with those moderate advances which we are in the habit of occa- sionally making for political purposes. With sincere respect for their sentiments, I must think they have overlooked an ob- vious difference. In the case of petty advances, if they fail to be repaid in the course of the year, they do not seriously affect the state of the account: but the abstraction of sixty lacs (professedly not to be returned for a considerable period) from the revenue, would, at the close of the year, exhibit a defi- ciency in the provision for the investment, which would exact replacement from the cash balance ; so that it would be pre- cisely the same thing as if the sum were taken at once from consolidated surplus. Mr. Stuart asks, what is there in the statute which forbids our borrowing the sum in question, in order to lend it to the Nizam ? I apprehend the framers of the statute never thought it necessary to proscribe specially, that which would be a manifest perversion of our powers, already included within the general description of misconduct declared to be visitable by parliamentary chastisement. As the matter now stands I am in a dilemma. Either I must abandon the principle which I at the outset adopted, of non-interference, or I must leave Rajah Chundoo Loll to feel himself deserted in the first hazardous step taken by him, through compliance with the instigation of this government. His now forbearing to carry into effect those reductions which he had announced, would be a triumph to his powerful adver- saries, of such mischievous consequence, that I should be hopeless of bringing about any reform in the Nizam's adminis- tration, unless by measures, on our part, bearing an odious character of violence. I cannot hesitate in my choice. I must retract my profession, acknowledging that I was wrong, in ever letting a personal consideration induce me to withdraw myself from any part of my public duty. Joining myself in opinion with Mr. Fendall, I decide upon giving to the loan that degree of countenance, which alone has been solicited by the house of William Palmer and Co., and recommended by the Resident. Fort William, (Signed) Hastings. 14th July, 1820. 181 Mr. Stuart, in his minute of 10th June, (p. 37.)? re- ftises his assent to tlife sanction of the k)an, on precisely the same grounds he had advanced for objecting to the Aurungabad contract, viz. First, because he was not made acquainted -joith " the rale of' interest^ or other advantages " stipulated hy the Moused'' Secondly, from an undefined jealousy of increasing the importance of the House of W. Palmer and Co. He makes no reference whatever to the pressing and paramount importance of the object to the Nizam's country, by an immediate command and apphca- tion of the money ; nor to the uncontradicted assurance of Mr. Russell that it could be obtained by no other means. He seems to have made no appreciation of the advantages to the minister, but to have been solicitously jealous of any advantages to the House. He appears to have con- cluded, that whatever a<:lvantage accrued to the one, must necessarily be obtained to the injury of the other, as if no bargain could be made with mutual advantage to both its parties. Mr. Fendall's first minute, in a view at once concise and comprehensive, exhibits the whole merits of the question before the council, and conclusively establishes the propriety of the sanction required. In the minute of Lord Hastings, of the following day, the effect of Mr. Stuart's injurious suspicions towards Mr. Russell, upon the Governor-general's quick sense of honour and high feelings, is abundantly apparent. His Lordship appears to have felt that if Mr. Russell had been made the object of unjust suspicion and of unfounded ca- lumny, his own family connection with one of the partners of the House, might with more colour be made the foundation of injurious suspicions, by men of Mr. Stuart's disposition. He therefore forces that connection upon record, as the ground on which he announces his intention to abstain from being a party to the decision of the council. But he 132 expounds, in a masterly manner, the powerful consider- ations of state-policy which should guide the determination of the other members of council ; and calls upon those, who refuse their assent, to suggest an adequate substitute for the scheme. If Lord Hastings' determination to abstain from voting be admitted to have been hasty and inconsiderate, (as it was afterwards deemed by himself,) it is impossible not to respect the feelings in which it originated. It ought to have filled with regret the gentleman, whose injurious con- duct towards Mr. Russell had called for such a resolution on the part of the Governor-general. Mr. Stuart, in his second minute, replies to the Gover- nor-general's challenge for a substitute, by denying that he has refused his assent to the present plan, but only desires the decision to be suspended ; and takes occasion to record his denial, not (be it observed) of his suspicions of Mr. Russell's integrity, but that his own opinions have been founded on any reference to that gentleman ; and he con- cludes by an expression of regret, (which, if it means any thino" at all, is a most offensive insinuation towards the Governor-general,) that his public duty may compel him to deny himself the happiness of indulging His Lordship's feelings of personal friendship for one of the partners of that House. Mr. Adam, in page 47, records his adoption of Mr. Stuart's two grounds of objection, but admits the force of the Governor-general's call upon the dissentients for a sub- stitute. He suggests an advance from the Company's trea- sury, a measure which had been hinted at indirectly by Mr. Stuart. Mr. Adam remarks, " that he had been struck by the following passage in Mr. Russell's letter. * That the minister cannot obtain the requisite funds by * any other means than the assistance of Messrs. Palmer ^ and Co., whose circumstances enable them to secure a 133 ' combination of llie native monied interest.' " He eagerly misinterprets this passage into a ground for alarm and sus- picion, and insinuation against the House; and actually states the very circumstance, which alone enabled the House to render an important service to the Nizam's government, viz. the confidence of the native hankers in their integrity^ as a ground for his jealousy of them, and for his decision in favour of the money being obtained through any other channel. If any evidence were wanting to mark distinctly the parts of this transaction, which were not the subject for the coun- cil's consideration, it would be found in the labyrinth of errors in which its members become involved, the moment they quit the political for the commercial parts of the ques- tion. It really excites a smile of pity to read the palpable blunders in which they all equally flounder in their calcula- tions and deductions from the imperfect data before them, as to the rate of interest at which the money was to be advanced to the Nizam's minister. Time and stationery without limit appear to have been consumed in contradicting and refuting each other, upon a matter that a broker's clerk could have settled for them in five minutes' calculation. Their conjectures and their speculations upon the facility of raising money in a distant district, with the local, com- mercial, and pecuniary circumstances of which they appear to have been wholly unacquainted, are made the grounds on which they are to decide upon a question purely po- litical, as far as the British interests were concerned. Not the interest of the Nizam's country, but the possible advan- tages to the House of Palmer and Co. appear to have alone arrested the attention of the dissentient members. Mr. Adam admits, that even after he shall have learnt what the interest is to be charged, he shall then decide whether he (fit judge!) deems the terms to be moderate ; and there- K 3 / IS4 upon he will reeommencl, what ? that etideavours be made to find the money upon easier terms elsewhere : and this he records with the unchallenged assertion of tlie Resident before him, " f/iai the monetj cotdd he jprocnred at Hijderahad *' Jnj no other means" Lord Hastings, in his second minute, exposes the in- admissibility of an advance from the Company's treasury, founded on its inconsistency with the rule of conduct laid down by the Court of Directors, and with the council's recorded anxiety not to be involved in the necessity of in- terfering directly in the Nizam's government of his countiy, for which reason they had all along been so careful not to guarantee any loan to tlie minister of any description. The Advocate-general, Mr. Spankie, is consulted upon the legality of the application of any such sum from the Company's treasury vmder the act of the 53d Geo. 3. cap. 155. sec. 55. to 61, and his opinion is given in the negative. Upon this decision, Mr. Stuart records, that he considers it not wrong bid iiTelative, and whimsically sug"- gests in answer to it, that although the act forbids the lending of any of the surplus territorial revenue, yet that it does not prohibit such loan, if there be no surplus. A most ingenious device, truly, for escaping from and defeating the act. The law authorities in England (it will be seen, Hyd. Pap. p. 107.) did not sustain Mr. Stuart's legal read- ing of the act. Mr. Adam most happily and ignorantly concurs in Mr. Stuart's view of the legal bearing of the statute. The Governor-general seems now to have become aware that he was culpably permitting the business of government to be trifled with, and, in the absence of any other feasible plan being suggested for attaining tlie important object to the Nizam, decides, on 15th July, by virtue of his casting voice, with that of Mr. Fendall, for the approval of the loan. On the 1st September, 1820, Mr. Russell transmitted a 135 report, Irom which the following are extracts, on the effects which had resulted from the loan at that time on the ad- ministration of the Nizam's country. 7. Among the principal officers whom it has been found ne- cessary to remove from their situations, I am sorry to be obliged to mention the minister s own brother. Rajah Govind Biiksh. 8. At Ellichpoor a relation of the minister, named Rao Rajah Ram, tvho, as Naib Subahdar, had charge of the Eastern portion of Berar, has also been removed from his office. 9. Of the remaining districts resumed from the charge of Rao Rajah Ram, the minister has appointed his own son, Rajah Bala Pershaud, to be talookdar, the local duties being con- ducted by a very intelligent revenue officer of the name of Rao Vencat Row, whom the minister has chosen as his son's deputy. In my original report to your lordship on the subject of the condition of the Nizam's affiiirs, dated 2kh November last, T enumerated the advantages with which I thought this particular arrangement would be attended. It has now been adopted by the miyiistcr of his own accord, and is of itself, for the strongest (fall reasons, a conclusive proof of the sincerity of his exertions to improve the country, 35. The money raised by the minister on the loan, which has received your lordship's sanction, has been very judiciously applied, and has already accomplished much of the purpose for which it was designed. 36. A reduction of useless establishments has been effected, to the annual extent of between twenty-two and twenty-three lacs of rupees, on a plan similar in principle, though varying in detail from that enclosed in my despatch to the Secretary, dated the 19th of May last. Among these reductions are included 305 horse and 500 foot on the minister's own per- sonal establishment, and 237 horse and 250 foot on that of his brother. Rajah Govind Buksh. All recruiting throughout the Nizam's army has been suspended, except in the regular and reformed troops, which are to be kept up at their full strength. The reductions which have hitherto been made have not, I believe, thrown any industrious or deserving indi- viduals out of employ ; and, by careful and gradual revision, they may undoubtedly be prosecuted to a much larger extent. 37. Advances have been made in all the different districts : and the minister being relieved from his most urgent embar- rassments, has been enabled to allow large remissions in the revenue, without which it would have been utterly irapracti- K 4 13(5 cable, by any measures, lo revive the prosperity of the eoun- try. Of the twenty lacs of rupees paid last year by RuHat-ooi Moolk's districts, the minister does not calculate, under the system of amaunee which has now been introduced into them, to realize above fifteen lacs this year. From Shums-ool Om- rah's districts, which did yield about twenty-five lacs, he will not, perhaps, collect more than seventeen or eighteen. 38. After the measures which Rajah Chundoo Loll has already adopted, and the course he has pursued towards some of the most powerful persons in the state, including even his own brother, it can no longer be a question, whether he is cordially disposed to promote your lordship's views for cor- recting the abuses in the Nizam's affairs ancl ameliorating the condition of his country. But be his disposition what it might, it would have been impossible for him to act with either con- fidence or effect, without our encouragement and support. The evils he had to remove were not of common magnitude or recent origin : they M'ere the result of remote causes, and had become inveterate from long standing. When I first travelled through the Nizam's country, upwards of twenty years ago, it was in a condition not substantially better than it is now; and my predecessor. Captain Sydenham, in his last despatch to the Earl of Minto, dated the 29th of May, 1810, only a few months after Rajah Chundoo Loll came into his present office, expressed his opinion on the subject in these strong terms: 39. " With regard to the amelioration of the state of this " country, I am convinced that during the reign of the pre- " sent Nizam no improvement can be expected, without the " administration of the country be placed under the control of " the Resident. The defects of the present government are " too deeply rooted, and too widely extended, to admit of any " partial reform : and it is, therefore, unfortunate, that the only " effectual remedy that can be applied, should be so much at " variance with our views and policy." 40. The minister, therefore, has had, and still has, to con- tend against all the disadvantages arising from the peculiarity of the Nizam's character, as well as to encounter at every step the active opposition, not only of the individuals, who having an immediate interest in the maintenance of abuses, are now suffering from their correction, but that of the whole faction associated with Mooneer-ool Moolk, who are personally and politically opposed to his administration. In this (juarter, every possible effort has been made, and will continue to be made, to counteract his measures, by resistance, and intrigue, and misrcprcbcntution. 137 4'2. It cannot be expected that the full practical elFect of any extensive system should become immediately apparent. . The process of correction and improvement is gradual in its nature. There are already, however, manifest proofs of a sa- lutary impression having been made upon persons in authority, and of the people having acquired a confidence which they did not before feel in the disposition of their rulers. The fol- lowing passage in a letter from Captain Seyer shows that the minister's decisive measures have produced their effect, even at places the most remote from the capital. The character given in it of the person who has been dismissed from the chief authority at Ellichpoor, is applicable to a large portion of the Nizam's local officers. " I am glad to find the mi- " nister has taken such decided steps regarding Ruffat-ool " Moolk: he was proverbially infamous for his tyranny and " oppression. Salabut Khan mentioned to me what had be- " fallen him, in a way that showed the example was not lost " on him. Rajah Ram's recall to Hyderabad will be extremely " useful. He is weak, vain, and ostentatious; rapacious, not " out of the love of money, but merely to supply his profu- " sion; perfectly indifferent to the welfare of the people com- " niitted to his charge; easily led, but unfortunately surrounded " by bad advisers. I have never found him at all unwilling to " attend to my suggestions; and the particular instances of " misconduct in his officers, or in himself, which I have brought " under his notice, have generally been redressed; but his con- " stant want of money forces him into the practice of all sorts " of means to procure it, and he will, perhaps, meet a demand " for restitution to one man, by adopting similar violence to " that complained of to another." 48. I have confined my advice to the minister, on every occasion, to the correction of abuses, and have been careful to avoid recommending any measure in the shape of innovation. fVe have not done justice, in our otvu si/stem, to the original institutions of the country. As strangers, we are hasty in con- demning what we do not understand; and have often defeated our good intentions, by establishing our own arbitrary rules and methods, to the exclusion of those which have grown out of the circumstances of the people, and are inseparably blended with their manners and their opinions. 1 have, &c. (Signed) PI. Russell, Hyderabad, Resident. 1st September, 1820. 138 On the 16th December following, the supreme govern- ment, in replying to the court's imperative mandate of the 24th May, for the immediate recall of Messrs. Palmer and Go's, licence, communicated all the preceding details reo-ardino- the last loan of that house to the Nizam's minister. The court is therein apprized, that their orders regarding the licence had been obeyed on the 16th of the same month. Previous to the execution of those orders, their consideration appears to have called for the following ad- missions from Mr. Stuart and Mr. Adam, as recorded in their several minutes of the 2d and 4th December. * Mr. Stuart says, " But the court's letter embraces the following " further instructions, ' xve think it necessary to add, that if " ani/ discussio?i shall at any time arise between the Nizam's " government and the house of Messrs. W. Palmer and Co. *' resjjecting any pecuniary transactions xdiich may have taken *' jplace hetisoeen them, you are hereby positively prohibited " from interposing in any isoay 'whatever, the name, atithority, " or good offices of any sort of the British government, for the " fortherance of any demands ivhich those gentlemen may bring " fo)-ward.' Messrs. Palmer and Co. have uniformly declared " that they could not venture to engage with a government *^ like that of Hyderabad, unless assured of the countenance *' and support of the British government. In approving " the arrangements pi-oposed by the house, accompanied *' with such a declaration, this government has pledged " itself to sanction the required support. The instructions, *' therefore, which I have cited from the court's letter, " could not reasonably or equitably be enforced, without " relieving the house from the engagements with the " Nizam's government.' Hyd. Pap, p. 68, 69. 139 " Mr. Adam says, * I am sensible at the same time, that " after the sanction given by the government to the trans- " actions of the house of W. Palmer and Co. with the " government of the Nizam, those orders could not be " carried into complete effect unless the house were to be " secured against the consequences of the act.' " Notwithstanding these recorded opinions, the justness and moral force of which nobody can impugn, these papers record the almost incredible fact, that not only did the council not abstain from executing the orders of the court to the full extent of their unjustifiable spirit and letter, but encouraged by their tenor, they proceeded to further lengths, still more outrageous and unjust. Not only did they subsequently leave this commercial house knowingly exposed to all the consequences of this hint to their native creditors, that they might withhold the payment of their just debts with impunity, but the Resident was directed to inform the house, " That in " the event of the minister taking upon himself to pay *' the very debts, which he had under his own hand ac- *' knowledged, and was still ready to acknowledge to be " due and just, a remonstrance against such misapplica- " tion of the public money should be made to his high- " ness the Nizam." A fact almost incredible, when it is avowed, without the fear of contradiction, that not the slightest ground or justification can be stated for the mea- sure. Mr. Russell retired from his post, as Resident at Hy- dei-abad, in December, 1820, and Mr. Metcalfe, who had been for some time secretary to the government at Cal- cutta, replaced him in that station. This gentleman's first despatch is dated February 21st, 1821, and transmits a copy of the terms in which he had communicated to Messrs. Palmer and Co. the sudden and peremptory recall of the licence. Their letter in reply, points out the ne- MO cessary consequences to their establishment, and details, in obedience to the Resident's directions, the several pe- cuniary advances, amounting to fifteen lacs, which they had made under the guarantee of the minister Chundoo Loll, independently of the loan and the Aurungabad ad- vances.* The Governor-general in council acknowledges the pro- priety of the nature of the above advances, in the follow- ing despatch of 10th February. To C. T. Metcalfe, Esq>, Resident at Hyderabad. f Sir, 1. I am directed to acknowledge the receipt of your letter, dated the 21st ultimo ; copy of one which you addressed to Messrs. William Palmer and Co., in consequence of instruc- tions from this government, with a copy of the reply from that firm. 2. It was necessary towards the fulfilment of the above instructions, that your language should be strong and precise ; but Messrs. William Palmer and Co. have erred, in construing the tenour of the third paragraph in your letter to be rigorous, if not oppressive. The pleasure of the Court of Directors has been signified, that no more loans should be made by the firm to the Nizam or his minister; and it was incumbent on his lordship in council to communicate the interdict in such terms, as should not leave room for any possible misapprehen- sion. At the same time, nothing can be more remote from the intentions of this government, than to impose any shackle on the commercial dealings of the house. The prohibition could never be meant by the Honourable Court, or by the Governor- general in council, to apply to transactions purely commercial, even though they should be with the government of the Ni- zam. It is only requisite, in the latter case, that reference should be made to your judgment, lest the engagement should operate as an imposed invasion. The restrictions ought not to be considered by the house as conveying the shadow of impu- tation on their integrity. Perfectly sensible of the advantage *,Hyd. Pap. p. 146, 147. t Hydtr. Tap. p. 148. 141 reaped by the Nizam and Iiis subjects from the aid furnished by Messrs. WilHam Palmer and Co., the Governor-general in council cannot but be disposed to ascribe thorough fairness to their dealing, so that an oblique impeachment of their conduct would be altogether inconsistent. 3. The advances specified in the seven items enumerated by Messrs. William Palmer and Co., appear to the Governor- general in council consonant to the principles which had the general assent of this government. The faith plighted by the minister, that he would not, without answering to Messrs. William Palmer and Co, for the sum, dispossess the revenue of that tenure, on the strength of which alone the house fur- nished money to restore the cultivation of the district, in a simple and actual pledge, liable to no suspicion of incorrect- ness. A reliance on the honour of the minister, which is all the amount of reference to him, is not meant to be invalidated in those instances, the engagements having in them been made before any supposition could be entertained of an objection on the part of the Honourable Court to the transactions of the house generally with the Nizam's government. Such an ob- jection having been signified it must be construed to extend (though possibly with some strain of interpretation) even to such an assurance from the minister as is above alluded to ; consequently you are not to sanction, in future, any transaction involving his intervention, however restrictively. 4. The Governor-general in council requests that you will inform yourself, as minutely as may be, respecting the effects of the late loan from the house of William Palmer and Co. to the Nizam's government, and that you will report in what degree the satisfaction of the sovereign, the convenience of the government, and the comfort of the people, have been promoted by it. To this exposition you will please to add your view, how far the interests of the honourable company may have been affected, advantageously or otherwise, by these results. I have, &c. (Signed) G. Swinton, Calcutta, Secretary to Government. February 10th, 1821. To the subject of the last paragraph of the foregoing letter, Mr. Metcalfe replies in the following letters of the 17th March and 5th April. 14^ To G. Swinton, Esq., Secretary in the Secret and Political Department. Sir, 1 have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your des- patch of the 10th ultimo, relating to Messrs. William Palmer and Co. 2. I have communicated to that firm the sentiments conveyed in the second and third paragraphs of your letter. 3. Of the effects of their late loan to the Nizam's govern- ment, on which I am commanded by your letter to report, I cannot speak without hesitation, because not having been here at the time when it was negociated, I may not be fully competent to appreciate the advantages which may liave at- tended it. 4. I am directed by your letter to submit my opinion as to its effects, with reference to the following points: the satisfac- tion of the sovereign, the convenience of the government, the comfort of the people, and the interests of the Honourable Company. 5. As to the degree of satisfaction derived by the sovereign, I have never heard that he has expressed any opinion on the subject of the loan ; and so much as he is abstracted from the affairs of his government, it will not be very surprising, if to this day he remains either ignorant, or but partially informed, of the circumstances of that transaction. In any event, his satisfaction, I imagine, must be entirely of a negative nature, arising from the continued payment of expences and supply of funds for his private treasury, which without that loan, or some other, must have been withheld. With regard to its conse- quences on public affairs, I do not believe that he has con- cerned himself about them. 6. The degree in which the convenience of the government may have been promoted, is a subject requiring more detail. 7. The government was undoubtedly relieved from much pecuniary embarrassment by the loan, and was enabled to pay off large arrears, which had accumulated in several branches of expenditure; but I have been disappointed in finding that the relief was not so much of a permanent nature as I had expected, and that the loan was not appropriated to the per- manent reduction of expence to such an extent as I had supposed. 8. Previously to the receipt of your letter, I had called on the minister for an account of the expenditure of the money received in that loan ; and the following is the substance of the account which he rendered. 143 H.l. R. A. P. Amount of loan from Messrs. William Pal- mer and Co 07,62,703 9 6 Deduct amount of former debts to Messrs. Wil- liam Palmer and Co., which became conso- lidated in this loan 28,94,632 9 6 Remainder, appli- cable to the ser- vice of the state 38,68,071 Of which disbursed on account of establish- ments and charges which still continue : H^. R. A. 1'. Arrears of Nizam's household 6,03,620 Choute for Appa Des- sye 68,360 Purchase of arms and accoutrements 46,.549 8 7,18,529 8 Remainder, after deducting the above 31,49,541 8 Tuckavy, or advances to the cultivators 2,35,000 Debts to native bankers discharged 13,27,528 Arrears of troops and other establishments, part of which are re- tained and part dis- charged 15,87,012 10 6 31,49,540 10 6 Deduct remainder 7 TT j , i t^ TTI Z unaccounted for ] Hyderabad Rupees 13 6 9. The only items in this statement which can, in any de- U4 gree, have conducetl dirtdiy to a reduction of expense, are those wliicli relate to the payment of debts to native bankers, and to the ])aynient of arrears to troops and establishments dis- cliarged. 10. The annual saving on the debt liquidated, compared with that simultaneously incurred to the same amount, according to the minister's statement, would be about rupees 79,582 ; for he informed me verbally, in answer to my enquiries on that point, that the difference between the interests payable to native bankers and that to the house of Messrs. William Palmer and Co. was six ^;pr cent, per annum. 11. With regard to the item relating to the payment of arrears to troops and other establishments, partly discharged and partly retained, it is impossible to distinguish, from the account rendered, what portion of the sum total, amounting to rupees 15,87,012, was conducive to the reduction of annual cliarge. The replies of the minister to my enquiries on this subject, were not clear nor satisfactory. All that I could ex- tract from him Mas, that of the sum above-mentioned, no more than five or six lacs went to establishments retained, and that the rest went to establishments discharged. Omitting ten lacs on this account, it remains to be shown what amount of annual charge the disbursements of ten lacs enabled the government to reduce. 12. As a set-off against any reduction of expence that may be supposed to be the consequence of this loan, it must be con- sidered that an annual charge is created by the loan of twelve lacs, on account of interest, at the rate of eighteen per cent, per annum, with the addition of four lacs as a sinking fund; in all sixteen lacs^jer annum. 13. Nevertheless, there is no doubt that the loan was most convenient to the Nizam's government at the time, and espe- cially to the minister himself personally; and by enabling him to struggle through temporary difficulties and embarrassments, it may possibly prove the means of greatly assisting the restora- tion of prosperity in the country. 1 4. I think, however, that the Nizam's government is bound to exert itself to effect a reduction of the high interest of its public debt : and, with this view, I shall hereafter submit a pro- position for the consideration of his Excellency the Governor- general in council. 15. It does not appear to me that the comfort of the people has been visibly promoted by the loan. It is not improbable that good may have been done, by the distribution of advances to the cultivators to the amomit stated ; and if I were sure that advances had been distributed truly, honestly, and judiciously. I should conclude that good had been done ; but no decided marks of it have come under my observation, and the general cry of complaint from all parts forbids the supposition of much having been done for the comfort of the people. 16. It does not strike me that the interests of the Honour- able Company have been much affected, in any way, by the loan ; disadvantageously, certainly not. But for the loan, the increasing embarrassments of the Nizam's government might have induced, perhaps must have induced, some other mea- sures ; and other measures might, perhaps, have been devised, more advantageous to the Nizam's interests, and so far in- directly to our own, than the one under discussion. It is, however, certainly some advantage gained, that the Nizam's government has been enabled to struggle on, without any sa- crifice on our part, to its present position, from which, with proper measures, there is a prospect of future prosperity. 17. I offer n)y opinion on the subject of the advantages re- sulting from the loan with considerable diffidence, as it does not come up to that which was entertained by my predecessor. At the time of making the arrangement, it was stated by the minister that it would enable him to make reductions to the extent of twenty-five lacs per annum ; which, sixteen lacs being assigned in payment of the loan, (i.e. interest and sinking fund) would occasion a yearly gain of nine lacs. If this has really been effected by the loan, there can be no doubt, I think, that the loan has been highly advantageous to the Nizam's government : I acknowledge that I am sceptical on this point, and that I am not much impressed with a belief of the cor- rectness of the minister's statements ; but I have not the means of disproving his assertions. I shall continue to watch the subject attentively, and shall be most happy at any time to have it in my power to report, that the reductions then promised were really accomplished. I am aiming at other reductions, which are necessary for the welfare of the state, and am told that they are in progress ; but I am not yet sa- tisfied that they are so. In such matters, the minister's cha- racter and conduct inspire great distrust; and even were he actually making a reduction with one hand, he would very probably be squandering the same amount uselessly with the other. 18. This despatch having so much relation to the transactions of Messrs. William Palmer and Co.'s house, it may not, perhaps, be out of place, if I submit one or two observations regarding them and their concerns. 19. The debt which they hold of the Nizam's government bears a very high interest, which it is desirable to reduce ; L 14(> and in tliis particular alone, I think their interests and those of the Nizam's government opposed to each other, and tliat only under the supposition, that with the countenance of the British government it might not be difficult to raise money on better terms elsewliere ; for here, without a guarantee, and perhaps even with it, money could not be procured for the Nizam's government on advantageous terms. 20. With this single exception of the high rate of interest, which I hope to see lowered, as its continuance is not con- sistent with the financial prosperity of the Nizam's government, I do not observe any thing in the transactions of the house requiring interference or restraint on the part of our govern- ment. 21. The enterprize of such a commercial establishment, and the efforts which it would make for its own benefit, must tend, I conceive, to promote the prosperity of the country ; and I cannot discover any cause for alarm in its being allowed to have transactions with the Nizam's government, provided that, in these transactions, proper attention be paid by that govern- ment to its own interests, and that the firm of William Palmer and Co. be dealt with as any other firm would be. 22. With an extravagant minister like Chundoo Loll, un- controlled in his expences, and anxious only to supply tem- porary wants without heed for the future, a firm, such as that of William Palmer and Co., if sufficiently adventurous to incur the risk, might in time have obtained a mortgage on the greater part of the Nizam's revenues ; and as long as the British go- vernment took no interest in the internal management of his highness's affairs, there may have been reason to apprehend some such consequences from transactions with a house of such extensive influence ; but since our government has agreed to interpose its advice in all branches of the Nizam's adminis- tration, there seems to be no room for any apprehension of that kind ; and to preclude the Nizam's government from dealings with the first commercial establishment in his do- minions, may be injurious, but cannot be advantageous to his affairs. 23. I should think it desirable, in every point of view, that this house should be as unfettered in its transactions as any other commercial concern, and that vigilance on our part should be exercised, not with a view to restrictions on the proceedings of the firm, but solely in order to guard the in- terests of the Nizam's government and our own, in those trans- actions in which they might be at variance with the interests of the house. 24. In the crude remarks herein submitted, I offer the ^ 147 result of my local observations, without of course meaning to presume to discuss the propriety of the restrictive orders issued by the Honourable the Court of Directors. I have, &c. Hyderabad, (Signed) C. T. Metcalfe, 17th March, 1821. Resident. To G. Swinton, Esq., Secretary, Secret and Political Depart- ment. Sir, 1. In a recent despatch, I reported that I should soon sub- mit for the consideration of his Excellency the Governor-general in council, a scheme for the reduction of the rate of interest of the public debt of the Nizam's government. 2. There seems to me a mode by which, under his lordship's sanction, this object could be accomplished with immense ad- vantage to the Nizam's government, and with little, if any inconvenience to our own. 3. The most eflPectual mode which seems to me, is by open- ing the Honourable Company's treasuries for the receipt of money on loan to the Nizam, under a guarantee from the Governor-general in council for the regular payment of the interest by half-yearly instalments, and the eventual payment of the principal at the convenience of the Nizam's government, or if preferable, within a stated time. 4. The only inconvenience that strikes me as possible to arise from such a transaction, is the effect which it might produce on the value of the Company's notes in the market ; but the effect, if any, would, I should imagine, be very slight and insignificant. On this point, however, I am not competent to form a judgment. 5. It may perhaps appear, at first sight, tliat the proposed guarantee on the part of the British government might be an inconvenience ; but I hope to be able to show, that it would not be so in any degree, as long as we maintain our present power in India. 6. A virtual guarantee exists already with regard to the public debt of the Nizam's government, for with the least in- terference in his highness's affairs, it is impossible that the British Resident can sanction or tolerate any breach of faith h 2 148 towards the public creditors. If the Nizam's government had no public debt, and could be prevented from contracting one, the expediency of guaranteeing or sanctioning any loan might be questionable ; but when, by the intimacy of our connection with the state, we virtually guarantee the payment of eighteen and twenty-four per cent, interest on existing debt, it does not appear to me that there is any ground, on this score, for hesi- tation, as to an avowed guarantee of a loan at a rate of interest better suited to the state of the money-market in India. 7. Moreover we have in our hands the means of securing the regular payment of the interest, and the eventual liquidation of the principal of such a loan, without the necessity of a word of discussion on the subject at the Nizam's court, at any future period, which 1 proceed to demonstrate. 8. I presume that, in the present state of the money-market, with the confidence which the avowed guarantee of the British government would inspire, money might be obtained at six per cent, interest. We at present pay to the Nizam, through the hands of the Resident, what is termed a peshcush, or tribute, of seven lacs of rupees, on account of the northern Circars. Herein we have the means of securing the regular payment of the interest of any loan contracted under our guarantee. The amount required by the Nizam's government to pay off its present debts might be eighty or ninety, or at the utmost one hundred lacs. The minister's accounts would make it appear, that the least of the sums would suffice ; but the interest on the largest would be six lacs, leaving at least some surplus in our hands as a sinking fund. We have only, therefore, to appro- priate the peshcush to the payment of the interest of the loan, and that point would be settled without further trouble. By the same means, the liquidation of the principal would be gradually effected, or it might be expedited, at the convenience of the Nizam's government, from other resources, which I con- ceive would be advisable. 9. If the principles on which I have advocated the measure hereby proposed be admitted, the details of its execution would not, I apprehend, be difficult. The more they were made to resemble those of our own loans, the greater it may be sup- posed would be the confidence of the public in the transaction. 10. Considering, on the one hand, the benefit of the Nizam's government, which would be so greatly promoted by the reduc- tion of the interest of its public debt from twenty-four and eighteen, to six per cent., and, on the other hand, the easy means by which the British government could confer so great a boon on its ally, the arrangement, with respect to these parties, appears to me to be unobjectionable ; and I hope that it may appear in the same light to his Excellency the Governor-genoral in council. 11. There is, however, another party concerned, whose interests would necessarily be affected by such an arrangement, and are, therefore, entitled to consideration. I mean the Nizam's present creditors : and in speaking of the Nizam's creditors, one's thoughts turn instantly towards Messrs. William Palmer and Co., who are almost the sole creditors of the Nizam's go- vernment, or who at least hold debt to the amount of sixty- seven lacs of rupees. 12. I thought it due to them, as they were so deeply in- terested, to communicate to them my intention of submitting the present proposition, in order that they might be prepared for the measure, if it should be carried into effect, or have an opportunity of objecting to it, if they regarded it as a violation of their rights, or so injurious to their interests as to entitle them to peculiar consideration in managing its details. 13. I entertained the hope, that they might have other means of disposing of their capital eqnally advantageous; but, in the comnmnications which have ensued since the intimation of my views, it has appeared, that they do not contemplate the possibility of such means, and that they would consider the discharge of the loan as extremely disadvantageous. ISA. It appears that they relied on the continuance of the advantages which they derive from the existing loan for at least the period at the end of which it was to be discharged, accord- ing to the provisions originally devised for its liquidation ; that, in this confidence, they withdrew their funds from other trans- actions, in order to consolidate them in this one, and that they could not now return, with benefit, to those transactions from which they then withdrew. 14. It seems that, in raising money for this loan, they en- countered some difficulties, and were in some instances obliged to pay higher interest than they received, and that they looked for their profit more to the later than the early period of the loan's duration. 15. It is not necessary to argue, that there vvas not any actual contract, on the part of the Nizam's government, for the duration of the loan for any definite period, as they do not assert that there was, and admit that the Nizam would have been at liberty to pay it off at any time from his own treasury ; but as they knew that such an event, owing to his disposition for hoarding, was most improbable, they seem to have reckoned on the duration of the loan for a certain period, almost as if there had been a contract to that effect, and to have taken their measures accordingly. L 3 150 16. They allege, that at a time when the Nizam's govern- ment could not obtain money elsewhere, they advanced it at a tremendous risk, before any sanction had been obtained from the British government. 17. On the grounds stated in the preceding paragraphs, they rest claims on the Nizam's government : and it appears to me that they may be deemed entitled to liberal consider- ation, not to the extent of injuring the Nizam's government by a continuation of the high rate of interest attached to the existing debt, supposing that a loan could be negotiated on more moderate terms, but in the way of compensation for the loss of their present profits, if, at the same time, the Nizam's government can be sufficiently benefited. 18. It is to be considered, that the Nizam's government is paying now not only the profits of Messrs. William Palmer and Co., but the difference between the ordinary rate of interest at our presidencies and the high rate which that house pays to their constituents, from whom the money for the loan was borrowed ; so that it would be a great advantage to the Nizam's government to get rid of this loan, if money could be obtained at the ordinary rate of interest, even though it were to continue to pay to Messrs. William Palmer and Co. the whole amount of their profits. 19. In offering my opinion, that compensation to some extent to Messrs. William Palmer and Co. would be an act of liberal justice on the part of the Nizam's government, I am at a loss, I confess, as to forming any judgment of the precise amount which it might be right to appropriate to this purpose. The Nizam's government acknowledges its obligations to the house, and is ready to agree to whatever may be proposed. There would be no difficulty in that quarter ; but taking into con- sideration their present profits, their possible losses, and their former risks, I find it very difficult to determine what would be a suitable compensation. 20. I stated in a former report, that eighteen per cent, was the interest received by Messrs. Palmer and Co. from the Nizam's government. I was not aware at that time, but have since been informed by the minister, that at the time of ne- gociating the loan, a bonus was allowed of eight lacs. This sum now forms a part of the capital of the debt, and whenever paid off, will be in excess to the amount actually borrowed. It bears interest, I conclude, like the rest of the loan. This being part of a past transaction, is only mentioned here, be- cause it is proper to submit all the information that I possess on the subject : it should have been mentioned in my former re|)ort regarding the loan, had it been in my knowledge at the 151 time. This being an advantage already gained, will not, I suppose, be considered in the light of a compensation for the loss of other advantages now in hand. 21. What should be the extent of compensation for the loss of about six per cent, annual profit on sixty-seven lacs, is to be considered. This six per cent, profit would be about four lacs per annum, till such time as the debt should be paid off, which I consider to be uncertain, otherwise than by the means proposed in this despatch ; for I doubt the power of the Nizam's government to appropriate sixteen lacs per annum for the interest and sinking fund of this loan, without incurring further debt. If sixteen lacs could be annually appHed for those purposes, the profit of four lacs would, of course, suffer annual diminution. 22. I understand, from communications with Messrs. William Palmer and Co., that a payment of one lac and a half of ru- pees per annum for four years, would reconcile them to the discharge of their loan, and be considered by them as very liberal treatment ; though, for their own interests, they would prefer that matters should stand as they are. 23. This may appear a very liberal compensation, but the advantage to the Nizam's government would still be very great and, if any compensation is to be offered on so large a concern, it could hardly be less than that stated. 24<. The gain to the Nizam's government would be as follows : Interest on the debt to Messrs. William Palmer and Co. at eighteen per cent Rupees 1,200,000 Interest on the debt to Messrs. William Palmer and Co. at six per cent 400,000 Difference in favour of the Nizam's government 800,000 Deduct proposed compensation to Messrs. Wil- liam Palmer and Co. for four years 150,000 The gain would, notwithstanding, be Rupees 650,000 per annum for that period, and eight lacs for the rest of the probable duration of the debt, supposing the present rate of interest to continue. 25. It would, I conceive, be gratifying to the Nizam's go- vernment to have the loan transaction with Messrs. William Palmer and Co., if it can be terminated with benefit to his highness's affairs, so terminated as not to give to that house any just cause for reproach. And for myself, though I must crave indulgence for intruding my own feelings, it would, I acknowledge, be a great relief to me, to reflect that my duty L 4 152 had been accomplished, without excessive injury to those whose interests must unavoidably in some degree be affected, if the plan proposed in this despatch should be carried into effect. 26. As it is understood to be personally in the Nizam's power to pay off all the debts of his government, it may be asked why any assistance on the part of the British government should be called for for that purpose. The only answer is, that, in reality, the Nizam takes little or no interest in the affairs of his government ; that he looks on his hoard as personal property, which is not to be touched for the use of the state, and that there is no hope of overcoming his reluctance on this point, 1 have discussed this matter with the minister, and he is not inclined to venture to propose to his highness the payment of any part of the debt from his private hoard. If the Nizam's government is to be befriended and benefited, it must be done for the sake of good itself, in opposition almost to those who ought to be most zealous in the undertaking. Here is a prince who takes little or no concern in the government ; a prime minister who, if possible, takes less ; a deputy, who is absolute, but whose administration has been of the most depraved and most mischievous description, who requires continual goading to do the least good, and has an invincible tendency towards sliding back to evil, and from whom there would not be the slightest hope of co-operation for any beneficial purpose, were it not that he is submissive to the power whose support is ne- cessary for his political existence. On this submission rests my hopes, that good will be done for the Nizam's subjects in spite of the defects of his government. 27. If any objection unseen by me should lead his Excellency the Governor-general in council to reject the proposition which I have submitted, some benefit may still be gained for the Nizam's government, if I be permitted to exert myself to ob- tain money at a lower rate of interest than that which is at present paid ; but the success of my endeavours in that way can neither be so complete nor so certain, as that which would attend the execution of the plan herein proposed ; and while the gain to the Nizam's government would be less, the loss to the present creditors would be greater, from its not being so much in the power of the government to afford compensation. I have, &c. Hyderabad, (Signed) C. T. Metcalfe, 5th April, 1821. Resident. Hyder. Pap. p. 190 to 197. 15 o The following observations suggest themselves upon the three foregoing letters. 1st. In the supreme government's despatch there is a distinct declaration, that the Court of Directors' inhibition of all further pecuniary transactions between the house and the Nizam's government, was meant to be confined to advances of money alone, and not to interfere with transactions purely commercial, although with the said government. 2nd. Full testimony is borne to the thorough fairness of the dealings of the house, as far as was known to the council up to this period. 3rd. The declaration is equally distinct, that no oblique impeachment of any part of its conduct was to be implied from the recall of the licence. ^th. An acknowledgement is recorded, that the council was sensible of the advantage which the Nizam and his subjects had derived from the aid which had been furnished by Messrs. Palmer and Co. 5th. It is distinctly admitted that the minister's plighted faith for the fulfilment of all engagements, into which he had already entered with the house, was not meant by the court, or by the council, to be in any way invalidated. Thus in the latter passage sanctioning the sentiments pre- viously recorded by Mr. Stuart and Mr. Adam. The two letters from Mr. Metcalfe are fully confirmatory of the report which Mr. Russell had made on the 1st September of the beneficial effects from the loan, which was completed in August, 1820, although the advances on account of it had been making from the preceding March. In the first of these despatches Mr. Metcalfe announces, J 1st. That the Nizam's government had been undoubtedly relieved from much pecuniary embarrassment by the loan. 2nd. That it had been enabled to pay off" large arrears. 3d. That it enabled the minister to struggle through 154 temporary difficulties and embarrassments, and might prove tiie means of greatly assisting the restoration of the pro- sperity of the country. 4th. That the interests of the Honourable Company had certainly 7iot been affected disadvantageously by it. 5th. That the comforts of the people did not appear to have been visihlTj promoted by it. But that if the advances to the cultivators have been honestly distributed, he con- cludes that good must have been done. He then adverts to the debt of the Nizam's government to Messrs. Palmer and Co., which, bearing high interest, he thinks it would be desirable to reduce, and he suggests, that with the assist- ance of the British goverment, money might be raised on better terms elsewhere, " for here," he adds, " without that *' guarantee, and perhaps even with it, money could not be " procured by the Nizam on advantageous terms." He says, that in this particular alone of the rate of interest, does he think that the interests of the house, and those of the Nizam's government, are opposed to each other; in other words, that a debtor and creditor have not, in all respects, one and the same interest; for he distinctly records " that the enterprize of such a house, " and its efforts for its own intei'est, must tend to promote " the prosperity of the country ;" and he cannot discover any cause of alarm in its being allowed to have transactions with the Nizam's government, provided that the govern- ment attends to its own interest, and the firm be dealt with as any other firm could be. He answers all the objections arising from groundless alarm on this head which had been sounded by Mr. Stuart and Mr. Adam, whilst he (Mr. M.) had been se- cretary to government, at the time the loan was sanctioned, and states, " that to preclude the Nizam's government from " dealings 'acith the Jirst commercial establishment in his do- ** minions, may be injurious ,• but cannot be advantageous to " his affairs.^' 155 It is right to notice here, that Mr. Metcalle, in the substance (which alone he professes to give,) of the accounts received from the minister has himself made a palpable mistake, which he afterwards attempts to father on the minister as a wilful mis-statement. He states the minister to have given him the amount of the loan received from Messrs. Palmer and Co. at sixty-seven lacs. The minis- ter stated no such thing. He stated that the whole amount of the money he had received from the house, up to the completion of the loan, was sixty-seven lacs ; and this will be found by the printed accounts to be correct. The loan, which was completed on the Uth August, was fifty-two lacs, the diminished sum to which it was agreed to be re- duced; and the balance due to the house for advances made up to that time, was fifteen lacs over and above the loan, making together sixty-seven lacs. In his foregoing despatch of the 5th April, Mr. Metcalfe submits his project for the British government to raise a loan at the pi'esidencies at six per cent, for the Nizam, to enable him to discharge his present debt, bearing a higher rate of in- terest. He endeavours to meet the objection to the British government becoming involved in all the consequences of a guarantee, by stating that, seeing the actual interference in his highness's affairs, he considers it a moral impossibility that the British Resident can sanction or tolerate any breach of faith to'aoards its imblic creditors* He then pro- ceeds to consider what would be the effect on Messrs. W. Palmer and Co.'s contract for six years, which had been already acted upon, and justly concludes that they ought to be held harmless from any injurious effect of the sudden return upon their hands of a large capital which they had partly borrowed and partly abstracted * The moral impossibility he afterwards was himself the instrument of disproving. 156 from other advantageous employment, to meet the Ni- zam's purposes. He incidentally mentions the bonus of the eight lacs, as a part of the loan transaction, to which he makes not the slightest objection. Yet it was clearly a new circumstance to himself; it had not been known at the council board, at which he had been present when the loan was sanctioned, and must, therefore, have arrested his attention if it were objectionable. His comments on it clearly indicate, that at that time neither in itself nor in the circumstance of its not having been made known to the council, did he find the least cause for blame. He states that the government of the Nizam would be equally gra- tified with himself, that in any such plan as he proposes, Messrs. W. Palmer and Co. should not meet with loss or disappointment in return for the important relief they had afforded to the native government's necessities. These sentiments and views form a notable contrast with the opinions and conduct exhibited by this gentleman, at a subsequent period. The proposal contained in the latter despatch of Mr. Met- calfe, appears from the recorded minutes of the Governor- general, Mr. Adam, and Mr. Fendall, to have been rejected by a majority of the council ; and a proposal of Mr. Fendall for the absolute purchase or redemption of the peshcush, or annual payment of seven lacs by the British government to the Nizam, in order thereby to furnish a large sum of ready money to the Nizam's minister, appears to have been the subject of discussion and of reference to the Advocate- general, during the months of June, July, and August. The questionable legality of the measure, in reference to the appropriation clause of the .53d Geo. 3., which was after- wards sustained by the legal advisers at home, appears to have been the objection to its having been adopted. * On the 10th June, 1821, and pending those discussions, * See Hyd. Pap. pp. 193 to 'Jl'J. 157 Lord Ha.'itingsi addressed the following private letter to Sir Wm. Riimbold. To Sir William Rumbokl, Bart. My dear Sir William, It is difficult for me to make you comprehend the unpleasant discussions which have been within this fortnight past recorded, with regard to the pecuniary engagements between the house of William Palmer and Co. and the Nizam. The whole has originated in these underhand suggestions of Mr. Stuart, which a false delicacy towards him prevented my exposing. They made impressions on others, who, acting on the erroneous per- suasion, staked themselves in a manner which makes them flounder obstinately now, in order to preserve consistency. Much advantage is given to them by an apparent (I am sure not a real) want of frankness on the part of your house. I apprized you long ago that it was expedient for the firm to define, upon oath, whether or not any British public function- ary had at any time had pecuniary transactions with the house which could influence him in countenancing your dealings with the Nizam's government. The evitation of so simple a declar- ation is awkward, even in the eyes of me, who have so strong a belief in the honour of your proceedings. Though Mr. Stuart declared he had never thrown on Mr. Russell the imput- ation of a secret understanding with you, peculiar circum- stances convince me that such a suspicion was communicated to persons at home, and was received with ready faith. It depends on the house whether I also must not admit doubts. Sincerely yours, Barrackpore, (Signed) Hastings. 10th June, 1821. To this letter Sir Wm. Rumbold tluis replied on the 26th, enclosing the affidavit subjoined. To the Most Noble the Marquis of Hastings, &c. &c. My dear Lord, I trust the enclosed affidavit will satisfy your lordship, that any backwardness we may have shown to make the declaration required, did not arise from any such motive as you have thought possible. It is a difficult thing for people who have had such numerous and extensive transactions to take so lo8 sweeping an oath. If I could have said roundly, that none but the partners of tlie house had had any advantage in any of our dealings, I should have sent the declaration long ago ; but this I could not do : for we have frequently been obliged to resort to friends for accommodations, and if we have given them any benefit for their assistance, it has been from motives purely disinterested and honest. The enclosed paper proves that those friends have not been the persons whom it is your object to be satisfied about, and it would be very hard that we should be obliged to injure them by our declaration. I say, " injure them," because nearly any person in this country may be termed a public functionary, being in the Company's civil or military service ; and I believe, strictly speaking, no such per- sons ought to have any dealings, which could be in any way construed into mercantile ones, and that if we were not to make the exception we have made, we should find it difficult to take the oath at all. I have, &c. Hyderabad, (Signed) Wm. Rumbold, 26th June, 1821. Affidavit by William Palmer, Esq. and Sir William Rumbold. We, the undersigned, William Palmer and William Rumbold, tlo hereby make oath and declare, that the partners of our house at Hyderabad, called by the name of William Palmer and Co., are as follow. William Palmer, Esq., Sir William Rum- bold, Bart., Hastings Palmer, Esq., George Lamb, Esq., and Bunketty Dos, and that no other persons of any description have, directly or indirectly, any partnership with us, or any interest in any concerns, beyond such as the public has in every other house of agency. We further declare, that no public functionary, at the head of any public office or depart- ment, ever had any avowed or direct partnership, directly or indirectly, with us, or any interest in our concerns, which could influence him in countenancing our dealings with the Nizam's government, or give him any means of deriving any personal advantage from them. We think it proper to add, that several individuals, natives and Europeans, who supported us with their capital at the commencement of our establishment, did, in consequence of such accommodation to us, derive benefits from our house. These were, however, such as we gave them from private friendship, or a sense of private and pecuniary obligations to them ; but we repeat, that although we have made this declaration for the purpose of being perfectly explicit, no 159 person or resident at the liead of any public office or de* partment of government, or any one to whom we looked for public support or influence, have had any such bene- fit : and that no persons, of any description, but the above named partners of our house, have been associated with us in any way, since the time we first entered into treaty for the loan we negotiated for the Nizam's government. (Signed) Wm. Palmek, Wm. Rumbold. Sworn before me, this 26th day of June, 1821. (Signed) Hans Sotheby, First Assistant to the Resident, (Mr. Metcalfe being absent.) As this affidavit has been made the subject of the most unfounded calumny, particular attention is challenged to the document itself, as well as to the foregoing coi'res- pondence, which called for and accompanied its trans- mission. Lord Hastings, though evidently having intended to describe rather than name Mr. Russell as the person alluded to, does incidentally, by his allusion to Mr. Stuart, positively fix the late Resident as the only person to whom his enquiries related, and about whom his doubts might be excited. That this was so understood by Sir Wm. Rum- bold and Mr. Palmer is clearly proved, not only by the in- strument itself, but by the letter which accompanied its transmission. It has been said, that the affidavit was framed for the purpose of misleading the reader of it into the belief, that no person whatever, connected with the residency, was a part- ner in the House. The slightest attention to the instru- ment will show, that the only anxiety displayed in the wording of it, is to prevent that error. It strictly limits the denial to any person at the head of a department But for whose eye alone was the affidavit meant ? whose doubts was it to remove ? and on what point ? Those of Lord Hastings alone, in regard to Mr. Russell alone. It is in its terms an echo to liis lordship's expressions of enquiry. 160 The document, thou2:li introduced and recorded twelve months afterwards by Lord Hastings, was never in- tended to be so by the parties attesting. If at all recorded, it ought to have been recorded together with the letter which called for and accompanied it. Without these it was an imperfect instrument, and very likely to mislead. In fact, the misconceptions and unjust imputations which resulted from this act of Lord Hastings were not unnatural, but are nevertheless wholly without foundation.* The affi- davit was recorded by Lord Hastings in May 1822, appa- rently for the purpose of directly meeting some calumnies which had been at that time revived and repeated regarding Mr. Russell. Immediately after writing his despatch of the 5th April, Mr. Metcalfe appears to have made his first tour through the provinces of the Nizam's country. His second was from the middle of January, 1822, to the end of the fol- lowing May, as stated in his despatch of the 20th June. Previously, however, to noticing the contents of this dis- j^atch, it may be mentioned diat the contents and date challenge particular notice. It contains the first indication of Mr. Metcalfe's hostile feelings towards either Chundoo Loll, or to Messrs. William Palmer and Co. On the 7th of the same month, orders had been de- spatched to the residency from Calcutta (in obedience to the Court of Directors' remarkable letter of the 28th Nov. 1821) requiring that the payment by Messrs. William Palmer and Co., of the Nizam's troops at Aurungabad, should forthwith cease. On the contents of this letter it is only necessary here to remark, that it is dictated by the same spirit, and that its tone and commands are equally peremptory and unjust with those of its brother despatch of 24th May, 1820, which decreed the instant recall of the licence of 1816. As little * Eleven months after it was made. un reference appears to have been made by the Directors to the effect of this order, either on the Nizam's country, or on the house of Wilham Pahiier and Co. It was called for by no recorded imputation against the fairness and propriety of the dealings of the firm in this or in any other transaction; and it was issued with the full knowledge that the House had been acting under the sanction and approval of the supreme government and of its Resident. The exhibition of their contemptuous treatment of their government at Calcutta is worthy of and consistent with themselves alone. On the 5th July, Mr. Metcalfe reports his execution of the orders transmitted, which he appears to have obeyed by drily communicating an extract of the despatch he had received. A marked change is to be observed in his views and opinions in every thing that relates to the House of W. Palmer and Co. ; they form a striking contrast to those of his despatches of March and April, 1821, on the self- same subjects, previous to his expeditions through the pro- vinces of the Nizam's country. When he received the Coint of Directors' orders, in March, 1821, for the recall of the licence, he had not hesitated to transmit to Calcutta a long series of comments on the unfitness of those commands ; and to point out the impossibility of the Court's having meant them to be liter- ally executed, when they knew that all the transactions of the House had received the sanction of the supreme government. So strongly had he felt, and so clearly had he demonstrated the outrageous injustice of the concluding paragraph of that memorable mandate, that he found il necessary to terminate his despatch with the following dis- claimer : " In these crude remarks herein submitted, I " offer the result of my local observation ; without, of *' course, meaning to discuss the propriety of the restric- " tive orders issued by the Honourable Court of Di- " rectors."* * Hyd. Pap. p. 161. M 1(52 The very abrupt manner in which he now thought it proper to discharge his official duty, occasioned the follow- ing letter to be addressed to the council at Calcutta by Mr. Joini Palmer of that city. To the Most Noble the Marquis of Hastings, K. G. &c. &c. &c.* My Lord, From communications just made to me by Messrs. William Palmer and Co., of Hyderabad, consequent to the injunction conveyed to them by the Resident to terminate immediately their arrangements with his Highness the Nizam's minister for paying his highness's military force at Aurungabad, it would appear that they are led to harbour the most lively apprehen- sion of ruin to their establishment, unless the immediate inter- vention of your lordship's protection be afforded them, inas- much as the implied loss of credit, and of that countenance and encouragement they have from the first prescriptively enjoyed from the supreme government, threaten them with a shock they may be altogether unable to resist. 2. I have the honour to submit a copy of the Resident's letter to Messrs. William Palmer and Co., and of the extract of the instructions from your lordship's government which ac- companied it, and to intimate, that this was the first commu- nication upon so important a subject to Messrs. William Palmer and Co., and to acquaint your lordship, that, with a view of averting the effects of your lordship's order on the 27th June, two of tlie members of their firm waited upon the Resident, to solicit some qualification in the execution of such abrupt and peremptory conmiands, but, as they inform me, without effect, the imminent and immediate danger they dreaded from the measure making no impression on his mind. 3, I am not sufficiently informed of the nature of Messrs. William Palmer and Co.'s engagements for paying the troops of his Highness the Nizam; but if they received the sanction of the supreme government, virtual or implied, I humbly sub- mit to your lordship, that they cannot be unentitled to protec- tion, until those engagements are faithfully fulfilled ; and that, in consideration of their having established a branch of their house at Aurungabad, for the express purpose of giving full effect to those engagements, they are not unentitled to any lenient modification of the Honourable the Court of Di- rectors' orders, which shall shelter them from prejudice, injury, or loss. Hyder. Pap. p. 1.59, 160. Kid 4. Under the operation of this peremptory injunction, Messrs. William Palmer and Co. are penetrated with a dread, that all persons having current pecuniary transactions with them will instantly press their demands, in the persuasion that so signal a proceeding is a clear manifestation of their dis- grace with the supreme government, and that they no longer deserve the protection they have hitherto enjoyed. And were the consequent injury only inflicted on themselves, I should venture to hope that it would be grateful to your lordship's feelings to avert it; but as it involves the property and inte- rests of all their connections, they feel justified in appealing to your lordship for whatever succour the case admits of. 5. Messrs. William Palmer and Co. feel the singular seve- rity of not only having their engagements suddenly cancelled, under denounced penalties, to such amongst them as are ob- noxious to the statute, but the guarantees on which they rested for security in their dealings with the Nizam's govern- ment are wrested from them, and they are left to realize or recover their advances to his Highness's ti'oops how they may. They conceive that, in this particular, some confusion must have crept into the orders of the honourable court or of the supreme government, inasmuch as it does not seem con- sistent with justice, that they should at once be removed from their position, and deprived of the securities voluntarily of- fered them by the Nizam's government at the instance of our own, and that this apparent proscription shall be applicable to all their other transactions with the Nizam's minister. Such a construction of the Honourable Court's orders would seem still more inconsistent with those liberal sentiments which have always distinguished its measures, in relation to the interests and concerns of individuals*, deprecate its pernicious influence on their credit and prosperity. 6. If it might be assumed that the government of Hyder- abad was neither arbitrary nor capricious, the credit of Messrs. William Palmer and Co.'s establishment would not re- quire the impression, that it possessed the countenance and protection of the supreme government, nor might it suffer any irreparable injury from the imphed forfeiture of that honour- able distinction: but if its minister be interdicted all dealings with Messi's. William Palmer and Co., without a stipulation for his faithful adjustment of all existing accounts, they are brought into such disadvantageous relations with him, that they can never rationally hope for the discharge of any ba- lances which may be due to them. * Some words are obviously omitted here in the original manuscript, the import of which may be easily collected from the context. M 2 1(34 7. Messrs. William Palmer and Co. allege, that on a former occasion, when the discharge of their loan to the Nizam was only a topic of conversation, they had a run upon their house, which they met with considerable difficulty and extraordinary sacrifices. Thej' therefore view with terror the torrent which may rush in upon them, under this signal instance of appa- rently lost protection. I have, &c. Calcutta, (Signed) J. Palmer. 14th July, 1822. In consequence of the foregoing letter, the council agreed unanimously, on the 17th July, to transmit the following directions to Hyderabad.* To C. T. Metcalfe, Esq., Resident at Hyderabad. Sir, -1. The Governor-general has received a very urgent repre- sentation, on the part of Messrs. William Palmer and Co., of the apprehended injury to their credit, and to the stability of their establishments, from the promulgation of the orders con- veyed to you in my despatch of the 7th June, as creating an impression that they had forfeited the protection of the Bri- tish government generally. 2. The Honourable the Court of Directors having, in their instructions to this government, on which those orders were founded, distinctly expressed a desire, that the execution of the measures which they have felt it their duty to present, with relation to that firm, shall be so regulated as not to injure its credit, and having indeed manifested a generous anxiety upon the point, the Governor-general in council, with a just participation of the feeling, considers it necessary to direct, that you shall formally apprise Rajah Chundoo Loll the tenour of the Court's orders referred only to pecuniary transactions between the house and the Nizam, or his government. You will please further to explain, that with those exceptions, the countenance of the British government has not been in any degree withdrawn from the house, but that the house con- tinues to enjoy it in regard to its ordinary banking and com- mercial dealings within his highness's dominions, not involving, • Hyder. Pap. p. 163, 164. 165 directly or imJirccdy, the guarantee of tlie minister or the responsibihty of the public revenues of the state. 3. The Governor-general in council thinks it probable that you have represented to the minister the obligation on his honour and good faith, to make as early payment of the ba- lance due on the unadjusted accounts of the house, which have been ordered to be brought to a close, as the paramount exigencies of the state will admit; for the Honourable the Court has expressly defined its notion of a close to the ar- rangement, to consist in the restoration of the tunkhas by the house of William Palmer and Co., as soon as the advances made by that firm on the Aurungabad account shall have been repaid. That degree of interposition, as referring to arrange- ments made before the receipt of the positive inhibition from home, will be equally consonant to the pleasure of the Ho- nourable Court and the disposition of the Governor-general in council. 4. In your letter of the 20th June, you allude to some debt to the house from the minister, standing at twenty-four per cent, interest, distinct from either the Aurungabad arrange- ment or the loan of sixty lacs. Were this a personal account of the minister's with the house as his bankers, you would scarcely have called the attention of government to a matter with which it could have no concern ; but, by the context, it is judged that you mean to indicate it as connected with some public transaction, on which account government must desire information respecting it. I have, &c. Calcutta, (Signed) G. Swinton, I7th July, 1822. Secretary to the Government In his reply to this reproof Mr. Metcalfe appears to have been no longer able to restrain within his own bosom the hostile feelings which he now entertained towards W. Pal- mer and Co. He does not hesitate, in a tone full of flip- pant disrespect to the council, and full of malicious insi- nuation against the House, to assure the government they need be under no apprehension of the minister's not ful- filling his engagements to them, for that every pressing demand in that country is postponed to their interests; and that he has observed^ ever since he came to Hijderabad, a IM 3 U)6 persuasion oj' ihcir puwcr and injluence^ 'which iviU continue to ensure them every possible advantage. It will be as well at this place to expose at once the cause of this new hostility, and the intrigue, in the defeat of which it had its origin. On Mr. M.'s return at the end of May from his second tour, the assistant Resident (Lieutenant Barnett,) he states, met him at one or two marches from Hyderabad, and in- formed him that he (L. B.) had, a few days before, received a note from Chundoo Loll, the contents of which he de- scribed to him. This note, (to be found at page 174 of the Hyd. Pap.) submits a proposal to borrow thirty-five lacs of rupees from the British government, at a low rate of in- terest, in order to pay off' a part of the minister's debt to Messrs. William Palmer and Co. ; and contains an able and powerful remonstrance or appeal against Mr. Met- calfe's whole course of open and direct interference in the internal government of the country, which the minister therein expressly states to have been written for the inform- ation of, and for the purpose of being forwarded to, the supreme government at Calcutta. A copy of this note the minister (having in vain waited two months for a compliance with his request) forwarded, through Mr. William Palmer, in a letter addressed by himself to the Governor-general in council. Mr. Metcalfe learnt, from Lieutenant Barnett, that the note had been delivered to him shortly after an interview between the minister and Messrs. William Palmer and Co. ; and Mr. Metcalfe's suspicions were iynmediately carried to- •wards those gentlemen as the instigators of the proceed- in". * Lieutenant Barnett could not have failed, at the "b same time, to point out to Mr. Metcalfe some of the imme- diate effects of his arbitrary interference in the settlement of the country, on the credit and station of the minister. He had been thereby reduced to a cypher in the eyes of * Vide Letter of 30th September, Hyd, Pap. 167 his countrymen ; and his downfall was now confidently an- ticipated by all the open and secret enemies of that influence which had alone raised him to his office. The very pedestal of his elevation had been removed from under him. He no longer was treated by the British resident as the minister of an independent ally ; but was made to stand forth the degraded instrument of the subjugation and submission of his country to the imperious delegate of a foreign power. It is only necessary to read Mi". Metcalfe's despatches, to perceive that he had considered himself invested with a full right and power to exercise a jiaramount and despotic authority in the Nizam's country. In utter contempt of the instructions to Mr. Russell, his predecessor, (trans- mitted, too, by himself, whilst secretary to the government,) that the Resident's interference should be coiifined solely to advice and injiuencc "with the minister, he had proceeded at once to the direct exercise of sovereign power, by making new assessments all over the country, and by appointing and permitting his young officers to break through the as- sessments recently made by the minister himself. All outward appearances of decency and respect for Chimdoo Loll, or his office, seem to have been utterly dis- regarded. So deliberately determined was he to adopt this course of conduct for that of his duty, that he had prudently lulled the supreme government into an inatten- tive acquiescence in his usurpations, by frequent assurances that in all he did, or proposed to do, he had received the free and full consent of the minister. Of the nature of that consent, no one acquainted with the supple timitlily of the native character, can, for a moment, entertain a doubt. If Mr. Metcalfe was deficient in the intelligence of a statesman, the common feelings of a man should have pointed out the heartlessness and the folly of thus com- promising the nominee of the British government, who was, on every ground of policy and of good faith, entitled to his consideration. But in his tlictatorial progresses through M 4 168 the country, no thought seems to have been wasted on the consequences of liis own acts on the minister's feelings or position. An open and manly opposition however on the part of Chundoo Loll, was an event for which the Resident was evidently unprepared. A direct appeal against a British Resident to the Governor-general in council by a native minister, the creature of the very power against whose representative he complained, was too rare an occurrence to have been readily foreseen. Upon being made acquainted, however, with the contents of the note, Mr. Metcalfe states he had to determine what course he was to pursue. What ground for doubt or hesitation could exist in an upright functionary at such a moment ? The positive instructions of the service of which he was a member, made it his prescribed and bounden duty to transmit to Calcutta the complaint against himself, together with his own com- mentary or justification upon it. Nothing but a conscious- ness tliat he had already been misleading the government at Calcutta with false assurances of the minister's ready con- currence in all his proceedings, could have prevented him from treading the straight-forward and open path of his duty. His own previous arbitrary conduct and crooked policy had shut this road against him. He appears to have determined, therefore, for the present at least, to conceal from his employei's both the remonstrance of the minister, and the effects of his own infraction of the Governor-general's recorded instructions for his guidance. He appears, however, to have taken some time to chuse his course; for not till the 20th June does he think fit to announce to the supreme government his return to Hydera- bad. This letter affords the strongest evidence of the intrigue in which he had resolved to engage; or, as he phrases it, of the cotirse he meant to ■purme. He could not but feel, that the members of the house of Messrs. William Palmer and Co., the only Europeans in the Nizam's country who were not dependent on his smiles or 169 his frowns, were very inconvenient witnesses of any pro- ceedings which he might wish to conceal from, or to dis- colour to the eye of the government at Calcutta. He could not but know that their intelligence must have perceived the striking difference in his conduct from that of his pre- decessor. The necessary intercourse which must exist between the members of that firm and the minister, from their large and important transactions with him, must give him opportunities of making known to European ears of independent station and of unsullied character, the subject of his complaints. The permanent intimidation of the Rajah into a blind submission was, under such circumstances, not to be hoped. But his removal might be effected. That event Messrs. William Palmer and Co., however, must necessarily be disposed to contemplate with disquietude and alarm. They had, under the sanction of the supreme government, em- barked their all in the pecuniary aid of his administration ; and upon his good faith and continuance in office alone could they rely for the repayment of their supplies. The destruction of the credit and of the eventual testi- mony of the members of that establishment in favour of any statement at variance with the views of the Resident, was, therefore, of necessity a preliminary achievement With such views accordingly does the letter of the 20th June 1822 conclusively appear to have been framed. He repeats and exaggerates his thrice told tale of the abuses to be witnessed in the internal administration of the districts of the Nizam's country ; and, as if he had been the first to make the disclosure of the disease, he seems to think he has only to point out and apply the remedy. Full of unreflecting self-conceit, he does not seem to have consulted even the records of his office, or he would have learnt that this subject had been the frequent theme of Mr. Russell's valuable and statesman-like comniunicalions. Had he so done, he 170 woukl liave discovered that the government ot" Calcutta had been made fully and frequently acquainted with the state of the country, and that the final consummation of the evil had been equally foreseen and foretold. He would have discovered that it had been deliberately re- solved that such consummation, come when it might, should not be hastened by any direct British interference in the administration of the country, and that the resident's efforts should be confined to the exercise of his advice and influence through the minister, as long as the tranquillity of the country could in any manner be prolonged. It required no conjuror in the shape of Mr. Metcalfe, to per- ceive and to pronounce that the existing evil could be at once removed by the direct assumption of the government by a person acting in the name and with the authority of the British power. But the prescribed duty of the re- sident, which had been so judiciously discharged by Mr. Russell, had been limited to availing himself of any op- portunity to influence the minister to the best conduct, under circumstances, which, it had been repeatedly ac- knowledged, forbade the hope of even an angel, in Chundoo Loll's position, being able to restore prosperity to the state. He in this letter, for the first time, insinuates rather than ventures directly to state, that he has met with some want of co-operation from Chundoo Loll. But he insists strong- ly on the absolute necessity of the continuance of that intervention of advice and injluence xohich his Exccllencij the Governor-general in Council had authorized for the 'welfare of the countrij, and then boasts of the beneficial effects of his own measures, as if his interference had been limited by and in conformity with those instructions. In his 1 7th paragraph, he informs the goverimient, in the ingeniously familiar and gossipping style, which is observ- able in his letters whenever he wishes to divert attention from his design, that it is reported that the Nizam is dis- 171 rj^usled loit/i /lis minister C/mndoo Loll. In the next para- graph he, in a manner equally uncalled for, forces the nominal minister (the rival of Chundoo Loll), Mootieer-ool Moolk upon the Governor-general's attention in a false and favorable point of view; following up this panegyric with an attack in contrast upon Chundoo Loll. This brings him to the minister's alleged extravagance, and then incidentally (and, as it were, by the bye) he contrives to mention one of the subjects of the minister's celebrated note, namely, the proposal to borrow thirty-five lacs. This, however, he flippantly puts aside as an insincere propo- sal ; taking occasion, however, to introduce two or three unhandsome insinuations against the house of W. Pal- mer and Co. But he carefidly conceals, never even al- luding to, the remonstrance, the far more important part of that note, from which he had extracted the proposal for the loan. Thus did he practise disingenuously upon his own employers, at the very moment he was plotting the ruin of those whom he was bound by every tie of honour and of duty to protect from misrepresentation and misfor- tune. To this letter of the 20th of June, the Supreme Government replies on the 1 9th July, and in it are to be found the following paragraphs : — "The Governor-general in council observes, that the " points submitted in your despatch are too numerous and " important to admit of immediate decision, but will be " taken into deliberate consideration hereafter." " The only point to which his Lordship in Council " deems it necessary to advert on the present occasion, is " that stated in the twenty-second paragraph of your des- " patch, viz. the minister's professed anxiety to pay ofl^the " loan, and the mode he proposes of accomplishing it." " His Lordship in Council concludes, that in an affair " of such moment, the minister will have submitted his " proposition to you in writing; and, in tiiat case, his " Lordship in Council will be glad to receive a copy of " the paper in which it was conveyed." I7'i The concealment Mr. Metcalfe had already practised in withholding the note, in which both the proposal for the loan and the remonstrance were contained, obviously com- pelled him to elude complying with the above orders. In no one of the following despatches accordingly is to be found even an acknowledgement of, much less an obe- dience to them, though he writes to Calcutta on the 1st, 9th, and 31st August. It was not till after the last despatch was written, that he learnt that the note had, throuo-h Mr. Palmer, reached the hands of the Govenor- general in Council. Accordingly, on the 8th of September, he has no longer motive for silence, and he with apparent cai'elessness, states in reply to the letter of 19th July, to 'xhich he then for the Jirst time replies, that the proposi- tion for the loan had been included in a note addressed to one of' his assistants, which note he believes to be in the Government's hands, amongst the papers clandestinely transmitted by Messrs. W. Palmer and Co. When the murder came out on the 31st of August, and the expo- sure of conduct became known to him, his was, doubt- less, a desperate position. He had now no alternative but to persuade the Government that Chundoo Loll and Messrs. W. Palmer and Co. were in a league to counteract, to discredit, and finally to displace himself; or his own in- tritrue for the subversion of the minister, and for the ruin of the witnesses of his plot, must inevitably be made mani- fest to his employers. From that time forth, therefore, he had but one game, however desperate, to play. Unhap- pily he found at the Council Board in Calcutta, instruments but too ready and well fitted to second his efforts. Up to this period of discovery, from which time he threw off all restraint on his disposition to misrepresent, it is at once amusing and disgusting to watch, in his despatches from the 20th of June to the 31st of August, the deliberate course of slanderous insinuation, by which he prepares the council for the reception of his destined attack on 173 the obstacles to his uncoiitrouled assumption of diclalorial power. 7^he letter which he obtrudes on the Government on the 9th August, indicates at once his confidence and his progress in the accomplishment of Chundoo Loll's remo- val. The intrigue is rendered so glaring in this letter, that its insertion must carry conviction with it. To G. Swinton, Esq., Secretary to Government, Fort-William. Sir, 1. Some days ago, the nominal prime minister of the Nizam's court, Nawaub Mooner-ool Moolk, sent me a message, saying, that he had been directed by his highness to wait on me, and adding a complimentary intimation of the gratification which he derived from that order. I returned the reply usual on such occasions, expressive of the happiness which I should have in seeing him, and he came the next day. 2. A visit of this kind from the Dewan was so unusual, if not unprecedented, since the nomination of the present minis- ters, that it naturally attracted much attention. Rajah Chun- doo Loll considered that it was meant as an attack on his power, and was much alarmed. He gave me notice of it pre- viously to Mooneer-ool Moolk's message, but added a difterent account of the cause, for he informed me that the Nawaub had persuaded the Nizam that he had been invited by me. 3. When Mooneer-ool Moolk came, after some common complimentary conversation, he apprised me that he had been sent by the Nizam to enquire how matters stood, with regard to the interchange of territory between his highness and the British government, especially as to whether or not further cessions would be required from his highness. I replied, that that there was a balance against his highness, arising out of the excess of revenue which he had received compared with what he had ceded, and that I hoped the matter would soon be adjusted to his highness's satisfaction. 4. This being the whole of the commission with which Mooneer-ool Moolk professed to be charged, he went on to talk of other matters on his own part. He spoke of our mea- sures for the amelioration of the condition of the Nizam's sub jects, and praised highly what had been done. He described also the Nizam's feelings on my conduct generally in such flat- tering terms, that if I could believe what he said, I should be satisfied that my endeavours to carry into effect the benevolent nitentions of the Governor-general in council had not been ex- 174 erted in vain. But I need not point out how impossible it is to be sure that a native of India is speaking truth, when he has any object to effect. 5. He used different terms, as was to be expected, with re- gard to Rajah Chundoo Loll, and dwelt particularly on the waste of the public resources in bribery, for the support of liis power. He said that the whole of the Nizam's family was bribed ; and of his own, he declared not only that every servant that he had was in Chundoo Lolfs pay, but that even his own mother-in-law sent that minister a daily account of the occur- rences of the inmost recesses of his (Mooneer-ool Moolk's) house. Of the general truth of what he said on this subject I have no doubt, having always received similar information from various quarters. 6. During his discourse on the state of the country, I availed myself of the opportunity to endeavour to impress on his mind, with a view also to its possible communication to the Nizam, a correct notion of the real nature, object, and extent of our inter- ference in the affairs of his government. I knew that reports, exactly such as under such circumstances might be expected, had gone abroad, of our present measures being only a prelude to taking entire possession of the country as a British possession : I therefore explained to him that our actual interposition was precisely with an opposite view, and in order to save the Nizam from such a result, which, in the way in which ruin was pro- ceeding, would have been inevitable. I further explained, that as soon as any assurance could be obtained that oppression would cease, our interference would be immediately relin- quished as unnecessary and useless. I have repeatedly held out the same pledge to Rajah Chundoo Loll, when he has of- fered temporary opposition to measures which I have recom- mended as essential ; and I hope to see the day, when this pledge may be safely redeemed. I hold the same language to all persons who communicate with me on the subject, in anti- cipation of the suspicions which, with or without interference, the natives of India are universally inclined to entertain, judg- ing from the events of our history, without being able to dis- cern their causes. 7. This visit from Mooneer-ool Moolk has doubtless been considered as the commencement of an intrigue against Chun- doo Loll. From the alarm which it produced in the mind of the latter, he must have entertained a similar apprehension. I have endeavoured to persuade him, that he has no reason to dread any serious consequences. One of his observations was remarkable : " What can Mr. Metcalfe do, however much in- " clined to support me, if the Nizam himself proposes my dis- " missal ?" This was before Mooneer-ool Moolk's visit, and 175 it seems that Chundoo Loll must liave apprehended that such a communication tVoni the Nizam was in contemplation. My own belief is, that this fear is without ground ; and I am happy to say, that Mooneer-ool Moolk did not hint, in the most distant manner, at the probability of the Nizam's entertaining such an intention. 8. Mooneer-ool Moolk has since informed me by message, that the Nizam was much pleased with the assurances which our conversation had enabled him to carry to his highness, of my attachment to his highness's interests, and of the friendly disposition of the British Government ; that the Nizam ex- pressed much gratification at Mooneer-ool Moolk's commu- nication of the result of his visit, I hear, also, from other quarters: but why he should particularly be so I know not, for there was nothing in my communications to Mooneer-ool Moolk, which his highness might not have heard long ago through Chundoo Loll. I am uncertain, therefore, as to what I may infer from this information. I have, &c. Hyderabad, (Signed) C. T. Metcalfe, 9th August, 1822. Resident. For what purpose was the above letter written, but to prepare the government for the contemplated substitution of Mooneer-ool Moolk, who was to be Mr. Metcalfe's creature, for Chundoo Loll, who acknowledged fealty only to the British power, but not to its capricious abuse in the hands of an irresponsible representative ? The eiFect of this visit at Hyderabad may be easily conceived. Tliat it was achieved by Mr. Metcalfe no rational person can doubt. So conscious is he of this necessary conclusion, that he himself states, " that the visit has doubtless been considered as " the commencement of an intrigue against Chundoo Loll.'" At length, on the 3 Lst August, in the fifty-seventh paragraph of that apparently rambling but designing despatch, he proves his eager anticipation of the dismissal of Chundoo Loll, by asking the government xtjhether^ in the event of the Nizam proposi^ig such a measure to him, he is to receive the intimation favourably, or otherwise P This denoted a foreoone conckision in Mj-. Metcalfe's mind. 176 He had, in the fifty-fourth paragraph of the same despatch, given it as his opinion, " that the conduct best suited to " the ciramistayiccs, 'would be to court the good 'will of the " Nizam himself, in ^preference to any of his servants.^^ That Mr. Metcalfe should have hazarded the expression of such an opinion, after the character which had been given of that strange personage by himself, as well as by all his prede- cessors, accredited to that court, can only be accounted for in connection with his ulterior object. He offers no explanation whatever of this new point of view in which he would exhibit the Nizam. It is impossible to doubt, that he already held the minister's dismissal to be certain, con- scious as he was, that it only required a hint being conveyed to the Nizam to ensure the proposition being made. In the thirty-third to the thirty-sixth paragraph of the same despatch, he rings the changes on the supposed removal of Chundoo Loll, and entertains the government with sundry speculations on the result of that event. But the concluding paragraph is not the least deserving of notice. It runs thus : " I have this day received intelligence of a very " extraordinary nature, which induces me to transmit it " (this despatch) witliout correction and without delay, " lest the additions and alterations I might make to it, " should receive a bias from that intelligence." What could be the news so destructive to the self-con- ti'ol of this upright statesman, that he feared to trust any longer the weapon he was wielding, lest he should distort the facts, or falsify the conclusions of his despatch ? There is something of candour, if not of prudence, or of wisdom, in the confession of his weakness. But this important in- telligence, the reader is destined to learn, was no less than that the minister had had the consummate audacity to transmit the note directly to the Governor-general in coun- cil, appealing from the Resident to the judgment of his masters. Having recruited himself in three days from the effect 177 of the intelligence alluded to, Mr. Metcalfe, on the third ^ of September, resumes his pen. This letter must be read to be appreciated. In it he states, " He has long been " aware of a plot hostile to him and his proceedings, one " part of which has been to persuade the minister, that he '* {Mr. M.) was inimical to him, and that he must look else- '* where for support" He then gives a long rigmarole story of his having called on the minister to account for his conduct ; and by his own account he appears to have so frightened the poor man, that he states him to have put up his hands in a beseeching attitude, and to have prayed to the great man to forgive him. He makes the minister say a great many things, which he adroitly and boldly says he believes to be true, or not, as suits his purpose. He puts in the minister's mouth slanderous insinuations against Messrs. Palmer and Co., and makes him accuse them as the real authors of the letter and its transmittal. He says he talked four hours with the frightened minister ; that there was, however, more good humour on his own part than he had expected, and he told the minister jocularly, " he never could forgive the trick he had plaijed him, and " that the matter went off" with a laugh on both sides." This is evidently written to divert the attention of the government from the short and simple facts, and it con- chides with the following ominous and half-threatening paragraph : — 21. " Much more conversation passed between us, than " I am able at present to relate or recollect. I may here- " after have many observations to make on the subject of " this letter ; but I await your intimation of the commands " of his Excellency the Gover?ior-ge7ieiril in council, regard- " ing the communications of Rajah Chundoo Loll through " Messrs. William Palmer and Co. The mode in which they " have been received, will either render necessary a very dis- " agreeable detail, or will relieve me from that necessity. It * Hyd. Pap. p. 220. N 178 " will also decide, to Chmidoo Loll's conviction, what his ," conduct shows to be at present doid)tful in his mi7id ; i. e. " whether the Resident, or the firm of William Palmer and " Co., be the real representative of the British governmejit " at this court." If any evidence were wanting of tlie state of mind in which Mr. Metcalfe wrote his Reports of 31st August, and the 3d September, it is furnished by himself in the following despatch, written two days after the latter had been sent off. To G. Swinton, Secretary to Government, Fort William. Sir, I hasten to correct a mistake into which I have fallen in my report of the 31st ultimo. 1 observed therein, that I had not discovered any explicit instructions on my records for the Resident's giving his support to the minister Chundoo Loll. I have this instant met with a despatch, under my own signature, conveying very ex})licit instructions on that point, and I wonder how it before escaped my notice and recollection. I hope that the Governor-general in council will excuse this inadvertency. I have, &c. Hyderabad, (Signed) C.T.Metcalfe. 5th September, 1822. A singular confession truly ! — He had, at that time, been the representative of the British government at the Nizam's court, for nearly two years. During that period he had taken upon himself a most active and offensive direct interference in the internal government of the coun- try; — a conduct not only directly opposed to that of his predecessor, but to the express orders of the supreme government, penned and communicated by himself. And at the end of this period, he confesses to have never given 179 himself the trouble to ascertain the first and most important duty of his office, the very foundation on which the tone, demeanour, and conduct he was to observe towards the Nizam's minister, were to be constructed. That minister, he liad observed, was confessedly the most capable man in the kingdom, the firm and attached adherent to British interests, the openly avowed creature of British power, and the designated irjstrument through whom he had been told to work out the objects for which he was himself sent to Hyderabad. These letters called fordi the following reply from the Governor-general in council. (Enclosure No. 4. in Bengal Political Letter of 20th December 1822.) To C. T. Metcalfe, Esq., Resident at Hyderabad.* Sir, 1. Your letters of the 31st August, and 3d and 5th Septem- ber, have been hvid before the Governor-general in Council, and I am directed to communicate the observations which oc- curred on their perusal. 2. In the second paragraph of your first letter you say, that " you suppose our interference in the Nizam's affairs to be not *' merely right, but also a duty, arising out of our supremacy " in India, which imposes on us the obligation of maintaining " the tranquillity of all countries connected with us ; and^ " consequently, of protecting the people from oppression, aa " no less necessary than the guaranteeino- of their rulers against " revolution." The assumption of our possessing an universal supremacy in India, involving such rights as you have de- scribed, is a mistake. Over states which have, by particular engagements, rendered themselves professedly feudatory, the British Government does exercise supremacy; but it never has been claimed, and certainly never has been acknowledged in the case of Native Powers standing within the denomination of allies. Although a virtual supremacy may, undoubtedly, be said to exist in the British Government, from the inability of other states to contend with its strength, the making such a superiority a principle singly sufficient for any exertion of our will, would be to misapply that strength, and to pervert it to tyrannic purposes. Hyd. Pap. N 2 . 180 3. In your third paragragh you observe, " the only refuge " of a people intolerably vexed, is in emigration or insurrec- " tion ; and as we secure the Nizam's government against re- " hellion, it seems to be incumbent on us to save his subjects " from grievous oppression." The argument of supremacy having been set aside, nothing but the tenour of some special engagement could render us liable to the call, or allot to us the title for such interposition. Our treaties, characterising the Nizam as an independent sovereign, authorise no such latitude. When, for our private views, that prince was constrained to support a body of our troops, to be stationed near his capital, the then government disguised the interested oppressiveness of making him pay a portion of our army for holding him in thraldom, by a sturdy declaration, that his highness had spon- taneously sought the aid of a subsidiary force to secure his person and territories. The veil thus thrown over our policy required that any stipulations which could mark the prostration of his power should be forborne, so that, in appearance, he legitimately retained his freedom. The measure, however, really placed him at our mercy. It was hardly to be imagined that our advantage would not be abused, and it was abused : the independence which the very conditions of the compact recognised and pledged us to respect, was set at nought. Gradual but unequivocal encroachments on the Nizam's just authority were perceived by the honourable court, and a more becoming system was enjoined. The Governor-general in council laboured to introduce it; — a work of no small difficulty when the country was so disorganised ; — and having established an understanding with Rajah Chundoo Loll for the correction and future conduct of affairs, (this government, in return, binding itself to support that minister,) the Resident was directed to adopt a course of conciliatory counsel, instead of those starts of despotic dictation which had before been in use. That limited degree of interference would still be objectionable, but for the common interest between the two governments, that his highneas's territories should be restored to prosperity: yet even that excuse would be insufficient, were not our in- fluence to be managed with delicacy, and to be unavowed. Such is the distinct nature of our relations with the Nizam ; and a disregard of its terms would be no less repugnant to ge- neral principles, than to the orders of this government. 4. Paragraphs four and five plead necessity for our inter- position, because the Nizam does not rule his subjects with equity and prudence. The fact of mal-administration is un- questionable, and must be deplored. Does that, however, de- cide the mode in which alteration is to be effiected? Where is our right to determine, that the amount of the evil is such as 181 to demand our taking the remedy into our hands ? His lord- ship in council observes, that the necessity stated is altogether constructive. Were such a pretence allowable, a powerful state would never want a colour for subjugating a weak neigh- bour. The consequence is so obvious, that no principle in the law of nations leaves room for acting on such a presumption. It is admitted, that if convulsions rage so violently in one state, as clearly to threaten the excitation of ferment in a bordering one, the latter may be justified in reducing to order the nation by which its tranquillity was menaced. This, however, is an ex- treme case, at the same time that it is of a description strictly defined. No analogy exists between indisputable exigency and an asserted convenience, where vague arbitrary charges, if to- lerated as a ground of procedure, would furnish ready pretext for the foulest usurpations. The Governor-General in council contemplates with pleasure, throughout the subsequent paragraphs, uniform indications of that zeal and excellent intention, for which perfect credit has been constantly given to you. Where the measures flowing from that solicitude to bring into regularity the course of the Nizam's government, and to produce comfort among his high- ness's people, have been carried to an undesirable length, it has arisen from their being founded on the erroneous sup-, position detailed in the paragraphs before noticed, and the ex- planation now signified to you would prevent their being pushed still further. Nevertheless, it is deemed expedient to communicate some more precise observations for your future guidance. 6. After reading the despatch in question, it was with more pain than surprise that the Governor-General in council pon- dered on your inculpatory allusions to Rajah Chundoo Loll. Their source was easily conceivable. To his lordship's appre- hension, the renitence of that minister in certain instances, which you have regarded in the light of a deliberate and cor- rupt counteraction of your plans, is sufficiently accounted for as an unpremeditated hesitation. While it was not unnatural for you to slide into that misconstruction, when you believed yourself invested with authority to overrule his conduct, it was equally venial in him to be staggered by such a tone, when he had been apprised that we disclaimed any arbitrary sway, and should only point out to his judgment the measures which ap- peared to this government to be requisite and efficacious for his master's benefit. He had been taught that he was, in his sovereign's behalf, to govern the country, hearkening only, in that occupation, to the counsels of the Resident ; and that, attaching to him a direct responsibility, we would uphold him, «o long as he displayed a just and provident rule. Procedures N 3 182 . inconsistent with this assurance must have been no less perplex- ing than wounding to him, and his embarrassment would ap- pear to you ill-will. A striking illustration is furnished by your letter. In the twenty-sixth paragraph you mention, that the British officers acting under you, and charged with the duty of receiving, in the districts over which they were re- spectively placed, appeals of the cultivators against any exac- tions attempted by the native functionaries, were " also autho- " rised and directed to give their attention to the suppression " of depredations, robberies, and such crimes as atfect the " safety of the community." The first duty was of very deli- cate discharge. With regard to that which was superadded, a more ostentatious assumption of the government could not well be imagined ; nor is it easy to figure to one-self any other case, which would in an equal degree agitate Rajah Cfsundoo Loll ; first, as it inspired doubts of the British government's sincerity ; secondly, as it exposed him to the probable indig- nation of his master, to whom his acquiescence in the exercise of such unlicensed power, would not fail to be represented with distorted features. 7. Much as the Governor-general in council regrets a step so completely at variance with the principles which he had laid down, he is aware that it cannot be retracted suddenly, with- out the alterations being attributed to a disapprobation notified by this government. As it is the Governor-general's wish that your possessing his entire confidence should never be doubted, the arrangement must remain as it is, for so long as it shall be thought by you really necessary according to your views ; and its abrogation hereafter should be gradual. In the mean time, the Governor- General in council must require your holding a vigilant eye over those very young and inexperienced indivi- duals, to whom that important superintendence is delegated. You must be sensible, that the possession of a power, large in proportion as it is vmdefined, may readily lead to a flippant parade of it, than which nothing could be more revolting to natives of consequence ; you must, therefore, check austerely any unnecessary exhibition of superiority. 8. His lordship in council notices, in paragraph nine, your observation, that the Nizam having withdrawn himself entirely from public business, and the first minister, Mooneer-ool Moolk, being a cypher, the government rests wholly in the bauds of Rajah Chundoo Loll. The terms in which this is mentioned, would seem to infer its being a circumstance to be lamented. It appears to have escaped you, that the non-interlerence of Mooneer-ool Moolk was stipulated, whether providentially or not, by this government. Our concurrence in the elevation of Moneer-ool Moolk was obtained by him on the condition 183 tliat he should take no share in the current transactions of the state, we being unable to place reliance on his dispositions towards us. The Nizam was satisfied with the ostensible ap- pointment of a prime minister, while this Government reposed itself on the experienced attachment of Rajah Chundoo Loll, the second in office, who was destined to be the efficient per- son. His qualifications for the office will not be questionable, since you have described him as the man the most competent in the whole country for the situation, on the score of ability. The position of Chundoo Loll, however, was too slippery to allow of his undertaking, without a specific engagement from the Governor-general in council for his security, those rough corrections which the disorders of the state required; and this Government, reluctant so to bind itself, was tardy in yielding to the necessity of stimulating him to these vigorous efforts, on the pledge of faithful support. The promise was at length given, and was answered by the desired exertions. Certainly the full amount of advantages speculated upon by Chundoo Loll, from the measures adopted in concert with this Govern- ment, was not realized. The probability of miscalculation, to some extent, in arrangements so novel and so complicated, was foreseen. Yet the Rajah did act with all the energy ex- pected from him ; did disband the licentious soldiery, which trampled on the ryots ; did displace those chiefs of districts who had practised extortion, or had connived at predatory associations ; did remove the immediate danger of commotion, thereby affording time for the application of those more per- manently effectual remedies, which 3'ou were instructed to fashion with him. Against this actual fulfilment of a difficult and meritorious service, you urge the insincerity of Rajah Chundoo Loll, his unfeelingness towards the people, and his rapacious pursuit of undue gains. The habits of the country are apt so far to vitiate the character, that it would not be easy to find a native in high station untinctured with such faults. The Governor-general in council, however, cannot conceal his persuasion, that somewhat of prejudice, arising from your belief in his studied opposition, leads you to impute to him those defects on an exaggerated scale. The frequent repeti- tion of those charges in general terms, charges so little conso- nant to any former accounts of that minister, impress the con- clusion. An indulgence of such adverse leanings may be of great inconvenience, since it is indispensable that you should work with Chundoo Loll. After his performance of that which was prescribed to him by this Government, it would be the deepest "stain to British honour, were he left to the ruin which must follow the discontinuance of our plighted support. 9. The above remarks are irresistibly demanded, in the opi- N 4 184 nl