su MOVEL For O> For T^ For TI For FC For SL For T\ UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA AT LOS ANGELES IN Ml BERNAI LMORIAM ID MOSES j from Photo, by fallc, Sydiiej.] LI FE SIR HENRY PARKES G.C.M.G. Australian Statesman CHARLES E. LYNE (Formerly of the Sydney Morning Herald) AUTHOR OF INDUSTRIES OF NEW SOUTH WALES," "NEW GUINEA," ETC., ETC. WITH ILLUSTRATIONS T. FISHER UNWIN PATERNOSTER BUILDINGS 1897 [ENGLISH EDITION] u. /* nz. TO THE MEMORY OF tr THIS BOOK IS AFFECTIONATELY INSCRIBED. 213134 PBEFACE. THE following pages have been written in the belief that a biography of Sir Henry Parkes is called for, and that it will prove interesting and instructive to all who appreciate important public services and admire great careers. For nearly half a century Sir Henry Parkes was a conspicuous figure in Australian public life, and, for much of that period, by far the most prominent. By very many people he was regarded as Australia's greatest statesman. Primarily the labours of his long career were for the advancement of New South Wales, the colony in which his lot was more directly cast ; but many of his public acts have had a beneficial influence upon the Australasian colonies as a whole, and, in benefiting Australasia, he assisted the progress of the British Empire. Throughout his vi PREFACE. life he was loyal to the mother land. While faithful to the country of his adoption, he ever remembered that " the crimson thread of kinship runs through us all," and, foremost in the move- ment for Australian federation, the union he sought was a " union under the Crown." In many respects he was a remarkable man, with an eventful history, full of incidents attrac- tive to the ordinary reader, and of lessons useful to the student. C. E. L. SYDNEY, llth November, 1896. CONTENTS. PAGE CHAPTER I. EARLY DAYS ... 1 CHAPTER II. "STOLEN MOMENTS " ... 15 CHAPTER III. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE " EMPIRE " 20 CHAPTER IV. FIRST ELECTION TO PARLIAMENT 28 CHAPTER V. INTRODUCTION OF RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT ELECTED TO THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY ... ... ... ... ... 40 CHAPTER VI. IN THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY ... ... ... ... 51 CHAPTER VII. RETIREMENT FROM THE PARLIAMENT OF 1856 PUBLIC TESTIMONIALS 59 CHAPTER VIH. " MURMURS OF THE STREAM " ... ... ... ... ... 75 CHAPTER IX. DIFFICULTIES OF THE "EMPIRE"' ... ... ... ... 86 CHAPTER X. RE-ELECTION TO PARLIAMENT ... ... ... ... ... 95 CHAPTER XL THE SECOND PARLIAMENT UNDER RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT ... 104 CHAPTER XII. WORK IN 1858 CLOSE OF CAREER AS A JOURNALIST ... ... 115 CONTENTS. CHAPTER XIII. IN THE PARLIAMENT OF 1859 FIRST ELECTION FOR EAST SYDNEY 129 CHAPTER XIV. VISIT TO ENGLAND AS AN EMIGRATION COMMISSIONER ... ... 149 CHAPTER XV. SELECT COMMITTEE WORK 1859-1861 ... ... ... ... 171 CHAPTER XVI. IN OFFICE AS COLONIAL SECRETARY ... ... ... ... 184 CHAPTER XVII. THE PUBLIC SCHOOLS ACT OF 1866 ... ... ... ... 201 CHAPTER XVIII. THE O'FARRELL INCIDENT, AND THE "KIAMA MYSTERY" ... 221 238 CHAPTER XX. DEFEATED IN THE ASSEMBLY BUT TRIUMPHANT IN THE ELECTIONS 251 CHAPTER XXI. A YEAR OF DIFFICULTIES ... ... ... ... ... 266 CHAPTER XXII. DEFEATING THE MARTIN-ROBERTSON COALITION ... ... ... 280 CHAPTER XXIII. THE FIRST PARKES MINISTRY ... ... ... ... ... 299 CHAPTER XXIV. APPOINTING THE CHIEF JUSTICE ... .... ... ... 313 CHAPTER XXV. DEFEAT ON THE GARDINER CASK ... ... ... ... 328 CHAPTER XXVI. Two YEAKS IN OPPOSITION, AND THE SECOND PARKES MINISTRY ... 339 CHAPTER XXVII. DEFEATED AT EAST SYDNEY ... ... ... ... ... 351 CHAPTER XXVIII. AN ORATORICAL TOUR... ... ... 362 CONTENTS. CHAPTER XXIX. IN OFFICE WITH SIR JOHN ROBERTSON ... ... ... 374 CHAPTER XXX. VISIT TO ENGLAND ... ... ... ... ... ... 395 CHAPTER XXXI. RETURN TO THE COLONY FALL OF THE GOVERNMENT ON THE LAND QUESTION ... ... ... ... ... ... 415 CHAPTER XXXII. POLITICS AND POETRY ... ... ... ... ... ... 432 CHAPTER XXXIII. Two NOTABLE ELECTIONS ARGYLE AND ST. LEONARDS .. ... 446 CHAPTER XXXIV. THE FLAG OF FREE TRADE ... ... ... 459 CHAPTER XXXV. THE LEGISLATION OF Two IMPORTANT YEARS ... ... ... 474 CHAPTER XXXVI. PRIME MINISTER FOR THE FIFTH TIME, AND AUSTRALIAN FEDERATION ... ... 487 CHAPTER XXXVII. PROGRESS OF THE FEDERATION MOVEMENT, AND RESIGNATION OF THE GOVERNMENT ... ... 502 CHAPTER XXXVHI. FROM LEADER TO PRIVATE MEMBER ... ... 512 CHAPTER XXXIX. "FRAGMENTARY THOUGHTS," AND " SONNETS " 524 CHAPTER XL. FEDERALIST FIRST AMD FREETRADER AFTERWARDS CHAPTER XLI. THE ELECTIONS OF 1895 AN HEROIC STRUGGLE ... ... ... 544 CHAPTER XLH. ILLNESS AND DEATH RETROSPECTIVE 555 CHAPTER XLIII. 562 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. PAGE 1. PORTRAIT OF SIR HENRY PARKES ... ... (Frontispiece) 2. CANLEY MOAT HOUSE, STONELEIGH, WARWICKSHIRE THE HOUSE IN WHICH SIR HENRY PARKES WAS BORN ... 9 3. PORTRAIT OF MR. THOMAS PARKES, FATHER OF SIR HENRY PARKES ... ... ... ... ... 42 4 PORTRAITS SHOWING SIR HENRY PARKES AT DIFFERENT PERIODS OF HIS LIFE ... ... ... ... ... 302 5. " FAULCONBRIDGE " MOUNTAIN RESIDENCE OF SIR HENRY PARKES ... ... ... ... ... ... 398 6. SIR HENRY PARKES AND SIR JOHN ROBERTSON ... ... 420 7. FAC-SIMILE OF POEM, "THE BURIED CHIEF" (SiR JAMES MARTIN) ... ... ... ... ... ... 443 8. SIR HENRY PARKES AND HIS DOG, MAORI .. ... ... 488 9. FAC-SIMILE OF LETTER TO SIR HENRY PARKES FROM LORD TENNYSON ... ... ... ... ... ... 525 10. " KENILWORTH," ANNANDALE, SYDNEY THE HOUSE IN WHICH SIR HENRY PARKES DIED ... 560 CHAPTER I. EARLY DATS. THE boyhood of Sir Henry Parkes was spent in the Parish of Stoneleigh, Warwickshire, England, where he was born in the year 1815. The son of an English farmer, the most dearly remembered pleasures of his childhood, he once told a country audience, were enjoyed in an old English farmhouse, situated "in the centre of England, only a few miles from the birthplace of Shakespeare, and within sight of the historical spires of Coventry." From a boy he was a hard worker. Misfortune befalling his parents in his young life, at eight years of age he was compelled to earn his own living, and from that period to the end of his days, he was, either with his hands or his brains, one of the world's toilers. This obligation to labour during his childhood and his early manhood, was an insuperable obstacle to his obtaining a suitable education ; but he did what other remarkable men have done in their youth : he read every book within his reach, and reflected upon what he read, and he strove generally HABITS OF SELF-HELP. to so inform himself that his mind should be familiar with everything going on around him. To the full extent of his power he cultivated habits of constant and careful reading and thinking, and with such success that though, at times, a want of educational polish was noticeable in his public utterances, they were remarkable for the wide range of information over which they extended, for their strong grasp of principles, and generally for the intelligent and convincing method employed in dealing with the subject under consideration. In respect of his being essentially a self-taught man, able to supply the deficiencies resulting from the want of proper educational training, so that he might with personal success and public advantage use his natural ability, he stood alone among the public men of New South Wales, and probably of Australia. Men who were prominent in the early public life of New South Wales are, in comparison with those of the present day, sometimes regarded as giants. The comparison is extreme but not extravagant. Parkes, Wentworth, Lang, Cowper, Martin, Robert- son and Dalley, are names which in the history of the colony will always stand high above those of their fellows. Others have been as much before the public, but none have planted themselves as firmly in the estimation of the community, or are so dis- tinctly inscribed upon the roll of famous Australians. A nation had been born only a few years before these great colonists appeared in the country, and it fell largely to them to secure its welfare and progress both in its youth and in its maturity. AS A BIRMINGHAM MECHANIC. Sir Henry Parkes landed in Sydney in the capacity of an ordinary British workman, healthy and strong in mind and body, but poor in pocket. He sometimes told a public assembly of how useful to him was the finding of a sixpence in one of the streets of Sydney soon after he set foot for the first time on Australian soil. Previous to his coming to New South Wales he followed the occupation of a Birmingham mechanic, a worker in ivory ; and a glimpse of his life in the great English manu- facturing town may be caught in the picture presented by some lines entitled, " Home of a Birmingham Artisan, twenty years ago," which appear in a small volume of poems he published in 1857 :- " One of a brick-built row in street retired, A lowly dwelling, so for comfort plann'd, No foot of room was lost ; in nothing grand ; Yet wanting nought which humble heart desired. Parlour, with creeping plants the window wired, The furniture soilless kept by woman's hand, In summer like some nook of fairyland, For winter nights, well hearth-rugg'd and coal-fired. Snug kitchen in the rear, with childhood's sports Gracing the threshold, and the home-cured flitch Within fair picture 'gainst the poor man's wall ! Ope to a garden-plot, not crowded courts. Such our mechanic's home ; nor wanted stitch His decent clothing ; and content blessed all." He arrived in the colony in 1839, an immigrant, with little to bind him to the land he had left but the ties of birthplace and kindred, and with nothing to temper the discouragements surrounding a stranger in a strange land but the hope of being A BOUNTY IMMIGRANT. able to find a more comfortable livelihood in a young and necessarily progressive community than seemed possible in England. He was what was called a " bounty immigrant." In those days two classes of immigrants came to New South Wales : Government immigrants and bounty immigrants. The former were brought to Sydney at the expense of the Government ; the latter came at the instance of the captains or agents of the ships which carried them, a bounty being paid the ships' representatives for each person whose qualifications were in accord with the Government regulations. The Govern- ment immigrants, on arrival, were provided with quarters in the Immigration Barracks, which were situated on the site of the present Government Printing Office, and there they were allowed to remain for a fortnight during which they were available for hire. The bounty immigrants were not so fortunate. No quarters were provided for them at the Immigration Barracks, and their only provision against discomfort, or, it might be, want, was the chance of immediate employment or the possession of a little money. Thus it was that on July 27th, 1839, the day after the barque Strath- fieldsaye entered Port Jackson with 203 immigrants on board, including Henry Parkes and his wife, and one child born off Cape Howe, this paragraph ap- peared in the Sydney Herald : " IMMIGRATION. The following is an abstract of the immi- grants by the ship Strathfieldsaye, which arrived on Thursday, and is now lying off Walker's Wharf : 29 married and 54 single farm labourers and shepherds ; one married and 4 single carpenters; SEARCHING FOR EMPLOYMENT. one single printer; 3 single gardeners; and one lawyer, one shoemaker, ONE TURNER, one painter, one whitesmith, one saddler, and one mason all married ; 21 dairymaids and female farm servants; 9 house servants and 2 needlewomen singlewomen. These people having arrived by a bounty ship are not allowed by the Governor to enter the building erected for the use of immi- grants, and therefore we earnestly recommend those persons who are in want of servants to engage them as early as possible in order to prevent them from falling into that distress which is inevitable if they remain long disengaged." The young immigrant he was but 24 years of age suffered many hardships during the first few years after his arrival in Sydney. It was not easy for him to obtain permanent and suitable employ- ment, and he followed two or three occupations before he was, in colonial parlance, able to settle down. After wandering about Sydney for several days he engaged himself as a labourer on the estate of the late Sir John Jamison, at Regentville, near Penrith, where he obtained the experience he was sometimes heard to say he possessed of washing sheep. Then he obtained employment in an iron- mongery store, and afterwards in an iron foundry ; and for a short period he was a tidewaiter in the Department of the Customs. The last-named position he relinquished in consequence of the results of his drawing prominent attention to what he regarded as malpractices or improprieties in some of the proceedings connected with the work of the Department. Subsequently he betook himself to the trade he had acquired in England. Having apprenticed himself in Birmingham to an ivory and bone turner, AN IVORY AND BONE TURNER. he had learned to use the lathe with skill and effec- tiveness ; and now with a little money he had saved during the time he had been in the colony he opened a small turner's shop, first in Kent-street, and after- wards in Hunter-street, Sydney. In an old Directory the City of Sydney Di- rectory for 1844-45 there is the name of " Henry Parkes, Ivory and Bone Turner, Kent-street." In a second edition of the same publication, issued in 1847, but dealing with matters as they were in the year previous, there is, among a list of fourteen persons of similar occupation, the name of " Henry Parkes, Ivory and Bone Turner, 25 Hunter-street, " and in another part of the Directory an advertise- ment of " Henry Parkes, Ivory and Toy Manu- facturer, No. 25 Hunter-street," informing the public that he always had on hand a long list of fancy and useful little articles made from ivory or bone. Few people now know where in Hunter-street this little shop was situated, for not many are alive who can remember the little shop-window showing a lathe, and a tall, strongly built young man, with a remarkable head and thoughtful countenance, hard at work behind it, and a stall-board in front of him containing the articles which were the products of his labour. It stood one door from Hamilton Lane, close to Pitt-street, and until very recently a building of the same kind, which adjoined it, was still in existence, unaltered from what it was fifty years ago. Small in size, quaint in appear- ance, and encroaching upon the footpath, this relic of the old days was very different from what is THE LATHE AND THE NEWSPAPER. 7 usual in the modern style of business architecture ; and with an assortment of goods in the window somewhat varied from the curiosities it contained, the shop of the turner of 1846 could easily have been recognised. From this place of business Henry Parkes removed GO a shop built for him, and still standing, on the opposite side of Hunter-street, and near to the George-street corner, where he continued the manufacture and sale of fancy goods until journalism bent his energies in another and more important direction. But while in the modest structure near Hamilton Lane, and long before a journalistic career was decided upon, it was a common thing to see the young turner hard at work at his lathe, with, more frequently than not, by his side or on the bench in front of him, the newspaper, which as his work would allow, he intently perused. In those days newspapers were neither so plentiful nor so easily obtained as they are now, and the future statesman was obliged to borrow the journal and read it as he worked. Even at the present time this habit of reading in the opportunities afforded by his work is spoken of in terms of admiration by some who observed him at that struggling period. Round about him in his little establishment, displayed for sale, was the collection of useful and fancy articles, most of which his handiness at the lathe had produced billiard and bagatelle balls, chess and backgammon men, card-counters and whist-markers, ivory and bone whistles, paper knives, ladies' needle- 8 CONSCIOUSNESS OF FUTURE EMINENCE. cases, egg-cups, knitting-pins, children's rattles, humming-tops, cups and balls, studs, buttons, all kinds of little things which a turner in ivory and bone manufactures ; and in the production of such articles he was occupied day after day. He was, however, no ordinary man, and those who were most intimate with him at that date, have asserted this most emphatically. One who knew him well, and can describe the interesting circumstances of the purchase by him of two whale's teeth, which he afterwards turned into bagatelle balls, declares that at all times he was in appearance and in manner superior to the usual type of men. His dress was better than that generally met with, and his bearing reserved and thoughtful. A story is told of him which is typical of his whole career. Tn the early lives of most distinguished men there have been incidents which have indicated their future prominence, and such are to be found in the early history of Sir Henry Parkes. Having assisted at the first election of Aldermen in the City Council, the part he had taken in the proceedings led a neighbouring tradesman to remark to him, in a conversation upon the result of the election " Well, Mr. Parkes, we must put you up for Councillor." " Mr, Smith," said the future Prime Minister, drawing himself erect, and speaking in a lofty and, as subsequent events proved, prophetic tone, " if ever I put up for anything it will be for something higher than Councillor ; " and Mr. Smith's well meant intention came summarily to an end. _ 2 r -Jr. OPPORTUNITY FOR ACTION. This apparent consciousness of future high position in the colony, which in various circum- stances would assert itself, combined with a manner that stamped him as superior to most of his fellows, prevented him from being generally liked. He was respected, he compelled respect, as he did through- out his life ; but for a time he did not make many friends. When he left England that country was in the midst of the Chartist agitation, the English labor- ing classes clamouring for reform with a view to improve their means of existence, and threatening A revolution if they were not granted what they asked ; and it was somewhat singular, and, as events proved, appropriate, that he should land in New South Wales amongst a people who not long after- wards were agitating vigorously for the redress of their grievances and not altogether averse to resorting to physical force if their demands were not satisfied. No better opportunity for the employment of a strong mind of pronounced liberal tendency than that apparent at the period of Henry Parkes' arrival in the colony, could have presented itself to the young immigrant. New South Wales was in its early youth, almost its infancy. It had passed through the worst of the experiences which attended the transportation system, and was commencing the struggle to free itself from any further taint of convictism. The>e was manifesting itself a deep dt sire for the purifi- cation of society, and for the introduction of free 10 NEW SOUTH WALES IN 1839. institutions. It was beginning to be felt that the time had arrived when the community should cast off the fetters with which Imperial policy and officialism had bound it, and assert its ability and its right to go on in its own way regardless of all but that which conduced to its prosperity. The cry for self-government was heard. Years had yet to pass before the darkness of the system which then oppressed the colony was to give way to the light of better things, but signs of the approaching dawn were beginning to appear. The general picture presented by the community at this period was not pleasing. There was a Legislative Council in existence, but the Governor was paramount in it, and possessed powers that made him virtually an autocrat. Transported felons were to be seen at work in the streets, and at the prison barracks, which the present generation of colonists know as the Court of Bankruptcy and formerly as the Immigration Barracks, the type of convict depicted in the vivid pages of " His Natural Life " might easily have been found. The gaol fronted George-street, in the neighbourhood of Essex-street, and the populace were in the habit of congregating above Essex-street, on what was called Gallows Hill, to witness the public execution of condemned criminals. Society was in a very unsatisfactory state. In Sydney there was an unpleasant distinction of classes, unavoidable perhaps in the circumstances of the population being small and the convict element extensive, but excessively irritating to the respect- PREVALENCE OF CRIME. 11 able immigrant unconnected with officialdom and untainted by the committal of any offence against the law. Bushranging was very prevalent. " The arm of Justice has not been stayed," said the Governor, Sir George Gipps, at the meeting of the Legislative Council on June llth, 1839, "for during the last Session the last sentence of the Law was passed upon eleven unfortunate beings, and acting under the advice of the Executive Council only two of these have been spared. Five have been executed, and four have been respited, because they asserted they could prove an alibi, but that having failed they are destined to meet the same fate as the others." The burden of the Governor's address on this occasion was crime and it, punishment. " I believe," he declared, "it is too true that many deeds of rapine, blood, and villainy have lately been com- mitted, and that there are now more armed depre- dators roaming about the colony than there have been for some months." Not very long before Dr. Wardell, a prominent colonist, was shot dead in an encounter with bushrangers on his private grounds in what is now the populous suburb of Petersham. The City of Sydney and its environs were in a very primitive condition. There was no Circular Quay in existence. What is now a long line of well-appointed wharfs was, for most of its extent, a beach or muddy shore with the creek or water-course known as the Tank Stream flowing into it. Pinchgut (Fort Denison of to-day) was a rocky barren islet. Sydney 12 A BIT OF OLD SYDNEY. Cove, the site of the present Circular Quay, con- tained on the western side a wharf known as the Queen's Wharf, and another called Campbell's Wharf, and there were a few other wharfs scattered around Miller's Point and Darling Harbour. At the rear of Upper Fort-street was Walker's Wharf where Henry Parkes first landed on Australian soil. The English and Foreign commerce of the Port for the most part was carried on in vessels so small that at the present day they would be considered as almost too insignificant for trading between the colonies. Where the Town Hall and St. Andrew's Cathedral now raise their stately towers the old burial place of the colony stood, closed from further interments but intact, with quaint-looking weather- worn gravestones crowding the ground, and a brick wall which surrounded the cemetery projecting far into the street. This locality, in fact, so limited in extent was Sydney then, might be regarded as at that period quite out of town. St. Philip's Church crested the summit of Church Hill as it does now, and as the gaol and the principal military barracks were in close proximity, both prisoners and soldiers were in the habit of attending divine worship there. Charlotte Place was the chief official quarter of the town, and between Jamieson -street and Barrack - street, and facing George-street for almost the whole of that distance, the military barracks were situated. The Church generally in the colony had begun to .exert itself by the formation of religious organi- sations, but its efforts for the good of society were GENERAL WANT OF PROGRESS. 13 as yet very feeble. State aid to religion was in existence, and " Church and State, and may they never be separated," was a standard sentiment with Churchmen. Newspapers were in their infancy, and though they displayed no small degree of ability, were out- spoken, and exercised a certain influence, they had not at that period entered upon a career of con- tinuous and solid advantage to the community. Education had not been brought under a general and beneficial system, and schools were few, and for the most part inefficient. The Irish National System, which was subsequently introduced and retained until the present Public Schools came into existence, was being talked about, but some years had to pass before it was brought into operation. The future author of the Public Schools Act could see before him a clear field for the efforts which in 1866 were to lay for his name the foundation of an immortality. The Drama, so far as it had been introduced into the colony, was in its earliest days. " The Theatre," said a newspaper notice of the period, " re-opens this evening, and if we may judge from the piece that is to be played the same description of trash that was brought out last season will be repeated." " If," it went on to say, " the ' Tempter,' and such pieces are kept up through the season it will have the effect of driving the few respectable people who still go to the theatre entirely away." And, proceeding to allude to the manner in which the performances were conducted, the notice remarked, " Generally speaking the tragedy or comedy is presented to the 14 FIELDS FOR FUTURE WORK. public without any care having been taken either as to the dresses or scenery, and the whole of the * business ' is managed in the most slovenly manner." The railway, the telegraph wire, rapid and safe communication between one place and another, were dreams of the future. The country was in a large measure little better than a wilderness, but pre- senting opportunities of the highest kind for the guiding hand of the future Member of the Legis- lature and Minister of the Crown. CHAPTER II. " STOLEN MOMENTS." IN 1842 Sir Henry Parkes published his first volume of Poems under the title " Stolen Moments," with the quotation from Coleridge " Stolen From anxious Self, life's cruel taskmaster," and dedicated to Lieutenant-Colonel Gibbes " as a faint token of gratitude for services rendered." Colonel Gibbes was a friend of Henry Parkes. At the time of his employment in the Customs Depart- ment Colonel Gibbes was its head, and after the honest but perhaps indiscreet tidewaiter had left the service his chief, not forgetful of his merits, gave him high testimonials which he spoke of with satisfaction to his last day. The book is interesting because it gives an in- sight into the writer's character, and some represen- tation of his circumstances at the time when the poems appeared in this collected form. Most of them, the author tells us, in the preface to the little book, had seen the light previously in periodical publi- cations in Australia or in England. Of those which had been published in New South Wales all but one 16 PROGRESS IN THREE YEARS. had filled a place in the columns of the Australasian Chronicle, a newspaper at that time under the editorship of the late Mr. W. A. Duncan, and the one exception had appeared in the Sydney (now the Sydney Morning Herald). The expense of printing the little volume would seem to have been defrayed by subscription, for the book contains a long list of subscribers. As it appeared in 1842, the date of its publication was just three years after the author had arrived in the colony, and his ability to obtain the support of such a large number of persons as the list of subscribers represents, some of them men occupying positions among the highest in the land, indicates that in spite of adverse circumstances he had contrived to make himself both known and respected in the community. In his preface he expressed the hope that his modest efforts to court the Muse might be of some little service to the cause of Australian Literature, by encouraging " some Australian bard to seize in earnest the unstrung lyre of his beautiful country," but though the desire to assist any legitimate literary enterprise may have been the incentive which elicited the support of some of the subscribers, most of them must have had a personal knowledge of, and some regard for, the writer. Evidently he had begun to make his way, and to prepare for the bolder movements and the higher flights in which his progressive mind and his strong will were to be engaged in the future. His subsequent success as a journalist with the Empire newspaper un- doubtedly owed something to his efforts in writing AN EMIGRANT SHIP OF THE OLD TIMES. 17 verse, for these efforts, and the occasional production of prose articles, were perseveringly carried on for many years. Some of the poems in " Stolen Moments " were written in Birmingham in 1834, when the age of the writer could not have been more than nineteen. Others were written in London in 1838. Nearly all, he said, were put together " in moments literally stolen from the time occupied by the ordinary duties of a not over-happy life," and a study of some of them will show how true this statement was. In some " Retrospective Lines, written on the passage from England to Australia in the year 1839," we get a picture of an emigrant ship such as he journeyed in to Australia. " To complete the wretchedness of the crowded hole," he says, in a note, alluding to the 'tween deck experiences on board the vessel, " in which three or four hundred human beings are pent together for the space of four months, the ear is incessantly assailed by the coarse ex- pressions and blasphemies of the profligate ; and the eye, let it turn where it will, is offended by some malignity or unnecessary unpleasantness in the con- duct of those around." We learn from the same " Lines " something of his habits in early manhood. As already mentioned, he was an ardent pursuer of knowledge. Whilst Avorking hard for a livelihood as a mechanic : o " I mingled with the blessed few Of Nature's children whom I ever knew, Who strove with poverty, in bold pursuit Of knowledge, and of freedom its best fruit. 18 LOVE FOR ENGLAND. I have watched the children of the poor, Like Hunger's victims at the rich man's door, Who turn not from denial, jeer, or threat, But knock the louder till some bread they get, Yes ! watched them oft to wisdom's waters come, From toils ungenial, trials wearisome, Press through all obstacles, to gain the brink, Thirsting for knowledge, and resolved to drink. ***** " Though 'gainst them their country's schools were barred, Not all unblest were they with lot so hard, They had enough to make your boasters mute Their own self-reared Mechanics' Institute." His verses breathe a deep love for England. He possessed to the full that veneration for the mother country as " home " which is characteristic of most emigrants from her shores, and some of his poems manifest an intense longing to return. " It may come mine when future years are gone, Yet in beloved England to possess A home of peace, and think of all I've done, Even with a keener tranquil happiness Than if I could have passed through life with suffering less And again : " It may be here that Britons find Scenes brighter than they leave behind ; But, oh ! the counter-charm for home Is found not yet, where'er I roam O'er sea or land." Equally strong with his love for England in these " Stolen Moments " was his loyalty to the Throne, and it is rather remarkable that an ode to the young Queen Victoria, published in this unpre- tending volume, should appear as a prominent LOYALTY TO THE THRONE. 19 feature, used to considerable advantage, in an eloquent speech delivered by the author of the poem in the Legislative Assembly of New South Wales, on the occasion of his moving an address of congratu- lation to the Queen in the jubilee year of her reign, nearly fifty years after the poem was written. The lines are worth quoting for they are harmonious, picturesque, and forcible. " High-destined daughter of our country, thou Who sitt'st on England's throne in beauty's morning ! God pour His richest blessings round thee now ; And may the eyes that watch thy glory's dawning With hearts right glad and loyal, proudly scorning All that dare hostile to Victoria be, Daily behold new light thy name adorning ! So may'st thou trust thy people's love for thee, Queen of this mighty land, Protectress of the Free ! " " Stolen Moments " was published at five shillings. In 1892 in Sydney, at auction, copies of it were sold at from 5 to 7 each. CHAPTER III. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE " EMPIRE." SIR Henry Parkes was always a man of strong political opinions, in close sympathy with the people, and an earnest and active worker in all matters for the progress and development of the country. The hard lot of the working population of England which, as a very young man, he had to share, and the longing for that improvement which would make the enjoyments of life less unequally dis- tributed amongst the people, will be found depicted in his earlier poems ; and coming to New South Wales at a time when the social as well as the political condition of the colony was in some respects worse than anything of the kind in the parent land, it was natural that his early impressions should deepen, and that he should set himself to reflect how things might be altered for the better. With the wrongs in his native land, which the Chartists were struggling against just before his departure as a penniless emigrant, fresh in his memory, a consciousness that the evils which he had left need not under wise government be allowed to exist in this newly peopled country, and the mental WRITING FOR THE PRESS. 21 and physical vigour requisite for the work of reform and progress, he wanted only the means through which he might do useful public service ; and almost from his arrival in Sydney he seems to have seen those means in a well conducted liberal newspaper press. Arriving in New South Wales friendless and with- out money, it was not to be expected that he should be able to at once engage in this high occupation. It was necessary that he should first establish him- self in the community and make himself generally known. This he very quickly did. The respect and confidence, which the list of subscribers to the book of poems published in 1842 shows he had won since his landing in Sydney, were not long in extending. Gradually these feelings towards him became more pronounced and wide-spread, and though at this early period of his life he was not without enemies, he made some warm friends. As opportunity offered he took part in public movements, and he wrote occasional articles for the press, his contributions appearing in the Atlas, or in the Peoples Advocate. All this attracted attention. He became known as a clever public speaker and a capable writer. Public meetings offered facilities for the exercise and display of his oratorical powers ; in journalism he saw the way to literary success. Friends with the means which were necessary to establish a newspaper did not hesitate to come to his assistance, and in December, 1849, in premises adjoining the shop in Hunter-street, on the south side of the street, the Empire was first published. 22 THE GREAT PROTEST MEETING. A year before this he was a prominent figure in the proceedings connected with an election of members to the Legislative Council. Mr. Robert Lowe, afterwards Lord Sherbrooke, was a candidate for the City of Sydney, and Henry Parkes, attaching him- self to Mr. Lowe's committee, became one of the joint secretaries. Subsequently he interested him- self in the agitations which were taking place for the discontinuance of transportation to the colony, and for the introduction of self-government. At an open-air meeting, known afterwards as " The Great Protest Meeting," attended by 4000 persons, and held on vacant land near the Circular Quay, and in front of the old Colonial Secretary's Office, Henry Parkes was one of the principal speakers. Transportation, which for a time had ceased, had been resumed in a modified form, and the arrival of the first convict vessel under the new system was the cause of the meeting. This vessel the Hashemy entered the Heads on June 8th, 1849, and on the following day, in con- sequence of the arrival about the same date of several vessels with free immigrants on board, there was to be seen the singular and exasperating spectacle of a shipload of convicts in the midst of 1400 or 1500 newly-arrived free people. Popular feeling was deeply stirred, and a vigorously worded protest was adopted at the great public meeting. That protest, which, while expressing due loyalty to the British Crown, set forth in unmistakeably plain terms the grievance of the colonists, was written by Mr. Parkes. FIRST NUMBER OF THE "EMPIRE." 23 He was very earnest in the part he took in this anti-transportation movement. Regarding the will of the majority of the colonists in the matter as en- titled to the highest respect and consideration of the British Secretary of State, he denounced the in- difference manifested by the resumption of trans- portation as a deep insult to the free community of New South Wales, and a serious obstacle to the progress of the country. " We wanted," he said in one of his speeches, in allusion to the qualifications necessary in a Government dealing with this colony, " men practically acquainted with every impulse, every transition and phase of our existence as a people," not those who were simply " raised to power or precipitated from office by the cumulative force of a series of accidents." In the midst of this great movement for the total cessation of transportation to the colony, and for the right of the people to govern themselves through " Ministers chosen from and responsible to the colonists," this second demand springing naturally from the injustice which had prompted the other, the first number of the Empire appeared. There were some who had not hesitated to charge Mr. Parkes and the others who were prominent in denouncing the indifference of the British Cabinet to the interests of the colony with disloyalty, and with endeavouring to bring about a " reign of terror." The same charge, for the circumstances were un- altered, might have been made in the early days of the Empire. But no foundation existed for it in either case. " I will yield to no man in feelings of 24 THE NEW JOURNAL'S PRINCIPLES. loyalty to the British Crown," Mr. Parkes declared in a speech delivered at one of the anti-transportation meetings in 1849 ; " but my loyalty does not teach me to shut my eyes to the faults of Government. It rather constrains me and the stronger it grows the more it constrains me to seek a reform of public abuses, that the Government may be es- tablished firmly and permanently in the affections of a free people." This declaration might have formed a statement of the principles of the new journal, for it accurately describes the paper's policy. It may even be re- garded as a declaration of the policy of the speaker's whole life, for loyalty to the Throne and an earnest ever-present desire to benefit the people were the chief characteristics of Sir Henry Parkes' career throughout the long period of his public services. At first the Empire was published as a broad- sheet weekly. Very soon it began to appear as a daily ; not of large size, but containing a fair quantity of news and with it a couple of vigorously- written leading articles. The leading articles very quickly became the great feature of the paper. Regardless of whom it might offend, so long as the complaint or censure were merited, abuse, wherever it existed, or by whomsoever it might be committed, was unsparingly exposed, and the perpetrator scari- fied by an able and caustic pen. Independence, honesty, and the public interest were the journal's watchwords. " Clearly impressed with our duty," the editor announced, " we shall never allow our minds to waver in its performance. It will be no AN UNPOPULAR GOVERNOR. 25 part of our business to study who may be gratified or who displeased by our line of conduct. Persons or parties may disown or assent to our opinions ; we shall maintain them with the same boldness and singleness of purpose, so long as we believe them to be correct." At once the paper attracted attention, and won public favour. The field for its operations was very wide. Political affairs at the time were conducted in a manner of little benefit to the colony ; social matters were in a condition far from satisfactory. The Governor, Sir Charles Fitzroy, who, in those days, virtually ruled the politics of the country, as well as filled the position of leader of society, was, by a large proportion of the colonists, neither liked nor respected. Complaints, censure, ridicule, condem- nation, even insult, directed at Government House, were, in some of the public journals of the period, almost as common as news. The Empire w r as an un- compromising opponent of Sir Charles Fitzroy, and never lost an opportunity to criticise or condemn his conduct or that of some of those by whom he was surrounded in the administration of government. Many of its contemporaries were prompt and warm in its praise. " The Empire promises to become a highly useful paper ; in fact it appears to be just the sort of paper which has long been required," said one. " We are glad to be able to admire the tone and spirit of its arguments," said another. "Its numerous leading articles are well and vigorously written," was the opinion of a third ; and others were equally complimentary. 26 JOURNALISTIC INSTINCT. While the Empire was passing through the first few months of its career, gold was discovered in New South Wales, and the impetus which this immediately gave to business was not without its effect upon the fortunes of the new journal. Six months after its first issue it was enlarged to a double-demy broadsheet, the size of the Sydney Mowing Herald, and its circulation and influence progressed rapidly. Mr. Parkes became a man of considerable im- portance. The guiding spirit of a great newspaper necessarily occupies a high position in a British community, and Mr. Parkes as proprietor and editor of the Empire speedily became a prominent and well recognised figure. The journalistic instinct he possessed in a marked degree, and while he made his paper interesting he took care that its opinions should be felt. News, at that time, was not so available as it became some years later, but what there was to be had the Empire columns obtained ; and the strength and independence of the leading articles, combined with the fact that they were written in the public interest, caused the paper not only to be read but to be talked about. Many stories are told of the editor's industry and smartness at this period of his life. At that time the greatest effort of the newspapers was to obtain at the earliest moment possible the latest news from England, which was brought by sailing vessel, the voyage occupying three or four months. The electric telegraph not being in existence it was necessary to meet the ship having the news on ENGLISH NEWS IN 1854. 27 board, immediately she arrived within convenient distance of Sydney, and to do this the leading papers, the Herald and the Empire, were each obliged to have at hand a fast sea-going boat, like a whale-boat, with a competent crew. There was no working together, no mutual assistance, on the part of the two boats. Competition was the order of the day with them as it was with the papers, and every effort was made by each to be the first to secure the all important information. For miles outside Sydney Heads the boats would go at racing speed, each eager to be the first to reach the approaching vessel. Often the chief in the office of the Empire, determined to perform his share of the duty of giving the public the earliest intelligence, would remain at the office all night, awake and on the alert, for the " copy," which, if too late for the ordinary morning issue of the paper, would be most attractive matter for a second edition published towards the middle of the day. No labour was too arduous, no effort too great, so long as there w r as a prospect of the news columns being more, than ordinarily interesting. Naturally this close attention to his duties in the Empire office occupied the whole of his time, but his admirers believing him to be as well fitted for the Legislative Chamber as for the editor's chair, urged him to enter Parliament, to add the active life of the politician to the never-ceasing labours of the journalist, and ill-matched as the duties of the two positions seemed to be, eventually he consented. CHAPTER IV. FIRST ELECTION TO PARLIAMENT. The early portion of the parliamentary career of Sir Henry Parkes was passed in one of the most interesting and momentous periods of Australasian history, the period of the close of the struggle for the introduction of responsible government and its establishment. Until 1843, when the Constitution Act which first introduced the representative principle in the Parliament of New South Wales came into force, the Legislature of the colony was a purely nominee body consisting of officials appointed to positions in the country by the Imperial Government, and nominated to the Legislature by the Governor for the time being. The Act of 1843 accorded the privilege of electing representatives to certain portions of the colony, and this was recognised as an important step towards full representation, but it was thirteen years from that time before representative government as it now exists in New South Wales became an established fact. A LIBERAL ADVANCE GUARD. From 1843 to 1856 an incessant agitation for responsible government was carried on. Satisfactory as was in some respects the representation afforded the people by the Act of 1843, the nominee element in Parliament, whenever it cared to exercise its numerical strength, was successful in division, and this led the representative members and others of similar opinions outside the Legislature to do all in their power to bring about a change. In the Legis- lature there were William Charles Wentworth, Dr. Bland, George Robert Nichols, Charles Cowper, Terence Aubrey Murray, William Henry Suttor, and Edward Flood ; and these formed the first ad- vance guard of Liberalism. Later on Sir James Martin was elected to the Legislative Council, and he joined the party of Liberals, though with the liberal tendency of his opinions there was combined a conservative instinct which prevented him from going as far as the others in the advocacy of liberal measures. Sir Henry Parkes entered Parliament for the first time in 1854, two years before the introduction of the system of government for which he, with the Liberal party in the colony, had been vigorously and persistently fighting. In later life he often alluded to the slow development of his parliamentary career tow r ards the position of Minister of the Crown, as exemplifying the patience with which he per- formed the duties of a private member of Parliament before he thought of filling any office in the Govern- ment. He was similarly patient in awaiting the 30 WENTWORTH'S CONSTITUTION BILL. time when he could fittingly enter Parliament. Fifteen years had passed after his arrival in the colony before he took a seat in the Legislature, and for most of that period he had in one way or another, largely as the conductor of the Empire, done useful service in the public interest. Unremittingly he had worked, always for the good of the country, with no definite intention of taking a special part in politics, but at the same time, by the very nature of his every-day duties, steadily qualifying himself for the important part he was destined to perform in Parliament. Very quickly he attracted notice as a public speaker. The anti-transportation movement was a suitable means for the encouragement and growth of public oratory, and as a member of the Anti-Transportation League he made some thought- fill and vigorous speeches, in which indications of the eloquence for which in later years he became remarkable are plainly to be seen. Then came the question of responsible government, and with that, in due course, the subject of a new Constitution. The latter question was brought prominently before the public mind by what was known as Wentworth's Constitution Bill. This measure, afterwards greatly altered and now with those alterations the law under which New South Wales enjoys self-government, contained in its original form a number of very objectionable provisions which aroused a feeling of indignation and protest from one end of the country to the other. The creation of a JOURNALIST AND PUBLIC SPEAKER. 31 colonial nobility with hereditary privileges, the establishment of a nominee Upper House of Legis- lature, the giving of undue representation in the Lower House to the country and squatting interests at, it was considered, the expense of Sydney, and the infliction upon the people of a heavy pension list in the interests of those officers of the Govern- ment who on the introduction of a new Constitution would be expected to retire from their offices, were among its proposals. Mr. Wentworth, liberal- minded as he was in most matters concerning the colony and its progress, framed portions of his great measure in a manner which met with almost universal disapproval, and from being a very popular man he became very unpopular. Eventually the proposal for a colonial peerage was abandoned, but the nominee Upper House exists now, and the pension list also. The bill was powerfully assailed by Mr. Parkes on the public platform, and in the columns of the Empire; and as vigorously did he denounce the pro- ceedings of the Imperial Government of the day on the transportation question. Inevitably he came to be regarded as a prominent man in the community, an unflinching advocate of all that appeared for the advantage of the people, an uncompromising oppo- nent of everything detrimental to their interests, and withal possessed of the power to express his opinions effectively. While a capable journalist associated with a well-conducted journal is a person of position and influence in whatever part of the world his 32 MEMBER FOR THE CITY OF SYDNEY. work may be performed, when, in addition to his public services by means of his journal, he exerts himself unselfishly and in pure patriotism as a speaker on the popular side, he becomes, particularly in a young and progressive country like New South Wales, a leader among his fellow-men, respected, trusted, and honoured. So it came to pass in the circumstances surround- ing the position which Mr. Parkes had by this time acquired in the community that he was urged to allow himself to be nominated to a seat in the Legislature vacated by Mr. W. C. Wentworth with the intention of visiting England in support of the Constitution Bill; and on the 2nd May, 1854, he was triumphantly elected Member for the City of Sydney. The election was a more than ordinarily impor- tant one. Mr. Wentworth's Constitution Bill, and the squatting system, by which appellation was known a system in operation in the colony bene- ficial to the squatting class, and of little or no advantage to anybody else, were the immediate questions of the hour, and those upon which the election was fought. " There never was an election in this colony," said the Empire- in its leading article on the day the result of the polling was published, " in which political principles were so plainly the gauge of the contest as in that which has just terminated. There never probably was an election before, in which political principles so im- portant to the future career of the colony were brought to the issue of a contest." OUTLINED POLITICAL OPINIONS. 33 There was some excuse for the tone of self- laudation in which the writer of the article had indulged. The contest had been severe ; the victory was unmistakable; the total number of votes polled by the successful candidate was larger by over a hundred than on any previous occasion in the colony had been recorded for a representative, and in every ward in the city Mr. Parkes had obtained a majority. He had been opposed in the election by Mr. Charles Kemp, a journalist like himself but not so clearly identified with the popular cause, and he defeated Mr. Kemp by 1427 votes as against 779. Mr. Parkes' speech at the nomination of candidates is interesting, for it outlines the course of conduct which marked his political life from that time to the end. " I am not one of those," he said, " who look out for persons of leisure to fill important public offices, for I believe that every one created in God's image must do what he conceives to be his duty, whether he have leisure or not ; and whatever the sacrifices he may be called upon to make, a man must not shrink from discharging that duty." He considered the power of the people should be paramount in a country such as New South Wales. " I believe that the danger here will be in limiting, not in extending, the power of the people. ... . that the only danger which can accrue to the country will and must result from withholding that political power and those full privileges, to which the people are entitled as free-born Britons." 34 IMPORTANCE OF PUBLIC WORKS. On the question of education, he said, " I have already declared myself, as systems at present stand, in favour of the National system. But so much importance do I attach to the work of mental training as the foundation of every social virtue, that I should be prepared to support any modifica- tion or alteration of that system which would more adapt it to the peculiar wants of the remote, thinly-populated, and scattered districts of the colony." Railways, he was of opinion, should, on a gigantic scale, be at once commenced, whatever the present cost, or whatever debt, within reasonable bounds, might result to posterity. "We must, however," he explained, " see first that the work is based upon sound principles, which, if carried out, will render the railways permanently useful." Of the vast importance to the country of public works of all descriptions he was very conscious. He earnestly hoped he might prove " a valued member of the Legislature." " If it should be my fortune to be elected," he went on to say, " and I should find myself an uninfluential member of the House, my pride would not allow me to remain, whether you asked me to resign or not. That pride would compel me to retreat from a position for which I found myself unqualified, as much for my own sake as for the character of the constituency," And with regard to his position in relation to the wealthy, as well as the poorer classes of the people, in the event of his election : " I would support the rights of the richest among you, but at the same PRESENTIMENT OF FUTURE EMINENCE. 35 time, with the same vigour, the same determination, the same energy, I would support the rights of the humblest and poorest. ... I have ever set myself against class legislation of every kind. I would no more truckle to the working classes than to the highest ; and at the same time I believe that among the lowest classes there is often to be found the largest share of those energies which are most valuable to a young country, and on which every institution of the country must depend." There is much in these extracts from the nomination speech that marks the lines upon which the subsequent career of Sir Henry Parkes in Parliament was conducted, as there was much in the incidents of the election resembling the features of later contests when the triumph was equally pronounced. Shoulder high the future Premier was raised by his supporters at the close of the proceedings after the declaration of the poll ; and, followed by an enthusiastic crowd, he was carried amidst vociferous cheering through the streets. It would almost seem from the manner of the crowd, the large support accorded in the voting, and the satisfaction expressed on all sides at the result of the contest, that there was abroad in the city a presentiment, if not a conviction, of the great public services which the successful candidate was destined to perform in Parliament, and of the high political position he was to attain. " This election," said the writer of the Empires leading article in his con- cluding paragraph, "so full of strong and spontaneous support to the popular cause, so crushing to the 36 SUCCESSOR TO MB. WENTWORTH. faction of an old and corrupt misrule, we trust is the opening of a new era of progress for the country." In his speech at the declaration of the poll, Mr. Parkes alluded to the circumstance of his having been elected the successor of Mr. Wentworth, whom he styled the greatest man who ever trod this country. " In assuming the position which he has vacated," he said, " I shall endeavour to copy all that was great in his political career, and avoid his errors." Great as Wentworth undoubtedly was in his services to the colony, not many years were to pass before the man who succeeded to his place in the Legislature would be acknowledged universally to be greater, and in important public services and statesmanship to have no superior in Australasia. Mr. Parkes was sworn in a Member of the Legislative Council on 9th May, 1854, and for a few days he was silent. The period was critical, for it was the eve of the Crimean War, and there was a feeling of alarm in Sydney at the unpreparedness of the city and of the port to resist attack. But Mr. Parkes, probably seeing that as a new member among a number of old and ex- perienced legislators, his opinion expressed in the House might for the time have little or no effect, con- tented himself with saying what he had to say in the leading columns of his journal. So, for a time, though he was a regular attendant in the House, and took an active interest in everything, his voice was not often heard. He sat with the small band of elected members who were generally opposed to the official members or nominees, among them being OLD TIME LEGISLATORS. 37 Charles Cowper, James Martin, Terence Aubrey Murray, J. B. Darvall, G. R. Nichols, Robert Campbell, W. Thurlow, Daniel Cooper, and Stuart Alexander Donaldson. Cowper, active, adroit, and generally capable, aimed at securing the leadership of the Liberal Party ; and, by the time the new Constitution of 1856 had been brought into existence, he had attained this position. Martin was a rising solicitor, young in years, slim in appearance, with con- siderable power of speech in which invective was frequently prominent, and generally recognised as a young man of very good ability. From his first election he had taken a very active part in the Council, and had shown indications of future prominence in legislative work. Murray (afterwards Sir Terence Aubrey Murray), though of pronounced liberal views, was aristocratic in appearance and in manner, and was not popular. Th sharp lines by which society in the colony had been divided up to this time had thrown the gentlemen of the country together, and as a class they were very ex- clusive. G. R. Nichols, a solicitor, was a very able man and a very advanced radical ; and Donaldson was a man of large financial knowledge combined with liberal views, the latter being tempered by a moderate conservatism. John Robertson had not yet appeared as a public man, but he and Henry Parkes had met. One day a young man, with something of the rough appear- ance of the bush about him, entered the editor's room in the Empire office, and immediately set about 213134 38 FIRST SPEECH IN PARLIAMENT. introducing himself. Extending his hand he grasped that of the editor, and saying how glad he was to see him and how he had long looked forward to the meeting, announced himself as " John Robertson of Yurundi." Not long afterwards young Robertson was a witness before a select committee of Members of the Legislative Council, of which Mr. Parkes was chairman, on the state of agriculture in the colony; and from that time until Sir John Robert- son's death a more or less close acquaintance existed between the two statesmen. . Henry Parkes' acquaintance with William Bede Dalley commenced about the same time. Then a very young man, Mr. Dalley was in the habit of watching the proceedings in the Legislative Council from the Strangers' Gallery, in the company of two or three companions about the same age as himself, and it was in 1he Strangers' Gallery that Mr. Parkes first saw him. Introduced to each other, they were at once intimate friends. Mr. Dalley became a contributor to the Empire^ writing frequently ; and subsequently was appointed with Mr. Parkes to visit England with a view to promote emigration to New South Wales. The first subject upon which Mr. Parkes addressed the Legislative Council was the light- house at Gabo Island ; not a very great matter though undoubtedly important, for it had been alleged that through a want of supplies tl e men on the island had been reduced to a condition of starvation, and there was danger of the light being extinguished. It was not long before he took in AN ENERGETIC MEMBER. 39 hand a much larger question. A little more than a month after he was sworn in, he gave notice of a series of resolutions for the establishment of a system of immigration from Great Britain and the countries of continental Europe, " based on sound economical principles, and having for its primary object a broad identity of interest between the individual immigrant and his adopted country ; " and from that tune, until the Legislative Council to which he had been elected was about to give way to the Parliament under the Constitution of 1856, he was among the most energetic of members. CHAPTER V. INTRODUCTION OF RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT ELECTED TO THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY. THE year 1856 saw the fulfilment of the desires of the colonists in the direction of responsible government, and early in that year a general election took place under the new Constitution. Henry Parkes was elected one of four members for Sydney. Previously to this he had made a determined effort to retire from political life, and devote him- self, at least for a period, exclusively to the Empire. At the close of the session of the Legislative Council in 1855 he addressed to his constituents a letter, in which he informed them that as in the course of a week the Legislature to which he had been elected would virtually terminate its existence, the time had arrived when he ought to inform them of his intention not to present himself again as a candidate for their suffrages. The announcement took the citizens by surprise, and aroused wide- spread regret. "During the two laborious sessions of my service as your representative," he wrote, " I have felt the POOR, BUT PROUD. 41 onviction gaining strength, in despite, as I freely own, of some feeling of ambition, that neither my time nor whatever humble ability I might possess, would be sufficiently subjected to my will to enable me to discharge the high and responsible trust reposed in me, with that uniform devotion to the public interest which is implied in its acceptance. Though I have generally been in my place, I have attended the sitting by wrenching myself, as it were, away from other duties of an equally serious nature, which often left me wholly unprepared for the business of the Council ; and in the part I have taken there, I have never felt conscious of my success to satisfy my sense of what is due from the representative to his constituents " In making up my mind to stay outside I have had to conquer a strong feeling which my better judgment has told me ought not to be gratified ; but the self-denial has been sweetened by the know- ledge that I have before me another field, fairly won by my own efforts, for future usefulness. I leave the Legislature, as I entered it, from a sense of duty alone. You opened the door for me against singular obstacles ; I cheerfully close it with my own hand. " If I am too poor to make the sacrifices incum- bent on a representative of the people, I am, at least, too proud to accept the honour and neglect the duties of that noble office." This letter was written in December, 1855. A month later, at an important meeting of citizens, held in the Royal Victoria Theatre, he was chosen 42 POPULAR ENTHUSIASM. one of four candidates in the Liberal interest to represent the City of Sydney in the first Parlia- ment under the new Constitution, by which action on the part of the people, he became committed to a Parliamentary career for life. A weekly journal of the period, describing the proceedings at a public meeting which was held in the Royal Hotel a few days after the meeting in the Victoria Theatre, stated that there was nothing like general silence and attention until Mr. Parkes rose, that all the discordant elements of which the meeting, attended by the friends of various candidates, consisted, seemed to melt into harmony on his rising to speak ; and " he was not only well received, but welcomed with a perfect wildness of enthusiasm." " His pale excited earnestness would probably have conquered the prejudices of any audience, and won a respectful attention. But his manifest conscientiousness and straightforward honesty were seconded in this case by a strong sympathy with his political principles, and the demonstration in his favour was genuine and emphatic." Deeply moved by the earnest desire of the electors that he should go into the Legislative Assembly, he placed himself unreservedly in their hands. His own interests, he explained, and his wish to stand by for a season and " search his own heart and conscience to see how far he had been correct " in his public career, would have kept him aloof from this political conflict, but if the electors forbade him the interval of comparative seclusion / r J . THE ALTAR OF PUBLIC DUTY. 43 he would consult their wishes rather than his own views. " He knew," he said, " that if he went into the next Legislature he should be for ever doomed to one tremendous struggle in behalf of this country. But if it were the wish of the city which had con- ferred upon him in former times distinctions, far above any merit he possessed, that he should go to the p< >11, he would do so, and if he were again elected as the rep- resentative of the city of Sydney, he would discharge the duties which would devolve upon him to the ut- most extent of his power. One thing at all events he would promise that he would never be absent when their liberties were at stake ; he would never be absent when their money was to be voted away ; he would never be absent when new laws might need his advocacy for the advancement of the wel- fare of their common country. He would promise more he would never be absent at all so long as he had health to attend. He knew very well the sacrifice he should make and he confessed that he desired to avoid that for a short time the discharge of the public duties incumbent upon him would render him comparatively a stranger in his own family. That would be the extent of his sacrifice, but that sacrifice he was prepared to make rather than forfeit the good opinion of the citizens of Sydney, and shrink from a public duty if he was called upon to discharge it." As was to be expected there were some who charged him with inconsistency, but his intention to retire from politics in the Legislature had been 44 AT THE SERVICE OF THE CITY. earnest and genuine, and it was only in consequence of repeated solicitations from influential sections of the electors, and unequivocal expressions of approval of his candidature from the citizens generally, that he consented to be nominated for election to the Legislative Assembly. To use his own words, it appeared to him that "he would be flying in the face of the constituency if he were to refuse." He was confident of being elected, but he was equal to either fortune. If defeated he would feel at all events that " the gates of Parliament were constitutionally closed against him " ; he could do as he pleased with hi-' time, and enjoy the pleasures of association with his children. But his position in the estimation of the ^lectors was too good for defeat to be possible. At the close of his speech at the Royal Hotel he called upon the meeting, if they really wished that he should throw himself into the contest to tell him so by a show of hands. The appeal was instantly res- ponded to, apparently by the whole meeting, amidst general applause, and Mr. Parkes acknowledged the demonstration by declaring he was at the service of the city. The contest, long and severe, ended triumphantly. Six candidates entered the field, and Mr. Parkes, as one of a " bunch " of four, the number to be elected, was returned second on the poll, Mr. Charles Cowper being 1 first, 18 votes ahead, Mr. Robert Campbell third, and Mr. J. R. Wilshire fourth. Mr. J. H. Plunkett, who at the time was Attorney General of the colony, and another candidate, were defeated. Mr. Plunkett was a strong man, and in A NOTABLE BANQUET. 45 the election a dangerous opponent. His position in the community, and the fact that he stood alone in the contest as the representative of what had been the ruling class, were circumstances that indicated a great probability of his success, but he was defeated by over a hundred votes below the number recorded for the fourth candidate on the poll. The nomination proceedings took place on the 12th, and the polling on the 13th March. On the night previous to the nomination a banquet was given to Mr. Charles Gavan Duffy (afterwards knighted, and now Sir Charles Gavan Duffy) in the Prince of Wales Theatre, and Mr. Parkes, a prominent figure on the occasion, delivered a speech in reply to the toast of " The land of our adoption," in which he declared that, under circumstances similar to those in which the Young Ireland party had acted, he would have been a rebel like Mr. Duffy. The declaration has often been quoted against him, and it is as well that his actual words should be given. Mr. Duffy had recently arrived in Australia to make the country his home, and he had come here with the romantic patriotism of the Young Ireland party and the Nation newspaper surrounding him like a halo. Admirers flocked to him from all sides, and people of almost all shades of opinion sought to do him honour. In Sydney the feeling of the community led to the banquet in the Prince of Wales Theatre, the proceedings of which were marked with much enthusiasm. At such a time and 46 SYMPATHY WITH IRELAND. in such company the wrongs of Ireland naturally became one of the topics of the speeches. " Although, like our chairman," said Mr. Parkes, " I do not profess to enter into the spirit of Mr. Duffy's public life in his native country, I yet know this of Irish history and Irish wrongs, that had I been myself an Irishman, with Mr. Duffy's temperament and his principles, I believe I should have been a rebel like him. We all know," he continued, " that during o Mr. Duffy's illustrious career one of the most terrible famines that ever passed over any fruitful country desolated Ireland, and that Mr. Duffy, with his fine imagination, his deep feeling of patriotism, must have seen in this famine terrible calls, terrible appeals to him to advocate the cause of his suffering country at every risk and every possible peril. And I only utter in public what I have often said in private, that if I had been born and reared as Mr. Duffy has been, and had been a witness of grinding want and poverty in a land which was intended by Providence to be one of plenty, I should have taken precisely the same course that he has taken." These words are very plain and clear, but, to do the speaker justice in regard to them, they must be read with a recognition of the popular feeling con- cerning Mr. Duffy's arrival in the country, of the circumstance that Australia was not without ex- perience of Imperial misgovernment and oppression, and in view of the undeniable loyalty that character- ised the public life of Sir Henry Parkes throughout his long 1 career. DESIRE TO BE REMEMBERED. 47 The nomination and the polling for the City of Sydney were signal events in the history of the colony. Excitement was general ; the attendance at the hustings, which were in Hyde Park, then known as the Racecourse, was large ; and the pro- ceedings were marked with much enthusiasm. Mr. Parkes' nomination speech contained some remarks of special interest, viewed in the light of events which have occurred since that time. " I may say without affectation, without any parade of false feeling, that from the circumstances of my early life I have felt the want of education too painfully not to be well alive to its great impor- tance, and I shall steadily labour, and use every energy, to promote education among the people upon a comprehensive and catholic basis." . . "lean assure you whether I am to-morrow night your representative or not, my great object throughout my life will be so to impress my name and my character and my influence on this country, that I may be remembered when I am dead and in my grave." The chief interest in the election centred in the declaration of the poll. This was in favour of " the Bunch," but it was thought necessary, on the demand of Mr. Plunkett, to have a special examin- ation of the votes, and the final declaration of the poll was not made till some days after the voting had taken place. The scene was very striking. For some reason, said to be the fear ot a magistrate that the excitement of the populace would lead to the burning down of the structure, the hustings, 48 SCENE ON HYDE PARK. which had been the centre of the triumphant proceedings of a few days previously, had been removed, and in its place a cart with an improvised handrail had been obtained. Offended by this, or professing so to be, the victorious ' ' Bunch " refused to mount the cart either to hear the announcement by the Sheriff or to address the electors. They stood amongst the crowd, and the Sheriff, deeply mortified, was obliged to proceed with his duties, having only Mr. Plunkett, the defeated candidate, and one or two others to support him. The Sheriff was a courageous and zealous officer, with a keen sense of his dignity ; but the position he was occupying at the time was new to him, and the occasion was marked by an importance such as he had never before experienced. The new-born power of the people ruffled the feathers of the officialism which had hitherto been the governing principle in the colony, and the old-time privileges of the ruling class were receiving some rude rebuffs. He did his best to induce the four elected candidates to ascend the nondescript hustings. He sought them in the crowd ; requested, persuaded, entreated, apolo- gised, almost implored them to come ; but they, strong in their success and their popularity, refused point blank, and were inexorable. They stood together, a little group, not far from the cart, in the midst of a throng of their admirers. We can easily imagine them and their surroundings. Mr. Cowper, eminently respectable in appearance, dignified and condescending in manner ; Mr. Parkes, with the determination and general force of his FOUR STRIKING FIGURES. 49 character expressed indelibly on his strangely power- ful features ; Mr. Robert Campbell, with the quiet sternness of the successful man of business ; Mr. Wilshire, with a face in which satisfaction at the result of the election was curiously blended with indignation at certain charges which had been made against him by opponents in the election ; four striking figures, with a dense and excited crowd around them stirred to the depths by the new sensations of power and importance arising from the exercise of the great privileges attending the choice of their own representatives in Parliament. Hyde Park has witnessed since that time many impor- tant elections, accompanied by great excitement and much enthusiasm, but none more important or more striking than this. Despairing at last of getting the "Bunch" to do as he wished, the Sheriff ascended the cart with Mr. Plunkett, and com- menced to address the people. But the crowd refusing to listen to any speech, wanted the result of the election in a definite statement of the polling. " Poll ! Poll ! " they shouted. " We want to know the state of the poll ! " And the Sheriff was obliged to submit. The state of the poll, as it appeared after the special examination which had been made of the voting, was declared ; the victorious " Bunch," were shown to be in a more triumphant position than they were a week previously when the polling took place ; and the jubilation of the crowd was unbounded. Messrs. Cowper, Parkes, and Campbell, arm-in- arm, and Mr. Wilshire, who was suffering from 50 AUSTRALIAN IN FEELINGS AND AIMS. lameness, in his gig, left the ground at the head of a large number of electors, and passing into Market- street, and thence down George-street, went to their committee rooms at the Exchange Hotel, from a window of which they addressed the electors. " The main feature of the contest," said Mr. Parkes, " the primary and leading idea of it throughout has been Australian," and he expressed the hope that " all present, little boy and white- headed old man, would from that day forth be Australian in their feelings and their aims." This satisfaction at Australians being the chief actors in all that is important to Australia was a prominent feature in Sir Henry Parkes' life. At the election of Sir J. P. Abbott to the office of Speaker of the Legislative Assembly of New South Wales, thirty-four years after the event of 1856,. he gave expression to his satisfaction as an Englishman at the gratifying fact that Sir Joseph Abbot was a native-born Australian. " The time is coming," he said, " when we must all be Australians, and it is a gratifying circumstance to see the men born in the country aspiringjto, and fitly qualified for, the highest offices in the State." CHAPTEK VI. IN THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY. THE first Legislative Assembly in New South Wales was opened on 22nd May, 1856, and was dissolved on 19th December, 1857. Its life was short, for it was found difficult in the early days of the new order of politics, and in the desire to have the system of self-government proceed with the greatest public advantage, for Ministries to remain long in office. In the nineteen months during which the first Assembly was in existence four Ministries were in power, a dissolution of Parliament taking place three months after the fourth Ministry was appointed. The instability of Governments at this period cannot be said to have been due to an unseemly scramble for office, though party feeling was very prominent. Discouraging as were many of the circumstances connected with the political life of the time, a high political morality pervaded the first Assembly. There were a sense of honour and an uprightness of conduct among most of the members which placed the public interest above personal advantage. The foundation of self-government 52 UNSTABLE MINISTRIES. having been successfully laid, there was a very general feeling that the edifice to be built upon it should be symmetrical and lasting, and there was a desire to make no false step, but to go forward in the right direction from the outset. Henry Parkes sat among a body of men many of whom would have done honour to any political assembly in the world. Cowper, Arnold, Darvall, Donaldson, Forster, Hay, Jones, Macleay, Manning, Martin, Murray, Nichols, Parker, Piddington, Robertson, Dalley, Deniehy, and Plunkett, are names that, in the history of New South Wales, will ever be conspicuous among those of the men who were the founders of the liberties which Australians enjoy and of their wonderful advancement. But the want of a stable ministry during the period of the first Legislative Assembly made the progress of the colony under responsible govern- ment, for the time, very slow. The rapid succes- sion of Governments unsettled matters somewhat seriously. The Donaldson Ministry, the head of which was in all respects an English gentleman, resigned after being in office only two months ; "in a fit of petulance " those annoyed at the resignation described it, but largely because the highmindedness of an honourable man declined to submit to attacks prompted, he considered, in some quarters, by little more than party spirit. He was succeeded by Mr. Cowper, but no sooner had the Cowper Government taken office than they were met by a motion of want of confidence, and the motion was carried. No time was allowed the hapless ministers RIVAL INTERESTS. 53 to either announce or initiate a public policy. The Parker Ministry who next came into power were almost equally unfortunate. Attempting land legislation and electoral reform, they failed in both ; and the rejection of their Electoral Bill brought their existence to a termination. Mr. Cowper, re-appearing as the head of an Adminis- tration, and having with him Mr. James Martin, Mr. Terence Aubrey Murray, and Mr. Richard Jones, again found it impossible to proceed effectively with public business, but he managed to remain in office until he could secure a dissolution. Introducing a Land Bill, the Government succeeded in passing its second reading by a majority of 36 in a House of 44 ; but so persistently was the measure attacked, both in and out of Parliament, that ultimately it had to be withdrawn. Then appeared a Judges Appointment Bill, which was rejected on the motion for leave to introduce it ; and, following this, a bill to provide for the assessment of stock on squatting runs, which, on the motion for the second reading, was defeated by a majority of one. This, and the difficulty on the land question, brought about a dis- solution, and the Parliament went to the country in the hope that a general election would remove the obstacles to progress by sending back one party or the other with the majority necessary to enable them to rule. Class jealousies and class interests were greatly at variance, the old squatting coterie being strongly opposed to the popular party which the new Constitution had sent into Parliament. 54 ROBERTSON'S LAND SCHEME. It was at this time that John Robertson was beginning to impress both the Legislature and the people with his scheme for dealing with the public lands of the colony on the principle of free selection before survey. Young and ardent, he lost no opportunity for putting forward his views upon this important question ; and much of the difficulty experienced by the second Cowper Government, in their attempt at land legislation, was due to his persis- tent action. Sensible of the importance of such an opponent, Mr. Cowper considered how best he could be dealt with, and, before the meeting of the new Parliament, decided to accept his land scheme, and to offer him the position of Minister for Lands, which Mr. Robertson accepted. Land legislation on a popular basis became then the chief question of the hour, and the stability of the Cowper Government was assured. Mr. Parkes sat in Parliament during the first few months of the session of 1856, an attentive observer of its proceedings. When he considered it necessary he was not backward in expressing his views upon the subject under discussion or on any matter claiming his attention; and he and his opinions were held in high respect ; but he was not a frequent speaker. He had been offered office in the Government, and had declined it. Mr. Donaldson, in the desire to secure a satisfactory position for his Administration, saw much to be gained by breaking up the party following Mr. Cowper, and this he thought could be done by including some of the best of them in his AN OFFER OF OFFICE. 55 Government. In pursuance of this idea, when forming his Ministry, he offered office to Mr. Cowper, and failing in that, he sought the assistance of Mr. Parkes, the medium of communication between the two being Sir Charles Nicholson. That gentleman seeing Mr. Parkes on the subject, submitted to him a list of names representing those it was desirable to have in the Government ; and the list included the names of Mr. Parkes and Mr. Edward Flood. "A Government of that kind," Sir Charles Nicholson remarked, " will last twenty years." Mr. Parkes, however, explained that it was impossible for him to leave his friends, and that he did not approve of the coalition proposed ; and Mr. Donaldson's Government existed for only a few weeks. During this session Mr. Parkes was chairman of a, select committee appointed to report upon the introduction of the electric telegraph into New South Wales. The colony of Victoria had done much in introducing and extending this means of communication through its own territory, and had proposed to run a line to connect Melbourne with Albury, on condition that New South Wales should connect Albury with Sydney. The com- mittee regarded the matter as a question " of practical bearing and immediate necessity," calling for active measures to preserve the position of the colony in its various relations with the other Australian colonies, and recommended that the proposed connection between Sydney and Melbourne should be carried out, and also that Bathurst " as 56 A SERIOUS DILEMMA. the industrial and commercial centre of an impor- tant rising district," should be connected by tele- graph with Sydney. Throughout this period of Sir Henry Parkes' life, earnest and zealous as he endeavoured to be in all he undertook, there could be seen very plainly the struggle between his ambition to excel as a politician and his desire to establish himself in a sound position in the community commercially. Between the demands upon his time and attention at the newspaper office, and those which made it indispensable that he should be regular in his attendance in the Assembly, and, if he desired to rise, take an active and intelli- gent part in the proceedings of Parliament, he was in a serious dilemma. Each being incompatible with the other, to satisfactorily perform the duties of both positions seemed impossible. The sacrifice of one or the other appeared inevitable, and yet to abandon either w 7 as as if to commit self-destruction. His position as a newspaper proprietor was essential to his means of livelihood ; his seat in Parliament was necessary to his success as a politician. Conscious of his capacity to excel in either, and yet impressed with the difficulties of adhering to both, he was tormented by the thought that one must be given up. Had he been possessed of a private income, or had the newspaper attained a position in which losses had given way to satisfactory profits, his mind would have been at ease. But it was still an uphill fight with the Empire, for though THE CALLS OF BUSINESS. 57 eminently successful as a literary production it had not yet succeeded financially, and close and un- divided attention was the only means likely to make it profitable. Outside Parliament, among the people, his worth as a public man and ultimate success as a politician were settled convictions. To them he was the champion from their own ranks specially fitted to do great public service in protecting their interests and extending their liberties. His courage and capacity to attack abuses, and to advocate whatever appeared for the public good, represented him as just the kind of man wanted to drive the remnants of the old official regime into permanent obscurity, and to encourage the growth of the new order of things which had brought constitutional government and its attendant advantages into existence. He himself was well aware of his abilities. He had not up to this time done very much in Parliament, but he had been a very useful member, and had given much indication of what he might yet do. He knew his strength, and was conscious of the services he might perform in the future. He knew also that when brought forward by the electors of East Sydney, as one of their candidates for the Assembly, he had declared that, if elected, he should consider himself bound to a life-long service in Parliament. But with all the desire to remain in the Legislature, and the capacity to perform good work, the absolute necessity to give something like proper attention to his business affairs was so plain that an early 58 RETIRING FROM PARLIAMENT. retirement from Parliament very quickly appeared impossible to avoid. It therefore came about that his seat in the first Assembly was not held for much more than a third of the period during which the Parliament existed. CHAPTER VII. RETIREMENT FROM THE PARLIAMENT OF 1856 PUBLIC TESTIMONIALS. BEFORE the first session of the Parliament of 1856 had closed, between six and seven months, in fact, after the session had opened, Mr. Parkes wrote a letter to the Speaker resigning his seat. The worry and anxiety attending his duties in the office of the Empire were now interfering greatly with his legisla- tive duties, and, to his mind, an incomplete service in Parliament was inconsistent with a proper sense of public duty. " A year ago," he wrote, to his constituents, " when the business of the late Legislative Council was about to close, I addressed a letter to you, informing you that it was not my intention to offer myself as a candidate for your representation in the new Parliament. In taking that step I was chiefly influenced by the conviction that my other engage- ments would not allow me to attend to the business of the Legislature so as to satisfy my sense of public duty, and that you had a right to expect from your representative a course of devoted service to the country unhampered by the pressure of his 60 LETTER TO THE ELECTORS. personal affairs. The strong expressions of feeling in my favour, and considerations urged upon me of a purely political nature, induced me subsequently to forego my purpose ; and on the day of election I was returned to the Legislative Assembly as one of your members. Highly as I deemed the distinction thus conferred upon me, I could not even in the hour of triumph conceal from myself the difficulties that would surround a proper discharge of the duties I had undertaken, though I hoped they would not be greater than my power to overcome them. Since then, however, the circumstances which presented to my mind the desirability of my retirement have grown of greater rather than of diminished force ; and after the experience of another year, and an anxious re-examination of the reasons for and against the course I first proposed to pursue, I have come to the conclusion it is clearly my duty to re- turn into your hands the trust you have twice confided to my keeping." " Leaving the Legislature," the letter proceeded " it may be well that I should say, to save my conduct hereafter from misconstruction, that it is my purpose also, for some years to come, to disconnect myself entirely from public life. But while I live I shall not forget that I have been honoured by receiving your confidence ; and neither time nor circumstance shall render the links that have united us in higher relations, of less binding effect on my ability to serve you as a private citizen. In return for the first distinction I have enjoyed, I have contributed little to the advancement of your interests; ADMIRATION AND REGRET. 61 but at least I have not weakened the position of your representative by seeking to build up power to myself. Henceforth, I hope it will be my happiness to see others serve you who shall prove themselves worthy of the service." The excellent tone of this letter at once attracted attention, and there was an almost unanimous expressson of admiration and regret. People recognised in the man a sterling honesty, a sense of duty of the highest kind ; and this, coupled with the ability which he was known to possess, led them to regard his retirement from the Legislature as something like a public calamity. Mr. J. H. Plunkett, a bitter opponent of Mr. Parkes during the election of 1856, and up to the time of the latter's retirement from the Assembly not on speak- ing terms with him, " was happy," he said in a public speech, " to bear testimony to the services Mr. Parkes had rendered. It would be difficult indeed for them to find a member so able, useful, and assiduous as he had been ; one who would throw, as Mr. Parkes had done, his whole heart and soul into the business of the country, or who would bring with him into the Legislature so much might and influence of character." " I confess," wrote Sir Charles Cowper, in allusion to the resignation, and a letter he had received from Mr. Parkes on the subject at the time the letter announcing the resignation was written to the Speaker, " I confess I read it with feelings of emotion, and I soon after went home with a heavy heart. The step which you have taken will deprive 62 RESIGNATION A PUBLIC CALAMITY. the Assembly of one of its most useful members, but I have hopes that good may come out of evil. I feel assured that many who have been the foremost in maligning you hitherto will deeply regret your absence from Parliament ; they will now give you credit for motives, which, under feelings of party spirit, they have refused to acknowledge were guiding your actions." " I trust your means of influencing the public mind," he also wrote, "will be increased rather than diminished, by your retirement. You wield (alluding to the Empire) a powerful engine, and by having more time to devote to this all but omnipo- tent instrument, I indulge the expectation that your usefulness will be felt, and acknowledged by the generous support of that public whom you have served so faithfully." Dr. Lang regarded the resignation as a public calamity. " In common with all the right-minded portion of our community," he said, " I regret exceedingly your retirement from Parliament. We have so few men of the right stamp that to lose even one, and especially one of your weight and influence in the Legislature, is a public calamity. But I was not surprised at your procedure, from the overwhelming nature of your private avocations, as the head of so extensive an establishment." Charles Gavan Duffy, at that time a member of the Victorian Parliament, told Mr. Parkes that the retirement could not and must not be more than temporary. " More than ever," he declared, with remarkable foresight, " I see no one else in New FEELING IN THE ASSEMBLY. 63 South Wales to hope anything from for posterity." In the Assembly there was a general feeling of reget, even among Mr. Parkes' political opponents ; and by the party with whom he had been associated the step was regarded with much concern. By some it was described as an " utter smashing of the Opposition ;" and Mr. Cowper and his followers waited with no little disquiet for further developments. " Much will depend upon your successor," he said, in his letter to Mr. Parkes, " and I wait with no little anxiety the announce- ment of his name. The malignity with which those are assailed who adhere faithfully to the cause of good government, is likely to deter many from venturing into public life. It often disheartens even me, and I doubt whether, if I were to begin a new career, I should face all the obloquy and calumny which I have been subjected to in acting up to my own sense of duty." But the estimate in which Mr. Parkes had been held in Parliament was best expressed in a letter from the Speaker of the Assembly, Mr. (afterwards Sir) Daniel Cooper. " I cannot, he wrote " allow you to relinquish your seat in the Legislative Assembly, as one of the representatives of the City of Sydney, without briefly expressing to you the high opinion I entertain of your conduct as a member of the House, since I have had the honour to occupy the Speaker's Chair. Your industry, zeal for the public weal, manly independence, fairness, candour, and temper in debate, and un- varying respect for the Chair and forms of the 64 REFERENCES IN THE PRESS. House, have been on all occasions most exemplary ; and it affords me additional pleasure to be able to add that I have frequently heard members of all shades of political opinion give expression to a no less flattering estimate of your Parliamentary career." Equally complimentary were the references to the retirement in the press. " His untiring industry, unceasing watchfulness, and manly independence as a representative," said one journal, " will make his loss deeply felt, and his like hard to be found. At this stage of our affairs his retirement must be deplored, but he may rest assured that the memory of his past services will be cherished by the people with reverence and gratitude." " Beyond all doubt," said another, "he has been one of the most valuable members in the House, and we believe one of the most thoroughly honest and singlehearted. Few men, indeed, in it give promise of higher usefulness and greater eminence than he has done ; for to our mind his is one of the improving spirits, and he will be a better statesman five years hence than he is now." In a lengthy notice of the subject, a third journal declared that " the country owes more to Mr. Parkes than many will be inclined to acknowledge." " He has," it went on to say, " the great merit of having been the first to organise here a consistent political party. Before his entrance into public life our politicians were remarkable for anything but their consistency, voting merely as their inclinations or interests led them, without any regard to principles We know of no ESTEEMED BY ALL CLASSES. 65 one in the House whose opinions on all subjects were delivered with greater earnestness or commanded more respect and attention from all parties His industry and perseverance are above all praise. He is an example of what may be done by a man of talent and energy, relying solely upon his own exertions. Mr. Parkes has, perhaps, had less assistance from others in his career though, life, than most men, yet he occupies a position in this rapidly advancing country second to none. It is to his honour that he has attained his position without sacrificing his independence or cringing to any class or person." Another paper, similarly pronounced in its praise, said, that " short as had been Mr. Parkes' career in the Legislature it had stamped him as a consistent, honest, straightforward man, with a strict regard to political principle. But," the article continued, " Mr. Parkes is not merely an honest and consistent man he is endowed by nature with a force of character and general ability which placed him among the foremost men in the House. There was a sincerity of purpose and earnestness of conviction, aided by intellectual power of no mean order, which would make themselves felt and respected in any deliberative assembly in the British Empire. Even his bitterest political oppo- nents have faith in his integrity, and the attention with which he was invariably listened to, both in the Legislature and out of it, affords the strongest proof of the estimation in which his parts and character are held by all classes. . . . 6t> ONE NOT EASILY SPARED. Men of Mr. Parkes' stamp can be ill spared by the country, and whatever the circumstances which have rendered his withdrawal from public life in- evitable, we hope that the day is not far distant when he will again be enabled to take his place among the legislators of his adopted country." Many other such notices of the retirement appeared, all breathing a feeling of deep regret at the step which Mr. Parkes had found it necessary to take, and of high appreciation of the public services he had performed. But the actual words of only one other need be quoted. The paper was the Freeman's Journal, and it said, " Much as we are opposed to, and hard as we have often hit, Mr. Parkes, we regret his resignation extremely. He was the 'noblest Roman of them all' on the Opposition benches." One outcome of this almost universal expression of regret and goodwill was a strongly supported proposal to raise and present to Mr. Parkes a great public testimonial. On all sides it was admitted that, if ever circumstances justified such a proceeding, they did in his case, and the desire was to so arrange that the testimonial, whatever might be its form, should come from the people of the colony generally, ''some form of testimonial," it was remarked at the time, " in which the people can all take part, in which thousands can have a share, and which Mr. Parkes' children can one day point to with honourable pride." A preliminary meeting was held at the Royal Hotel, George-street, for the purpose of forming a DECLINING A TESTIMONIAL. 67 committee, and making other arrangements pre- paratory to the calling of a public meeting. Complimentary speeches were made, and resolutions in accordance with the object of the meeting were passed. Very quickly matters were so complete that ultimate success was certain. But before the public meeting could be held, a letter was received by the committee from Mr. Parkes declining the testimonial, and therefore putting an end to the movement. The letter was addressed to the hon. secretary of the committee, and was as follows : " SYDNEY, January 21st, 1857. " MY DEAR SIR, " Until I saw the report of the meeting held yester- day, at the Royal Hotel, I did not know who were interesting themselves on my behalf in getting up this proposed testimonial, and I did not see my way to interfere in the business. I think it is right, however, that I should now communicate to you, in order that you may explain to the committee that has been appointed, my feelings on the subject. In the first place, I think the public should be slow to stamp the services of any man with a special mark of their approval, for honours of this kind can only retain their value by reason of the just claims of the persons on whom they are bestowed. Entertaining this opinion, I cannot persuade myself that I have any merits to entitle me to a distinction so altogether personal. If I have been fortunate enough to effect any amount of good in the share I have taken in public life, I would rather have it entirely lost sight of than over-estimated by my fellow-citizens. In either case the good could not in reality be made greater or less ; but it would be more grateful to one's self-respect to rest upon something that remained for ever unacknowledged 68 A TRCE SENSE OF DUTY. than to feel conscious of having accepted a distinction undeserved. On the broadest ground that can be assumed, I think my friends would best consult the public interest and my individual reputation by abandoning their intention in regard to me. In the second place, even if I could believe that my claims to public consideration were greater than my warmest friends can possibly make them out to be, I have a kind of horror of testimonials. My sense of justice, I am bound to say, is against them. Merit, wherever it exists, will work out its own most fitting reward. If men cannot achieve something to stand as a memorial of their own lives, it is best that they should pass away without any attempt of friendly hands to magnify their littleness. I am quite content to submit myself to that inexorable trier of men's actions, Time ; and to take my chance of being swept away. Moreover, I desire above all things, just now, to be allowed to work in quiet. The duties that lie nearest to me require this for their performance. I am gratefully sensible of the kindness of my friends, which I shall ever remember; but that kindness will manifest itself in the form most desired by yielding to the wishes expressed in this letter. I am, my dear Sir, " Yours very truly, " HENRY PARKES." " MR. C. G. REID, Secretary to Committee appointed at the Royal Hotel." This letter stopped the testimonial, but it raised the writer higher than ever in public esteem. Such a true sense of duty, such an unselfish estimate of the value of important services, was new in a com- munity where personal advantage had, in most MANLY AND GENEROUS SENTIMENTS. 69 instances, been the principal object in public life. The letter was read with admiration, and though no one denied the justness of the sentiments it ex- pressed, it seemed to many to be of that character which should assist in pushing forward the move- ment that had been commenced rather than in bringing it to a termination. Dr. Woolley, Principal of the University of Sydney, writing to Mr. Parkes at the time, said it was only natural there should be a wish on the part of the people to express their sense of his past public services, >and their earnest and cordial antici- pations of a long future, which should secure him in the hearts of all generations of Australians " monumentum cere perennius." " I cannot help adding," Dr. Woolley wrote, "that I am delighted, and not surprised, at the manly and generous senti- ments contained in your letter to Mr. Reid : they come like the fresh breeze from a free mountain side. It does one good to think that we have some real men amongst us. God grant, my dear sir, that you may be spared to take that part in the development of the moral and material interests of this country, which I know you desire, and which, I am confident, will make your name as familiar to our children as that of Hampden and Cromwell." It is not one of the least remarkable features in Sir Henry Parkes' career that, at this early period, when he had done comparatively little in the public interest, the promise of future great services was universally recognised. 70 PUBLIC RECOGNITION IMPERATIVE. In a spirit similar to that in which Dr. Woolley penned his letter, a large number of prominent men attended another meeting at the Royal Hotel to determine whether, in deference to the wish of Mr. Parkes, the proposed testimonial should be abandoned, or whether, not- withstanding that wish, the movement should be allowed to proceed. Eventually it was abandoned, but not at this meeting, nor until a determined effort had been made to push it forward regardless of Mr. Parkes' objections. At the instance of Mr. John Robertson the meeting resolved, " That while this meeting desires to express its unfeigned sense of admiration of the noble and patriotic motives by which Mr. Parkes has been actuated in writmg the letter just read, and in sensitively shrinking from any acknowledgment of his public services, it is of opinion that those services have been such as to demand the public recognition which it was determined at the preliminary meeting of Mr. Parkes' friends should be given to them The speeches on the occasion could not have been more eulogistic. In fact, read to-day in the light of a comparison of what the subject of the eulogy had up to that time done, with the public services he afterwards rendered, they seem little short of extravagant. But they were evidently the honest sentiments of the speakers. Mr. Richard Jones, Mr. Charles Cowper, Mr. John Robertson, and Mr. William Forster, joined in these compli- mentary utterances. The peculiarities of public life brought about, in after years, a change in the THE PEOPLE GRATEFUL. 71 relations between at least two of these well-known men and Mr. Parkes, but at this time there was scarcely any limit to their admiration. In common 'with the people generally, there seemed to be no compliment too great to pay the man whom every- body was disposed to honour. His services in the Legislature had been of a kind in which all his efforts had been directed towards the public good, and no vestige of self- interest appeared. He had been regular in attend- ance, fairly active in debate, watchful in voting, and industrious in instituting inquiries into several subjects important to the public welfare. He had not accomplished much, if what he had done were judged by actual record, but he had been con- scientious, painstaking, and self-sacrificing, and these were qualities which met with public approval, for they were wanted in a Legislature where the principles of self-government had just come into operation. On the Press his services had been longer than his services in Parliament, and undoubtedly they had been important. His work on the Empire had given a prominence to public questions which, before, was not imparted to them ; and by a system of inde- pendent and able criticism, he had never lost an opportunity of safeguarding and promoting the public interest. Added to this was the fact that he had improved the tone and stimulated the enterprise of the Press of the colony generally. In this way he had done great public good, and the people were grateful. 72 AN ESTATE TO BE PURCHASED. The result of the resolution to proceed with the movement for raising the testimonial was a public meeting in the Lyceum Theatre, York-street. Mr. Charles Cowper presided, and the principal speakers were Mr. W. B. Dalley, Mr. Richard Jones, Dr. Woolley, Mr. John Robertson, Mr. John Campbell, and Mr. W. C. Windeyer (now His Honor, Sir William Windeyer). The same feeling was ap- parent as at the previous meetings. Everyone was eager to praise the proposed recipient of the testi- monial, and determined to make the testimonial one worthy of acceptance. It had been arranged that the following resolutions should be submitted to the meeting : 1. That this meeting is unanimously of opinion that the public services of Henry Parkes, Esq., in the patriotic efforts which he has made for many years past to advance civil liberty, social progress, and good government, de- mand the sincere and grateful acknowledgment of every Australian colonist. 2. That upon Mr. Parkes' retirement, probably for a long period, from public life, this meeting desires that a suitable and permanent memorial should be established of the high estimation of his public virtues by his fellow-colonists, and that a subscription be opened for the purpose of raising funds for the purchase of an estate, to be vested in trustees for the benefit of Mr. Parkes' family. 3. That the earnest co-operation of the Australian colonists, in promoting the objects of this meeting, be solicited, and that gentlemen favourable thereto be invited to aid in forming local committees, and in soliciting subscrip- tions in aid of the proposed testimonial." EULOGY FROM MR. DALLEY. 73 These resolutions would have been carried, and the movement pressed on with every prospect of success; but the proceedings were again checked by a protest from Mr. Parkes. The chairman of the meeting, Mr. Cowper, was obliged to announce, on taking the chair, that though it had been hoped after what had taken place at the meetings at the Royal Hotel, that Mr. Parkes would have consented to waive his objections to what was being done, it was found not only that he had not done so, but that he had stated to most of his friends his objections with greater force than before, and in a manner that almost compelled them to defer to his wishes. The proceedings, therefore, came to an end. Mr. Dalley expressed his deep regret that the intended " great public distinction " had been de- clined, but consoled himself with the reflection that " at all events when the curtain fell between him (Mr. Parkes) and the public that curtain which for & time concealed him from them as a public man it was rung down with the universal applause of the country." Mr. Richard Jones, while agree- ing with the course taken by Mr. Parkes in de- clining the testimonial, said " it would be difficult indeed for them to make an adequate return for the many and important services which he had rendered to the community." Dr. Woolley spoke of the glorious career which would one day unite Mr. Parkes' name " with those of the guardians of liberty in America and elsewhere." Mr. Robertson declared that in " every hamlet, village, and town " in the country the most popular man was Mr. 74 PRESENTATION OF AN ADDRESS. Parkes ; and Mr. W. C. Windeyer, this occasion being his first appearance in public, urged that, as the proposal for a testimonial was to be abandoned, they should at least present an address, signed by all, " to bear testimony to the love, admiration, and respect which they felt towards Henry Parkes." A resolution was adopted, " That an address be presented to Henry Parkes, Esq., late representative of the city, on his retirement from Parlia- ment, expressing the feelings of the citizens of Sydney and the colonists at large in reference to his eminent public services ; " and the meeting terminated. CHAPTER VIII. " MURMURS OP THE STREAM." NOT long after his retirement from the Legislative Assembly in 1856, Mr. Parkes published a second volume of poems, entitled, " Murmurs of the Stream," with the following dedication : THE VERSES UNDER THIS HEAD, CONTAINING RECORDS OF FEELING SCATTERED OVER FIFTEEN YEARS, ARE DEDICATED TO THE 3057 ELECTORS OF SYDNEY, WHO RETURNED THE AUTHOR TO THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY, MARCH 13th, 1856. The little book it contained 107 pages showed no particular advance upon the previous volume in poetic conception or skilfulness of versification, but it revealed the yearnings of a soul impelled to utterance by the same deep love and reverence for England, and passionate desire for the well- being of Australia. It opened with a poem on "Fatherland:" 76 AUSTRALIA AND THE "FATHERLAND." " The brave old laud of deed and song, Uf gentle hearts and spirits strong, Of queenly maids and heroes grand, Of equal laws, our Fatherlanfr ! " And, after recounting some of the splendid characteristics of England, it proceeds : " Shall Cromwell's memory, Milton's lyre, Not kindle 'mong us souls of fire, Not raise in us a spirit strong High scorn of shams quick hate of wYong ? " Shall we not learn, Australians born ! To smile on tinselled power our scorn, At least, a freeman's pride to try, When tinselled power would bend or buy 1 " The brave old land of deed and song, We ne'er will do her memories wrong ! For freedom here we'll firmly stand, As stood our sires for Fatherland ! " Politics in the days when some of these poems were written did not, in all respects, commend itself to the writer, and the Donaldson Cabinet, the first Administration under the new Constitution Act of 1856, did not please him. Especially did he view with disfavour the appointment of the late Mr. Thomas Holt to the position of Colonial Treasurer. And he wrote : " Here men leap forth, the statesmen of an hour, With one untutored bound to highest place, Who yesterday had never dreamt of power, Whom none had named for mad ambition's race. " Here men are called to rule, ah, self-deceived ! Because, if for a cause the thing can be They have neglected most and least achieved, To found a State or set a people free." "STATESMEN OF AN HOUR." 77 Not inapplicable are these verses to what has been the case in some Ministries since 1856, and must continue to be -so until sufficient time shall have passed for a race of politicians to exist in the colony, natives of the soil, and trained in politics and parliamentary procedure from their youth upwards. " Poor land ! " he exclaimed in some lines " suggested by political changes in men and power and men out of power in 1856,"- " Poor land ! of what avail for thee Thy summer wilds and skies resplendent, If all this light still lifeless be, And man grow here a thing dependent." . And in a poem entitled " The Australian Maiden to her BrotheV," in which he deplores the debasing effect of much that, at this period, marked the institutions connected with the government of the country, he says, alluding to the condition of lands possessed of the blessings of freedom, and urging that every effort be made to raise Australia to the same level, " Hast thou forgot our evening, morning, And midday dreams, of isles less fair, Where Freedom dwelt, the world adorning, And Truth made man her gifted heir ! " And how our loved Australia yet Might rise among those names of light, Brighter than star e'er rose, which set Within the old world's troubled night 1 78 CONFIDENCE IN THE COLONY'S FUTURE. " Did we not dream how thou should 'st stand, Though even alone, a patriot true, And late and early, for our land Toil on as patriots only do ? " And art thou worn with nights of thought, For her so steeped in crime and fear 1 Hast thou all means of justice sought To raise her up our country dear ? " In manhood's dawn in sport of fame, Thou, with the poet's skill, did'st twine A garland round her sullied name, As proud to call such country thine. " But is this all 1 and can'st thou brother Australia's abject suffering see ? And live one hour for any other Than the great purpose her to free 1 " Go through her sun-bright forests gaze Go, and determine which shall share A people free for better days, Or lord or serf God's bounty, there. " Ask not what sorrow wears my breast, Seek not again to comfort me, While still our country sinks oppressed, Without a helping hand from thee." There are other verses in the book expressing similar sentiments to these, but at the same time full of hope of the glorious future which the author saw clearly from the first awaited this land. " We live in hope we have no past Our glory's to be won ! And come it will, in spite of ill, Sure as to-morrow's sun." A PORTRAIT SELF-DRAWN. 79 In some lines called " The Strength of Life " we have a picture of the poet himself, drawn with such clearness that the portrait cannot be mistaken. " The dreams of boyhood all were passed, The gorgeous light that shone through all Had faded from life's track at last, Like sunshine from a prison wall : He stood alone, and faced the world The wide, bleak world without a star ; And every scorner's lip was curled ; A nd heart was faint ; and hope was far. " But faint with disappointment's pang, And trust deceived, and efforts foiled, And bleeding now from misery's fang, That heart yet firmly beat and toiled. He gazed upon the desert way, And drew fresh life from resolute will ; For hope still smiled, though pale her ray, And Heaven was bending o'er him still. " And never failed that trustful heart, In conflict dark and suffering long, Still striving for the higher part, By every struggle waxing strong. The grim realities of life He met, with front as fixed and grim ; But well he cherished, through the strife, All gentle thoughts that came to him. " And when, far up the sunny mount, He rested like a traveller tired, His dearest joy was to recount The dreams that first his spirit fired. The glory of those dreams returned, All pure and tranquil, bright and free, Not one rich hue that early burned Tinged by the trail of misery." 80 "MY OWN BLUE-EYED BOY." No truer or better description of Mr. Parkes' life, up to the time when these verses were written, could be given than is set forth in these lines. His friendlessness when he came here, his struggles to improve his position, the sneers of the envious or the unfriendly, the pangs of disappointment or of failure, the pleasures of hope, the faith in the future, the determination to go on : all are depicted with strength and vividness. o The book contains also a rather lengthy poem addressed " To an Australian Child," and the verses have a deeply pathetic tone. The child who had inspired the poet to pen the lines, was his first born son ; they were written in the warmth of a father's affection, and the brightness of his anticipation of the boy's future ; and, alas ! the boy's life was a disappointment. He lived a commonplace existence; he died in early manhood ; and the father's cherished hopes were unfulfilled. The poem is too long to quote in extenso, but a few verses are sufficient to show with what fond expectation the future of " my own blue -eyed boy " was regarded. " How bright is the morning, young creature of mirth, As 'twere the fresh dawn on a paradise wild, Out-bursting in smiles o'er the land of thy birth ! But the beauty of Eden had ne'er reconciled Thy sire to his exile, if never those eyes Had pleaded in innocent love for its claim ! For, oh ! these are not the green woods and blue skies Which my childhood rpjoiced, nor these wild flow'rs the same. NO RELATIVES UNDER GOVERNMENT. 81 " But the sun in his rising, benignly resplendent, Thy land, little Southerner ! flooding with smiles, Ever wakes fresher feelings pure, proud, independent, That link us anew to this fairest of isles ! And right regally She, in the morning's rich light My boy's native city now looketh the Queen, With the sea at her feet lying tranquil and bright, Skirted still by her forests of dark evergreen ! " And grandly her future, my fair-fortuned boy ! Shall unfold o'er Australia's wild mountains and glenp, With effulgence of mind, and pervasion of joy ! That shall startle the world from its pomp of old sins. Yes ! Freedom her prime more august shall renew, With the spirit of Sparta, the sway of first Rome, Where now the green desert lies shut from man's view ; Or the desert's dark tribes, in sole mastery, roam. " And high is thy birthright, entitling to share In her patriot's labours the work yet unplanned Of some Hampden, perchance, now by mother's fond care Cradled safe 'mong the mountains afar in the land ; To claim when thy country shall rank with the nations, An honour-marked place by the side of her chiefs, With a soul that has fed on her proud aspirations, And pined 'neath the weight of her national griefs ! " The boy might have risen to manhood's estate high in the Government service, had his father so chosen, but it was one of the principles of Sir Henry Parkes' life not to appoint his relatives to positions under the Government, and his sons had to make their way in the world independently of this aid, and by their own efforts. The eldest, following in the footsteps of his father when he was conducting the 82 AN INTERESTING LETTER. Empire, became a printer. He died at the age of 37, and was buried at Faulconbridge, Sir Henry Parkes' mountain home, his grave being the first that was made there. On the day before the funeral the present writer received the following letter, dated from Faulconbridge, which contains some interesting references to the verses just quoted, and some touching observations regarding him to whom the lines had been addressed. " Faulconbridge, "January 4, 1880. " My dear Mr. Lyne, " At page 75 of the accompanying little volume you will find some verses which more than 34 years ago I addressed to my poor dead son, then a child 2| years old. At that time I was myself an unknown young man with no thought of entering upon a public career. The verses were written in 1846. I took part in public proceedings for the first time in 1848, at the election of Mr. Robert Lowe for Sydney. " Looked at from the present day, through the changes of the intervening years, the political character of the verses has a curious interest for myself, and in this sense and in connection with my loss they might be of interest to the public. I am too much absorbed in my own little world to be a judge of this. " Throughout my poor boy's boyhood I had great hopes of his future. All this ended in sad disappoint- ment, but he was one of the kindest and gentlest creatures that ever lived. "Faithfully yours, "HENRY PARKES." FIRST GRAVE AT FAULCON BRIDGE. S3 There was a touching simplicity, and yet a picturesqueness, about the funeral. The remains of the deceased were conveyed to Faulconbridge by train, and on arriving at the railway platform there the coffin was taken from the train, and carried to the grave by six of the workpeople employed by Sir Henry Parkes and the late Sir James Martin, then Chief Justice, on their mountain estates, the men being dressed in spotlessly white attire, and wearing a band of crape around the left arm and another around the hat. Preceding the coffin was the clergyman, an old friend of the family, and following it were Sir Henry Parkes, his son Mr. Varney Parkes, Mr. James Watson, then Colonial Treasurer, Mr. G. A. Lloyd, Mr. W. Xeill, and a few others. On reaching the grave, which had been dug in a spot shaded by a wild nutmeg tree, about a quarter of a mile from the Faulconbridge railway platform, though but a very short distance from the railway line, a beautiful cross of flowers composed of rare white roses and maiden hair fern, some equally beautiful floral wreaths, and some wild flowers were laid upon the coffin ; and bearing these tributes of regard and affection, the body was lowered into its last resting place. The floral cross and wreaths were sent by the Governor, Lord Augustus Lofbus ; the wild flowers were gathered by hands prompted by loving hearts, about the rocks and dells of Faulconbridge. A POETS GOOD WORD. " Murmurs of the Stream," closes with some ATTEMPTS IN SONNET WRITING, DEDICATED TO SIR CHARLES NICHOLSON, K.B., AS A LINK OF A VALUED FRIENDSHIP. They are not unsuccessful, and the little book generally, though it exhibits some crudities of ex- pression and rhyme, is musical, thought-inspiring, and pleasing. Writing in 1878 with reference to some books he was sending me, one of them being this volume of poems, Sir Henry Parkes said : " I shall feel gratified if you will accept ] the accompanying volumes in remembrance of a very pleasant journey we performed together last month. " The speeches were published chiefly as a re- cord of opinion extending over some 25 years. The book has had a value attached to it by others, both here and in England, which I can say most sincerely I do not attach to it myself. " The smaller volume ( " Murmurs of the Stream " ) has been severely condemned by the critics, but that too has had a good word said of it by a great poet, the late W. C. Bryant. " I offer the books to you, good or bad, as part of myself." TENNYSON AND WOOLNER. 85 But the book, and more recent volumes of poems, have had a " good word " said for them by a greater poet than W. C. Bryant. Lord Tennyson spoke well of them, and another authority, famous for his genius with the sculptor's chisel rather than the poet's pen, but recognised as a poet of consider- able talent, Mr. Thomas Woolner, R.A., also alluded to some of them in terms of praise. Not very long before Mr. Woolner's decease Sir Henry Parkes received from him, in acknowledgment of a copy of " Fragmentary Thoughts," a letter in which he said " The poems give a most interesting glimpse of your inner aspirations, and, above all, the warm and passionate desire you have always felt to im- prove the hard fate of the poor, and bestow upon them your sympathy, which, in some respects, is by them even more highly valued." CHAPTEK IX. DIFFICULTIES OF THE " EMPIRE." A FEW months after the events which followed Mr. Parkes' resignation from the Legislative Assembly in 1856, the Empire was in difficulties. The commercial department of the paper had not been successful. Its literary character had been excellent throughout, and it had exercised an im- portant and beneficial influence upon the community; but from one cause and another the journal, from a pecuniary point of view, had not been carried on profitably. Probably Mr. Parkes' election to the Legislature had so drawn him away from his duties at the Empire office that he was prevented from giving to the office that supervision which, in any such case, to be of use must be unremitting. His work on the Empire was that not only of an editor but also of a proprietor, and it needed constant attention. Not being a practical printer he was open to the many evils, attended by loss of money or business, which a man trained to the printing trade can, in most instances, with little difficulty avoid. His only chance of escaping them was by regular atteri PECUNIARY EMBARRASSMENT. 87 dance in his office, and active personal acquain- tance with everything going on there. Even then he must have been to a large extent at the mercy of others directly charged with departments of work which he could not well understand. He had received some assistance in money from friends when the paper was started, and almost from the first the business columns of the journal obtained a fair share of advertisements. The paper steadily advanced in circulation, and the price of it was fourpence. But through most of its career the cost of production was very great for a con- siderable period as much as 100 a day and there was a constantly increasing amount of book debts. Money owing to the office did not come in as it ought to have done. The general public regarded the paper with high approval, but, as is frequently the case, many of those with whom it had business relations showed little concern as to its means of existence. Consequently, instead of progressing satisfactorily in this most material part of a great newspaper enterprise, it w r ent backward. At different times it was found indispensable to seek pecuniary assistance from persons willing to lend money to enable the paper to overcome its difficul- ties, and these appeals had met with a prompt response. The great good the paper was doing was recognised, and there was seen no reason why, when it had surmounted the obstacles never absent from the first years of a large newspaper business, it should not return a satisfactory profit. 88 A HEAVY LIABILITY But as time went on it was found from certain circumstances, unforeseen, that the hope of the ultimate pecuniary success of the journal was delusive. Where there are a number of creditors in an estate it is not always that they act in unison. It is not unusual to find one or two whose opinions as to a proposed course regarding the property concerned are opposed to the opinions of the rest ; that, while a large majority are disposed to assist to the fullest extent of their power, the small minority are doggedly determined to do the very opposite. So it turned out to be in this case. At the time when Mr, Parkes retired from the Legislative Assembly in 1856 the liabilities of the paper amounted to fully 50,000, a very large sum to ordinary eyes, but not so to the eyes of those who know what the liabilities of great newspapers sometimes are. This 50,000 included a mortgage for 11,000, and the mortgagee pressing for pay- ment, the matter went into the Supreme Court. Very soon possession was taken of the property for the mortgagee, and the paper was advertised for sale. In this condition of affairs Mr. Parkes called a meeting of his creditors, and explained the situation to them. To a certain extent the result was satisfactory. It showed that most of the creditors were satisfied of the integrity and the ability of the proprietor of the paper, and of the ultimate success of the journal. They were willing to agree to Mr. Parkes' proposals, and to wait. But this general decision on the part of most of those to whom the AFFAIRS BECOME CRITICAL. 89 paper was indebted was made abortive by the one or two creditors who had taken up an antagonistic position, and who had declined to give away. At this point the whole staff of the paper abandoned their work ; and for a few days the very appearance of the paper was jeopardised. A new staff could not be obtained, and for a time the situation seemed a hopelebs one. But in his extrem- ity there were a few persons who came to the aid of the editor, and with their assistance the paper appeared day by day, not, certainly, in its usual complete form, but sufficiently complete to pass current ; and in that way this new difficulty was surmounted. The staff did not leave from hostility to Mr. Parkes. They wei e careful to explain that their relations with him, up to the period of the present embarrassments, had always been cordial and satisfactory ; but as at this time some arrears of wages were due to them, and as it had been explained to them that inasmuch as the mortgagee had taken possession of the property they must look to him for payment of what was due to ttum, and he had declined to pay them, they left the office. The condition of affairs now became very critical. The prospect of being able to go on under such a load of difficulties as had accumulated was very slight ; yet every consideration urged that a strong effort should be made to prevent complete disaster. The six years of incessant labour in the establishment and the conduct of the paper had been too great, and in their effect upon the com- munity too beneficial, to be lightly set aside. The 90 FRIENDLY ASSISTANCE. paper had done signal service under the old order of government ; it was doing equally good service under the new. Meetings were held by persons interested, chiefly from patriotic motives, in the well-being of the journal, to consider what was best to be done ; and it was determined to take steps to to pay off the mortgage. The money was raised by subscription ; the mortgage was redeemed ; and the pressing trouble which had threatened the exist- ence of the paper under Mr. Parkes' management was removed. So far this was satisfactory, especially to the paper's many friends ; but the relief of the journal from the mortgage debt does not appear to have been brought about with Mr. Parkes' consent. In 1868 he alluded to the matter in a speech in the Legislative Assembly. " There was a mortgage on the paper," he explained, "of some 11,000, to Sir Daniel Cooper, and a number of persons proposed to take it up from that gentleman, but in a manner to which I objected. I stated my objections in writing, and was never a consenting party to the transaction, except in endeavouring to work it out after it was done. I wished to be left alone to deal with my estate as other people do with theirs." Though requested to name persons who might assist in the movement he had declined to name anyone, not believing that any good could result from the course that was being taken. He did not approve of w r hat was being done, and declined to be a party to it. An explan- ation, similar to this, he also made when, as far as he was concerned, the publication of the paper came to an end in 1 858. A MANLY LETTER. 91 A letter written at the time by Mr. Parkes to one of the most earnest and active of the friends who brought assistance to the embarrassed journal, indicates very forcibly his feelings on the subject. The letter bore date " Saturday afternoon, March 21, 1857," and was as follows : My dear Mr. Montefiore, After I saw you yesterday I again had much trouble with parties connected with the office, which occupied my attention nearly the whole afternoon. In the evening I saw Mr. Jones, and had a long conver- sation with him on the subject of my unfortunate affairs. Thus, much of my time was consumed, and I was left in a frame of mind little fitted to think of what you desired me to think of. I cannot but feel that the Empire has few friends who would render the extraordinary assistance required, and I cannot think of any I should, be justified in naming. Since Mr. Jones left me I have spent some anxious hours endeavouring to realise the future, in case your arrangements with Mr. Cooper were to be completed. It is clear I should live in a new world of thought and feel- ing my relations with men entirely changed the public men of the country all standing in an altered light, some whom I have hitherto regarded as opponents or with indifference now assuming the character of benevolent protectors my very existence depending on the wealth of a gentleman who a few weeks ago told me to my face that he would rather ' crush ' the Empire than suffer personal annoyance from his connection with it. It were unwise not to ask myself calmly and search- ingly am I strong enough to bear all this to outlive the mo-al imprisonment to which I should be consigned my judgment and my integrity alike distrusted and myself suspecting everyone. 92 PERILOUS SUPPORT. In ordinary cases this might be borne, if the ends in view were only the accumulation of money. But I should be expected to maintain a high ground of inde- pendence, to infuse fire and vigour into the political life of the country, to appear at the door of my own dungeon every morning as a spirited defender of freedom. I am not seeking to conjure up gloom and difficulty, but to ascertain by the severe light of reason what would in reality be my future position, and what would be my prospect of surmounting my difficulties with a new burden of so irksome a nature placed upon my back, and with only one motive to action the hope of paying my debts in the place of all those warm and stirring ones which animated me in my past struggles. The obstacles that stood before me on the first of January appear to me now of tenfold greater magnitude ; the spirit that sustained me then I feel is now half extinguished. The public canvass of my affairs which has taken place will sit 'upon my energies like a hideous nightmare ; and I know too well the natural action of the public mind not to foresee that the idle sympathy which has been created will be transient and will dissi- pate itself in a chilling mist of pity and suspicion. This kind of public support of a public journal, believe me, will prove as perilous as the clasp of those shrubs which in most cases destroy the tree to which they cling. The public that monster of a thousand conflicting passions ought to be compelled to respect a public journal, not asked to look upon it with commisera- tion. Looking at the frightful extent to which my diffi- culties have been aggravated and complicated by recent occurrences, and the deadly blow which has been struck at the prestige of the Empire throughout the world, my confidence for the first time forsakes me, and I feel I THE STIGMA OF DEPENDENCE. 93 ought to let you know the state of almost despair in which I find myself. I have sent for Mr. Wilshire with the view of making a last appeal to him to take the thing into his own hands. That is the only way which I can see t carry the paper through its troubles. The help which you and other friends, by your great kindness and the great waste of your time which it has caused, have suc- ceeded in raising, would be just sufficient to drag me to the dust to affix to the Empire the stigma of depen- dence on eleemosynary aid, but, I seriously apprehend, as it would be rendered on conditions subversive of my self-respect, it would be utterly insufficient to save me from destruction. I reveal to you these apprehensions because it is right that you should know them. I do not wish them to be interpreted as my final decision in a matter of such high moral concern to me, and in which I feel my- self in such a fearful state of doubt and difficulty. But I beg that you will do nothing without letting me know the distinct conditions to which I am to be subject, as I am most anxious not to deceive you by undertaking what would be too much for my strength hereafter. With a thousand thanks for the trouble you and all have taken, Believe me, Yours truly, H. PARKES. The haunting fear so well expressed in this letter, that in the new circumstances of its existence the paper could never again be what it had been, was far from being groundless. The Empire did not long survive the period of its fallen fortunes. The 94 END OF THE STRUGGLE. mortgage being paid off, the man in possession departed, and for a time the paper went on in most respects as formerly. Expenses were curtailed where it was practicable to do so, and the business arrangements generally were improved, largely with the object of obtaining money, the total amount of which was very considerable, from persons indebted to the office as subscribers or advertisers. But these efforts did not meet with success, 'the money did not come in as it ought to have done ; the expenses of the paper were beyond its income ; liabilities pressing upon it could not be materially reduced. The publication of the journal was henceforth, until it ended, a continuous struggle ; the great burden of the paper's difficulties causing it to rapidly lose, with no prospect of ever regaining it, its old familiar garb of high literary ability, far- reaching criticism, comprehensive information, and public usefulness. CHAPTER X. RE-ELECTION TO PARLIAMENT. EARLY in 1858 Mr. Parkes re-entered Parliament, being returned at the general election in this year for a constituency known as the North Riding of Cumberland. His retirement from Parliamentary life at the close of 1856 had not been as prolonged as he had anticipated. He had made a determined effort to free himself, for at least some years, from the obligations attending the possession of a seat in the Legislature. Twice he had voluntarily returned the trust confided to his care by the electors of the City of Sydney, and each resignation had been followed by a closer attention to his duties in the office of the Empire. With his great news- paper established on firm foundations, and enjoying a prosperous career, Parliamentary labour would have been a delight ; with the journal struggling to free itself from its load of indebtedness it was unsatisfactory and burdensome. But his efforts to keep out of the Legislature until he should be able to command more leisure proved futile. Important as unremitting attention to the interests of the 96 BEFORE A NEW CONSTITUENCY. Empire was acknowledged to be, there were those among his friends, who, recognising his peculiar fitness for political life were always urging him to seize the earliest occasion for re-entering the Legislative Assembly. These importunities natur- ally had some effect, though of themselves they were not sufficient to draw him from the course he had resolved to take. But when his efforts to reorganise the Empire office, and make some satisfactory arrangement with the creditors of the paper, had failed, and permanent success in his newspaper enterprise was seen to be, under the circumstances, very doubtful, if not impossible, there seemed to be no reason why he should remain away from Parliament a moment after the opportunity for his return presented itself. So it came about that he re-entered the Legislative Assembly as one of two members for the North Riding of Cumberland. He might have stood for Sydney, the electorate which had previously returned him, or for two or three other constituencies, but there were weighty reasons why he should present himself for election in the North Riding. At this time he was living at Ryde, an important part of this constituency, and he had many friends there. Some of these friends, without making proper preparations to ensure success, injudiciously nominated him as a candidate- for the electorate at a bye-election which took place a few months before the general election at which he was afterwards returned. The result was that he was de- feated. This was unpleasant, but as the causes of the defeat were not such as to show that the constitu- AMONG THE OLDEST PUBLIC MEN. 97 ency as a whole was adverse to his representing it, he determined to submit himself to the electors of the North Riding a second time rather than become a candidate for any other electorate. His determination was supported by a requisition from the electors, numerously and influentially signed. " I may fairly claim," he said in his reply to this requisition, " a place among our oldest public men who are still before the country, and therefore my character, to some extent, may be tried by the test of time. My votes recorded in nearly every division of two Legislatures, and my expressed sentiments on nearly every subject that could be submitted for debate, are open to the severest review, and I am content to stand or fall by such examination." At this period he had been actively engaged in public life for ten years, and the nature of the political situation at this general election was such as to justify a claim on the electors based upon long and valuable service in the public interest. Res- ponsible government, so far as it had been tried, had not produced the good results which at its introduction had been anticipated. It had been in operation for twenty months ; and during that time four Ministries had been in office, parties in Parlia- ment had become disorganized, and legislation was at a standstill. The first popular Parliament in the country had ended in " nothing effectual, nothing real, nothing tangible," and there was a general feeling of disappointment. In the appeal to the con- stituencies which followed, this feeling was apparent 98 PROGRAMME FOR THE NEW PARLIAMENT. by a disinclination on the part of prominent colonists for public life. It was a time when men who, like Mr. Parkes, could point to several years of labour in behalf of the people, were wanted. Parliament had been dissolved at the instance of Mr. Cowper, on the land question, though the matter on which the Government had sustained actual defeat was the Assessment Bill, a measure which sought to continue a charge upon the squatters of the country by an assessment upon the stock depasturing on the runs. The principal feature in the programme for the new Parliament was electoral reform, by which there would be a larger number of members in the Assembly, an equalization of the electoral districts, represen- tation being based upon population, and an extension of the franchise. With an amended electoral system, it was believed there would be much better means available for dealing successfully not only with the land question, but with such questions as the abolition of State aid to religion, the improvement of the means of education, prison reform, the better management of asylums for lunatics, and of Government charitable institutions, railway and road construction, and an equitable system of finance. Mr. Cowper and his colleagues were not in high favour, and there was some danger of their meeting with disaster in the elections. They strengthened their position by admitting Mr. Robertson to the Cabinet as Secretary for Lands arid Public Works, but they had more difficulties to meet than those OPPOSED TO EXPERIMENTAL LEGISLATION. 99 connected with the land question. So insecure did the position of the Government appear that Mr. Dalley, then young and ardent, implored the electors of Sydney, where he with the Premier and two others formed the Government bunch of candidates, to return Mr. Cowper whatever else they might do. Mr. Cowper was elected, but he was fourth on the poll ; and Mr. Dalley and another of the Government bunch, and Mr. J. K. Wilshire, were rejected. Mr. Parkes, not being one of those who pro- fessed to approve of everything the Government had done, or one who had been accustomed in his public career to refrain from expressing his dis- approval of that which merited condemnation, was charged by some with being an advocate of violent measures, a Radical of the extremest type. But he appealed to the facts of his public life in repudiation of the charge. " I have ever been opposed," he said, in his address to the electors of the North Riding, " to experimental legislation, and believe that the Par- liament of a new country has no graver duty to perform than guarding against the accumulation of special enactments which, introduced upon paltry grounds to meet particular cases, are often at vari- ance with the maxims of common law ; and, while they encumber the statute book with unintelligible complications, are calculated to impede the healthful working of the great natural laws so clearly laid down for the moral government of society. Acting upon this conviction, if elected by you, I shall sub- ject all measures, from whatever quarter they may 100 POLITICAL REASONING & PRACTICAL TRUTHS. proceed, to those indisputable principles established by a long course of political reasoning, and those great practical truths deduced from legislative ex- perience, which the statesmen of England and America accept as their common landmarks. The liberalism I have ever professed, and ever acted upon, is in reality the true conservatism of mind and in- telligence in our institutions of justice and equity in our laws." Sir Charles Gavan Duffy, not then knighted, writing from Melbourne at this time to Mr. Edward Butler, the well-known barrister of a few years ago, referred to Mr. Parkes as a man who had won general confidence bypublic services performed in the interests of the entire people. The letter is remark- able for its recognition of the important position in politics which, at this period, Mr. Parkes had attained, and for its expressed belief in his future eminence. " I wish I knew how, without impropriety," Sir Charles wrote, " I could aid you in securing the election of Mr. Parkes for North Cumberland. I would gladly go to Sydney with that object, if my interference was not liable to be considered un- warrantable. And I am the more anxious because some of our countrymen, you tell me, hesitate to support him. I should be sorry to see the Irish citizens of these colonies separate themselves in any respect from the general muster of Australians ; but such a separation would be painful and humili- ating, if it were directed against a man who has won general confidence, by public services performed in SIR C. G. DUFFY'S TESTIMONY. 101 the interest of the entire people. Mr. Parkes is pre-eminently such a man, and his labours obliterate from all generous minds the recollection of such casual mistakes or misunderstandings as cloud the life of every public man. " Our friends were angry with him for resisting the election of Mr. Plunkett, for Sydney, in March, 1856. So was I. But the day after that event, or any day since, if I were living in Sydney, I would have felt it my duty to aid, abet, and co-ope- rate with him in politics, as one of the wisest and most disinterested public men that Australia can boast. I am not much in the habit of accepting opinions ready-made from any man ; but if I were to select the man on your side of the border, with whom I hold most principles in common, I would name him. And to the right opinions he adds that subtile moral force (combined of genius and integrity) which turns opinions into facts. I am confident that ten years hence, and I do not doubt that ten generations hence, the name which will best per- sonify the national spirit of New South Wales in this era will be the name of Henry Parkes. "At this distance your contemporary annals fall into the perspective of history to us, as those of England do to you ; and the shame and regret which the exclusion of Bright and Cobden from the o English Parliament must have created in Sydney, would be felt by some of the best men here at the exclusion of Henry Parkes from your Legislature. I cannot doubt that there are many constituencies which would be rejoiced to 102 LEGISLATOR AND STATESMAN. have him ; but the difficulty of the contest which he has undertaken is a touching evidence to me of a generous and lofty character. He is conscious of public integrity, and he scorns to select a friendly jury to pronounce on his career." And the letter concluded : " If there be among the constituency any political or personal friends of mine, entreat them to range themselves on the side of Parkes. In all the elections throughout these colonies, there is not one contest in which I would have less difficulty in taking my side, whoever stood on the other, for there is no man entitled to exclude him. And I would hear with the intensest pain and humiliation, that those in whom I have the interest of a common origin, ranked themselves against a man for whom I have not only the highest esteem as a personal friend, but the completest confidence as a legislator and a statesman." Mr. Parkes was elected for the North Riding of Cumberland, with Mr. Thomas Whistler Smith. He was returned second on the poll, by a small majority ; but the contest was severe, and he had many difficulties to contend against. The features of his success lay in the facts that the election cost him nothing, he was not required to make any pledges, and he proved to the community generally that his previous defeat in the constituency was not a correct representation of the feelings of the majority of the electors. " If Mr. Smith," said Mr, Parkes at the official declaration of the poll, " can feel a sentiment of just THE PRIDE OF SUCCESS. 103 pride in being returned for the North Riding of Cumberland, how much more may I, who have been before the country some ten years, who, by the course I have taken, have created large numbers of hostile opponents, who having taken a most active course in public life, cannot have failed, by the very fact of my having taken so decided a course, to have raised up a large and powerful opposition against me how much more, under such circumstances, may I feel justly proud of being returned by the constituency which may be considered least favor- able to my election." " The principles on which I have acted," he also said, " are the principles which some of the most enlightened and best men are seeking to carry out in the Government of our fatherland. Those principles I shall not swerve from. I shall to the best of my ability, with whatever energies I possess, seek to carry them out. Though I do not profess to be altogether indifferent to party, believing as I do that responsible government must be carried on by something like constitutional parties, still I will not do violence to my judgment- violence to what I conscientiously believe to be right for the sake of any party whatever." In this spirit was he determined to pursue his parliamentary career. CHAPTER XL THE SECOND PARLIAMENT UNDER RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT. THE second Parliament under responsible govern- ment sat for little more than twelve months, its principal work being the passing of a new electoral law. Not more than half of this short period had gone by when Mr. Parkes again resigned his seat in the Assembly, this time in consequence of the difficulties of the Empire having reached a point which forced the property into the Insolvency Court. For the short period during which he sat in this second Assembly he took a prominent part in its work, and in various ways showed his ability and usefulness as a legislator. Early in the session he was instrumental in saving the Cowper Government from a necessity to resign on a motion which was virtually one of censure. By an indiscretion on the part of the Governor, Sir William Denison, the House had been offended in its dignity, and Mr. Cowper, accepting responsibility in the matter, ran great risk of being sent out of office. GOVERNOR AND PARLIAMENT. 105 The incident is interesting as it is the first instance, under responsible government in New South Wales, of a Governor coming into conflict o with Parliament. The Indian Mutiny had just broken out, and the Governor-General of India was looking in all directions for troops. A regiment of infantry and a company of artillery were, at the time, stationed in Sydney, and Lord Canning thought the colony might easily spare them for the urgent service of assisting to quell the rebellion in India. Sir William Denison thought so too, and sending a message to the Assembly, covering a des- patch from Lord Canning, he asked the Assembly to consent to the immediate despatch of the troops to Calcutta, and at the same time to make provision for the purchase of the horses necessary to enable the artillery upon landing to take the field. The colony was paying for the services of these Imperial troops, for it was then considered essential that a properly trained and disciplined force should be maintained in Sydney for the purpose of its defence. The infantry consisted of the 77th Regiment, and the Assembly was willing that it should go to India ; but objection was raised to the artillery leaving the colony, and the proposed expenditure in the purchase of horses, 3,640, was refused the moment it came before the House in definite form. Regarding the proposal as one to assist the East India Company, a wealthy corporation, well able to bear the cost of these horses, the majority of members declined to sanction the expenditure, and the Government were 106 MINISTERIAL RESPONSIBILITY. of course bound to acquiesce. The decision of the House was annoying. It was a rebuff to the Government for bringing forward the proposal, and it was not complimentary to the Governor. But there was no intention to show disloyalty to the Crown. At the very time the Assembly refused the money for the purchase of the artillery horses, a movement was in progress in Sydney for relieving the distress of sufferers in India from the effects of the Mutiny, and there was every reason to believe that, in the aggregate, the contributions would be very large, and, when forwarded to India, very beneficial. Mr. Parkes, on this occasion, was with the opponents of the proposal, and it was withdrawn. Sir William Denison, angry at what had taken place, for he had committed himself in the matter so far as to have informed Lord Canning that the troops would be despatched with the horses required for the artillery, sent to the House a message of remonstrance in terms which were considered to be unjustifiable and insulting ; and the House, resenting the Governor's conduct, referred the message to a select committee, and then adopted a report from the committee in which the message was strongly condemned. Very properly, the Government assumed all responsibility in the matter as between the Assembly and the Governor, and, regarding te course taken by the House as a vote of censure, were obliged to consider their position, and would have resigned if Mr. Parkes had not come to their assistance with a motion of confidence. This INDEPENDENCE OF PARLIAMENT. 107 was passed by a majority of nearly two to one, for, though the Government were not in great favour, there was no general desire for a change, and the position of Mr. Cowper and his colleagues was, for the time, materially strengthened. One important result of these proceedings was that they served to establish definitely in the eyes of Parliament and the public, the responsibility of Ministers in all proceedings between the Governor and the Assembly. For all time it was placed beyond question that, in all his acts in his relations with Parliament, the Governor should proceed with the advice of his Ministers, and that for the conse- quences of those acts Ministers are fully responsible. The incident was also an important assertion of the independence of Parliament. The old order of politics and the domination of Government House, it was shown had passed away, and the rule of the Governor had given place to the will of the people expressed through their representatives in the Legislature. Mr. Cowper rose in public estimation by his announcement of ministerial responsibility, though many persons regarded the admission as unneces- sarily exposing the Government to the risk of disaster ; and, on the whole, it resulted to him in considerable advantage. To Sir William Denison the proceedings were a cause of much discomfort, for the course taken by the Assembly had the appearance of a rude rebuke. Unfortunately for him, he had not become properly conscious of the 108 FIRST VIEWS ON THE CHINESE QUESTION. great change which the Constitution of 1856, and the election of the first popular Assembly, had brought about ; and, although on the whole he en- deavoured to conform to the new order of things, his actions at times indicated something of the old system of arbitrariness and almost absolute power. One of the measures introduced by Mr. Cowper at this period, was a bill to restrict Chinese immi- gration, and in the debate on the motion for the second reading Mr. Parkes expressed, for the first time, his views on the subject. They were very similar to what they were thirty years later, when he carried through Parliament the Act which virtually prohibits Chinese immigration into New South Wales. Very few in number as the Chinese in the colony in those days were, compared with the number here now, they had begun to make them- selves obnoxious, and an impression was abroad that unless their influx were in some way checked they might very soon over-run the country. Mr. Cowper proposed a poll tax of 3 on each Chinese arriving in the colony, and the proposal received the sanction of the Assembly, but the bill was defeated in the Council. Mr. Parkes was of opinion that the measure should be prohibitory, and consistently with that opinion he managed to pass such a measure thirty years afterwards. Throughout the period during which he sat in the second Parliament, Mr. Parkes was constant in his attendance in the House, and very active in the performance of the duties of his position. The difficulty of the "unemployed" made its appearance DESIRE FOR RETRENCHMENT. 109 in Sydney ; and while the Empire advocated sending as many persons as possible into the country, in order that they might be judiciously distributed through the districts where employment was probably to be found, its conductor endeavoured as far as he was able to bring about in the Assembly a reduction in the general public expenditure. He thought retrenchment possible, and, in view of the condition of the country at the time, desirable. He did not contend that the officers employed in the public service were too numerous, or the salaries paid them too high, but he considered that a very desirable saving might be effected by a reorganiza- tion of the departments. There were, for instance, at the time, two ministers attached to the Crown Law Offices, and yet not at the head of a depart- ment. Another minister had the management of the public lands and the public works of the country. In moving resolutions on the subject, Mr. Parkes argued that, since the time when the salaries then paid were fixed, rents had fallen 50 per cent., the prices of provisions and clothing, which had risen very largely during the excitement attending the discovery of gold, had decreased so much that the market was glutted and sales were being effected at a positive loss; and, in view of the general depression, as much economy in the Government expenditure as was possible should be exercised. Ministers of the Crown, as well as officers of the Civil Service, he proposed, should come under the general revision. He did not think any salary the country could pay could be sufficient remuneration 110 GROWING EXTRAVAGANCE. to a minister who properly discharged his duty. Ministerial salaries, he contended, could only be considered as " some kind of nominal recognition of the minister's services." But he was alive to the danger of a growing extravagance in the public expenditure, and he thought that ministers should be paid an equal salary, and that the salary should not amount to more than 1200 a year. His resolutions were : " (1.) That a reorganization of the departments, which shall place the duties of public employment more equally under the control of ministers, and secure their more economical performance, is urgently required and ought not to be delayed.' " (2.) That the estimates of expenditure for the ensuing year ought to be framed upon the basis of reduction, according to amount in each case, con- sidered in reference to the nature of the service proposed." " (3.) That the salaries paid to the responsible Ministers of the Crown ought to be equal in amount, and not higher than 1200 per annum." The resolutions were not passed by the House. They were opposed by the Government, who sug- gested that the matter might be referred to a select committee ; and this course was adopted. Mr. Parkes was careful to explain that, while he believed the expenditure had unnecessarily increased, he regarded it as impolitic that public service should be underpaid. What he desired was to restrict the Government to the expenditure which was absolutely necessary for the public service ; and he followed MR. J. H. PLUNKETT. Ill up his resolutions by moving for a return of the annual expenditure of the Civil Service of the colony for the seven years 1850 1858, showing the separate cost of each department, and the proportion of the total to each head of the population, with an accompanying explanation of the cause of increase or decrease in any department. About this time the country became interested in a dispute between the Government and Mr. J. H. Plunkett, which led to his dismissal from the office of Chairman of the Board of National Education, and his resignation from the position of President of the Legislative Council. Originating in a difference of opinion as to the powers of the Board of Educa- tion in relation to the issue by the Board of certain rules and regulations in connection with non- vested schools, the dispute led to a sharp correspondence between the President of the Board and the Colonial Secretary, Mr. Cowper, in which Mr. Plunkett used expressions such as the Government considered it impossible to overlook , and steps w r ere taken to bring about his removal. In common with other prominent public men Mr. Parkes endeavoured to effect a reconciliation. Mr. Plunkett was an old colonist who had done good public service, and was very generally esteemed. Coming to New South Wales in 1832 as Solicitor-General, and afterwards filling the office of Attorney-General for nearly twenty years, he had become conspicuous in the public life of the country ; and his appointment to the position of President of the Board of National Education had 112 SAYING THE GOVERNMENT. given general satisfaction. He was a Roman Catholic, but he was a man of liberal mind, and he enjoyed the respect and confidence of a large pro- portion of the Protestant community. For ten years he had sat at the head of the Board of Education, and in that office his labours had un- doubtedly been beneficial. It was therefore with something like universal regret that it was learned that he had left the post where he had been so useful. The matter came before the Assembly in a series of resolutions moved by Mr. James Macarthur, and after a debate extending over several days, during which excitement in and out of the House ran high, the difficulty was brought to an end by a compromise. Sympathy was expressed with Mr. Plunkett, and the Government was not directly censured ; but, in an amendment moved by Mr. Parkes, and adopted, it was hoped that such steps would be taken as would enable the Govern- ment to restore Mr. Plunkett to the position from which he had been removed. In putting forward this amendment, its author was actuated by the double motive of acting fairly with Mr. Plunkett and defending the Government in a case the merits of which he considered were in their favour. He could not close his eyes to the circumstance that some of those who were loud in the support of Mr. Plunkett, were moved less by a wish to befriend him than by a desire to injure Mr. Cowper and his Government ; and; while he recognised Mr. Plunkett's distinguished services, and GEORGE ROBERT NICHOLS. 113 the desirableness of bringing him and the Govern ment together again on friendly terms, he declined to admit that the Government had done wrong. A reconciliation, however, would be in the interest of society, and for the benefit of the cause of education; and this he was able to bring about. The country could not afford, he said, to deal carelessly or lightly with its public men, who were one of the greatest elements of its moral worth ; and it was equally undesirable to censure a Government that had taken in this matter the only course a proper sense of its dignity would allow. Mr. Plunkett did not return to the Board of National Education, but he publicly expressed his regret for that portion of his correspondence with the Government which had led to his dismissal. A few months previous to this George Robert Nichols had passed away. For something like a quarter of a century he had been a prominent figure in politics. In various ways he had rendered important public service, and had exercised con- siderable influence. He had been a Minister of the Crown. Several of the most prominent lawyers in the community owed to him much of their advance- ment One who was well able to speak of him said " Scarcely any member of the Legislature had laboured so zealously, so devotedly, and so contin- uously as he." Especially useful were his services in committee, his great legal knowledge and acumen being employed to much advantage in the criticism and amendment of bills. He had some of the virtues and some of the failings of Goldsmith. A 114 AN AUSTRALIAN GOLDSMITH. story is told of how a distressed friend called upon him on one occasion for relief, a bailiff having been put in the friend's house in consequence of a debt of 60. Curiously enough there were bailiffs in Nichols' house at the time, consequent upon a debt which Nichols had not been able to pay of 120, but he had been able to get together a sum of 60 towards meeting the liability. With the appearance of the friend, however, his intentions with regard to the 60 changed ; and, handing the money to his fellow sufferer, he said : " Take it ! it is of no use to me in the circumstances, and it is just the sum you want." He died almost in poverty, leaving a little property, but with heavy mortgages hamper- ing it ; and a public meeting was held to collect subscriptions for his widow and younger children. Many years afterwards, at the instance of Mr. Parkes, the name of George Robert Nichols was inscribed with those of other prominent politicians of the early days, in the vestibule of the Legislative Assembly, where it is to be seen at this day. CHAPTER XII. WORK IN 1858 CLOSE OF CAREER AS A JOURNALIST. ON the 6th May, 1858, Mr. Cowper introduced in the Legislative Assembly his Electoral Law Amendment Bill, which contained among its chief provisions the principles of representation on the basis of popu- lation, manhood suffrage, and vote by ballot. The bill was strongly opposed by the old conser- vative party, in whose eyes it threatened to bring about something like anarchy and ruin ; and the fact that this settlement of the land question, on the basis of the principles advocated by Mr. Robertson, was to be the chief measure to come before the reformed Parliament increased the bitterness felt by the squatters. Mr. Donaldson opposed the Electoral Bill as a revolution and not a reform, a measure utterly ruinous to property. So offensive did it appear to him that he declared, if it passed r he would immediately pack up his things and leave the country. To Mr. (afterwards Sir John) Hay it was a bill likely to lead to great mischief. It left the good old English path, he said, and was an indica- tion that the government of the country was on a downward course towards democracy and the tyranny of an unthinking majority. Yet in reality the 116 DEMOCRACY AND PROGRESS. colony was simply passing from a system of restric- tion and stagnation to a condition of freedom and progress. Mr. Parkes regarded the measure as in spirit a thoroughly English one. The democratic power proposed to be given by the bill was not, he argued, so great as that which at the time existed in the House of Commons, and if the inclination towards popular rule was so great in England, how much greater ought it to be in New South Wales, where the very nature of society and the genius of our institutions were essentially democratic. In his opinion danger could only arise from placing too great a restraint upon the democratic tendencies of the country. The second reading of the measure was carried by 36 votes to 14, and not long afterwards the great principles of the bill were brought into operation. Looking back over the period that has since passed, it is interesting to note that the increased power given to the people has, on the whole, been accom- panied by the progress of the country. The fears respecting manhood suffrage still exist. There are many persons in the colony who regard this privilege with disapproval. But in a country where class distinctions now exist more in name than in reality, where men are more equal than in any other part of the globe, it would not be possible to have any other voting qualification. From the time of the intro- duction of self-government under the Constitution of 1856 the colony has been marching towards an absolute democracy, and, with the rule of the people, AUSTRALIA AN EXAMPLE. 117 the inseparable evils of the popular system of government have had to be, and must still be, borne. The wonder is that in such a free and vigorous community these evils have not been much greater than they are. Undesirable persons appear as candidates at elections for Parliament, and some- times are elected ; the educated and wealthy men of the country, as a rule, hold themselves aloof from politics ; and the waste of time in the performance of Parliamentary work is sometimes lamentable. But in spite of this the country has been constantly moving ahead. Population has greatly increased ; trade has largely extended ; industries have grown ; wealth has accumulated enormously. Mr Donaldson's alarm has not been realised ; and the " good old English path," so admirable in the eyes of Mr. Hay, instead of being widely divergent from the broader Australian road, has itself gradually changed in accordance with the Australian example until it has become virtually identical. While Mr. Cowper, as head of the Government, was pushing forward the work of reforming the Legislative Assembly, Mr. Parkes did something towards altering the nature of the Legislative Council from that of a nominee, to that of an elective, chamber. Mr. Robertson had already moved in this direction, and at his instance the Assembly, in 1857, had passed a resolution affirming " that all deliberative bodies entrusted with legis- lative functions ought to be elected by the people in their primary assemblies." Furthermore, the 118 LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL REFORM. resolution had been recognised by two Governments as referring to the Legislative Council, and had been twice alluded to in vice-regal speeches as a matter to which the attention of the Government would be directed, with a view to the principle which it advo- cated being carried into effect. But as no further action was taken, though Mr. Robertson had become a member of the Government, Mr. Parkes brought the subject forward in the first session of 1858, in order that Mr. Robertson's resolution might be re-affirmed. Doubts had existed in the mind of Mr. Parkes as to the desirableness of having a Legislature com- posed of two Houses, but this feeling had arisen more from the operation of the Constitution up to that time than from any positive dislike of the dual sys- tem of legislation. Reflection showed him that what was regarded as unsatisfactory in the working of the Legislative Council might be traced to a specific cause, and that cause removed. That which, in his opinion, was most desirable, was to bring the second chamber into closer association with the people ; not to make it a mere reflex of the Assembly, or, in its alteration, to introduce in any extreme degree the principles of democracy, but to place it on such an elective basis as would bring into the House " that class of persons whose length of service, great ability, and private virtue, consti- tute them the moral aristocracy of the country." On many occasions since he expressed the same idea. At various times in his later career he had occasion to complain of the Council taking, with TWO ELECTIVE HOUSES. 119 regard to measures sent there by the Assembly, a course which probably would not have been followed if the House had been directly responsible to the people ; and twice he brought forward a bill to make the Coun- cil elective. Yet it cannot be denied that notwithstand- ing the obstacles which, by the action of the Upper Chamber, have been placed in the way of some proposals having the support of a majority in the Assembly, the Legislative Council has done good service to the country. Frequently it has checked or improved legislation hurriedly passed by the Lower House ; it has originated valuable measures ; and in all its proceedings it has displayed an exten- sive knowledge of political questions, and a clear view of the necessities of the case in the matter under discussion, with, on most occasions, a patriotic desire to do the best thing possible under the circumstances. The course taken by Mr. Parkes in 1858, in seeking to have Mr. Robertson's resolution re- affirmed, was approved by the Assembly ; and it was decided that, in the opinion of the House, " the Legislature of the colony ought to be composed of two Houses, both elected by the people." In some quarters at the time an impression existed that this decision of the Assembly was intended as a hint to the Council of the course that might be taken if that House should prove hostile to the new Electoral Bill, that it was in reality a threat intended to coerce the Upper Chamber in the consideration and passing of the measure. But, as far as Mr. Parkes was concerned, 120 RAILWAY CONSTRUCTION. there is nothing to show that it was anything more than consistent action on a subject with reference to which he had been of one opinion all his life. Railway construction in the colony was attract- ing attention at this period, and the Government were casting about for the best method of having the work carried out with stability and economy. Ten years previously there was not a mile of railway in New South Wales. Now Campbelltown had been reached on the Great Southern line, Parramatta on the Western, and West Maitland on the Northern. Crossing the mountain ranges, and penetrating far into the distant interior, were dreams of the future. The mail coach, built for strength rather than comfort, lumbered along the rough bush roads of the colony, spending many nights and days on journeys which now occupy less than twenty-four hours, and not infrequently having the monotony of its movements rudely interrupted by the appearance of a gang of bushrangers who rifled the mailbags and robbed the passengers. Everyone favoured the pushing on of the railways. Mr. Cowper, desirous of doing as much as possible in the matter, sought the authority of Parliament to carry on their con- struction under special agreement, instead of by contracts entered into after public competition for the work. Railway contractors were not then as numerous or as capable of carrying out their contracts as they are now, and Mr. Cowper's desire was to have the railways constructed by men like Sir Morton Peto, who was willing, if sufficient induce- ment offered, to send out the necessary plant and PANAMA MAIL SERVICE. 121 skill from England. Parliament gave Mr. Covvper the authority he asked for, but, at the instance of Mr. Parkes, with the understanding that any special agreement entered into should be laid before both Houses, if in session, fourteen days before the agreement was ratified. While the Government were giving their attention to opening up the interior of the country by means of railways, Mr. Parkes took in hand the question of adequate communication with Europe and America by the establishment of a satisfactory mail and passenger service via Panama. A service by way of India was in existence, but in several respects it had not been satisfactory, and, by the adoption of the Panama route, Mr. Parkes saw prospects of regular and rapid communication with England and Europe, a considerable extension of trade, particularly with America, and probably the introduction of large numbers of desirable immi- grants. In relation to the last subject he was one of those who thought that immigration to the country would be what it ought to be "just in proportion as it embodied in its volume a due proportion of capital and labour to carry on the operations of a civilized country." For that reason, believing at the same time it was only by means of a large population the colony could be benefitted, and its people enjoy permanent prosperity, he thought immigration should be entirely voluntary and spontaneous. Some years afterwards it was found wise to adopt a system of assisted immigration, but the " voluntary and spontaneous " method, so far as 122 BRIDGING THE PACIFIC. ic has operated, has undoubtedly been the more beneficial. It was argued by Mr. Parkes that the Panama service would bring to the colony a large popu- lation of the best class ; and that it would infuse a new spirit into the commerce of the country, by which its resources would be developed, its reputation increased, and a position gained for it that would be the first in this part of the world. The Cowper Government agreed with the pro- posal, and the resolutions were passed by a large majority ; but it was seven years later before what they recommended was carried into effect. Then the Pacific Ocean was " bridged " by a fleet of steamers equal to any at the time afloat, under a joint subsidy from the Governments of New South Wales and New Zealand ; and, though the service was not successful to the extent anticipated, it placed Australia and New Zealand in close and regular communication with America, and has been followed by many good results. The Parliament of 1858 had the further privilege of moving in the direction of the establishment of a naval station at Sydney. The question had been raised as long before as 1851, when Mr. James Martin advocated the maintenance of a force of two frigates. It was now brought forward by Mr. Donaldson, who proposed that there should be a naval squadron stationed in New South Wales waters, consisting of one fifty-gun frigate and three corvettes. But the proposal did not meet with general favour. It was thought .that, if the BUSINESS DIFFICULTIES. 123 Imperial Government could be induced to send the vessels, the colony would have to pay for their maintenance ; and this it was believed would amount to perhaps 50,000 a year, an expense which New South Wales was not then prepared to incur. The Legislative Assembly, therefore, when the matter was under consideration, disposed of the subject by carrying the previous question. The Electoral Bill was still before Parliament, and Mr. Parkes was assisting to the best of his ability in the debates upon its important provisions, when there appeared in the Empire an announce- ment forcibly indicating the embarrassments which, in connection with that journal, were troubling him at this period. " The state of suspense," the notice stated, " in which this journal has for the last three weeks been issued, will be brought to a termination in the course of a few days, either by the restoration of the Empire to its former size and style of publi- cation, or by its being permanently reduced ; in which latter case a corresponding reduction will be made in the price, and the typographical arrange- ment and character of the paper will be materially altered." Then giving a statement of how the wages of printers had increased, causing the receipts of the establishment, amounting to more than 26,000 for the year, to be swallowed up in wages and other expenses of publication, it was explained how Mr. Parkes had proposed to the printers to reduce the rate he had been paying them, convinced after long experience that either this reduction must be 124 MORE THAN WEARY. submitted to or the publication itself reduced. The printers refused to agree to the reduction, and," said the notice, "it could not reasonably be expected that the proprietor should go on year after year, contend- ing with complicated and undiminished difficulties, with all the anxiety and burden of collecting 26,000 or 27,000 a year from the four quarters of the globe, simply to pay it away for paper, ink, rent, and labour." " It may be," the notice went on to say, " after all, that the colony cannot afford to support two daily papers on the scale of the morning journals hitherto published in Sydney. In that case the proprietor of the Empire is at last willing to give up the field to the older journal, and to reduce its publication to a secondary character. He certainly is not quite prepared for this final step, though more than weary of a struggle which has been disastrous to himself and those most closely connected with him, whatever may have been its other results ; but a few days may determine its adoption." The few days passed, and there seemed some hope that the increased difficulties might be sur- mounted, for another announcement appeared stat- ing that the necessary mechanical arrangements would be completed not later than the following week, to enable the paper to be brought out perma- nently in its former size. It was not, however, so to be. Instead of the difficulties being removed, they became greater than ever ; and he who had done so much by his journal for the good of the IN THE INSOLVE^ 7 CY COURT. 125 colony was forced into the Insolvency Court, and his career as a journalist came to an end. The last issue of the Empire was on 28th August, 1858, and three days afterwards there appeared, in the Herald's record of the business of the Insolvency Court, the information that Henry Parkes, of Hyde, newspaper proprietor, had surrendered his estate " on petition and affidavit," the liabilities being estimated at 50,000, and the assets at 48,500. The same day were published as advertisements two communications from Mr. Parkes, one to the readers of the Empire, and the other to his constit- uents of the North Riding of Cumberland. The former was a plain but dignified statement of the reasons why the Empire had ceased to appear. " The public journal established by me in November, 1850, and conducted by me up to last Saturday, has ceased to exist. I wish to say a few words which the public have a right to expect in explanation of its sudden stoppage. I still hold to the opinion I formerly expressed on different occasions, that the Empire during the first six years of its existence was eminently successful as a young journal. I know of no instance where a daily paper of equal magnitude, in so short a time, has risen to a higher position of circulation and influence, and re- ceived more frequent acknowledgments of ability and character. Its early embarrassments arose from inadequacy of means, and not from any natural condition of failure in the undertaking itself. But I firmly believe it wouldVhave surmounted all diffi- culties if the state of its affairs had not been 126 AN EXPLANATION. brought before the public eighteen months ago. "Of all things in the world a public journal is the very last to bear an exposure of this kind. It must command public respect, not depend upon public sympathy. I felt all this at the time of the first crisis in the Empire's affairs, and so expressed myself to the gentlemen^ who at so much personal inconvenience interested themselves publicly on my behalf. When matters were arranged for the continuance of the publication from April 1st, 1857, I accepted the obligation to go on and do the best I could for the property, though I was fully convinced that things were changed greatly to my disadvantage in the business. "Since that period I feel conscious that I have done all that man could do, by continuous labour and systematic economy, to preserve the Empire in existence; and, though at last overborne in my efforts, I have succeeded in keeping its liabilities where they were at the commencement of this last struggle showing how near it had risen to a position of safety when the first public shock came upon it. "Independent of the injury sustained by the occur- rence to which I have alluded, and from which the paper never appeared to recover, a variety of other circumstances arising out of that crisis in its exist- ence, together with the general stagnation of business, have been unfavourable to success. Still, however, as the expenditure was very considerably reduced, I think the Empire would have floated through the bad times and its smaller difficulties, if it had not been for the apparent indifference of a large number of NEGLECTFUL DEBTORS. 127 its readers in neglecting to pay their accounts. For example, I received by the post this morning several letters containing each the sum of 1 due on the 30th June for a quarter's subscription. In each of these cases while that debt of 20s. was accumulating the publication cost me upwards of 6000. Since I have been waiting for the payment of that debt of 20s. it has cost me 4000 more. Indeed, up to the present moment, we have not received 2s. 6d. in the pound on the total amount of the accounts demandable, beyond the limits of Sydney, on the 30th June. In these unpleasant facts may be discovered the immediate cause of the stoppage of the Empire" And the announcement closed with an appeal to those indebted to the paper to remit the amount of their accounts to the trustees " for the benefit of those whose pecuniary interests are involved in my misfortunes." In these circumstances Mr. Parkes' career as a journalist closed, for, though at various times, in the subsequent years of his life, he contributed to the Press, he did not again take part in the conduct of a newspaper. Henceforth his abilities were to be devoted to politics. So far as he had proceeded he had won for the Empire a very prominent posi- tion, and by its aid had in many ways done good service to the country. Well conducted it was from the issue of the first number, but its best days from journalistic and literary points of view may be said to have been during the years 1854-1856. Ity that time it had become in every sense a great newspaper, and had attracted to its service many of the ablest 128 IRRETRIEVABLE RUIN. writers in the colony. Sir James Martin, Mr. William Forster, and Mr. Edward Butler were among the contributors to its pages. Men skilful with the pen, and earnest in the desire to use it to the advantage of the colony, admired the outspoken tone of the paper, and coveted the privilege of writing for its columns. And so it flourished, and its importance in the community grew. If it had continued, and its conductor had never entered on a Parliamentary career, he would, as a great journalist, have always been a conspicuous figure among the prominent men of his time, and held in general esteem as a public benefactor. Mr. Parkes' insolvency made it necesary for him to resign his seat in the Assembly for the North Riding of Cumberland, and in taking leave of his constituents he explained to them his position. He had worked hard in the House during the few T months he had been their representative, assisting to the utmost of his ability to make the Electoral Bill a fair and useful measure. He had voted in every division on its clauses, always on the side of practical reform, and had taken part in all important discussions. On other questions also he had in all instances endeavoured to act in the public interest. Now^ for a time at least, retirement into private life was inevitable. "Circumstances of private diffi- culty," he wrote, " known to you at the time of my election, which it was thought would terminate more fortunately, have, contrary to my hopes, assumed a weight beyond my strength to support, and involved me in absolute and irretrievable ruin." \ CHAPTER XIII. IN THE PARLIAMENT OP 1859 FIRST ELECTION FOR EAST SYDNEY. THE first election under the Electoral Act of 1858 took place in June, 1859, and for the first time East and West Sydney appeared as electoral dis- tricts, each entitled to return four members. Under the new Act the city of Sydney, forming previously one constituency returning four members, was divided into two constituencies returning eight members. Mr. Parkes came forward as a candidate for East Sydney. Between the time of his resignation from the Legislative Assembly in 1858, in con- sequence of the misfortunes of the Empire, and the general election of 1859, he did not take any prominent part in politics. For almost the whole of that period his affairs were before the Court of Insolvency, and it was only a few days previous to the general election that he obtained his certificate of discharge. Much of his time had been occupied by the proceedings in relation to his insolvency, and the remainder had been spent chiefly in the establish- ment of a business of a kind somewhat similar to that which he had relinquished for the profession of L 130 KICKING A DEAD LION a journalist. He had been offered, in relation to the proposed mail service vid Panama, a lucrative position which would have placed him above necessitous circumstances, but it would have obliged him to leave the colony, and this obligation led him to refuse it. Upon mature consideration he deter- mined, notwithstanding his reverses of fortune, to remain in the country which, as he said in alluding to the circumstance, had upon the whole treated him well and showered distinctions upon him. The proceedings in connection with his insolvency were of a very trying nature. Immediately the Empire terminated its career the enemies of Mr. Parkes increased, and he was bitterly assailed. It is safe to kick a dead lion, and in various ways those unfriendly to him harassed him. In the endeavour to continue the publication of the Empire, in spite of the difficulties which in the later period of his proprietorship had accumulated around it, he had, under responsible advice, adopted, in association with the monetary arrangements of the paper, a method which, when the publication of the paper had ceased, formed, in the hands of his opponents, the groundwork for virulent attack. Though completely exonerated by the judge Chief Commissioner Purefoy who presided in the Insolvency Court, from even the suspicion of any act of impropriety in his business operations, he was then, and afterwards, when political ends were to be gained by it, subjected to bitter abuse and innuendo. It was objected in the court, by those who opposed the issue to him of a certificate of discharge, PREFERENTIAL CHEQUES. 131 that he had obtained goods and credit by means of cheques, well knowing that there were no funds to meet them, and that they could not be paid. But it was pointed out by the judge that there was no evidence to sustain this charge. No witness was called to whom a cheque of this description had been given, or to whom any pretence of the kind indicated had been made. Then it was said that he had been in the habit of drawing two kinds of cheques, one to be paid on presentation at the bank, and the other not. This, however, it was shown by the judge, had been done in pressing circumstances, under advice from the bank, and without any fraudulent intent. In April, 1857, Mr. Parkes' creditors, the evi- dence proved, consented to give him five years to pay off his then existing debts, and at that time several cheques were outstanding and unpaid. The current expenses of the Empire made it necessary that cheques should be drawn every week, or offcener, for wages, paper, and other purposes ; and the fund from which those cheques had to be honoured consisted of money paid into the bank, as it was received at the Empire office, in the course of business day by day. This money, so paid into the bank, was found insufficient to meet all the expenses of the establish- ment ; and, at the suggestion of the bank, it was arranged that cheques, the payment of which, as the judge explained it, " was urgent, and which, so to speak, had a moral or necessary claim to preference over others," should be initialled by Mr. Parkes, so that they might be distinguished from other cheques, " the payment of which was temporarily postponed." 132 DESIRE TO PAY EVERYBODY. Mr. Parkes declared on oath, that he fully in- tended to pay every cheque as ftmds were placed in the bank from time to time, but the sudden and unexpected stoppage of the paper, by the mort- gagee taking possession, frustrated his hopes and expectations ; and the judge believed him. In His Honor's opinion there was no fraudulent intent in what had been done ; the course adopted had been rather " for the purpose of keeping the paper in circulation, and endeavouring to meet and possibly overcoming the difficulties " which, at the time, were pressing heavily on Mr. Parkes. To the judge it appeared clear that Mr. Parkes had entertained a reasonable and bonafide hope of being able, within the time allowed him by his creditors in 1857, to pay everybody in full; and that this hope was not unreasonable could be seen in the circumstance that, for the last four quarters previous to the stoppage of the paper, it had cleared, over all expenses, above 3000. The good debts, at the time the publication of the paper ceased, were sworn by the accountant to be worth 9000, and Mr. Edward Butler, considered by the judge to be fully competent to form an opinion on the matter, estimated the com- mercial value of the paper, at the time the mort- gagee took possession, at 50,000, supposing its debts were paid. "Could it be said, then," asked the judge, " that, under such circumstances, Mr. Parkes was not justified in using every possible exertion to keep the Empire in circulation, and that, in adopting the mode referred to of paying some cheques in preference to others, he was not anxious only to PROMISSORY NOTES. 133 attain that end and not to defraud his creditors in any way ? " Such a practice as that followed with regard to the cheques might have been irregular, but there was no fraudulent intent apparent in it. A third objection to the issue of the certificate was that the insolvent " had appropriated trust funds or other prope' ty of which he was only the agent or trustee." This was based on the circum- stances that Mr. Parkes had obtained, from different persons, renewal promissory notes, for the purpose of retiring other notes which had been given him for the business requirements of the Empire, but, in- stead of using the renewal notes for this object, he had, through extreme pressure of the demands upon him at the time, applied the proceeds of the renewals to meeting some of these demands, " leav- ing the original bills or notes unpaid, and, in some few instances, the makers of ihese notes had to take up both." But, here again, it was pointed out by the judge, that though, according t the evidence, it was understood between the parties giving these notes and Mr. Parkes, that ihe first notes were to be paid or retired with the proceeds of the second, and that Mr. Parkes, in some instances, promised to d > so, the notes had been given in ;rely for the con- venience and benefit of Mr. Parkes ; the proceeds of the second bills were applied strictly to the busi- nes- purposes of the Empire ; and, " when Mr. Parkes explained tho circumstances under which he had been compelled to deviate from his promise as to the appropriation of the money, the makers 134 ALLEGED IMPROPER DEBTS. of the notes admitted the exigency, and approved of the payments made." No complaint was made by them as to any misappropriation of the money. A fourth objection was that Mr. Parkes had con- tracted debts without intending to pay, or having at the time any reasonable or probable expec- tation of paying them, in fact, well knowing that he could not pay them ; and there were several others. All, however, Were overruled, His Honor giving it as his opinion that the rapid growth of the Empire, and the aid and encouragement, pecuni- ary and otherwise, which Mr. Parkes had received from numerous and influential friends, had been sufficient to create the most sanguine hopes of ultimate success, and ability to discharge all his monetary obligations. In this position Mr. Parkes appeared before the electors of East Sydney at the general election in 1859. Overwhelmed with business embarrassments a few months previously, he had, though with the loss of the Empire and his prestige as the proprietor and editor of a great newspaper, passed through them unscathed, and now was prepared to re-enter the political arena, comparatively free from the difficul- ties by which he had been hampered in his early Parliamentary career. He came forward as a candidate at the solicitation of friends. Vilified, oppressed, penniless it may be said, there was no one to deny his political ability and the consistency of his character. Depressed, as he had been by his business complications, compelled, under peculiar circumstances, to retire A MAN OF POWER AND INFLUENCE. 135 from active political life, he was yet in the community a conspicuous figure in whom the public recognised an abiding power to act in the interests and for the benefit of the country. Even his enemies felt this. The Herald, bitter in those days in its cleverly written and merciless leading articles, referring to his insolvency and the result of the proceedings in the Insolvency Court, said that, while in England bankrupts were whitewashed, in New South Wales they were " Purefoyed ; " but it admitted he was a man of power and influence in the country, and the leader of the democracy. " Who has the right to say," it asked, " he is not qualified to be a repre- sentative of the people ? Unquestion- ably there is no man before the electors who would represent a larger amount of popular aspirations or who would represent them with greater intelligence and discretion." Though for some weeks previous to the election he was urged to permit himself to be brought for- ward as a candidate for East Sydney, it was not until the nomination proceedings were very near that he consented. His reluctance was not due to fear of failure. It was rather owing to a disregard of the whole matter, born of the weariness and worry which had been associated with his previous career in the Legislature. Conscious of his ability to serve the colony, and willing even ambitious to be in its service, he yet could not be forgetful of the unsatisfactory nature of the conditions that had attended his past political life. He had done much, 136 AN INDEPENDENT DEMOCRAT. but it had fallen far short of what he had set himself to do. Now, when he was free from the business career which had harassed him, when he was more master of his time, as he himself explained it, than ever he had been before, when "if he went into the Legislature again he should have a ten-fold strength, as it were, to serve the country," he saw no reason why he should not consent to the solicitations of his friends, and appear as a candidate for East Sydney, part of the important constituency which had elected him twice before. He announced, that if elected, he would go into Parliament thoroughly independent, " a follower of no man, a flatterer of no man, but an independent democrat, determined to support that Administra- tion which shall be true to the principles of progress and to the democratic genius of the age, to sup- port that Administration and none that falls short of that." Not long ago, in the glamour of the appearance in the political world of the new Labor Party, it suited some of his opponents to close their eyes to the democratic professions of his earlier political career, and to his strict adherence to democratic principles throughout his life. Yet he never swerved from the line of duty marked out by himself from the first. In the Parliament of 1858 he had been friendly to Mr. Cowper and of considerable assistance to his Government. But the support had never been given in any subservient manner, or on mere party grounds ; and, towards the end of the period during which he occupied a seat as a member of that THE WAYS OF POLITICIANS. 137 Parliament, he saw reason to modify his support, and to act more as an independent critic than had before appeared necessary. Mr. Cowper, though undoubtedly one who, in all he did as the head of the Government, had the interest of the country at heart, sometimes acted in a manner which had the effect of weakening the confidence of his friends and alienat- ing their support. They doubted his sincerity. He was a singular mixture of various qualities. That he was a highly honourable Christian gentleman no one would be disposed to deny, and yet it would be equally difficult to say that he was not as capable, as any one in his position might be, of resorting to all the tricks and devices necessary to retain a hold of office and pOAver. In many of his acts and purposes which professed to aim at the progress and the welfare of the colony he was un- doubtedly sincere, and yet he was so insincere that he came to be known by the sobriquet of " Slippery Charley." Such a portrait as this might be taken to represent politicians since the time of Mr. Cowper, but the inexperience of the colony, at this period of its existence, in the ways of government under a popular Constitution, would probably make the defects in the character of a prominent public man much more conspicuous than they may appear in such a person now. Mr. Cowper appeared before the electors at the general election of 1859 as the head of a Govern- ment which had passed the new Electoral Act, but the Government were not received with any display of enthusiasm. Their land policy that which a few 138 GOVERNMENT PROGRAMME. years later was passed by the persistent efforts of John Robertson was the principal measure in their programme for the future, and some of its main provisions were not generally approved, perhaps, not rightly understood. Even friends of the Government refrained, for the time, from expressing their concurrence in the proposed new system. Robertson, convinced himself on the subject, and enthusiastic in its advocacy, put the matter before the country in a manifesto, and, with his colleagues, carried it to the hustings, where it was destined for some time to remain. Its chief principle was free selection before survey, or, as Mr. Cowper described it, "provision to enable a person of small means to obtain his farm and settle himself without the delays of office." Next to the land question was the subject of education. Though the towns of the colony were well supplied with schools under the National system, the country districts, especially those in which the population was small and scattered, were greatly deficient in the means for the teaching of children ; and the extension of the means of education throughout the country was one of the leading questions in the election. The reconstruction of the Legislative Council was also a measure which the Government contemplated having to deal with in the new Parliament. Attempts to bring about this reconstruction had already been made, but they had not been successful, and the Government favouring the plan of placing the Upper Chamber upon an elective basis, were in- clined to try again. VIEWS ON THE LAND QUESTION. 139 Another matter of importance, though not of such moment as to demand immediate attention, was the question of State aid to religion, and the .advisableness of reducing all religious bodies in the colony to the voluntary or self-supporting principle. Mr. Parkes was liberal in his views on each of these questions, but he did not blindly follow what the Government put forward. He did not see his way clear to assent altogether to Mr. Robertson's land scheme, nor to the whole of the principles put forth at the time by a Land League which had been formed in Sydney. He expressed himself generally in favour of the American land system, which was similar to Mr. Robertson's in regard to permitting people to settle on the land where and when they chose, irrespective of survey or anything else, but not the same in what was afterwards required to be done. There was more definiteness and safety in the American system as to residence, improvement, and subsequent ownership by the settler, than there was in the scheme advocated by Mr. Robertson. By the American system the settler was duly protected and the country benefitted ; by Mr. Robertson's plan it was not certain that either of these results would be attained. In common with all who sought the real pro- gress of the colony in regard to its lands, Mr. Parkes favoured agricultural settlement, and all measures that would assist such an object ; but, at the same time, he did not desire to act unjustly towards the squatters. He recognised the fact that, though they were a powerful class in the community, influenced HO PRINCIPLES IN REGARD TO EDUCATION. frequently by self-interest, they were undoubtedly one of the mainstays of the country, and he was willing that full justice should be accorded them. But he wanted such a revision of the system under which they had the use of the public lands, as would make it impossible for them to hold the lands against the advance of population. The question of education he regarded as intim- ately connected with the subject of the public lands; and having always been a staunch supporter of the National school system, he intimated that, in any revision of the system of public instruction in the colony, he should adhere to the maintenance " of those broad principles of the National system which had already been shown to possess so much useful- ness." At the same time it seemed to him that greater facilities " should be given to ministers of religion to impart religious instruction to the children attending the schools, and to satisfy the consciences of those who complained of the system in this particular." If such facilities could be given, he said to the electors of East Sydney, without impairing the usefulness of the schools, the plan should have his cordial support. Since that time the tendency has been to make education in the State schools of the colony almost wholly secular, and Sir Henry Parkes conformed to the general feeling in this direction; but, in 1859, he was more in favour of a system on the basis of the National school system, (which was not much dissimilar from our present DUTY OF THE ELECTORS. 141 public school system), with ample provision for religious instruction in the schools. With respect to the Legislative Council, he was favourable to seeing a system of election applied to it, with a suffrage similar to that required for the Legislative Assembly ; but though ready to make the basis of the two Houses common so far as the suffrage was concerned, so that the Council should be free from the objections that would be urged against it if the suffrage were of a more restrictive character, he was in favour of some restriction as to the age of a candidate for the Upper House; and he thought it a question worthy of consideration, whe- ther some period of service in the Lower House should not be required as a qualification for the higher Chamber. While strongly in favour of a second House, he thought the two Houses should be composed of similar elements, with the exception " that the Council ought to gather up the ripened intellect, the valuable experience, of the country." A firm believer in the democratic institutions of the colony, it was impossible, he was of opinion, for us to progress with any other system of govern- ment ; but, at the same time, it ought to be our endeavour to infuse into our institutions a high spirit, and a nice discriminating sense of honour. For these reasons, he pointed out to the East Sydney electors, every effort should be made to put honest, faithful, and able men into the new Parliament, and to educate the children of the country so that when they should come to man's estate they should be able to perform the duty of free citizens, with a full 142 THREE BASES OF PROSPERITY. consciousness of the importance of that duty, and a deep sense of the necessity for preserving the liberties of the country and building up a great and honourable national character. This sound advice he was never tired of instilling into the minds of the people at any period of his life, when- ever and wherever he may have been addressing them. His faith in the importance of the democratic spirit of the country was equalled only by his belief in the value of its natural resources. In his eyes New South Wales was far richer than any of the other colonies, and he saw an important future before it, not only as a country of great production, but as one of manufactures. " I will never rest," he said, " until I see that we have not only a great pro- ducing interest, that we are not only developing the raw material for manufacturing, but that we have a sound, enlightened, and extensive commerce, and, in addition, that great basis of national pros- perity, a great manufacturing interest. For the country to be safe it ought to have as its three bases, a great producing interest, a great manufac- turing interest, and a great commerce, and I would not attempt to serve the interests of the one at the expense of the other, but to foster the three alike so that there shall be many outlets for the energies of our children." These words are not exactly those which might be expected from a freetrader, and yet they are not antagonistic to freetrade. Mr. Parkes' views on the question of freetrade and protection were not, at this period of his life, as distinct as they became later on. A PRACTICAL FREETRADER. 143 At this time he was not so much a freetrader as he was what has since been called a fair trader. But, as he himself has explained, his views on the subject were then immature. Longer experience and deeper reflection taught him that progress and pros- perity are best found under a policy in which commerce is entirely free, and manufactures are not fostered artificially. At the same time he was never averse to assisting the manufacturing interest when it could be done consistently with the prin- ciples of commercial freedom. To the electors of East Sydney he described his opinions on these points in words which were sufficiently plain for them to understand his position. "I have for twenty years," he said, "been a free- trader ; but I am not one of those who ridicule the efforts or the opinions of those who are called protectionists. I am a practical freetrader as against theoretical freetraders, and I would maintain the principles of freetrade to this extent : that I would resist all legislation that would seek to restrict the supply of the main commodities of human existence or in any way limit the well- being of the community." Dr. Woolley, who was present at the meeting, and took some part in it, regarded Mr. Parkes " as a freetrader with a good deal of protection in him," and this was the generally accepted view of the matter. As it proceeded the election created much interest. There were eight candidates : Mr. Cowper, Mr. Parkes, Mr. James Martin, Mr. John 144 STRONG WILL AND POPULAR INFLUENCE. Black, Mr. Richard Driver, Mr. W. B. Allen, Mr. W. Benbow, and Mr. Charles Kemp. Mr. Parkes was, in some respects, regarded as the rival of Mr. Cowper. Each desired to top the poll, and it was thought that Mr. Parkes aimed at the leadership of the Liberal Party in Parliament. For this important position he was not regarded as unfitted. Some of the opinions of the leading journal on his fitness have already been quoted. As the day of nomination drew nigh the paper appeared to be more than ever impressed by the prospect of his future eminence. That he was destined to be a great popular leader and the head of a Government appeared to the Herald more than probable. "Looking about us," it wrote, "at the indications of feebleness and uncertainty which mark the move- ments of public life the disposition of men to pick up the articles of their political creed out of any current of popular feeling which sweeps by them, we are not sure that a man of strong will and consid- erable popular influence may not make his way up- wards to the highest position. All we hope is that if Mr. Parkes should be so fortunate as to gain that position, to which he undoubtedly aspires, he may have power to infuse into the policy of the future some of those moderating principles which he has so freely recognised." " No man among us," the Herald said on the same occasion, "knows better where to find the heart of the dark-browed and the rough-handed. The solemnity of his manner, the very tone of his voice, and the expression of his countenance, all WORDS OF WISDOM. 145 combine to corroborate his influence over them, and if we are not greatly mistaken, he is marked out by the hearty vows of many and they the most active and persevering to be the future chief of the democracy and its legislators." The speeches delivered by Mr. Parkes at this time were much above the average of those of other candidates in the election. They were marked by great breadth of view and much evidence of thoughtfulness, and, in their delivery, there was an earnestness of manner which showed that in what was said expression was given to strong convictions, and that what was advocated was conscientiously believed to be for the public good. A prominent feature in them was the aphoristic style of language adopted. This kind of phrase was used with frequency, and doubtless with effect. So nicely were the sen- tences arranged, so well did they convey the ideas embodied in them, that to-day, reading from a musty volume of newspapers over thirty years old, they appeal to the understanding as eloquently, and as forcibly, as they must have done when they leaped with the freshness and strength of new life from the lips of the orator. " My motto has always been," he said, speaking on the subject of education, " fewer gaols and fewer policemen, more schools and more schoolmasters." "It is much better to educate your children into intelligent, enlightened, obedient, and industrious citizens than to attempt to coerce them into the observance of, and servile obedience to, crude and impolitic laws." " My motto is few 146 THIRD ON THE POLL. laws, and those laws embodying sound principles and of universal application." That these are words of wisdom, admirably expressed, and such as appeal with forcibleness to those who listen or those who read, who will deny ? The declaration of the polling showed Mr. Cowper to be at the head of the list with 2,064 votes, Mr. Black, who had been running with Mr. Cowper, second with 1,682 votes, and Mr. Parkes, with 1,654 votes, third. The fourth candidate elected was Mr. Martin, whose votes numbered 1,349. At the nomination proceedings, Mr. Parkes was by far the most popular of all the candidates, and obtained the largest show of hands ; but in the voting the Government party proved the strongest, and secured the first two places. Mr. Parkes took a philosophic view of the situation. Though third in the order of those elected, he did not regard himself as the representative of any par- ticular class, or even as specially representing Sydney, but accepted his election as placing him in the position of a representative of the whole body of the people and of the interests of the whole country. Parliament opened on the 30th August, and the Government, doubtful of their chances of re- maining long in office, endeavoured to secure support by putting forward an attractive pro- gramme. Mr. Parkes gave notice of a motion for the immediate repeal of the duties on tea and sugar. These duties, first imposed in 1851, and four years DEFEATING THE GOVERNMENT. 147 afterwards doubled, the increase being made for revenue purposes, were the work of an irresponsible Legislature, and they had never been popular with the constituencies. Mr. Cowper had been one who had opposed their increase, and now that there was a Government in power, under a popular system, at the head of which was one who had denounced the duties in their present shape, Mr. Parkes expected to see some step taken towards their repeal. He advocated their repeal because they were opposed to established principles of political economy ; they had been imposed by a Government irresponsible to the people ; the Government now in power had been sufficiently long in office to be in a position to deal with the question ; and as the Governor's speech at the opening of Parliament had stated that the revenue was in a prosperous condition, there could not be a more favourable opportunity for taking the course proposed. Mainly through indecision in the matter the Government caused the motion to be carried, though only by a majority of one; and their resignation was announced, their hope lying in the belief that their opponents would be unable to form a new Adminis- tration. In this view they were correct. Mr. T. A. Murray was sent for by the Governor, and he was unsuccessful; the efforts to form a new Govern- ment failing through a want of cohesion among the members of the Opposition. In later days Mr. Parkes would have been entrusted with the task of forming a new Adminis- tration, but at this time his democratic tendencies 148 ADMIRED BUT FEARED. were regarded by many as somewhat dangerous. Consistent in principle and in conduct he had always been, and was admitted to be ; but, in influ- ential quarters, there was a feeling of aversion to seeing "the greatest democrat of the colony," as Mr. Robertson styled him in the debate on the tea and sugar duties, in power. " As public men," the Herald observed in reference to this point, " we may prefer, for instance, Mr. Parkes to Mr. Cowper, and this, because as a legislator, Mr. Parkes has always been steady to his principles and true to the political programme he announced. He has been the same man as a journalist, as a candidate, and as a member of the Assembly ; but if the question be whether the principles espoused by the more inti- mate supporters of the Ministry, or those advocated by Mr. Parkes, should become the ruling policy of the country, we should certainly have no hesitation in voting with Mr. Cowper. We must have a Government, and if we cannot have that which we prefer, it is mere folly to go with the extreme section of the Opposition." The impossibility of forming a Government from the Opposition having been proved, Mr. Cowper induced the House to rescind the resolution passed for the repeal of the tea and sugar duties, and re- mained in office ; but in less than two months his Government was again in difficulties. CHAPTER XIV. VISIT TO ENGLAND AS AN EMIGRATION COMMISSIONER. THE Cowper Government met their fate in a defeat on a bill introduced by them to deal with the subject of education ; and a Ministry under Mr. William Forster conducted the affairs of the country, until, at the end of four months, they were succeeded by the Robertson-Cowper Administration, famous in the political history of the colony for its land legislation on the principle of free selection before survey. About this time Mr. Parkes began to turn his attention to the subject of immigration, and the best means for bringing a desirable class of immi- grants from the mother country to New South Wales. Until very recent years there was a great dearth in the colony, and, in fact, in Australia generally, of that class of population who are possessed, not only of the energy to do what can be done in developing the resources of the country, but of the capital to enable them to do it. There was also a scarcity of mechanics and labourers, and of domestic servants. Until as late as 1860 this was very marked. Among the labouring classes 150 MORE PEOPLE AND MORE MONEY. there were some, who, notwithstanding the scarcity of population, thought, or professed to think, that no more people were wanted ; but there had not been shown by the working classes generally the spirit, which has since been exhibited, in the efforts made by labour organizations to discourage all immigration to the country. Generally, people recognised that they were few in number and limited in means ; and, though surrounded by almost boundless natural resources, were unable to properly take advantage of them. As a consequence they were not averse to giving their attention to the desirableness of adopting, in addition to the means then existing, some plan by which the population and the capital of the country might be judiciously increased. Mr. Parkes had long been impressed with the necessity for more people and more money, and was convinced that without them the country must be materially hindered in its progress. As far back as 1854 he had sat as a member of a select committee which had expressed itself strongly in favour of immigration ; and now, with the construction of railways, the introduction of the electric telegraph, and the establishment of ocean mail services, an increased population was wanted, if only to prevent the burden of meeting the public necessities from pressing too heavily upon the comparatively few people in New South Wales. Much, he thought, might be done by spreading a knowledge of the colony in England. The ignorance of the English people respecting Australia was very marked. Very few were aware of any A LECTURING TOUR. 151 difference between the country of this period and the Botany Bay of the convict days, while the vast majority were entirely oblivious of its existence. If persons in the position of public lecturers could be sent to England, and there make known to the British people the great advantages offering to those who emigrated to the colony, probably, Mr. Parkes thought, there would be a considerable influx of population. The climate was all that could be desired ; the facilities for obtaining land under the new land law, it was believed, would prove very satisfactory ; the colony was particularly suited for various important industries ; and English institu- tions and habits existed throughout the land. There was, therefore, much to attract the emigrant ; and it seemed very reasonable to think that amongst the large population of the mother country there were a considerable number of persons, with the means of emigrating, who, when convinced that they might improve their condition in life by removing to New South Wales, would not hesitate to leave their native land and come out to Australia. Impressed with these ideas, and following a pro- vision contained in an Act relating to Immigration, then recently passed by Parliament, Mr. Parkes, on May 1st, 1861, proposed in the Assembly that 5000 should be expended on the establishment "of immigration agencies and lectureships in Great Britain and Ireland," the money to be distributed as follows : 2000 in salaries for twelve months for two lecturers and general agents, 1000 to meet the travelling expenses of the lecturers, 500 in 152 GOING TO ENGLAND. payment to shipping agents in the principal British ports for collecting and imparting to intending emigrants information as to vessels sailing for Australia, and 1500 to cover the expense of printing, in a cheap and popular form, copies of the Land Acts and other trustworthy information relating to the colony. A scheme of this kind, in his opinion, would induce a spontaneous emigration to New Sonth Wales, which would be large and satisfactory; and, in this opinion, he was supported by the Government and by the Legislative Assembly. With an amendment, which left to the Government the details as to the distribution of the 5,000, the motion was passed without division. The following morning the Sydney Morning Herald, writing upon the subject, remarked that no one would be so suitable as Mr. Parkes to address the working classes of England ; and, very shortly afterwards, it was announced that the Governor, with the advice of the Executive Council, had appointed Mr. Parkes and Mr. W. B. Dalley to proceed to England in accordance with the terms of the Assembly's resolution. Comment and criticism now began to appear. Mr. Parkes having been a strong opponent of the Government, their ever watchful foe and keenest critic, and Mr. Dalley a colleague and staunch supporter, an idea prevailed, in some quarters, that instead of being prompted by a desire to benefit the country through additional immigration, the Govern- ment had been influenced in making the appoint- ments by the unworthy object of getting rid of an COMMENT AND CRITICISM. 153 enemy and serving a friend. The Herald making further reference to the matter, though again compli- mentary to Mr. Parkes, plainly indicated its opinion that an able opponent of the Government had been adroitly disposed of. The appointment of Mr. Parkes, the article remarked, was expected the moment his resolution received the support of the Government ; and, it added, " no one could be so suitable to carry out the plan which he had submitted." But, in alluding to the position which he had filled in relation to the Government, it said : " That he proposed the plan of sending lecturers to England, was a suggestion to the Ministry both to accept the relief which it promised them, and to grant the compensation by which that relief is repaid. Mr. Parkes, lately a determined opponent of the Government a few weeks ago armed with a resolution which would have demolished one member of the Ministry at least, if not the Cabinet of which he is a member more lately silent upon political subjects, is now in the service of the Crown, under the auspices of Mr. Cowper." The paper, however, still refrained from con- demning the appointment. " We do not condemn the appointment of Mr. Parkes in itself," it said. " He is qualified for the task if anyone could fulfil it." And further: "Mr. Parkes will be better fitted to serve the country on his return than on his departure. . . . Mr. Parkes has many valuable qualities great industry and indomitable perseverance, and an oratory which, 154 FAREWELL COMPLIMENTS. though not adapted to the schools, tells with great effect upon the masses. His work, if it prove successful, will entitle him to the public thanks, and doubtless interest in his future career many who may be induced by his persuasion to seek this country as their future home. Had we much greater reason to complain of his career than we have hitherto admitted, we should at the present moment withdraw them, and only express our desire that, having rendered on the whole considerable service to the country, he may be successful in the mission he has undertaken, and return hereafter to complete the circle of public labour which his ambition has doubtless contemplated, and to which, comparing him with his competitors, it is not un- reasonable he should aspire." He and his colleague Mr. Dalley were not long in setting forth upon their mission. The appointment rendered necessary the resignation of Mr. Parkes' seat in Parliament, and this step having been taken, preparations were made for departure. The day upon which the two commissioners left Sydney, an address from his friends and admirers, headed by Dr. Woolley, was presented to Mr. Parkes. It was the outcome of a meeting of citizens held a few days previously, and it was read and presented to the recipient on the deck of the steamer Wonga Wonga, just before her departure for Melbourne, where the commissioners were to catch the mail steamer for England. Time had not permitted of anything more elaborate or demonstrative. SUCCESS AND A SAFE RETURN. 155 " We cannot allow you," the address was worded, " to leave the colony without expressing the con- fidence which we feel in your ability to carry out the object of your important mission to the mother country." This, in itself, was a great compliment. Not very many years previously Mr. Parkes had stood on the deck of another vessel, in the same harbour, among a crowd of others, a friendless, almost penniless, immigrant, with all the years of toil and hard experience to bring him to his present position before him. " Your public life," the address proceeded, " consistent throughout in adherence to fixed principles, your untiring energy and perseverance, the warm interest which you have ever taken in social questions, and your expressed attachment to the country, are a sufficient guarantee that the advocacy of the colony will be safe in your hands. " We earnestly hope that as an accredited representative of the country, your efforts will be successful, not only in dispelling much ignorance with regard to New South Wales as a field for industry, enterprise, and capital, but in exposing the misrepresentations of any who depreciate our institutions and cast a doubt upon the future development and progress of the colony." And the address concluded by wishing him a safe return to the country, for which he had " laboured so long and so earnestly." In his reply, Mr. Parkes explained his position. He believed, he said, that he had done right in 156 FIELD FOR GENERAL IMMIGRATION. proceeding to Europe. He had toiled hard for eight or ten years. His health, though in its foundation strong, was somewhat impaired by over-anxiety and prolonged labour ; and the change he was about to enjoy would probably establish his health, and con- fer on him a great physical benefit. But independently of all personal considera- tions, he went on to explain, the object which he was about to assist in carrying out, he had ever regarded as one of great importance and interest. The records of the Legislature would show that it had been his settled belief that what was wanted to keep this colony, if not actually in advance, at least abreast of the other colonies, was giving sufficient publicity in Great Britain to its natural resources and attractions. He was convinced that there was nothing that would remove the embarrassment from which the country was suffering, but an increase of the classes engaged in the various avocations of production ; and the only way, in his opinion, to extend the great producing interests of the country was to diffuse labour throughout them. In going to England, his intention was not simply to introduce into the colony wage-earning labourers. His object would be to represent to the British public of all classes, rich and poor, high and low, settled and unsettled, men with capital, and men without capital, the real character of the country as a field for general immigration. " My object," he said, " is to attract rich men here as well as poor men, so that a spontaneous volume of immigration may PRESS STRICTURES. 157 visit us, bringing with it, as a great element of prosperity, labour and capital combined, so that we shall have as it were a slice of old England in this country." Of his past career he said but two or three words, but they were words of weight. " I have learned to value above all things the test of time as applied to a public man, and if any little services that I have rendered to the country will not stand the test of time I say let them perish." This interesting little ceremony, which most persons would think should have elicited the approval of everybody, excited displeasure in some quarters, and was followed by unfavourable comments in the press. The leading journal appeared to have arrived at the conclusion that, at last, it was clear the appointment was not pure and in the public interest. The morning after the presentation on the steamer it appeared with an article in which it said : " The appointment itself and all the circumstances under which it was made points out its true character. Mr. Parkes has been the most formidable opponent of Mr. Cowper, but he has been compelled to surrender, like many a strong fortress, under the pressure of starvation. Mr. Cowper, being in better quarters and having the revenues of the country at his back, could have carried on this war for some months longer. Mr. Parkes was fairly exhausted. There was, however, in his public character a latent strength which might under any accident display itself and command 158 REMOVED FROM THE ARENA. the wavering majority of the Assembly. The coast was clear. He moved for a grant of 5000 for the appointment of lecturers, 1000 as salary, 500 as travelling expenses, and the remainder to enable them to distribute tracts or whatever might be otherwise convenient and desirable. Mr. Cowper accepted the terms, and the appointment was made, Thus, in the course of a few days, one of the most prominent and consistent of the radical party, a man, who, whatever may be his faults, did more to secure its organization and consolidation and early triumphs than all the rest put together, was removed from the arena. It is in vain to look to immigration as the object of this compact no light will come from that quarter. The whole thing combines in itself all the characteristics of a job, and it is a job." These strictures only provoke a smile now. The editor of the Herald, and undoubtedly many other persons, found it difficult to reconcile the appoint- ment with Mr. Parkes' vigorous and sustained criticism of the Government and their actions, unless on the hypothesis that the one had been made to put an end to the other. Of Mr. Dalley, as the colleague of Mr. Parkes in the mission to England, very little was said. He had not then risen to prominence. He was known and recognised as a clever speaker, as a man of considerable natural ability and eloquence, but he had not impressed himself upon the proceedings of the colony at this time in anything like the manner that elicited the approbation and aroused the MR. DALLEY'S FRIENDSHIP. 159 popularity which surrounded his career in later years. He had been a staunch supporter and friend of Mr. Cowper, and a member of one of Mr. Cowper 's Governments ; and he had done much to save Mr. Cowper from rejection at the hands of the electors at a critical time. His appointment as joint commis- sioner with Mr. Parkes was regarded as a reward for useful services, and beyond that little was thought of it. He was, however, a more conspicuous figure in the matter than was generally thought, for it was at his instance, and in response to his persuasion, that Mr. Parkes accepted the position when it was offered to him. Mr. Dalley was on terms of friend- ship with Mr. Parkes. From the time of their being introduced to each other they had been very close friends, partly through contributions which Mr. Dalley made to the columns of the Empire, and partly for other reasons. The visit to England attracted the attention of Mr. Dalley very soon after the proposal of Mr. Parkes, as expressed in his resolution, was made public, and he was desirous of securing one of the appointments for himself. The other he thought could not be given to a more suitable person than Mr. Parkes. Especially suitable would the two appointments be to Mr. Dalley, as Mr. Parkes was his friend, and travelling to England on a lecturing tour with a friend was in prospect much more pleasant than travelling with a stranger. So Mr. Dalley came to Mr. Parkes, and urged him to go. 160 IN NEEDY CIRCUMSTANCES. " I can safely say," said Mr. Parkes, on one occasion when talking of this incident in his life, "that when I moved that resolution the thought of going myself never entered my head." Mr. Dalley was not in Parliament at the time. He had lost his seat in the general election, when, as a candidate for East Sydney, he had sacrificed himself to secure the return of Mr. Cowper. Being free from Parliamentary requirements, there was nothing of any importance to call upon him to remain in the colony, and he had but to mention his desire to go to England to induce Mr. Cowper and his colleagues in the Government to consent. His friendship with Mr. Parkes, his power of persuasion, and a circumstance in relation to Mr. Parkes himself at this time, prevailed, and Mr. Parkes consented to go. This other circumstance, which, apart from Mr. Dalley, induced Mr. Parkes to consent to accept the appointment, was pecuniary embarrassment. "I was in needy circumstances," Mr. Parkes has since frankly said, " and I thought it would be a fine thing if I could do some good, and I yielded ; but I never should have gone if it had not been for Dalley." So desirous was Mr. Dalley that Mr. Parkes should go, that he declared if anyone but Mr. Parkes should be appointed he would not go. His acceptance of the position depended entirely upon that of Mr. Parkes, although he very much wanted the appointment. As the published correspondence shows, Mr. Parkes did not approach the Government on the OFFERED THE COMM1SSIONERSHIP. 161 subject. The first intimation of the appointment being within his acceptance came from them, in a confidential letter from the Secretary for Lands, Mr. John Robertson. This letter, and Mr. Parkes' reply, with two letters which followed on the question of precedence in relation to Mr. Parkes and Mr. Dalley, and the minute of the Executive Council, confirming the appointments, have a historic interest. Mr. Robertson's letter, dated llth May, 1861, from the Department of Lands, and marked " confidential," was as follows : Department of Lands, llth May, 1861. My dear Mr. Parkes, It is the intention of the Government to appoint forthwith, at a salary of 1, 000 a year and allowances, two gentlemen, to proceed to the Mother Country as Commissioners of Emigration ; and my colleagues and myself are desirous of placing one of those appointments at your disposal. Will you, therefore, say whether or not you are willing to comply with our wishes ? It is un- necessary for me to describe for you the nature of the duties of the office, as the proposal, sanctioned by Parlia- ment, originated upon your own motion. It may, however, be proper to mention that a similar communication to this has been made to Mr. W. B. Dalley. I am, etc., JOHX ROBERTSON. To this, Mr. Parkes wrote in reply : Sydney, 13th May, 1861. My dear Mr. Robertson, I beg to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the llth instant, offering me, on behalf of yourself and col- 162 ACCEPTING THE APPOINTMENT. leagues, the appointment of Commissioner of Emigration in England. After mature consideration, I have determined to accept the appointment, principally with the hope that I may be of material use in successfully carrying out the important undertaking sanctioned by Parliament. I beg the Government to accept my assurance that I shall enter upon the duties of my office with an earnest and anxious purpose to disseminate a correct knowledge of this colony, to exhibit its real advantages as a field for the better class of emigrants, and to raise its reputation in the estimation of the British people. I have this morning resigned my seat in the Legis- lative Assembly, and shall be prepared at once to receive the instructions of the Government, and to proceed to- England by the first opportunity. I have, &c., HENRY PARKES. The appointments were notified to the public, in a Supplement to the Government Gazette, on the day after the receipt by the Secretary for Lands of Mr. Parkes' letter ; and, so far, everything appeared to be satisfactory. But, inasmuch as Mr. Dalley's name appeared in the Gazette notice before that of Mr. Parkes, and the circumstance seemed to indicate that Mr. Dalley was regarded by the Government as occupying the superior position of the two Com- missioners, the question of precedence arose, and for a time threatened some difficulty. Five days afterwards, Mr. Parkes wrote to Mr. Robertson on the subject. His letter was dated from " Werrington," his place of residence near Ryde, on Sunday, 19th Ma} T , and, after dealing with some QUESTION OF PRECEDENCE. 163 matters of business necessary to be attended to with promptness to enable the Commissioners to start on their mission, went on to say : " I notice in the Gazette of our appointments, that precedence has been given to the name of Mr. Dalley ; and I infer from this, that in any communications addressed to us jointly by the Government, the same deference will be shown to that gentleman. I presume this distinction must have been intended, as it could hardly have arisen from seniority in years, greater prominence in public life, or more intimate connection with the subject of our mission. Though this con- sideration, if it had been hinted at previous to my acceptance of the appointment, would have determined me in declining it, I should not now allude to the matter were it not that it may lead to some embarrassment here- after ; for instance, if we are to make joint reports to the Government, I shall decline to sign my name after Mr. Dalley, unless I am instructed to do so." At the same time he was not disposed to raise such a difficulty as would affect the chances of the mission being a success. What he wanted was an authoritative statement from the Government as to whether one Commissioner was to be regarded as the superior of the other, or whether they were equal. "If the Government, however." the letter continued, " consider Mr. Dalley has superior qualifications for the direction of our movements in England, I shall raise no objection whatever to such an arrangement, but shall im- plicitly obey your instructions in acting under the advice of that gentleman as my duly appointed superior. All I desire to know before leaving the colony is, our precise positions in matters of courtesy as well as action, and our relative responsibilities." 164 A CLEVER REPLY. To this, Mr. Robertson sent a very cleverly- worded reply. With each of the Commissioners he was on terms of friendship, and though Mr. Dalley had been more closely in association with him as a friend and supporter of the Government, and on that ground merited special regard, yet he was not disposed to overlook the claim to consideration on the side of Mr. Parkes. He desired to be just to each, to offend neither, and to maintain the position he occupied in the matter as the Minister charged with the arrangements for the carrying out of the mission. He wrote to Mr. Parkes as follows : Lands, 20th May, 1861. My dear Mr. Parkes, I have your note of yesterday, and will have all the arrangements relative to money matters and the com- missions ready for you, at the time you mention. I regret very much to find the view you take of the relative positions of yourself and Mr. Dalley ; and especially I regret the tone and temper of your observa- tions thereupon. You assume that one of the Emigration agents will have functions superior to those entrusted to the other ; an idea which I confess appears to me not only new, but unnecessary. You also say that if it (this supposed preference of Mr. Dalley) had been hinted previously to your acceptance of the appointment, you would have declined it. To me the necessity for these statements is quite unintelligible. I look in vain for anything that has been done, warranting the supposition that Mr. Dalley is placed in a position of superiority to yourself. As to your reference to the absence of any hint on the subject, previous to your taking office, of course there D STANDS BEFORE P." 165 could have been none, it never having been intended that any superiority should exist. It seems, however, evident, that had your name appeared first in the Gazette, you would have claimed something of the kind ; why so, I do not understand, as I am sure no hint of mine ever justified it. One of two names necessarily appeared first, and the usual custom, in cases where it is intended that gentlemen shall hold equal positions, is to give alphabetical pre- cedence ; and as D stands before P, Mr. Dalley's name would appear before yours. But there is another ground for his nominal precedence, and one that I am not disposed to overlook ; it is that he has held high office in the colony, having been Solicitor-General, and a Member of the Cabinet, with several Members of the present Government. You speak of your determination not to sign joint reports after Mr. Dalley, unless specially instructed on that behalf. I have too much confidence in your good sense to suppose that you will not speedily see that a state- ment of that kind is unworthy of you. At any rate I feel quite sure that no difficulty will arise that Mr. Dalley will have too much regard for the important interests intrusted to him, to allow them to be impeded by re- fusing to you any comfort that you may desire from signing first, on such occasions ; I shall therefore give no order in the matter. In great haste I am, itc., JOHN* ROBERTSON. This smartly written letter effectually disposed of the question of precedence, for nothing more concerning it appeared in correspondence ; and the completion of the arrangements for the despatch of the Commissioners was pushed on rapidly. 166 SALARY AND ALLOWANCES. On the 2 8 th May, the appointments were confirmed by the Executive Council. According to the Council's minute, each of the Commissioners was to be paid a salary of 1,000 a year, and an allowance of 500 a year to cover travelling and all other personal expenses, including the cost of passage to and from England ; and they were to receive an advance of three months' salary and allowance prior to leaving Sydney. At the same time, provision was made against continuing payment to them after it should be considered by the Government neces- sary that they should be recalled; and they were informed that the salary and allowance would be continued for a period of three months, and no longer, after the delivery at their official address in London, of a notice from the Government that their mission was at an end. Under these arrangements the Commissioners left Sydney. In a letter of instructions the Minister for Lands stated generally the wishes of the Govern- ment in regard to the manner in which the work of the Commissioners should be performed, but, neces- sarily, the method of carrying out the duties attached to their mission was largely left to them- selves. While, however, practically leaving to their own discretion the precise manner in which they should endeavour to secure the results aimed at by the Government and the Legislature, Mr. Robertson suggested that it was of the first consequence to the success of the undertaking, that they should, as early as possible after arriving in England, ESSENCE OF THE MISSION. 167 associate themselves with, and seek the co-opera- tion of, gentlemen having local influence among those portions of the community it was especially desirable to attract to the colony. These were, he explained, small capitalists, and such of the labouring classes as had the means of defraying the cost of their passage to New South Wales. " To place before such persons the advantages which it is conceived this colony possesses as a field, as \vell for the man with small means as for the industrious mechanic and labourer, is, of course," he w r rote, "the very essence of your mission. Whether you effect this by means of lectures, or pamphlets, or by means of the public press, or by viva voce addresses, is a matter which must be left, and which is confidently left, to your own discretion. Whatever meed of success may attend this experi- ment, the Government are fully assured it will not fail from the want of able and zealous advocacy." The two Commissioners landed in Liverpool on Sunday, August 4th, and immediately set about their work; Mr. Parkes going to Birmingham, and Mr. Dalley to London. But though from that time they were very closely occupied, Mr. Parkes visiting several parts of England and Scotland, and the principal centres in Ireland, they had not been long engaged at their work before they became aware of a disposition among the propertied classes of England to dis- courage emigration. In the humbler walks of life they found generally A desire for information respecting the colonies, and 168 OBSTACLES TO SUCCESS. in many cases a strong inclination to remove to- Australia ; but they were handicapped by the pecu- liar nature of the plan under which it was hoped people would be induced to emigrate to New South Wales. Each emigrant, unless able to pay the whole of his or her passage money, was obliged to lodge the portion necessary under the assisted immigation regulations, in the Colonial Treasury at Sydney ; and this it was not easy to do. It was difficult also to arrange for suitable accommodation on ships sailing for the colony, unless a certain number of passengers were guaranteed, and another obstacle was the fact that some of the other colonies were offering to emigrants greater inducements in the way of concessions than New South Wales was prepared to offer. The Commissioners did not, however, despair. They opened offices in London, and styled them- selves " New South Wales Government Emigration Agents." Sir John Young, who, at this time, was Governor of New South Wales, had given them letters of introduction to Mr. Gladstone, Lord Brougham, and the Duke of Newcastle ; describing Mr. Parkes as a gentleman who " had occupied a seat in the Legislative Assembly for several years, and acquired much distinction by his ability and various exertions, especially by those he has made for the moral and social improvement of his fellow citizens," and Mr. Dalley as a highly talented gentleman, a native of New South Wales, and a barrister-at-law who- had held, for a considerable time, a seat in the OPPOSITION OF THE WEALTHY. 169 Legislative Assembly, and was, in the year 1859, Solicitor-General and a member of the Cabinet. . These eminent persons, and others, they waited upon, and as far as could be done were assisted in their mission. They addressed a large number of public meetings ; had personal interviews with individuals and families ; answered much correspon- dence ; distributed thousands of circulars and pamphlets ; and published information in the press. From time to time they forwarded to the Secretary for Lands, in Sydney, reports of their proceedings, and these, though somewhat hopeful in tone, were generally very plainly expressive of the difficulties they found in their way. The more they extended their operations, the clearer did they see the indisposition of the wealthy classes to emigration of any kind but that, perhaps, of the criminal portion of the population. The sympathies of landed proprietors and of large employers of labour were not with them. In one of his reports, Mr. Parkes described a conversation he had with a wealthy manufac- turer and influential politician on the subject of New South Wales. "It is a fine country," this gentleman said, " it sends us amazing quantities of wool and gold, and is a splendid customer for our manufactures. I do a good trade with Sydney myself. Don't you think the colonists could be persuaded to take our convicts again ? " At this period, it was not at all uncommon for persons of influence in the political arena of Great Britain to manifest an adverse feeling towards the 170 THE EMIGRATING CLASS. Australian colonies ; and Mr. Parkes found that they were afraid of " stimulating " emigration, because it was the best class of people who emigrated. The chances of the success of his mission appeared to be greatest in personal communication with the emigrating class ; " frankly explaining to them the condition of the colony, and their own prospects of success as colonists, and advising them according to the different circumstances of their cases." Frequently, he had interviews with families of this class. " Men come to me," he wrote, " with their wives, and a son or daughter, or perhaps a friend, layjtheir case before me, apparently with the utmost confidence, and explain their views in wishing to emigrate, which sometimes discover a long course of thought and inquiry on the subject. I am at present in communication with several families, who reckon that, after removing themselves to Australia, they would have little capitals, ranging from 100 to 600 ; and I have reason to believe that their lot will be cast among the inhabitants of New South Wales next year. In this way travelling, corresponding, and giving personal interviews, I have been much occupied of late, and shall be for some time to come, in the Midland and Northern Counties." CHAPTEK XV. SELECT COMMITTEE WORK 1859-1861. IN the earlier period of his Parliamentary career, Sir Henry Parkes did much good work in connection with select committees, which he was instrumental in having appointed, and of which he was, in most instances, Chairman. Several of the principal of these committees sat in 1859-1861. One of them was that the report of w r hich formed the foundation of the charge made against Sir Henry Parkes of being favourable to a protective fiscal policy. This com- mittee was appointed to inquire into the condition -of the working classes of Sydney the want of employment among them, the subject of wages, the class of house accomodation available, and the existence and extent of juvenile vagrancy. It was .appointed on 30th September, 1859, and- it sat from the 7th October of that year, until 1 8th April, 1860. The condition of aifairs it disclosed was a very sad one. It is interesting at this time as a picture of degraded life which, existing at the period of this inquiry, has, to a large extent, since then disappeared. Destitution and immorality are still amongst us, but SOCIAL REFORM. the homes of the masses are much better, and their lives purer and brighter than was the case thirty-five years ago. Sir Henry Parkes, when he moved his motion for the appointment of the committee, could not have been fully aware of the state of things- his inquiry disclosed, and yet his speech on the occasion showed that he possessed a considerable grasp of the subject. The object he had in view " giving a more healthy character to society and a better direction to the industrial energies of the population " had led him to acquaint himself with very much of what was going on around him. Several years before, he had done what he could towards reforming the juvenile vagrants of the metropolis, by having a select committee appointed to consider the propriety of establishing a nautical school, in which many of the male portion of these waifs and strays ought to be placed and trained into useful citizens. Now, his efforts were directed to the improvement of life among the parents as well as the children. He desired to see the children taken from the slums and by-ways, where dirt and vice were ever present; and this he knew could only be effected by improved house accommodation, better moral training, the spread of education, and increased means of livelihood so that the adult portion of the male population might be more constantly in employment and earning higher wages. And what was the state of affairs disclosed by the select committee's inquiry ? It was so shocking that it cannot be read without a feeling of horror. HOW THE WORKING CLASSES LIVED. 173 Want of employment existed amongst the work- ing classes to a large extent, and no doubt contributed much to degrade the life which a great proportion of these classes were living. Decent houses are not obtained from landlords without the payment of adequate rent ; wholesome food and good clothes are not bought for less than their value ; and, in the absence of decent houses, and good food and clothes, family life must go backward, and pass from bad to worse. The gold-fields of the colony, at this period extensively worked, had unsettled the lives of numbers of men, and withdrawn them from their families in Sydney, the wives and children being in many cases left without protection, or any means of subsistence ; and this had produced a large amount of destitution and misery. The impossibility of finding employment, experienced by a large pro- portion of the men not attracted from Sydney by the glitter of the gold-fields, produced more. The house accommodation of the working classes was deplorably bad. Drainage and ventilation were scarcely thought of. Sanitary precautions were almost entirely neglected. It was not uncommon at this time to find large families, with sometimes a lodger or two, in small weatherboard structures, containing two rooms of not more than 10 feet by 11 feet each, their ceilings not more than six or seven feet high, and possessing little or no means of ventilation, except the door or window. " Hundreds of houses in Sydney," the Master of the Benevolent Asylum stated to the committee, " are totally unfit for human habitation." 174 A SUBURBAN PICTURE. The suburbs in this respect were, to a great extent, in the same condition as the city. In a block of twenty or twenty-five wretched hovels, accommo- dation, such as it was, was obtained for, perhaps, a hundred people, old, middle-aged, and young -, married and single. Not only were the houses for occupation by the working classes constructed with- out regard to the requirements of comfort or health, but they were grossly overcrowded in consequence of high rents. A tenement, deserving of no better name than a den, of two rooms, might be occupied by as many as fourteen persons seven men and seven women. Seventy persons had been found herded together in a common lodging-house of six rooms ; and, in one of the Chinese quarters, one building proved a lodging house for no fewer than 315 celestials. With these conditions of life existing, it is not surprising that intemperance, destitution, and vice among old and young abounded, or that the com- mittee should consider that, in this disordered state of things, the social happiness ot the community was fast becoming undermined. The committee made certain recommendations, and among them, the famous protectionist proposal which ever afterwards attached itself to Sir Henry Parkes. " Your committee," the report stated, " are also of opinion that the connection of cause and effect is in some measure to be traced between the fiscal laws of the colony and the existing social evils, and they consider a revision of our entire taxation PROTECTIONIST IDEAS. 175 a matter of necessity. We have the authority of eminent economists in support of raising^ revenue in a new country by the imposition of duties that would tend to foster manufacturing enterprise, and such encouragement to our own people within well-considered limits would not be inconsistent with practical freedom in our commercial inter- course with the world, while no nation affords us an example of the establishment of manufactures without encouragement." From this recommendation, which was not only an expression of opinion from the committee as a body, but may be regarded as peculiarly Sir Henry Parkes' own, inasmuch as the report was signed by him as chairman, it is plain that, at this period of his life, Sir Henry Parkes entertained protectionist ideas. But the circumstance is not unnatural, and can be easily explained. Indeed, he himself explained it, on more than one occasion, when it was used as a weapon against him by his opponents. At this time he had been but six years in Parlia- ment. His political knowledge had been chiefly acquired in the intervals of a busy life, which did not afford him too many opportunities fcr reading and reflection. In his youth and early manhood, he had experienced all the hardships attendant upon want of employment or low wages. Moreover, he had imbibed to a certain extent the fiscal doctrine apparent in a well-known passage in the writings of John Stuart Mill. Was it at all strange that he should, under such circumstances, have thought that unrestricted freedom of commerce was not, in all 176 CONVERTED TO FREE TRADE. conditions of a country's existence, the best for its welfare ? Further observation and study of the subject, and an interview with Richard Cobden during a visit to England in 1861-2, disclosed to him the fallacies of protection ; and with the clear view of the whole matter, which this more matured examination of the question put before his mind, he became what since that time he always was a staunch supporter and advocate of free trade. During his later life, in the struggle which certain industries have had in this country to firmly establish themselves, and, in response to earnest solicitations for some assistance on their behalf, there were occasions when, as head of the Government, he indicated his willingness to assist those industries to the extent of a certain preference over manufacturers outside the country in the tendering for work required by the Government to be done ; and this has been characterised by some persons as protection. But it would be difficult to prove that the concessions offered in this manner went, in any instance, beyond what was justifiable in the interests of either free trade or the general welfare. If the excess in price of a New South Wales tender, as compared with the tender of an English firm, be no more than would be repre- sented by freight, insurance, and other charges incidental to obtaining the required articles from England, and the quality of the articles made in the colony be equal to that of the articles manufactured in England, there can be no valid objection to accepting A PROTECTIONIST SPEECH. 177 the colonial tender in preference to the English one ; and this Sir Henry Parkes was always willing to do. Strongly free trade in its fiscal opinions, the Legislative Assembly refused to adopt the Com- mittee's report. Mr. Parkes moved its adoption in an able and distinctly protectionist speech. " He held that the country, to be prosperous, must rest upon something more than their industry employed in the production of raw products. There was only one base for a prosperous community, and that was the three-fold base of producing raw material, of manufacturing it, and of trading in it ; or, in other words, agri- culture (taking that term in its wider sense as including all the products of the soil), and manu- factures and commerce And, in passing, he might say that the whole doctrine of free trade (and perhaps he was as thorough a free trader as most members of the House) was at least a theory. It rested upon assumptions. Its reasoning was all of a deductive nature. There was, however, this in favour of the out-and-out protectionists : that their doctrine to a great extent depended upon the actual rise of nations It was absolutely necessary for the employment of the human mind, and all the faculties belonging to our nature, that the modes of employment should be as varied within the country as possible." Quoting largely from authorities in support of the contention that it is desirable to produce within our own towns as much as possible of the com- modities we consume, and as to the justification of 178 REJECTING THE REPORT. imposing duties for the establishment of manu- factures, he went on to say: "The mere traders of a community, though highly honourable and useful in their proper relations, it must be borne in mind were non-producers, and, as far as they were concerned, the world would die out in all the elegancies and refinements of life. So that, neces- sarily, a large proportion of the population would be unproductively employed. Thus it would be impossible for us to keep abreast of the age. Our only chance if we wished to bring out the talents of the rising generation, and to run a- ftiir race with other parts of the world in all the attainments which dignify human life, was by intro- ducing other modes by which the inventive faculties of the country would be brought into full play." The motion for the adoption of the report was negatived by so large a majority as 27 votes to 6 ; but the matter did not end there. By the unem- ployed portion of the citizens of Sydney, the decision of the Assembly was viewed with much dissatis- faction ; and for several nights hostile demonstrations were made by a mob outside the Assembly Chamber, On the third night following that during which the report was rejected, the gathering was so large and threatening, that something like a riot cer- tainly a serious disturbance occurred. Torches were burned; members favourable to the report were cheered, and those unfavourable to it groaned at and hooted. Inflammatory speeches were de- livered, and attempts were made to penetrate into- the enclosure in front of the Parliamentary POPULAR DEMONSTRATIONS. 179 buildings, and effect an entrance where the House was sitting. In the Assembly Chamber, Members were fear- ful that the Chamber was about to be rushed ; and the attention of the Speaker was called to the cir- cumstance, a debate upon the subject taking place. Meanwhile, the efforts of the crowd to pass the entrance gates becoming more persistent and determined, a conflict arose between the crowd and the police. The guardians of the law drew their batons ; blows , were struck freely ; and several persons were severely injured. Still the mob endeavoured to reach the gates; and it was only when police reinforcements including a detachment of mounted police arrived on the scene, that the people could be beaten and driven back, and the street cleared. These demonstrations by a portion of the popu- lace made Mr. Parkes throughout this agitation a prominent figure ; but he gave no encouragement to what was done, and was not slow to describe it as ill-advised, and not justifiable. He made another attempt to carry the report of the committee through the Assembly, but again failed. On the 22nd May, 1860, he endeavoured to have the provisions of the report adopted, by moving a series of resolutions embodying the proposals made in it; but after some discussion the resolutions were shelved by the House adopting the previous question. The report did not again see the light. Not long afterwards, Mr. Parkes went to England, and 180 A PATHETIC CONFESSION. there his protectionist ideas disappeared under the benign free trade influence of Richard Cobden. Very recently he referred to the circumstance, and entered into a detailed explanation of his old protectionist error. Speaking chiefly of his pro- tectionist views in 1860, he said not without pathos: " My case is this ; I was not educated at a University. Unhappily for me, I was not educated at all. I never was at school more than three months in my life, and whatever I have attained, I have attained in circumstances of bitter poverty. Some allowance might be made for me who have had to educate myself every day of my life from my cradle until now. . . . I started in life as a free trader. I dare say that much of my opinions was caught up from those around me. I dare say that I imbibed my free trade opinions very much as many persons imbibe their religion. I admit that in the year 1859 or 1860, I was misled by that fatal, that mischievous, passage in John Stuart Mill's book, in which he lays down the doctrine that protectionist duties are pardonable to support new industries in a new country. And, about the same time, I read one or two American economists who confirmed that view. Mine was a case of pure backsliding. . . I went to England, and the person who con- verted me finally, and put me into the groove where I have remained ever since, was that illustrious Englishman, Richard Cobden. I spent a few days at Mr. Cobden's house. On a cold winter's night, which I remember well, and shall ever remember, PATHS OF ERROR. 181 Mr. Cobden invited me into his room. We sat down by the fire, and had a conversation of two hours on the question of protection in Australia ; and he satisfied me that the view I was then taking was in error. If I admit that he was my converter, I shall only admit that I was converted by the man who converted Sir Robert Peel. But now," he went on to say with some triumph, "comes my vindi cation. From that day until the present time, I have been a steady consistent free trader ; and surely thirty years ought to protect me from any reference to that early period. When, as I tell you, with a confession that costs me a good deal to make, I have had to educate myself every day of my life from my very childhood, I might be pardoned for straying into the paths of error ; because when I got true knowledge, I retraced my steps." Another important select committee appointed at the instance of Mr. Parkes, and of which he was chairman, was one to inquire into and report upon the state and management of the public prisons in the city of Sydney and the county of Cumberland. The arrangements for the confinement and treatment of prisoners at this period were very incomplete and unsatisfactory. Though an im- provement upon what existed in the very early days of the colony, they were far short of what was necessary. Overcrowding, want of cleanliness, and the absence of any inducement to reform, had such a brutalising effect upon the prisoners that they became terrible in their depravity, resorting to 182 COCKATOO ISLAND. unspeakable practices and indulging without hesita- tion in the committal of serious crimes. At this period Cockatoo Island was the largest prison in the colony, though the new gaol at Darlinghurst was in use ; but Darlinghurst, though containing many prisoners was only partially built, and Cockatoo Island was full to overflowing. At times there were as many as 500 prisoners on the island, and a large proportion were always of the very worst class. The passenger in the Parramatta River steamboats, which call nowadays at Cockatoo as regularly as at other places on the river, can still see sufficient to send his thoughts back to the period when hundreds of hardened criminals were there. Only some remnants of the old prison buildings are now standing, but these and two or three stone sentry boxes close to the water's edge, deserted and weather worn, suggest with much force the grim nature of the place thirty-five years ago. The Committee made a number of recommen- dations with a view to improvement in the condition of the gaols and the management and treatment of the prisoners. Among these recommendations was the appointment of an inspector of prisons, who should be a man of ability and high character, entrusted with the entire supervision and direction of the prison system of the colony. This officer was ultimately appointed, and the prison system greatly improved. Now there is a Comptroller-General of Prisons ; and, at the present time, the prisons of the colony are equal in every respect to the prisons of any other country. LETTER FROM CHARLES DICKENS. 183 A copy of the Committee's report, with the evidence upon which it was based attached, was forwarded by Mr. Parkes to Charles Dickens, who wrote the following letter in reply : Gad's Hill Place, Higham by Rochester, Kent, Tuesday, twenty-sixth August, 1862. Sir, I beg to acknowledge the safe receipt of your very obliging letter, and its accompanying report and evidence. I have perused that public document with great interest and not a little horror, and with a sincere admiration of the spirit in which the whole inquiry was conducted. It is very honourable to the gentlemen concerned and to the great country they represent. Faithfully yours, CHARLES DICKENS. Henry Parkes, Esq. Various other matters important to the good government of the colony were inquired into and reported upon by select committees appointed on the motion of Mr. Parkes, and assisted by him in their labours. From his first entry into Parliament he saw in the select committee a means of great usefulness ; and, up to the period of his official life -as a Minister of the Crown, he used this means whenever he thought it was required, to the great advantage of the country. CHAPTEK XVI. IN OFFICE AS COLONIAL SECRETARY. KETURNING to Sydney from England in January,. 1863, in response to a resolution of the Legislative Assembly in June, 1862, recalling him and his- colleague, Mr. Dalley, from their positions as emi- gration agents and lecturers, Mr. Parkes resumed business in Sydney, and awaited an opportunity for re-entering Parliament. He had lost none of his popularity ; public opinion of his great capacity and his political integrity was as strong as ever ; and a seat for him in the Legislature was assured. He had only to- await the occurrence of one of the political crises so numerous in those days, and then to choose his constituency. The opportunity came. in April, 1864, when Mr. Parkes was returned as Member for Kiama in the place of the late Mr. Samuel W. Gray. Previous to this he made an effort to obtain the .seat for East Maitland, rendered vacant by reason of Mr. j. B. Darvall accepting the office of Attorney- General in the Cowper Government, and going before his constituents for re-election. VITUPERATIVE SPEECHES. 185 The step was not a wise one, for not only was it unsuccessful, but the contest proved one of the bitterest in political annals. The amount of vitu- peration introduced into the speeches of the candidates was unequalled. Both able men and powerful speakers, they were recklessly unmerciful in their denunciation of each other. Mr. Darvall, usually polished and refined in his oratory for he claimed to be and was an educated gentleman allowed himself for once to adopt a style which, while unsurpassed in skilfulness and effect, was coarse and even revolting. Tucking up his sleeves on the hustings, in the manner of a callous surgeon, he proceeded to describe the previous career of Mr. Parkes, as the surgeon would dissect an unsavoury body. Mr. Parkes was equally severe, though in a different manner; and both writhed under the torture. So intense, indeed, was the feeling engen- dered, that at the close of the election when in addition to the unmeasured abuse heaped upon him, he had to endure the disappointment of defeat, Mr. Parkes called upon the electors if they believed him to be the guilty character his opponent had described, to hound him and stone him to death immediately he left the hustings. Doubtless Mr. Darvall was excessively annoyed at being opposed at all. Unless there be very special reasons for a contrary course, the re-election of a Minister is generally allowed to go without oppo- sition. The practice is universal, and not without its advantages. Mr. Parkes owed some consider- 186 AN UNFOUNDED RUMOUR. ation to Mr. Cowper, and having returned only a few months before from his visit to England as an o Emigration Commissioner, he might well, it was thought, have refrained from embarrassing the Government. Mr. Robertson went to him, and sought to induce him not to come forward as an opponent of the Attorney-General. " There will be other opportunities before long," Mr. Robertson urged ; "several seats will be available shortly." But Mr. Parkes declined to withdraw. He disapproved of -the proceedings of the Government as a whole, and therefore considered himself justified in opposing the re-election of their Attorney-General. Probably he was also annoyed at a rumour which had been spread that he had applied unsuccessfully to the Cowper Government for an appointment, at this time about to be made, of Inspector of Prisons. This appointment had been recommended by Mr. Parkes. Commissioned by Mr. Cowper to make inquiry while in England respecting the English prisons, Mr. Parkes had done so ; and one result of his inquiry was a recommendation that a high inspecting officer should be appointed in Sydney. People naturally thought Mr. Parkes suitable for the position, and with equal readiness considered that he would get it. Mr. Cowper was ready to give it him; but having already been charged with buying him off, by means of the emigration com- missionership, he was reluctant to offer any second appointment. Mr. Parkes did not ask for it. That he desired it is riot at all likely, for great as were the possibilities of his political success before he ELECTED FOR KIAMA. 187 went to England, the information and experience gained during his sojourn there, made those possi- bilities very much greater ; but it is not impro- bable that he would have been glad to have had the refusal of it. This was not absent from Mr. Cowper's mind, and was an additional reason why he did not make the offer. So the two came together several times, and talked of prisons and prison inspectorship ; but though each was anxious that the other should make some move in the direction of an offer or a request, no offer or request was made ; and the inspectorship eventually went to somebody else. The Kiama election, in 1864, which sent Mr. Parkes back to the Legislative Assembly, was not very exciting ; but his speeches during the contest indicated that his visit to England had not been without an effect upon his mind, which, while being beneficial to it, was certain to be of advantage to the political life of the colony. He was still the same uncompromising liberal, the same keen critic and denouncer of political incapacity and wrong, the same able and persistent advocate of social reform ; but the association which, during his stay in England, he had enjoyed w r ith prominent men in politics, literature, and society, had enlarged his views, increased his stock of infor- mation, and improved his style. He has told us since that one of the great Englishmen with whom he was intimate at this time in England was Richard Cobden ; and that conversations with him dissipated from his mind for 188 PARKES AND COBDEN. ever the protectionist fallacies which had made an entry there in the early years of his political career. To one destined to be the leader of Governments in New South Wales, over a period longer than that of any other Prime Minister in the political history of the colony, association with such men as Cobden, even for the transitory period covered by a short visit to England, must have been invaluable. And o it is not unlikely that Cobden learned something from Mr. Parkes. His arrival in England, fresh from the self-governing young Australian commu- nity, his mission to promote emigration to New South Wales, his strong democratic opinions, the important part he had taken in Australian public life all this would be of deep interest to Mr. Cobden, and make Mr. Parkes' company as agreeable a& Cobden's company was to Mr. Parkes, It did not need an eye of much discernment to see in Mr. Parkes the probabilities of future eminence. His detractors professed to observe nothing but vanity and superficialness. Impartial observers saw with clearer vision, and were some- times not slow to say what they saw. At the Kiama election he read a letter he had received from Charles Gavan Duffy, who, in those days, was ever ready to bear testimony to the pro- bable greatness of Mr. Parkes' future. The letter was written at a time when Mr. Parkes was defeated in an election at Braidwood, and it was produced at Kiama in reply to a charge made during the election there that he was an enemy to the Irish Roman Catholics. INDEPENDENT AND NEUTRAL. 189 " I read in the Sydney telegram to-day," wrote Mr. Duffy, "that you have lost your election by a few votes ; and be sure that though sometimes a silent, I am never an indifferent, spectator of your affairs. Ah, my dear friend if you will permit me to moralise the occasion you might have been any- thing in this new world, if you had only made up your mind once for all what it was to be. You may do anything still on the same conditions." Re-entering Parliament as Member for Kiama, Mr. Parkes did not take his seat as a supporter of the Government, which was then under the premier- ship of the late Sir James Martin. His political sympathies, he had told his constituents, were not in that direction. He could not see, in the course which had marked the political conduct of the Government in power, any avowed and distinct prin- ciples. There was a want of agreement among them on the main questions of the day. They were at Variance on the subject of the land laws ; some were protectionists and others freetraders ; and they were divided on the subjects of State-aid to reli- gion and education. To such an incongruous body Mr. Parkes could not give his assistance, and he became what he described as an " independent neutral member." Yet, in less than two years afterwards, he found it in the public interest for him to join some of these ministers, in a Government which proved to be one of the most useful in passing measures to promote the welfare of the country. 190 PRELUDE TO POWER. In November, 1864, Parliament was dissolved ; and it re-assembled on 24th January, I 8(>5, Mr. Parkes again taking his seat as Member for Kiama. To him the new Parliament was destined to be one of great importance. It was to mark his entry into official life, in which he did not, as is usual with those taking ministerial office for the first time, accept a subordinate position, but at one bound rose to the highest and most influential, for he became Colonial Secretary. Parliament opened with the Martin Ministry in office, though not in power, for they had been badly beaten in the elections, and their retirement was only a question of a day or two. They were succeeded by a Ministry under Mr. Cowper, and the proceedings of this Ministry provided the means by which, after a long and exceedingly useful career as a private member, Mr. Parkes was enabled to apply his great abilities to the actual government of the country. The Cowper Ministry, though indicating when it entered office a very capable administration, fell in the course of a few months into serious difficulties through the necessity for reconstruction. Mr. Robertson, in consequence of difficulties con- nected with his private affairs, was obliged to relinquish his position of Minister for Lands ; and Mr. W. M. Arnold, who was holding the office of Minister for Works, succeeded him. Mr. Thomas Ware Smart, who was Colonial Treasurer, was removed to the Works Department, a new Treasurer being found in Mr. (afterwards Sir) Saul Samuel. MINISTERIAL TROUBLES. 191 A few days subsequently Mr, Arnold was elected Speaker of the Legislative Assembly, and Mr. Robertson returned to the Lands Office. These changes greatly embarrassed Mr. Cowper, and seriously interfered with the well-being of the Government ; but it was left for a further change to bring matters to the point of a crisis. Mr. Samuel, in his capacity of Treasurer, made his Financial Statement on 29th November, 1865, and proposed a taxation scheme which the House virtually rejected. He at once resigned. Mr. Cowper, sensible enough of the gravity of the situation, was anxious to make another effort to- place the finances of the country in a satisfactory condition before relinquishing office ; and looked around for a new Treasurer. The field of choice open to him was small. The Government were not popular either in the House or outside. Ad- ditional taxation appeared to be absolutely necessary, and a Government upon whom the duty of taxing the community falls is not likely to be popular. Furthermore, there was a general impression that the Ministry could not last long, and that it would speedily give way to another. Mr. Cowper was one of those men not easily cast down by difficulties; and he had at his back, in the person of Mr. Robertson, a man still more resourceful. It did not seem easy to find a new Finance Minister, but it was not impossible. On a previous occasion it had been quite as difficult for Mr. Cowper to find an Attorney General ; and yet he was at last discovered in a gentleman just landed from a vessel which had arrived from England. 192 MOTION OP CENSURE. Curiosity was aroused now as to whence Mr. Samuel's successor would come. Name after name was mentioned, and the chances of the persons con- sidered eligible for the office discussed. But none of those in' Parliament regarded as suitable were willing to undertake the duties of Treasurer at this particular time, and under the circumstances surrounding the ministerial position. Mr. Cowper was compelled to fall back upon an outsider, a Treasurer who would be a Treasurer in name only. He announced that the office had been accepted by Mr. Marshall Burdekin. This gentleman was not known either to have had the experience or to possess the ability to enable him to fill the position of Finance Minister satisfactorily, and his appointment was regarded with much disfavour. Mr. J. H. Plunkett, Attorney-General in the Government, absent from Sydney when the appointment was made, resigned his office immediately the name of the new Treasurer reached him. In the Assembly, with the approval of Mr. Martin, the matter was taken in hand by Mr. Parkes. On the 9th January, 1866, Mr. Cowper moved that the seat of Mr. Marshall Burdekin be declared vacant by reason of his acceptance of office, and thereupon Mr. Parkes moved " That, in declaring such vacancy, the House feels it to be its duty at once to express its entire disapproval of Mr. Burde- kin's appointment." THE MOTION CARRIED. 193 A short but sharp debate ensued ; and the amendment was carried by 25 votes to 10, the original motion, as amended, being passed by 21 to 11. This expression of opinion was a direct vote of cen- sure; and though Mr. Cowper was inclined to evade it, he very quickly found himself compelled to act in accordance with its real nature. The Assembly adjourned, and, at its next meeting, was informed that the Government had advised a dissolution, but that the Governor had not accepted this advice, and consequently Mr. Cowper and his colleagues had resigned. Mr. Parkes' opportunity had now arrived. The prospect of his becoming a member of the Govern- ] ment in a high and influential position was at once greater than ever before. The fear cf the effects of his ardent radical opinions, and of his tendency to encounter and overthrow established forms and insti- tutions wherever they interfered with what he con- sidered to be the welfare of the country, was disap- pearing before the sense of his great ability and of his patriotism. Almost from his entry into the Legislature he was well fitted for office ; but, for the powerful Conservatives of those days, he had always gone too fast in the direction of reform, and fear that ministerial power might induce him to run riot in the endeavour to improve, where improvement might be needed, had made Cabinet-makers very chary of admitting him to their ranks. At last, however, it was recognised that he ought 194 . A CHOICE OF OFFICES. to be in the Government ; that he was entitled to it on every ground of fitness except the pace at which he had travelled in his efforts for social arid political advancement, and that even this characteristic might, after all, not be so bad as to some persons it had seemed. It was not, therefore, with alarm that the resig- nation of the Cowper Government was seen to indi- cate the probable inclusion of Mr. Parkes among their successors. To a large proportion of the- community it gave great satisfaction, and those who were not quite satisfied were not without hope that his appointment would prove beneficial. The Governor, Sir John Young, was not, appar ently, as confident of the success of Mr. Parkes in high office as many of Mr. Parkes' friends were. In the ordinary course of things, Mr. Parkes should have been commissioned to form the new Government. Instead of that, Mr. Martin was sent for. But Mr. Martin and Mr. Parkes were in consultation and agreement as to the new Ministry, and though Mr. Martin was to be Premier, he gave Mr. Parkes a choice of the other offices, including that of Colonial Secretary. The new Ministry proved a very strong one, and it remained in office for nearly two years, passing during that time some of the most beneficial of the measures under which the country for the last thirty years has been advancing. Mr. Martin was Attorney- General and Premier ; Mr. Parkes, Colonial Secre- tary ; and Mr. Geoffrey Eagar, Colonial Treasurer. The other offices were filled by Mr. John Bowie MR. MARTIN AND MR. PARKES. 195 Wilson, Minister for Lands ; Mr. James Byrnes, Secretary for Public Works ; Mr. Robert Macin- tosh Isaacs, Solicitor-General ; and Mr. Joseph Docker, Postmaster-General. All have since passed away, and the names of several may be said to be forgotten ; but the legislation they, as a Ministry, were able to bring into operation will ever live conspicuous in the political history of the colony. There was, of course, criticism of the new Government, favourable and unfavourable. Some people professed not to understand how Mr. Parkes could enter the same Cabinet as Mr. Martin, especi- ally with Mr. Martin as Premier. The two had not been very friendly in the Assembly, and in 1864 a quarrel occurred between them, which lasted twelve months. " With respect to several of the more important questions that had engaged the attention of Parliament and the public," it was said, " the new Ministers have occupied the most opposite positions, whilst they have denounced each other's conduct in the strongest language." And the combination was regarded as having been brought about with a view to securing the support of different sections in the Assembly, rather than as the result of agreement on any distinct line of policy. But the one led to the other. Once certain of the necessary support in Parliament, it was easy to formulate a policy upon which there should be general agreement. Mr. Parkes, in his address to his constitu- ents, made some allusion to the causes of the 196 THE PUBLIC FINANCES. the coalition. "One result," he said, "of the perverse and tortuous courses pursued in political life of late years is the obliteration of nearly all party dis- tinctions, so that it is now quite impossible for any six public men to associate together without making mutual concessions and sinking differences of opinion which, under circumstances more favourable to a healthy state of party action, would present a broad ground of disagreement. In the present juncture it is felt to be obligatory on persons who regard the public interest as superior to personal consideration to make such concessions." The financial circumstances under which the new Government entered office were some what auspicious, notwithstanding a gloomy outlook when the Cowper Government went from power. The Treasurer was able to put before the House a statement so satis- factory, that it showed, instead of a deficiency on the year's transactions and a necessity for increased taxation, as indicated by his predecessor, a con- siderable surplus. This, however, was largely due to- the receipts from ad valorem duties brought into operation by the Cowper Government, and the advantages from which the Martin-Parkes Govern- ment were reaping. From a state of something like alarm into which the community had drifted through the periods of successive Governments, the public were beginning to realise a feeling of hopefulness and confidence. At that date the finances of the colony were, of course, of as much importance to the general public as the finances of the present period are to DEBENTURES UNSALEABLE. 197 the people of to-day ; but, compared with what they are now the public accounts of 1865 were little short of insignificant. The charges for the year, inclusive of a sum of 20,000 for a postal service, a large expenditure for such a purpose at that period, amounted to 1,932,745, and those to be provided for by loan 820,500. The estimated revenue for the year was 2,084,51 1. Nowadays the figures for estimated expenditure and estimated revenue reach 9,000,000. Another remarkable difference between the circumstances of the two periods is to be seen in relation to the public deben- tures. At the present time they can be sold readily at a high price. In 1865, they were not only exceedingly difficult of sale, but were disposed of for what they would bring. In that year, by an agree- ment between the Cowper Government and the Oriental Bank, the bank had absolute power to sell the debentures which it held as security at any price to cover its cash advances ; and though the sum due by the Government to the bank was only 940,000, .against which it held debentures of the nominal value of 1,716,300, it refused to make the advance necessary to pay the interest on the public debt due in London in July, 1866. The Ministry proposed to do nothing in their first session but pass the estimates. The great measures of their programme were to stand over until the session following. Though of much im- portance, these were not so urgent as to make it necessary to interfere with the desire to get the financial matters of the country into thorough order. 198 FACULTY OF JUDGING CHARACTER. By having a short session to deal solely with the estimates, the necessary monetary arrangements for the year could be made, and, after a brief recess, Parliament, unembarrassed by financial matters, could proceed calmly and deliberately with the principal parts of the ministerial policy. This was done. The session commencing on 20th February, 1866, lasted about six weeks, and Parliament went into recess until July. Mr. Parkes spent a portion of his time in visiting some of the country districts. Bushranging was very troublesome at this period, and, as the minister at the head of the Police Department, he was instrumental in administering to it a very salutary check. He possessed, in a marked degree, the faculty of discernment of character. More appointments to high and responsible positions in the colony were, through his life, made by him than by any other person who has held the office of Minister, and his appointments, it may be said, were invariably satisfactory. During one of his tours through the country at this period of his career, he exercised his power of judging the capabilities of men by suddenly picking out, from his. police guard, an ordinary policeman, and commis- sioning him to search for and capture the two most bloodthirsty and notorious of the scoundrels then infesting the interior. The man, who was naturally fitted for such work, but had never before had the opportunity to show what he could do, accepted with alacrity the duty so unexpectedly placed upon. A WELL-KNOWN APPOINTMENT. 199 him, and in a very short time captured the bush- rangers and earned a sub-inspectorship. Another instance of excellent judgment of charac- ter and capacity, which occurred about the same period, with very beneficial results to the colony, was in relation to the asylums for lunatics. Mr. Parkes had not been long in office as Colonial Secretary, before he ascertained that these asylums were in a very imperfect and unsatisfactory state. They were, in fact, little better than prisons. He saw the necessity for improvement ; and one thing the Government did, on his recommendation, was to lay out the grounds at Gladesville, so that the patients might enjoy to a proper extent fresh air and exercise among beautiful surroundings. More, however, required to be done. Acci- dent threw Mr. Parkes into acquaintance with a gentleman who was a surgeon on one of the ships of war on the Australian station, and this gentle- man, he discovered, was very conversant with the treatment of lunatics. Frequent conversations with him, led to the conclusion that he was the man wanted in connection with the New South Wales asylums ; and, overtures being made to him, he left the Navy to enter the public service of the colony. Then, with the approval of his colleagues in the Ministry, Mr. Parkes commissioned him to go through Europe and America, and examine the construction, and methods of management, of the principal asylums for lunatics in those countries, and to report the results to the Government. This he did, at considerable expense, but very effectively, and his 200 RISKING PARLIAMENTARY CENSURE. report is regarded as one of the most valuable con- tributions to the literature relating to the treatment of lunacy. This gentleman is Dr. Manning, the present Inspector-General of the Insane in New South Wales ; and the state of perfection to which the asylums for lunatics in the colony have been brought by him is well-known to everybody. Re- ferring to this subject in a speech made in 1883, Mr. Parkes remarked that he took the important step of sending Dr. Manning on his tour of observation and inquiry, without waiting for Parliamentary authority. " I risked the censure of Parliament," he said. " If I had waited for Parliamentary authority, Dr. Manning would have sailed away in the ship of war, and his services would never have been obtained." CHAPTEK XVII. THE PUBLIC SCHOOLS ACT OF 1866. THE great fact in the career of the Martin-Parkes .Ministry was the passing of the Public Schools Act. Education in the colony had not been neglected, and had produced fairly good results. But the system in operation, beneficial in some respects, was not by any means as satisfactory as was desirable. The plan adopted for its administration was cumbrous and expensive, and, being based on a wish to meet the religious prejudices of some classes of the people, rather than upon a determination to afford the fullest educational advantages to the people as a whole, the standard of instruction was necessarily inferior. The schools were similar to the Irish national schools, that system having been intro- duced into the colony in 1844, and they were divided into two classes the national schools and the denominational schools. Each class of schools was controlled by a Board, and maintained at the expense of the State ; but beyond this, and the necessity that a certain average educational standard .should be observed, they were practically distinct. 202 RIVALRY OF THE SCHOOLS. One class consisted of secular schools, the other of church schools. As far as possible, each went its own way, doing the best for itself, and caring nothing for the welfare of the other. The rivalry between the supporters of the one and the adherents of the other was virtually a struggle between popular rights and sectarian suspicion and jealousy. While one party wanted the education of the young directed for the good of the State, the other saw little advantage to be gained unless it were associated with a strengthening of the power of the church. It is easy to see that with such conflicting interests at work the results to the community as a whole were certain to be the reverse of satisfactory. Another serious defect in the educational system of the period was that its operations were not as far- reaching as it was necessary they should be. The schools were confined to the large towns and prin- cipal centres of population. The children of the in- land districts, where the people were few and scat- tered, were, in many instances, wholly without the means of education. Men taking up blocks of land under the new Land Law, and, with their families, establishing permanent homes, saw their children growing up ignorant even of the common rudiments of system- atic knowledge, and exposed to all the evils which want of education induces. It was estimated in 1866 that fully 100,000 children under the age of fourteen years were in the colony receiving no instruction whatever. The population at the time stood at about 400,000, and EDUCATION OR CRIME. 203 the number of uninstructed children represented, therefore, one-fourth of the population. Govern- ment after Government had tried to remedy this, and had not succeeded. Political exigencies, arising from party struggling, had proved a serious obstacle, and, so far, all attempts to improve the State school system had failed. Mr. Parkes and his colleagues in the Ministry considered, as other Governments had, that the time had arrived when a limit should be put to the assistance given by the State to denominational schools. Mr. Parkes himself had long given close attention to the subject. From the circumstances of his own career, he could not but be deeply con- scious of the importance of an adequate system of popular instruction. As a journalist he had seen the evils arising from the inefficiency of the system in the colony, in those districts where schools and schoolmasters were most needed. As a member of the Legislature he was familiar with all that had been done to exchange the existing system for a better. He knew of no higher duty before him or before Parliament than to devise improved means of education, and extend them to every corner of the land. Want of education led to crime. " If parents are not alive to their own responsibility, and will allow their children to grow up without any educa- tion," he argued, "we cannot be surprised if the fire in their young blood finds a vent, or if, removed from the better influences of society, they turn out offenders against law and swell the roll of bush- 204 SCHOOLS OB GAOLS rangers." To prevent crime, the people must be enlightened. Better have schoolmasters, he was fond of saying, than gaolers ; better schools than gaols. Sentiments such as these were not likely to pass lightly across the minds of a population scat- tered far and wide over many hundreds of miles of wild bush. The evils of ignorance and crime were too apparent around the infant settlements of the interior for men to shut their eyes or close their ears to the advantages derivable from educational im- provement. Where the schoolmaster ought to have been, the highwayman roamed ; and the boy, whom education would have made a good and useful citizen, was, in too many instances, instructed in little more than the gain to be obtained by a career of robbery and murder. It could not be for a moment doubted by anyone who knew the country, said Mr. Parkes when moving the second reading of his great measure, if education had been extended to the unfortunate young men who had during the pre- ceding few years suffered the extreme penalty of the law for bushranging, they might have been still alive, enjoying liberty and using that liberty well. At the same time, no one than Mr. Parkes was more fully aware of the difficulties in the way of improving the existing condition of things. He fully recognised the important fact that the two great religious bodies in the colony the Anglican and the Roman Catholic Churches were leagued in a determination to resist to the uttermost A FAIR COMPROMISE. 205 all proposed change. Yet, while conscious of the strength of these opposing parties, he saw a way through their opposition, by which it appeared to him he might, to a large extent, meet their prejudices and, at the same time, secure most of the advantages obtainable from a greatly-improved and well-arranged secular system. As the time did not appear ripe, or the possi- bilities of success sufficiently assured, for suddenly depriving the denominational schools of all State support, the wisest course to take seemed to be the adoption of a system which should be a fair compro- mise. The denominational schools might still be maintained at the public expense, but conditions must be introduced by which all aid from the State should cease, if the standard of instruction fell below that in the purely State schools, or the attendance of scholars became smaller than a fixed number. Every encouragement that was justifiable should be given to the denominational schools, and the condi- tions imposed upon them should be no more than consistent with what was believed to be the desire of a majority of the people, that there should be one educational system of a uniform standard main- tained from the public funds. Schools showing that standard should be assisted ; schools below that standard should be closed, or remain in operation at their own expense. In this spirit the Public Schools Act was framed. Instead of having two controlling boards it was pro- posed that there should be one, to be called the Council of Education, no two members of which 206 RELIGIOUS INSTRUCTION. should be of the same religious persuasion. Denomi- national schools might operate wherever they were strong enough to do so ; but to entitle them to the o o public money they must show a certain attendance of children, a certain efficiency of instruction, and be a certain distance from a public school. Where the public school was sufficient to meet the educational requirements of a locality, no assistance would be given to a denominational school establishing itself in the vicinity. Religious instruction in denomina- tional schools would, in the main, not be interfered with ; but in all such schools receiving State aid the full benefit of the secular education imparted in them must be afforded all children applying for it without any compulsion upon them to receive instruction in religious matters. While, however, ' there was this apparent restriction upon religious instruction in the deno- minational schools, there was a provision that one hour a day might be set apart in the public schools for instruction in religion. This also was not to be compulsory. The hour for religious instruction would be occupied in that manner at the discretion of clergymen voluntarily attending ; and it was to be optional with the children in the school whether they should attend the classes in religion or remain at their secular studies. In regard to the question of religious instruction the bill was very cleverly drafted. It kept in view the desirableness of having as far as possible only one kind of State- supported schools through- out the colony, and aimed at bringing this about ; A MASTERLY SPEECH. 207 but its provisions were framed so that the desired change should be effected gradually and without harshness. Denominational schools were doomed; but there was no wish to close them arbitrarily, or in a manner to unduly irritate and create excitement. Reasonable compromise was likely to be a much more effective weapon than blunt force ; and this was the prime feature of the measure. The bill sought to improve the quality of the education imparted in the colony, to extend it in all directions, and to have, as far as was justifiable, only one class of schools ; and in endeavouring to secure these great advan- tages, the author of the measure, while not back- ward in paying due respect to the feelings of denominationalists, did not lose sight of the best interests of the whole community. Mr. Parkes moved the second reading of the bill on the 12th September, 1866, in a speech which was a masterpiece of well chosen details, telling argument, and eloquent language. The actual state of the country, the necessities of the rising genera- tion, and the duty upon the Government to do some- thing to extend, to those who did not now possess them, the advantages of education, were the strong points of his case ; but he had carefully ascertained the condition of affairs with regard to education in other countries, particularly those of Europe, and this information greatly strengthened his position. He was, he said, exceedingly anxious in addressing himself to the question to temper his own opinion with the results of experience, and to consider the opinions of others with every possible respect. The 208 EFFECTIVENESS AND ECONOMY. disadvantages of the system in operation in the colony were that education was unnecessarily expen- sive, inferior in quality, calculated to engender jealousies and uncharitable feelings among the different sections of society, and, in an alarming manner, limited in its supply. These defects he earnestly desired to remove. To him it was clear that the schools estab- lished to educate the children of the colony should not be engaged in an unnatural com- petition. If the Government undertook the great duty and responsibility of educating the children, they should do it in a manner to be effectual, both in teaching as many children as possible, and in providing a quality of education as high as it could possibly be raised. At the same time, the money available for the purpose should be so economised, that a single shilling more than necessary should not be spent in the work. "It must be wrong," he contended, "nay, positively sinful, to spend a single shilling unnecessarily upon educating 50,000 children so long as other 50,000 children are destitute of education. It must be wrong to administer the Parliamentary grants in a way that shall, in any respect, interfere with the quality of education ; and it must be wrong to ad- minister them in a way that shall in any degree interfere with the extension of this education." He did not seek to hide his opinion of the baneful effects upon education, which sectarian interference produces. The reason for the multi- plicity of small inefficient schools was, he explained, ATTITUDE OF THE CHURCHES. 209 the contention amongst religious bodies to have schools of their own. " The clergy of the various churches, in this as well as in the mother country, are the most inveterate and the most powerful enemies that popular education ever had." How differently they might act, and with what good results, he was equally plain in stating. " If, in a locality," he said, " where there is only a sufficient number of children to form one good school, they would exercise in a proper spirit that Christian charity which ought to be the chief feature of their religion, and consent to their children being educated side by side, ex- travagance would be avoided, and the means of education would be extended to a number of other children who, whilst ministers of religion are cavil- ling over a division of the spoils, are left to moral destitution to the gaols, and, unfortunately, sometimes to the gallows." He was inclined to consult the interests of the great denominations, even, to some extent, to con- sult their predjudices ; but he was determined to put an end to all that stood in the way of the desired reform. With this resolve, the Government had framed the bill so that the difficulty should be met in the most practical manner they could desire. The soul of the bill, as Mr. Parkes described it, was in the clauses which made provision for the establishment of a public school in any locality where, after due inquiry, the Council of Education was satisfied there were at least twenty-five children who would regularly attend such school, and for the 210 SAVING THE CHILDREN. establishment of denominational schools in all cases where children enough could be found to fill them ; the Government giving full permission for the teaching of religion in the denominational schools, and only insisting on the number of children and that the standard of secular education taught should be as high as in the other schools. A new proposal in the bill was a provision for the appointment of itinerant teachers in districts where, from the scattered condition of the population,, or from other causes, it was not practicable to estab- lish a public school ; and the great benefit this has been to many families in the far interior is well known to all who have had any acquaintance with provisional or half-time schools. " To save the children and make them useful members of society " was the grand feature of the speech from the beginning to the close ; and the close was an unusually fine burst of eloquence. " This cause," said Mr. Parkes, "cannot suffer from the feebleness of my appeal. The voices of a hundred thousand children appeal to you, and im- plore you not to allow any secondary consideration to impair your generous exercise of power in saving them from neglect and ignorance. By what you do now you may render a service that will be felt hereafter in the aspirations of a hundred thousand human lives of that unknown multitude arising in our midst who have yet to employ their faculties in moving the machinery of society, and who, for good or evil, must connect the present with the future. They will come after us, in the field and in the DENOMINATIONAL OPPOSITION. 211 workshop, in the school and in the church, on the judgment seat and within these walls a mighty wave of intelligence that must receive its temper from you, but whose force you will not be here to control. I leave with you this question, so preg- nant with social consequences, relying on your enlightened patriotism to approach it in a temper- ate spirit, to consider it dispassionately, and to arrive at a decision upon it which shall inspire the people with renewed confidence in the wisdom and integrity of Parliament." The debate extended over five nights ; and the division list showed the House to be in favour of the bill by nearly three to one. It was generally understood, after Mr. Parkes' speech, that the measure was safe, and certain to be passed by a substantial majority. Its chief opponents were men of extreme denominational tendencies, and some of them were not slow to bitterly denounce the measure and its author. Mr. Macpherson, who followed Mr. Parkes in the debate, had struggled desperately, only a short time before, by a resolution, and by a judicious canvas and banquetting of members, to re-establish the system, previously in force, of State aid to religion. In that attempt he had failed completely ; but, conceiving that the rejection of this bill would at least be beneficial to the State-aid principle, by keeping within the grasp of the churches the power they exercised over a large proportion of the schools, he opposed the measure /vehemently. In the bill as introduced, it 212 CLERICAL DENUNCIATION. was proposed that the Council of Education should consist of five persons, with the Colonial Secretary, for the time being, as ex-officio President. To Mr. Macpherson, this proposal to place the Colonial Secretary at the head of the Council was to make him " the Pope of education, with five Cardinals under him." Another member, equally rabid in his opposition, characterised the bill as a monstrous measure, one that sought " to remove the Deity out of his place." But while the bill had some bitter opponents, it had also some powerful friends. Dr. Lang came to its support with the strength of an intellectual giant. To his mind, it was a great and important step in the advancement of the colony, likely to introduce a new era in colonial history, and to promote in a much higher degree the intellectual, moral, and religious welfare of the community. Outside Parliament, the struggle between the supporters and the opponents of the bill was marked with much vigour, and not a little unscrupulousness. The two leading religious organizations in the colony joined in a common onslaught upon the measure. Each denounced it from the pulpit, and pulpit denunciations were followed, or accompanied, by pastorals or addresses which were published far and wide. The Bishop of Sydney (Dr. Barker) described the bill as K one to extinguish the denominational system," except in a few of the largest towns, and as destructive of religious instruction. A SERIOUS INDICTMENT. 213 The Roman Catholic Archbishop and his clergy regarded it as something that would " destroy the principles of religion and morality in the public schools of the colony," and merited the severest condemnation. A pastoral on the subject, issued by the Archbishop, was printed and circulated for " the guidance and encouragement " of Roman Catholics " in the present emergency, when the Public Schools' Bill, now before the Legislative Assembly, again threatens to deprive us of one of the dearest portions of our liberty." Not content with attacking the bill on religious grounds, the extreme denominationalists declared that it would largely and unduly increase the power of the Colonial Secretary, and greatly swell the public expenditure without adequate cause. These charges, joined with that which declared the bill to be, in some of its provisions, destructive of religion in the community, formed a serious indictment. But the very nature of this indictment was sufficient to prevent it from having any important effect in the direction intended by those who made it. Reduced to the necessity of seizing upon any pretext likely to support their position, the opponents of the bill went too far. Those of the public, who thought for them- selves, could see there was very little in the charges when they came to be examined. Religious instruc- tion in the schools was not abolished ; the arrange- ments connected with it were merely altered. The power of the Colonial Secretary, instead of being im- properly extended, was simply enlarged, so that he 214 PETITIONS AGAINST THE BILL. might sit as the official head of the body who were to administer the Act ; and that this was not regarded as an essential feature of the bill, was afterwards seen in the fact that it was omitted. As to the increase in the public expenditure, the great majority of the people were of Mr. Parkes' opinion, that it was better to spend money in providing schools than in building gaols, and upon school- masters than upon gaolers. Public money spent in educating the children of the colony under one well- arranged system was public money well spent, whatever the sum might be. So most people thought. But the denominationalists laboured on ; con- tinuing the fight during the whole time the bill was before Parliament. Among their proceedings was the presentation to Parliament of a large number of petitions. Many names were attached to these docu- ments ; but neither these nor the documents attracted much attention. What was generally regarded as the most significant thing about them was the manner in which the names had been obtained. Numbers of them were said to have been collected at church doors, and under inflammatory harangues from the pulpits. It was scarcely probable they would influence in the direction desired, to any appreciable extent, the minds of those who were bent upon dealing with the bill in the public interest. The numbers in the division upon the motion for the second reading were 36 to 14 ; and, among those who voted with the ayes, were Dr. Lang, THE BILL MADE LAW. 215 William Forster, John Robertson, Saul Samuel, and John Stewart. In committee the bill was subjected to close examination and criticism ; but it .stood the ordeal well, and emerged slightly amended though in no respect with its principal features altered. One of the amendments, and perhaps a desirable one, was the omission of the proviso that no two of the five members of the Council of Education should be of the same religious persuasion. A final effort against the measure was made by denominationalists in the Legislative Council. On the motion for the second reading, Mr. Plunkett moved that the bill be referred to a select com- mittee, who should inquire into and report on the state of education in the colony, on the alleged defects in the system in operation, and on the causes and remedies thereof; and a week was spent before the House came to a decision in the matter. The amendment was rejected by 22 votes to 3, and the bill was then read the second time. Some rather important amendments were introduced in committee ; and these, when the bill was returned to the Assembly, threatened for a time something like a deadlock between the two Houses. Event- ually an amicable arrangement was arrived at ; and the bill was assented to by the Governor, and became law on 21st December, a little more than three months after the date of its introduction. Very soon afterwards Mr. Parkes commenced, and continued at intervals, through several years, what may be said to have been a unique proceeding in relation to an Act of Parliament. He began 216 TOURING THE COUNTRY. educating the people respecting the principles and provisions of the great measure which had been passed. The course observed in the introduction and passing of a bill through Parliament is rendered so tortuous by conflicting opinions, mystifying speeches, and party scheming, and the newspaper reports of the debates are often so abridged, that, in many cases, it is not easy for the ordinary citizen to- properly comprehend what is adopted and what rejected. Mr. Parkes set himself to the task of ex- plaining to the people what the provisions and the advantages of the new law really were. He took to travelling in the country ; and, wherever he travelled, some opportunity presented itself, of which he could take advantage, for speaking on the new educational system. Sometimes the opportunity was offered by a public dinner given to him. At other times it was presented through an invitation ta open a new public school. Occasionally he was in the position of being obliged to deliver a political speech on matters generally. But wherever ha was, or whatever might be the circumstances under which he was called upon to speak, he never failed to do his utmost to instruct the general public respecting the provisions and the operation of the new law. The consequence was that the Public Schools Act which, under ordinary conditions, might, like most measures passed by Parliament, have been placed among the statutes of the colony and speedily FIRST COUNCIL OF EDUCATION. 217 forgotten, became the best known of the laws of the country, and the most popular. An appeal to the people by its author, based upon the great privileges it conferred, never failed since then to excite their minds and arouse their enthusiasm. Frequently it influenced, at critical times, debates and divisions in Parliament. It won many elections. It gave Mr. Parkes an impregnable position in public esteem. The enemies of the Act did not, with its passing, cease their hostility to it. Efforts of various kinds were made to render it unpopular, or to hamper its operation. In many instances, pressure was brought to bear on parents to prevent them from sending their children to the public schools. But, in spite of all opposition, the schools rapidly increased in number ; the attendance of children grew with the growth of the schools ; and the quality of the instruction imparted showed great improvement. The Council of Education, well chosen in its- personnel, worked with energy and wisdom. Mr. Parkes was its President. No man, it was con- sidered, could understand the Act better than he ; no one was more capable of administering it. On those grounds, and as a compliment in respect of the valuable services he had rendered the cause of education, he was offered, and he accepted, the most influential position on this important Board. His colleagues were Mr. George Allen, a Member of the Legislative Council ; Mr. William Munnings Arnold, the Speaker of the Legislative Assembly \. 218 POWERS OF THE COUNCIL. Mr. James Martin, the Attorney-General and Premier ; and Professor John Smith, of Sydney University. They were well fitted for the important work of bringing the Act into operation, and con- ducting it through its initial difficulties. Well known men, in whom the public had confidence, they were firm without being violent ; not likely to be .set aside from their duty by any consideration whatever, they were at the same time anxious to administer the Act with as little harshness to its opponents as possible. The Council of Education had very large powers. It was the sole authority in the expenditure of all sums of money appropriated by Parliament for elementary instruction. It established and main- tained all public schools, and granted aid to the denominational schools. It appointed all teachers and school inspectors. It had the power to frame regulations, which had the force of law unless dis- allowed by express resolution of both Houses of the Legislature. In this way it was able to make good any omission, to repair any defect in the Act, as between what the Legislature actually passed .and what it desired to pass but unintentionally overlooked. In other words, without altering the provisions of the Act as passed by Parliament, the Council was able, by framing regulations, to make the Act fully effective. Perhaps its most important duty was the choice, training, and classification of teachers ; and of this Mr. Parkes entertained a very strong and very proper opinion. Having the requisite number of TRAINING THE TEACHERS. 219 children in the locality to justify the establishment of a school, the first necessity was a competent teacher. In Mr. Parkes' view, no person should be appointed to the position of teacher simply because he or she was a protege' of a minister of religion, or was unable to earn a living in any other walk of life. Furthermore, he was well aware that men might be accomplished scholars, and yet quite unfit to teach little children. They might be highly educated, he once pointed out, and yet have none of " that aptitude, that patient power of control, that peculiar sense of responsibility to parents and to society, which are necessary in the manage- ment of children. They may know nothing of the varying forms of development of the human mind : and, without some knowledge of the capacity of the mind to receive instruction, no man or woman can teach little children." It was the duty of the Council of Education to teach the accepted candidates for the position of teacher the art of teaching ; and, having gone through the prescribed training, course they were classified not merely upon their ordinary educational attainments but upon their skill in teaching. This has been of enormous bene- fit to the educational system of the colony from the time of the passing of the Public Schools Act until now. It has brought into existence in the community an army of teachers, who in natural fitness for their duties, in educational accomplish- ments, and in technical skill, compare favourably with 220 GOOD EFFECT OF THE ACT. any teaching body in the world. It has spread throughout the country a high standard of education which has elevated family life, purified our criminal records, and is fast filling our pulpits, platforms, and Legislative Chambers with well-instructed, earnest, thoughtful men. Ignorance is one of the parents of evil. The system of State education which the colony has enjoyed for now more than a quarter of a century, has shown forcibly that knowledge is powerful for good. In view of the great natural resources of New South Wales, it would not be correct to say that without the Public Schools Act, or, as it is now, with some amendments, called, the Public Instruction Act, the colony would not have advanced as it has done during the last thirty years ; but it is undeniable that the opera- tion of this beneficent measure has greatly assisted its progress, and will continue to do so for all time. CHAPTER XVIII. THE O'FARRELL INCIDENT AND " THE KIAMA MYSTERY." IN January, 1868, His Royal Highness, the Duke of Edinburgh, visited Sydney, and on 12th March an attempt was made at Clontarf, a favourite harbour resort, by an Irishman named O'Farrell, to assassinate him. The Prince, shot at from behind, was severely wounded ; and for, some days, lay in a critical condition. Public sympathy for His Royal Highness was expressed by all classes of the people ; and the indignation felt at the dastardly attack aroused a remarkable outburst of loyalty. The community was greatly excited. The crime being attributed to Fenianism, all sorts of rumours were abroad. Disquieting statements, some having a little truth in them, and others wholly false, pro- duced a condition of feeling, which, for a time, had a, very disturbing effect throughout the colony. Business was almost at a standstill, and fears of further outrage were deep and wide-spread. People flocked to public meetings to express their loyalty to the Throne, and vied with one another in their con- 222 THE TREASON FELONY ACT. demnation of the act which had not only sought the life of a member of the Royal Family, but threatened the peace and safety of society. Parliament, also excited and indignant, adopted loyal addresses ; and, at the instance of the Govern- ment, passed through all its stages in both Houses, in one day, a " Bill for the better security of the Crown and Government of the United Kingdom, and for the better suppression and punishment of seditious practices and attempts," more generally known as the " Treason Felony Act." This Act, assented to by the Governor, the Earl of Belmore, the day following that upon which it was passed, was of an exceedingly stringent character. It contained ten clauses, several of them making the law in the colony relating to treason identical with the law in England, but, among the remainder, two or three which provided severe penalties for proceedings, unknown in New South Wales up to that time, as punishable offences. Any person using language disrespectful to the Queen, or factiously avowing a determination not to join in any loyal toast or demonstration in honour of Her Majesty, or who expressed sympathy with or approval of any offence under the Act, might be apprehended by any constable without a warrant, and, on conviction, imprisoned, with or without hard labour, for any period not exceeding two years. In like manner, any person responsible for the publica- tion of language which might be construed as an offence of this nature, was liable to imprisonment for three years. Extraordinary powers were also EXTREME ACTION. 223 given by one of the provisions of the Act for entering any suspected house and searching for persons, papers, or arms. For a time the community seemed to have lost its head. A few cautious persons gravely protested against legislating in a panic, and pointed out the dangers to which, under a law of this character,, many innocent and loyal people would be exposed ; but they were scarcely listened to. The circum- stances, it was held, were more than justification for what was proposed. O'Farrell had declared himself a Fenian, chosen by an organized Fenian body to take the life of the Duke of Edinburgh ; and information had been received by the Government, which led them to believe that some of O'Farrell's accomplices were still in the colony. In this con- dition of things, no measures were regarded as too severe for the suppression of treasonable practices ; and, in the excitement of the moment, sober-minded and thoughtful people accepted with acclamation, what in calmer moods, they would have scouted with indignation. The Treason Felony Act probably did some good by frightening evil-minded persons from openly doing anything to increase the public ex- citement ; but it was not long before it came to be regarded with disfavour by many of those who had welcomed its appearance ; and very little dissatL- faction was expressed when, at the end of two years, the worst of its provisions ceased to be operative. 224 ORIGIN OF THE "KIAMA MYSTERY." In some of the proceedings of this remarkable period of New South Wales history are to be found circumstances which at intervals, for many years afterwards, were made the gound work, inside and outside Parliament, for virulently attack- ing and denouncing Mr. Parkes. Not, in fact, until those who sat as members in the Parliament of 1868 had disappeared from the arena of politics by death or retirement, and a new generation had made its appearance, did these attacks materially weaken or the denunciation cease. As Colonial Secretary Mr. Parkes was at the head of the police ; and it consequently fell to his lot to be acquainted with everything relating to the attempted assasination of the Duke of Edinburgh. No other minister of the Crown, nor any public official, was in so good a position for knowing the whole of the circumstances connected with the crime. About the middle of 1868, after the Prince had recovered and left the colony, and O'Farrell had been executed, Mr. Parkes visited his constituents at Kiama ; and, in the course of a speech he delivered there, he said " that he held in his possession, and could produce at any moment, evidence attested by affidavits, which left on his mind the conviction that, not only was the assassination of the Duke of Edinburgh planned, but that someone who had a guilty knowledge of the secret, and whose fidelity was suspected, had been foully murdered." And this evidence, he declared, would carry the same conviction to the mind of any impartial person. CREATING A SENSATION. 225 These statements created a sensation. Some persons professed to doubt their truth ; most people believed them. Later on, they were nicknamed by some of Mr. Parkes' political opponents, " The Kiama Mystery," and, by others, " The Kiama Ghost.". In the beginning of 1869, the statements at Kiama formed the subject of an inquiry by a select committee of the Legislative Assembly. A short time previously, Mr. Parkes had retired from the Government, in consequence of a disagreement with his colleagues respecting the censure and dismissal of a high public officer ; and the Martin Govern- ment had given place to one under Mr. Robertson. Mr. Parkes was chosen by the Opposition to move a, motion of want of confidence in the new Govern- ment, and, immediately this became apparent, the statements at Kiama were seized upon and used against him with great bitterness. Parliament met on 8th December, 1868, and on the same day, Mr. Parkes gave notice of his want of confidence motion. On the following day the motion was proposed, and the debate, which was protracted over twelve days, did not end until 22nd December. During one of the intervals in the proceedings, and in the course of a series of tactics by the party supporting the Government, resorted to with the object of discrediting the Member for Kiama, and so bringing about the defeat of his motion, the select committee was appointed. It was appointed at the instance of Mr. Macleay, and it was " to 226 A REMARKABLE COMMITTEE. inquire into, and report upon, the existence of a conspiracy for purposes of treason and assassination, alleged by a former Colonial Secretary to have existed in this country, and to receive all evidence that may be tendered or obtained concerning a murder alleged by the same person to have been perpetrated by one or more of such conspirators, the victim of which murder is stated to be unknown to the police." The select committee was a somewhat remarkable one, and has a curious history in the legislative annals of the colony. It reported dead against Mr. Parkes, declaring that there was no evidence to support the statements he had made before his- constituents at Kiama ; and requested that its conclusions might be forwarded to the Secretary of State for the Colonies. The report was adopted by the committee, on the vote of Mr. Macleay as. Chairman, the numbers in the division being equal, and three of those voting for the adoption of the report being Ministers. Mr. Parkes, when the report came before the Assembly, secured its rejection, and had it expunged from the records. The conclusions of the committee, as stated in their report were as follows : "(1.) That there is no evidence to warrant the belief that the Government was aware of any plot or intention to assassinate His Royal Highness, the Duke of Edinburgh, before his arrival in this country, or at any time previous to the attempt upon his life. THE COMMITTEE'S CONCLUSIONS. 227 (2.) That it does not appear that any extra- ordinary precautions were taken for the preservation of the life of His Royal High- ness, either on the occasion of his landing, or at any period during his stay in this country, up to the moment of his attempted assassination. (3.) That there is no evidence to warrant the belief that the crime of O'Farrell, who attempted to murder the Duke of Edin- burgh, was the result of any conspiracy or organization existing in this country, or, as far as the Government had or have any knowledge, the result of a conspiracy or organization existing elsewhere. (4.) That there is no evidence whatever of the murder of any supposed confederate in the alleged plot. (5.) That the foregoing resolutions be embodied in an Address to the Governor, with a request that His Excellency will forward the same to Her Majesty's Secretary of State for the Colonies." Mr. Parkes induced the House by a substantial majority to set the resolutions of the committee aside, and to adopt the following : " (1.) That the report of the select committee, appointed on the 15th December, 1868, to inquire into the existence of a conspiracy for purposes of treason and assassination, presented by the chairman on the 3rd inst., contains numerous statements and inferences 228 COUNTER RESOLUTIONS. not warranted by the evidence, and is made an instrument of personal hostility against a member of this House, in disregard of the authorised objects of the inquiry, and mani- festly for party purposes. (2.) That the evidence shows that several principal officers of the Government, who from their official position and experience, were best qualified to form a correct judg- ment of the occurrences, and the state of public feeling during the time of excitement, previous and subsequent to the attempt to assassinate the Duke of Edinburgh, were and are still of opinion, that meetings of seditious persons were held in the colony ; that the criminal O'Farrell was not alone and unaided in his attack upon the life of His Royal Highness ; and that persons openly sympathised with the attempted assassination. (3) That the evidence shows that rumours of intended violence towards His Royal High- ness, more or less definite, were in circulation before the 12th March, 1868 ; and that some such rumours have proceeded from sources unknown to the Government at the time, and that, therefore, they supply inde- pendent evidence in support of the state- ments of the official witnesses. (4) That the important results of the inquiry set forth in the preceding second and third resolutions, and also other matters of serious THE GENERAL OPINION. 229 moment, which ought to have been faithfully represented to this House, have been either set aside altogether, or improperly and prejudicially dealt with in the report. (5.) That this House expresses its disapprobation of the said report, and directs that it be expunged from the proceedings of the select committee." The opinion of the majority of the members of the Legislative Assembly, at the time Mr. Parkes secured this signal triumph over his political foes, may be said to be the general opinion now. A quarter of a century has passed since the attempt upon the life of the Prince, and it is not now difficult to so calmly and carefully consider the evidence relating to O'Farrell's crime and its surroundings, as to arrive at a just conclusion. Few persons, now living, who remember the incidents of the attempted assassination, the magisterial inquiry, and the trial of the prisoner, are disposed to deny that there was much more evidence to support Mr. Parkes' state- ments, than there was to justify the conclusions of the select committee. The statements of O'Farrell were themselves sufficient to show this. He was not insane, and he repeatedly declared that the crime he had committed was the outcome of action on the part of a disloyal organization who had allotted the duty to him. The first shot from his revolver took effect in the Prince's back ; and his intention was to fire a second shot at the Prince as he lay on the ground, and then kill himself. This 230 INTERES1INO EVIDENCE. he stated at the magisterial inquiry held soon after his arrest. On the same occasion, in answer to a question from the magistrate he said : " I have nothing to say but that the task of executing the Duke was sent out and allotted to me." Asked by the Crown Solicitor to repeat this, he answered again, " the task of executing the Prince was sent out to me ; but I failed, and I am not very sorry that I did fail." " Everybody," it was remarked at one of the public meetings held at the time, " in- stinctively guessed the source of the treason." " I am sorry I missed my aim," O'Farrell remarked to a police-sergeant on the way to Darlinghurst Gaol. " I don't care for death. I am a Fenian. God save Ireland." The Herald argued that there could be little doubt that Dublin being the headquarters of the Fenian conspiracy, it must have been from Dublin that " the task," as O'Farrell termed it, was sent out, if it were sent out at all. That was where the plot was originally hatched, and the head central organization there was responsible for the crime. But it was exceedingly improbable that O'Farrell himself was nominated in Dublin. He could not be sufficiently well-known to be trusted by the rebel authorities there. The story of his life showed that he had spent only a small portion of his existence in Ireland, and that he had for a long period been a resident of Victoria. If, therefore, "the task" were sent out from Ireland it must have been sent to some branch Fenian organization in Australia probably in Victoria. FENIAN SENTIMENTS. 231 This inference may have been correct. At least it appears, from the evidence, certain that, for some time, the possible assassination of the Prince was a matter of rumour in New South Wales, and was made known to the police in Sydney. The period was one in which Fenianism in Ireland and America was active, and in its far-reaching operations there was nothing very surprising in the sending of a mandate to one or more of its emissaries in Australia. Undoubtedly Fenian sentiments were entertained by people in New South Wales. A witness before the select committee described a number of Fenian meetings at which he had been present. In the year 1867, while living at Shoalhaven, he began to attend meetings of the Irish settlers in the neigh- bourhood. These meetings were partly social and partly political. " The young people indulged in dancing whilst the old people talked politics and treason." The arrival of the mail with the latest Irish newspapers was always the signal for one of these gatherings. On one occasion, after some derogatory remarks concerning the Royal family, this witness was asked by one of those present what he should think if he should hear of His Royal Highness the Duke of Edinburgh being shot. Laughing at the idea, he inquired if it were thought anybody would be so foolish or so madbrained as to do it. " Oh," was the reply, " some one will be found that will do it." That it was " no sin to put anyone to death who stood in the way of the purposes of Fenianism " was an observation often made. " It had been frequently said," this 232 CONSPIRACY AGAINST THE CROWN. witness stated in his evidence, " that they did not consider it any sin to exterminate any person whatever that stood in the way of those who were standing up for the rights of old Ireland. They said the Royal family were in the way, and would soon be exterminated." A landholder at Penrith heard a neighbour, on the occasion of a visit to that town by the Duke of Edinburgh, say, in allusion to the Prince, " It's all very well now ; he is joyous enough now with the red flag waving over him, but the black flag will wave over his corpse before he leaves the country." Irish disaffection has never been fortunate ; and one of the misfortunes invariably attending it, has- been that disclosures from some one not loyal to the cause have enabled the authorities to put in force effective precautionary measures. It was so in the course of the Fenian movement in Ireland. It was equally so in these ebullitions of disloyalty in New South Wales. The Government were fairly well informed of what was going on. Their information was not as minute as was desirable, but it was more than sufficient to put them on the alert. Mr. Martin, when moving the suspension of the standing orders to allow of the rapid passing of the Treason Felony Act, told the Legislative Assembly, that a great quantity of information had been placed before the Government tending to show that there were persons in the colony engaged in a conspiracy against the British Crown. "There are persons here," he said, "agents of persons in other parts of the world, and in corres- AN ACT OF REVENGE. 233 pondence with societies who have entered into a conspiracy against the British Crown. We have been informed that these persons have their places of meeting where there are, no doubt, papers connected with the conspiracy or where such papers are supposed to exist." No arrests were made as a result of this informa- tion, nor were any important documents discovered and secured ; but that does not prove the informa- tion supplied to the Government to have been unreliable. The passing of the Treason Felony Act in a country like New South Wales was similar to the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act in a country like Ireland. Under it, the liberty of no man could be said to be absolutely safe. Arrest and imprisonment might take place upon the mere surmise of a justifiable reason. One important effect from the passing of such a law would there- fore be that disloyal meetings would cease. Com- promising documents would be destroyed. Bands of conspirators would disperse. The speed at which the Treason Felony Act was passed through the New South Wales Parliament and made law, was within a few hours that at which the House of Commons, in 1866, two years before, suspended the Habeas Corpus Act in Ireland. The object of the two Parliaments was the same ; the results were similar. It was said that the attempted assassination of the Duke of Edinburgh was an act of revenge for the execution of the Manchester Fenians. We know that the hanging of those men gave an additional 234 THE MANCHESTER EXECUTIONS. impulse to Fenianism. The execution took place on November 23rd, 1867. The shooting of the Prince 7 O occurred on March 12th, 1868. The despatch of instructions from the Fenian head quarters in Ireland immediately after the execution at Man- chester, would be a very natural proceeding. It was known that the Duke of Edinburgh intended to visit Australia, and a more effective reply to what, not only the Fenian brotherhood, but many loyal Englishmen regarded as excessive punishment, than the taking of the life of a son of the Queen, could not have appeared to the minds of the Fenian leaders. Two days after the attempted murder of the Prince, the warder of Darlinghurst gaol specially charged with the care of the prisoner O'Farrell, reported that, in the course of conversation, the prisoner had remarked that, the Queen had very little feeling or compassion for the Manchester Fenians, who had been wrongfully executed. But the day before this, and the day following the shooting of the Prince, O'Farrell stated to the Chief Warder of the Gaol, that immediately after the news arrived in Australia of the Manchester executions, " a Fenian body was organized in Melbourne, com- posed of some Ballarat men, under the leadership of a person who came out from England for that purpose, when it was agreed upon that Prince Alfred was to be shot. They came over here (Sydney), and recruited their ranks some two dozen, but losing confidence in some of their members, the band was reduced to ten, who drew lots to whose ESCAPE OF LORD BELMORE. 235 part it should fall to assassinate the Prince and the Earl of Belmore." Lord Belmore appears to have escaped by becoming patron of St. Patrick's Regatta, at that time an annual celebration in Sydney Harbour. Immediately after the determination to murder the Prince and the Earl, Lord Belmore became, O'Farrell explained, " the patron of some society that was favourable to them, or they were favourable to it. Lots were again drawn, to know who was to shoot the Prince, only, and the lot fell to O'Farrell. Some days after these statements by the prisoner he was seen by Mr. Parkes, in his capacity of Colonial Secretary. O'Farrell conversed freely, and the details of the conversation were recorded by a shorthand writer. Much that the prisoner said confirmed the view which had been taken of his crime and its cause ; but, ultimately, he sought to withdraw his statements concerning the existence of an organized conspiracy which had directed him to the committal of the crime, and to take the blame for what he had done solely upon himself. The strongest evidence in support of the state- ment that the Government had been, warned, and believed that an attack might be made upon the Prince, is to be seen in the precautions taken to protect him. Special constables were sworn in before his arrival. Two troopers were specially directed to ride abreast of him. The officer at the head of the police, when giving these men the order as to their duty, remarked to them, that if the Prince was fired at, they would receive the shot. 236 SOME IMPRESSIVE SENTENCES. How necessary some such protection was came to light after O'Farrell's arrest. It then became known that his first intention had been to shoot the Prince on the occasion of his official landing. Hiring a room from which he could view, within easy distance, the procession from the landing place, he managed to convey a loaded gun there. This gun he actually levelled at the Prince, but did not fire because he found it impossible not to risk shooting one or other of the two protecting troopers. In defending himself from the aspersions con- tained in the select committee's report, Mr. Parkes closed a carefully considered and effective speech with some impressive sentences. " I shall content myself," he said, " with nothing less than is set forth in my resolutions. I will not submit to having a report, so dishonest and so scandalous as I have shown this to be, still remaining among the records, to be unfairly quoted at any moment by persons whose capabilities of unfairness we have so often witnessed to be made a handle of in a nefarious way at the general election, when it is desirable that the verdict of the constituencies should be honestly taken. I take my stand upon this ground, that I am above reproach in this- matter ; that the committee, with all its malignity and ingenuity, have failed to substantiate a charge against me ; and that the charges recoil upon themselves by the unanswerable testimony I have adduced before the House. The laws of honourable feeling are against the authors of this report. The law of God declares " Thou shalt not bear false DEMONSTRATIONS OF APPROVAL. 237 witness against thy neighbour " ; and I will not submit to that which will stamp our proceedings with disgrace, and which, if I submit to it, may at some future time fall upon the head of a worthier man." The conclusion of the speech was followed by a burst of cheering from most of the members of the House ; and, on the passing of Mr. Parkes' resolu- tions, three cheers were given with enthusiasm for Her Majesty the Queen. The occupants of the Strangers' Gallery, w T hich was crowded, joined with members in this extraordinary demonstration by waving hats and handkerchiefs ; and, outside the House, received Mr. Parkes with many demonstra- tions of approval. The honourable member for Kiama, in this matter, undoubtedly had the support of the general public. CHAFER XIX. RESIGNATION FROM THE MARTIN MINISTRY. LESS than a month after he had made to his con- stituents his famous " Kiama Mystery " speech, Mr. Parkes resigned his office of Colonial Secretary. This he did in consequence of the Cabinet, at the instance of the Colonial Treasurer (Mr. Eagar), dis- missing Mr. W. A. Duncan from his position of Collector of Customs, and making such arrangements to fill his place as did not meet with Mr. Parkes' approval. Parliament, at the time, was in recess. A quantity of goods imported by a Sydney tradesman had been seized, by the order of the Collector of Customs, on the ground that the nature of the packages having been improperly described the goods were under- valued, and an attempt was made to defraud the Customs revenue. Regarding the case as one requiring severe treatment the Collector, having seized the goods, recommended their confiscation and the imposition of a heavy fine on the importer. To this the approval of the Colonial Treasurer was not given. Mr. Eagar, after representations had been made to him by the AN INSUBORDINATE OFFICIAL. 239 importer, was of opinion that, as far as the importer was concerned, there had been no attempt at fraud ; and he directed that the seizure be cancelled and the goods restored. Payment of the amount of duty, calculated on the proper value of the goods, he con- sidered sufficient to meet the ends of justice. The Collector refused to deliver up the goods. He con- sidered the course he had taken to be that not only authorised but directed under the law, and deemed it his duty to abide by the law rather than obey the order of the Colonial Treasurer. A repetition of the order from Mr. Eagar had no more effect than the first. Firm in the belief that the law directed the seizure, and that this was superior to any mandate of a Minister, the Collector was obdurate. Angry correspondence took place ; and Mr. Duncan wrote a minute which Mr. Eagar viewed as a gross act of insubordination and dis- respect to him as the Minister having the control of the Customs Department. He directed the suspension of Mr. Duncan ; and took steps to bring the matter before the Cabinet. Mr. Duncan refused to be suspended. He declared that it was not in the power of the Colonial Treasurer to suspend him ; that such a suspension could only be ordered by the Governor and the Executive Council. Mr. Eagar, knowing more than Mr. Duncan appeared to know of the power of a Minister of the Crown over the Department of which he is the official head, insisted on the suspension, and threatened to resort to police assistance to eject Mr. Duncan from his office. This proved effectual. 240 THE POWER OF A MINISTER. The threatened forcible ejection induced Mr. Duncan to leave the Custom House ; and he im- mediately forwarded a statement of his case to Mr. Parkes. With Mr. Parkes he had been on terms of close friendship for many years. The intimacy had commenced in Mr. Parkes' struggling days, when occasional poems, afterwards published in the vol- ume " Stolen Moments," were admitted by Mr. Duncan into the columns of the Australian Chronicle ; and it had grown to firmly rooted feelings of esteem. Mr. Duncan thought he could count upon Mr. Parkes' friendship as a weapon against Mr. Eagar. He asked Mr. Parkes, as Colonial Secretary, to interfere with what he con- sidered the inconsiderate conduct of the Treasurer. Mr. Parkes sympathised with Mr. Duncan, but disapproved of what he had done. Refusing to interfere, he pointed out that it was not possible for him to do so. He wrote to Mr. Duncan two letters, of interest to everybody who may care to clearly understand the position and power of a Minister of the Crown under Responsible Government. " As I explained to you on Saturday (the letter stated) it is quite impossible for me to interfere in the case represented by the papers which you sent to my office. I and Mr. Eagar stand upon an equal footing as members of the Government, and I should simply put myself in a false position by presuming to interfere in the Department of the Public Service under his Ministerial control. A Minister is re- sponsible to Parliament alone for his management ; and his judgment must guide, and his decision be GOVERNMENT MUST GOVERN. 241 final, so far as those who serve the Government are concerned." A few days afterwards he wrote again, regretting that it was not in his power to serve Mr. Duncan in his difficulty, and saying, that he did not see Mr. Duncan's way out of it. " I wrote to you last Monday " (the letter went on) " from a sincere desire to point out to you, so far as I might presume to remind you of what you should know quite as well as myself, that Govern- ment must govern, and that it is not for the servants of the Government, whatever their rank, to dictate the course of action which should be pursued by those, who for the time being, represent and hold the powers of the Constitution. It has often appeared to me that the public servants in this colony have failed to comprehend the full force of the change that has taken place in the management of our affairs that all power of local government has been transferred to the responsible Ministers of our own Legislature. As one of those Ministers responsible to Parliament alone, the Colonial Treasurer, in dealing with the Department placed under his control, acts with the whole weight and authority of Government. It is this Minister, thus constitutionally clothed with authority, whom you have disobeyed, treated with contempt, accused of illegal conduct, and threatened with correction from his colleagues in power. ... I repeat all I said to you, when I last saw you, of my sincere respect for your personal character and attainments; but if I had received the minute which you sent to 242 LETTER TO THE TREASURER. the Colonial Treasurer, I should have suspended you instantly, and I am quite sure Mr. Martin would have done the same. Under any circumstances, in such a case as the present, I should consider it my duty to support my colleagues in the Government, or retire from office. In these particular proceedings- I am convinced that you are entirely in the wrong, and that the Treasurer had no other course open to him, consistent with the respect which is due to his office, than the one he has taken." Up to this time, the relations between Mr. Parkes and Mr. Eagar were most cordial. Mr. Eagar had informed Mr. Parkes of the circum- stances of the Duncan case, and consulted him in the matter. The two Ministers were thoroughly in accord as to the insubordination of the Collector, and the necessity for adequate punishment. But, after his suspension, Mr. Duncan retracted and apologised ; and this, in Mr. Parkes' opinion, gave to the matter a new and important aspect. He thought the Treasurer might, without loss of dignity, accept the apology, and restore Mr. Duncan to his position. Mr. Martin thought so too. Other members of the Cabinet, and also the Governor, were of a similar opinion. Mr. Parkes, in the desire to lay this view before the Treasurer, wrote to Mr. Eagar the following private note : " My dear Mr. Eagar, I called to see you yesterday morning, but you were not at the moment at the Treasury. Mr. Duncan has sent in an uncon- ditional apology, and Lord Belmore has written a long private note to me on this matter, in which he refers to a similar case at FRIENDLY COUNSEL. 243 home. I think you would probably like to see what is said on this point. My object, however, in writing this note is to offer you my opinion simply as mine. You have gained everything in com- pelling Duncan to acknowledge that you have been right and he wrong. You are in the highest position that any man in power can occupy, when you can afford to be magnanimous, and refrain from punishing where you have the power to punish and where punishment has been deserved. Your position is even still better you can save a man from ruin, where no consideration at your hands has been merited. It is not often that men have an opportunity of acting with this sweet and abiding sense of satis- faction. If I were in your place, I should do what I have ventured to suggest. Having thus hastily unburdened my mind, I shall not go behind your back to express my opinion to your colleagues, and I am quite sure you will appreciate my speaking plainly to yourself." Most people would see little or nothing in a letter of this kind at which to be angry. They would recognise in it, the friendly counsel of a colleague, as well as a desire to serve an erring friend. Few persons would say that the good counsel of the colleague was used merely as a means for serving the friend. Mr. Eagar, however, took offence at the letter. Though up to this point, there had been no inter- ruption of the good relationship between the two Ministers, Mr. Eagar appeared to view this private note of friendly advice as something grossly offensive. Communication between him and Mr. Parkes, personally, or by letter, at once ceased ; and Mr. Eagar began to treat Mr. Parkes with what the latter regarded as contempt. Cabinet meetings, 244 AN ACT OF HARSHNESS. which hitherto had been held in the office of the Colonial Secretary, were now held elsewhere; and, in many other ways, the ill-will of Mr. Eagar and his influence in the Cabinet were shown. Mr. Martin was of the same opinion as Mr. Parkes, respecting Mr. Duncan's apology, but he allowed himself to be swayed by Mr. Eagar. The Premier was anxious to avoid taking the extreme course of removing Mr. Duncan from his office ; and, in the endeavour to accommodate matters, and prevent the Collector from being dismissed, several meetings of the Cabinet were held, and the ultimate decision of the case put off from time to time, in the hope that the Treasurer would be induced to accept Mr. Duncan's apology. But this, Mr. Eagar firmly declined to do; and Mr. Martin, rather than lose the services of a colleague with whom he had been politically associated for some years, and who, next to Mr. Martin, was, of the Premier's party, the most prominent Minister in the Government, sided with Mr. Eagar, and Mr. Duncan was dismissed. Mr. Parkes viewed this dismissal as an act of great harshness, but he did not immediately resign. Probably, he contemplated resignation ; but it was not until other proceedings in relation to the office of Collector of Customs took place in the Cabinet, that he determined to forward his resignation to the Governor. Mr. Eagar considered that the position of Collector of Customs had been one of too much independence of action. In his opinion, it was RESIGNING OFFICE. 245 desirable to make it more amenable to the Treasurer's control. He therefore urged the Cabinet to reduce the salary of the Collector, and to make the office more subordinate than it was in the time of Mr. Duncan ; and the Cabinet agreed. To Mr. Parkes, this seemed a degradation of the office of Collector, harsh and unwise in itself, and not at all necessary in the public interest. Moreover, he did not regard the decision as one arrived at after unbiassed deliberation of the Cabinet. He would not agree to it, and as a consequence, determined to relinquish his office of Colonial Secretary. Mr. Martin tried to dissuade him from taking this step, and then to reconsider his decision. But he was immovable. He allowed a day or two to pass, and then wrote that he had taken time to weigh the various considerations pointed out to him, with the result that he believed he was right in the course he was pursuing. " I believe," he said, " I am right in my view of the special case and of the public interests affected by it, and that entertaining those views, and having been made the object of Mr. Eagar's marked contempt, I am not simply justified in the course I propose to pursue, but I could scarcely take any other, and preserve my self-respect." Mr. Duncan, the letter went on to say, " has not only acknowledged himself in the wrong, and unreservedly apologised, but has thrown himself on the mercy of the Government in consideration of 246 LEAVING MR. MARTIN. his long service, his advanced years, and his helpless family. I know Mr. Duncan to be a man of in- tegrity and unblemished life, and I cannot view his humbled position as it has been viewed by you and your colleagues. Then, again, if Mr. Duncan were removed, I could not assent to the arrangements that are to follow." He severed his connection with Mr. Martin very regretfully. " Believe me, my dear Martin," he wrote, " that I separate from you at this moment with feelings of deep regret, so far as I am concerned myself, and of warm esteem towards you, which has been strengthened by every day's experience since we have been associated together." Mr. Martin sacrificed the Collector of Customs simply because he thought it to be his duty rather to be loyal to his colleague, the Treasurer, than generous to a public officer. " As you are aware," he wrote to Mr. Parkes, " it would have been most gratifying to me if Eagar could have been prevailed upon to accept the retractation and apology of Mr. Duncan, and no pains were spared by me to bring about such a result. The determination of Mr. Eagar, however, to insist on the removal of Mr. Duncan, and to withdraw from office unless that removal took place, presented to me the alternative of either standing by an officer whose conduct justified his removal, or supporting a colleague of more than four years' standing in a course which, in my opinion, he was perfectly warranted in pursuing." MR. MARTIN'S REGRET. 247 And the letter concluded : "I need not tell you how much it would have gratified me if you had consented to remain with us during our term of office. Notwithstanding occasional differences of opinion, which in any combination must be expected to arise, I have been enabled cordially to co-operate with you, for nearly three years, under circumstances of no common difficulty, and in spite of efforts perseveringly made to induce us to distrust one another. Those efforts have in every instance proved unavailing, and, while I regret the loss of a colleague whose energy and ability have conferred so much benefit upon the public, and have been of such great advantage to the Government, I am glad to be enabled to say that that loss has not been occasioned by any difference, personal or political, with myself." Public opinion was with Mr. Parkes in the matter. The course he had taken was almost universally approved. The leading journal, alluding to it, said that throughout the incident he had acted with prudence and humanity. " His interference was limited to that kind of persuasion which men who meet each other and are not on terms of enmity are accustomed to use to prevent an evil or to accomplish a good. The letter of Mr. Parkes setting forth his views before Mr. Eagar is couched in terms which do him infinite credit. Every man not embittered by public life, and conscious of human infirmities, will approve of his recommendation to Mr. Eagar, both as to its form and substance." 248 EFFECT UPON THE GOVERNMENT. Not long did the Government survive the resig- nation of Mr. Parkes. Probably it would not have lasted much longer if he had remained. It had been in office two years and nine months, a period greater than in the case of any Administration but one the Robertson- Co wper Ministry of 1860-1863 since the introduction of responsible government, and beyond what is regarded as the average life of Ministries in the colony. It had done good work ; but a certain proportion of the Assembly had begun to tire of it, and others were hostile because of the passing of the Public Schools Act. Twice it had met with a serious reverse. It had been de- feated on its railway policy, and upon a bill to amend the Land Laws. So pronounced was the opposition to the Land Bill that Mr. Martin obtained the adjournment of the House to enable the Government to consider its position. It did not resign, and the rejection by the House of a direct motion of want of confidence enabled it to go on r but it had been greatly shaken. The worrying tactics of some of the Opposition made matters worse. The Government was undoubtedly tottering to- its fall, but the withdrawal of Mr. Parkes materi- ally hastened the end. Mr. Parkes resigned on 17th September; Parliament reassembled on 13th October ; and on 20th October the Government went out of office. Defeated on an amend- ment moved by Mr. Robertson on the Address-in- Reply to the Governor's Speech at the opening of Parliament, Mr. Martin endeavoured to secure a. A COMPLIMENTARY AMENDMENT. 249 dissolution, but this the Earl of Belmore refused to grant, and the Ministry resigned. To Mr. Parkes the defeat of the Government in a vital division was, in one sense, highly complimen- tary, for Mr. Robertson's amendment was based on the dissatisfaction of the House with the Ministry after Mr. Parkes' retirement. Mr. Robertson- moved the following addition to the Address-in- Reply. " But we feel that we should be wanting in our duty if we did not, on the earliest opportunity of which we can avail ourselves, respectfully express to your Excellency our regret that, on the retirement of the late Colonial Secretary, your Excellency did not secure an Administration having the confidence of this House." The debate, preceded by an explanation of the Duncan incident by Mr. Martin, and a statement from Mr. Parkes, was brought to an end the same evening. Three points of importance appeared in the speeches of the Opposition. They disapproved of the dismissal of Mr. Duncan ; they regarded the Government as irretrievably weakened by the resig- nation of Mr. Parkes ; and they refused to consent to the position of Colonial Secretary being given ta a member of the Legislative Council, where Mr. Martin had found, in the person of Mr. Joseph Docker, Mr. Parkes' successor. The division was equal, and the Speaker gave his casting-vote with the Government ; but it was impossible for the Ministry to continue. It had been undoubtedly condemned, chiefly because without Mr. Parkes it 250 A NEW ADMINISTRATION. was not considered deserving of support ; and Mr. Robertson, who had skilfully used the retire- ment of the Colonial Secretary for his own purpose, took Mr. Martin's place at the head of a new Administration. CHAPTER XX. DEFEATED IN THE ASSEMBLY BUT TRIUMPHANT IN THE ELECTIONS. FOR the greater part of three and a half years following the defeat of the Ministry in which he had held the office of Colonial Secretary, Mr. Parkes occupied, in the Legislative Assembly, the position of a private member. As had always been his habit, he was very regular in his attendance, very watch- ful of the proceedings, and ever on the alert to keep Ministers from overstepping the bounds of consti- tutional practice. The Robertson Government of 1868 he tried to displace immediately*it appeared in the Assembly ; and, for a few days, there was a prospect of his being successful and becoming the head of an Adminis- tration formed by himself. Extraordinary efforts on the part of the Government alone saved it. Though the Martin Ministry had outlived its support in the popular branch of the Parliament, its successor, on its entrance to office, was not received with general approval. The new Government had been formed somewhat incongruously ; it had made tut a weak announcement of policy ; and, for some time its chief objects seemed to be the raking up of 252 FORSTER AND ROBERTSON. every charge possible against the Martin Govern- ment, and the publication of these with unlimited abuse. The Opposition, with the members of the late Martin Government at their head, determined to see, in a definite manner, to what extent Mr. Robertson and his colleagues had the support of the House. It was believed that they and their friends were in a minority. The principal members of the Ministry were Mr. Robertson, Mr. Forster, and Mr. Samuel. Mr. Robertson and Mr. Samuel had been together in a previous Government, as had Mr. Forster and Mr. Samuel ; but Mr. Robertson had never before been associated in a Ministry with Mr. Forster. They had been regarded as relentless opponents rather than bosom friends. Mr. Forster, once described as " disagreeable in Opposition, insufferable as a supporter, and fatal as a colleague," had a very bitter tongue. Though an educated and cultured man of considerable ability, it seemed to be his nature to be disagreeable and to say unpleasant things. It was at least exceedingly difficult, and certainly most unusual, for him to say anything pleasant or agreeable. He revelled in cynicism, which he brought into use in every debate and applied to every subject. He had said many unpleasant things of Mr. Robertson, and Mr. Robertson had flung back unpleasant things at him. Mr. Forster had likened Mr. Robertson to a certain insect " so offensive that it could only be touched by a pair of tongs," and which, " if pinched according to its deserts, emitted a very unpleasant odour. "" A HOSTILE MOTION. 253 "Unless, therefore," he proceeded with his unsavoury illustration, " I can figuratively lay hold of the honourable member with a pair of tongs, and carry him outside without the risk of contact with what is extremely offensive, I shall not, if I consult my own feelings, have anything to say to him." Mr. Robertson had said of Mr. Forster that he was always holding with the hare and running w T ith the hounds, that he could not take a straightforward and consistent course. " No one," Mr. Robertson declared on one occasion, " enunciated more liberal opinions, and no one more frequently recorded his vote with those who were opposed to all progress." Before the reassembling of Parliament after the Ministerial re-elections the Opposition held a meet- ing, and decided that a test want-of-confidence motion should be moved. It was also determined that Mr. Parkes should move it. He urged that the duty could be more fittingly performed by others. Mr. Martin, for instance, as the head of the previous Government and the leader of the present Opposition, was, in Mr. Parkes' view, the person in whose hands the motion should be placed. But the choice of the party fell on Mr. Parkes, all his colleagues in the Martin Ministry approving ; and he consented. On 9th December, 1868, he moved, " That the present Administration does not possess the confi- dence of this House ; " and, in a speech of ability and force, scathingly attacked the Government on their want of agreement amongst themselves, their incapacity for governing, and their failure in possessing or putting forward a definite policy. 254 SINGULAR TACTICS. The debate and its attendant proceedings were unique. Neither before nor since has anything similar taken place. A challenge, by direct motion, of the right of Ministers to occupy their positions on the Treasury benches, coming from a prominent and influential member of the House, is generally regarded as a signal to stop business until the hostile motion has been disposed of. When, in the matter, the member moving the motion is the chosen mouthpiece and leader of the Opposition, the cessation of all business, to permit of the debate upon the motion proceeding without in- terruption, is imperative. Unless upon some subject which, in the public interest, it would be unwise to delay, not even a question is answered. Every- thing awaits the decision of the House upon the movement of the Opposition. Consequently a Government, when challenged in this manner, immediately adjourns the House until the day appointed for making the motion, and then proceeds day by day with the debate upon it, until it is brought to a vote. In this case, the Government and its sup- porters took a very different course. Everything that could be thought of by Ministers and their friends was brought forward to block the progress of the debate, delay the decision of the House, r :and weaken the effect of Mr. Parkes' indictment. There was a general impression, based on a careful counting of members, that in the division the Opposition would have a majority of five or six ; and, in the interests of the Government, it DELAYING THE DEBATE. 255 was necessary to do all that was possible to effect an alteration. If the debate could be prolonged, some members inclined to vote against the Govern- ment might be induced to waver and vote the other way. Time to deal with these flexible gentlemen was essential. The question was how to gain the necessary time. If, in addition to gaining time, the position of the mover of the hostile motion could be materially shaken, so much the better. Mr. Parkes' attitude in the O'Farrell incident had raised, in some quarters, a bitter feeling against him. Some persons honestly believed he had been guilty of gross exaggeration, if not deliberate misstatement, in his public utterances respecting O'Farrell and his crime. Others, more directly inimical to him, if they did not actually believe this, professed to do so, and joined with those who did. Besides this combination of unfriendly persons, there was a party of influence and activity,, who had never forgiven him for what he had done in establishing the Public Schools Act, and under- mining the existence of Denominational Schools. Here were the directions in which, with advan- tage, he might be attacked, and the decision of the Assembly upon his want-of-confidence motion delayed. The Government resolved to take this course. The debate upon Mr. Parkes' motion had not proceeded beyond the first night, when it was interrupted by a motion moved by Mr. William Macleay, and a long discussion upon it, for the 256 A VIRULENT ATTACK. production of all papers having reference to the attempted assassination of the Duke of Edinburgh. Appeals to have this postponed, in order that the debate on the want-of-confidence motion might be continued without interruption, were altogether vain. The Government and their supporters pressed Mr. Macleay's motion forward, and attacked Mr. Parkes upon some of his proceedings as Colonial Secretary, during the time of the O'Farrell incident, with a virulence unknown before. One of a number of charges brought against him, was the removal and retention from the Colonial Secretary's Office, of certain papers re- lating to matters connected with O'Farrell's crime. Mr. Thomas Garrett, then, and all his life, a firm supporter of Mr. Robertson, declared that the proper way of getting these papers, was to issue a search warrant, and have it executed by a common constable ; and Mr. Robertson went so far as to say that, if the papers were not returned to the Colonial Secretary's Office by the following day, he would put the criminal law in motion. " I will have them to-morrow, if the criminal law will give them to me," he said. " If the law T will enable me, I will put him in custody." These words indicate the nature of the debate. The removal of the papers was easily explained, and was justifiable ; but the anger and resentment, which actuated the Government party at the time, made them deaf to explanation, and drove them at the mover of the hostile motion with the savagery of a pack of wolves. A SERIES OF CHARGES. 257 The larger portion of Mr. Robertson's speech, in answer to Mr. Parkes, consisted of a series of charges against him which he had sought to hide, Mr. Robertson averred, by bringing forward his motion ; and most of the speakers on the Minis- terial side adopted a similar course. The main idea of almost everyone appeared to be to pile up the charges, and so crush the delinquent effectually. The sins of the whole of the Government of which he had been a member, as well as his own shortcomings, were heaped upon him ; and, as he afterwards said, in his speech in reply at the close of the debate, it almost seemed as if the motion the House was considering was one condemnatory of the honourable member for Kiama, rather than one inviting the House to censure the Government. During the debate there was a curious disclosure with regard to some expenditure by the Martin Government for political purposes of their own. It was said that they spent 20 in cab hire, to bring up their supporters from their homes at night, when they were wanted in the House for a division. Mr. Eagar, the Treasurer in the Government, admitted the truth of the charge, and candidly defended it. He had authorised the expenditure, and saw no harm in doing so. " Honourable mem- bers of the Opposition," he explained, " were forming little conspiracies and endeavouring to surprise the Government by an adverse vote ; and he considered it necessary to send round messages to collect the Government supporters together." For this pur- pose he had employed certain cabs, and had ordered 258 UNJUSTIFIABLE EXPENDITURE. the payment of the cab hire from the Treasury. He had gone further. On some nights of important debate, he had caused a number of cabs to be retained in the vicinity of the House, and had used them in sending for members as they were wanted. This he considered to be necessary in order to keep business in a proper state. " It was no personal interest of his," he told the House ; " but, in order to bring members to the House, it was necessary to send messages to their private residences. It was, in fact, part of the system of the Government." The unjustifiable character of this expenditure it is needless to point out, and Mr. Parkes did not defend it. In his opinion it could not be justified. But he himself was charged with having been paid from the Treasury a large amount, for expenses in travelling, while Colonial Secretary ; and it was said that his Government had given a lunch at a cost of 98 which had been defrayed from the same source. This charge even went on to assert that a quantity of wine, left over from the lunch, was sent to the private residence of one of the Ministers, and that the money for it was not paid in to the Treasury until after the new Government had come into office. The charge against Mr. Parkes was trivial, and easily answered. He had travelled about the country, principally to make himself acquainted with the state of education in the colony, so that the knowledge thus acquired might be used to advan- tage in the preparation, and in the conduct through Parliament, of the Public Schools Bill. He had RESULT OF THE MOTION. 259 done so with the approval of his colleagues, and with their expressed sanction to the payment of his expenses. Mr. Robertson entertained great respect for Mr. Parkes' ability, but professed that he was not to be trusted. He was a man of remarkable power, Mr. Robertson said during this debate, but one whose support was dangerous to any Government. When taking office, after the fall of the Martin Ministry, Mr. Robertson was advised to endeavour to get the support of Mr. Parkes to the new Adminis- tration ; but the advice Mr. Robertson asserted, was not taken. There is no doubt the new Premier recognised the fact that any such attempt would result in failure. But, in stating the circumstance to the House, he made the most of the situation. " I have been incautious sometimes," he declared, " but I have not been so incautious as to let the enemy within the walls." The debate extended over twelve days, and resulted in a majority for the Government, the -division being twenty-five for the motion, and twenty-nine against it. Virtually, the Government were defeated, as several members who voted with them expressed a want of confidence in them, and six out of nine members who did not vote in the division, were understood to approve of the motion. Eleven months afterwards, Parliament was dis- solved; and Mr. Parkes came back from the elections triumphant at the head of the poll, in the most important of the constituencies, and undoubtedly the most popular man in the country. I 260 SOME NOTABLE EVENTS. Very little business was done in the Legislative Assembly by the Robertson Government, and the Parliamentary record, generally, for the period between the want-of-confidence motion in 1868, and the dissolution of Parliament in 1869, was not satis- factory. But some notable events occurred during the year. Mr. Duncan was reinstated as Collector of Customs. Mr. Michael Fitzpatrick, who years afterwards occupied the position of Colonial Secretary in a Ministry formed by Mr. J. S. Farnell, retired from the office of Under Secretary for Lands. Mr. James Martin and Mr. T. A. Murray were knighted ; Mr. Charles Cowper and Mr. J. B. Darvall were made Companions of the Order of St. Michael and St. George ; and Mr. Geoffrey Eagar and Mr. J. Bowie Wilson received permission to assume the title of " Honourable " within the colony. The Duke of Edinburgh visited Sydney for the second time in H.M.S. Galatea, and laid the foundation stone of the pedestal in Hyde Park, upon which now stands Woolner's fine statue of Captain Cook. The Australian Library at the corner of Bent and Macquarie Streets was purchased by the Government, and opened as a Free Public Library ; this last mentioned event being preceded by the opening at Newtown of the first public library established in New South Wales, at which the ceremony was performed by Mr. Parkes. The member for Kiama had been in evidence throughout the year. In the Assembly, on some important occasions, he had been by far the most conspicuous figure there. IRISH IMMIGRATION. He had especially thrust himself into notice by the outspoken attitude he assumed on the question of Irish immigration. The Roman Catholics of the community became bitterly hostile to him. The dislike of him aroused by the passing of the Public Schools Act and his uncompromising defence of that Act, and increased by his proceedings as Colonial Secretary during the O'Farrell incident, grew to positive hatred. Nothing was too bad to say of him ; scarcely any course too extreme to take in the desire to check his progress or destroy his position in public life. But, while one section of the community detested him, another adored him. The Protestants flocked to his support, and hailed him as their champion. The evil of the whole thing was that the population of the colony became transformed into two hostile religious camps, the effects of which are apparent even now. Yet it would not be right to say that Mr. Parkes' course on the question of Irish immigration was not justified by circumstances. For many years, from one cause or another, Irish immigrants had arrived in the colony, at the public expense, in undue pro- portion to those from England, Scotland, or Wales. As far back as 1858, the question had been promi- nently before the public. In that year, it had formed the subject of a petition to the Legislative Assembly, and of an inquiry by a select committee. Much of the complaint at that time respecting the Irish immigrants was directed against the Irish girls brought to the colony for domestic service. For this position in life, it was held they were quite 262 IRISHMEN IN THE PUBLIC SERVICE. unfitted. The Immigration Agent reported that " they were unsuited to the requirements of the community, and distasteful to the majority of the people ; " and it was not an uncommon thing to see in advertisements for domestic servants, " No Irish need apply." The subordinate positions in the public service, such as those of messenger, cleaner, or caretaker, were, in the large majority of cases, filled by immigrant Irishmen ; and, in the police force, they were numerous. Very few entered into the productive industries of the colony. So noticeable did this become, that strong feelings were aroused among other sections of th& community ; and a bill, introduced by the Robertson Government, but afterwards withdrawn, to extend the existing system of assisted immigration, was denounced as a measure offering a premium to the Roman Catholic hierarchy to Romanise the territory. Mr. Parkes was not opposed to Irishmen or Irishwomen forming part of the general community,, nor to their introduction as assisted immigrants ; all he wanted was that they should not be brought to the colony at the public expense in undue proportion to immigrants from England, Scotland, and Wales. " I am as anxious," he told the electors of East Sydney, in December, 1869, "that the people of Ireland should come here, as any other class of persons ; I am as anxious that Roman Catholics should come as any other persons; but I am opposed to their coming here in excessive numbers, I am EQUAL TERMS FOR ALL. 263 opposed altogether to their coming in such undue streams as to lead to change in the social character of the country." " Let them come," he said again, " to this free land, from England, from Scotland, from Ireland, from any other country under the sun ; but let them come on equal terms, to be Australian colonists." It was easy to join to this immigration outcry the question of religion ; but Mr. Parkes was equally emphatic in denying a want of due con- sideration on his part for the religious belief and practices of any portion of the community. " I am attached to our common Protestant religion," he explained in the speech just quoted from, " broadly on these great social grounds ; that I believe it is identified with the freedom of men and the progress of the world. ... I believe that Protestantism is identified with universal liberty. But this in no way puts me in the position of denying to any man the right to worship his God in his own way. I would be the last I would rather lose my life than I would be a party to imposing disabilities on any man on account of his faith. Let every man enjoy his own opinion, and worship God in his own way ; but do not let any section of persons attempt to ride rough-shod over the rest of the community." These sentiments won Mr. Parkes wide support; and, as Protestantism and the Public Schools Act seemed to very many people inseparably connected, it was little wonder that East Sydney, at this time elected him their senior member with acclamation. 264 AN INTERESTING LEADING ARTICLE. He was returned at the head of the poll with 3397 votes ;. Sir James Martin being second with 3158, Mr. David Buchanan third with 2765, and Mr. George King fourth. Mr. Cowper was fifth on the poll, and, of course, defeated. The leading article of the Herald the next morning, on the result of the election, is worth attention. " Mr. Parkes heads the poll," it said. " There is no possiblity of mistaking the significance of this fact. Mr. Parkes, on the present occasion, has been a representative man. His name is indemnified with the Public Schools Act ; he introduced and carried it ; and, as President of the Council of Education, he has continued to watch over its operation. His warmest admirers do not pretend that that Act was a purely original conception, or that the merit of framing and passing it belongs exclusively to himself. Nor has he, though not deficient in self-appreciation, ever claimed any such monopoly of merit. But this is certain, that however much he may have done for the Act, he has certainly suffered for it. In certain quarters he has been unsparingly abused for his connection with it. His public and his private character have both been attacked ; and, from some things that have been said and written, it might almost have been inferred that he was little better than the author of all evil for having been the author of the Act. For some time past no uncertain intimation had been given that, at the general election, a determined effort would be made to reverse the public educational SIGN OF A STRONG POSITION. 265 policy, and repeal or modify the obnoxious law. This intimation has provoked a counter-movement. Organization has been met by organization. The rival parties have tried their strength against each other, and now we have the first result. The Public Schools Act is at the head of the poll." The change of tone in the leading journal towards Mr. Parkes, indicating, as it did, from a source not previously given to paying him compli- ments, a fairer and fuller recognition of his services and his merits, was, equally with the firm hold his great system of public education had secured in the hearts of the people, a sign of the strong position he had attained in the political world and -of his future progress and success. CHAPTER XXI. A YEAR OF DIFFICULTIES. THE year 1870 was one of very chequered experi- ences to Mr. Parkes. Before two months of it had gone he had resigned his seat in the Legislative Assembly for East Sydney, choosing to sit there for another constituency which, like East Sydney, had, at the general election, returned him to Parliament as its representative. A few days afterwards, he was the unsuccessful defendant in a slander action. Later on, he severed his connection with the Council of Education, where he had worked earnestly and well in the interests of the Public Schools Act for four years. About the same time, through finan- cial difficulties in the commercial business in which he was then engaged, he was obliged to retire completely from the Assembly. A fortnight subse- quently, he was re-elected to Parliament, the election taking place on November 3rd. On Decem- ber 9th, for the third time during the twelve months, he relinquished his position as a member of the House ; and the year closed with him out of Parliament, and out of public life. The ups and EMPHATIC APPROVAL OF THE ELECTORS. 267 downs in this short period of his career were fre- quent and vexatious. His resignation early in the year, as one of the members in the Legislative Assembly for East Sydney, was due to his having been returned at the General Election by both East Sydney and Kiama. At the time of the election at East Sydney, he was a candidate for Kiama, and had expressed his determination to go to the poll there, in order that the electors of Kiama, who were his constituents in the previous Parliament, might deliver their verdict upon his character and proceedings in Parliament in relation to the select committee obtained by Mr. Macleay respecting the crime of O'Farrell. Their verdict was an emphatic approval ; and, notwith- standing the flattering manner in which the premier constituency of the colony had dealt with him, he determined to remain among the electors with whom he had been in association, through the period which had been marked by some of the most harassing of his troubles and some of the greatest of his triumphs. One thing only dimmed the lustre of his public position at this time, and that, but temporarily. In his speech in the Assembly upon the report of Mr. Macleay's select committee, he had alluded to one of the witnesses examined by the committee, in terms which could not afterwards be justified. Sup- plied with information which, on what he considered to be satisfactory assurances, he believed to be cor- rect, he used it ; and the speech being afterwards published and circulated by him in pamphlet form,. 268 INSOLVENT FOR THE SECOND TIME. an action was brought against him for slander, with the result that a verdict was obtained against him, with damages, to the extent of 100. The case excited much interest, and the verdict was a subject of comment far and near. It gave much satisfaction to the enemies of Mr. Parkes, but it did not lessen the number of his friends. To them, the voluntary stepping forth from ths shelter of the privilege that protected him, so long as the .speech was not published by him beyond the walls of Parliament, proved his honesty in the matter ; and his popularity was undiminished. In Parliament, at this time, he was, as usual, watchful and active, but not taking a conspicuous part in the proceedings. Outside the Assembly, he gave most of his attention to his private business. Unfortunately, this business did not answer expectation, and financial troubles again began to wind their toils around him. In the month of October, it became known that he had been obliged to place his affairs in the Insolvency Court. He was trading at the time as Parkes & Co., and doing what appeared to be an extensive business as a general merchant. ^Friends had assisted him, and he had collected together a large stock of goods ; but assured success did not follow ; and, after vainly endeavouring to cope with the difficulties which gathered about him through loss of trade and other attendant evils, he was obliged to succumb. He was declared insolvent, his estimated liabilities being 32,000, and his assets ,13,300. UNFRIENDLY COMMENT. 269 Insolvency then, as now, meant to a member of the Legislature that he must resign his seat in Parliament, and, if he wished to return, submit him- self to his constituents for re-election. Mr. Parkes resigned his seat for Kiama. Only a short time before Mr. Robertson had, from a similar cause, resigned his seat for West Sydney, and had been re-elected. Mr. Parkes was re elected for Kiama. His seat in the Assembly was declared vacant on October 19th, and he was returned on November 3rd. So far matters were satisfactory. But his position in Parliament was very con- siderably affected for the time by the proceedings in relation to his affairs in the Insolvency Court. The details of his indebtedness, which disclosed the names of his creditors, provoked much comment among those who were never backward in seizing upon anything that could be used to injure him. Dislike, on the part of some people, towards him was so intense, that any opportunity affording the means by which he might be placed in unfavourable cir- cumstances, was eagerly seized. It seemed quite possible to use this second insolvency in his career greatly to his detriment. If his political progress could not be finally stopped it might, at least, be very materially checked. It was nothing to persons who thought in this way that misfortune, rather than any other cause, was the prime reason of his difficulties. Of no concern to them was it that some of those who regretted his position, and were still his firm friends, were among his largest creditors. The chance to do him some o 270 BREACH OF CONSTITUTIONAL PROCEDURE. harm was apparent, and it must be used. It was used, and, it seemed at the time, with thorough success. In December the Robertson Government, in which Mr. Charles Cowper was Colonial Secretary, retired from office; and, just before their resignation, Ministers appointed Mr. Cowper to the position of Agent-General of the colony in London. The appointment raised a loud outcry. Mr. Cowper's fitness for the position was not questioned ; but the manner of the appointment was unsparingly condemned as a gross breach of constitutional prac- tice. It was the first instance in New South Wales of a retiring Government appointing one of its number to a permanent office under the Crown ; and the danger of Mr. Cowper's case establishing itself as a precedent was urged on all sides. Mr. Parkes, with the fine sense of constitutional procedure which he always showed, saw the danger as clearly as anybody, and determined to do what he could to remove it. He gave notice in the Assem- bly of his intention to move "(1) That the practice introduced by the Ministry holding office, 1869-70, of appointing its own members to permanent places of profit in the public service, is contrary to the spirit of the Con- stitution, detrimental to the character and efficiency of government, and ought not to be followed by succeeding Ministries. " (2) That the foregoing resolution be presented by address to the Governor, praying that His Ex- cellency will cause it to be entered on the minutes of the Executive Council." A WELI^KNOWN EDITOR. 271 No sooner was the notice of this motion given than it was laid hold of, and, in conjunction with the proceedings in the Insolvency Court, used against Mr. Parkes with telling effect. The editor of the leading journal of the colony was, at this period, as he had been for some years, very hostile to Mr. Parkes. Early, in the latter's public career, the two were mutual admirers, and, to a certain extent, friends. Brought together in the days when the agitation for the cessation of transportation to the colonies was at its height, there was much in the public movements of the time attractive to both. But while the mutual admiration in some degree remained, for in the character and acts of each, there were points that compelled admiration the friendship ended, and was never renewed. The editor was remarkable for the bitterness of his pen. His leading articles, while unpolished, and not always meritorious in a literary sense, were invariably able and effective. Disjointed, rough, sometimes even coarse, they nevertheless went straight for the object in view, hurling sneer or epithet, plainly stated charge or innuendo, with such force and continuity, that the unhappy subject of the writer's wrath emerged, at the bottom of the column, as a battered and defeated man might come out from the mauling he has received in the prize ring. The Herald made Mr. Parkes' notice of motion the subject of one of its articles, and tacked to it his position as an insolvent. Already the paper had expressed disapproval of the manner in which 272 SEVERE CRITICISM. Mr. Cowper had been appointed to the Agent- Generalship, and to that extent was in agreement respecting it with Mr. Parkes. But it denied his right, under the circumstances of his position, to take such action in the matter as his notice of motion indicated. What justification could he have, it asked, for " taking a position so prominent in the censure of political immorality " ? With what title did he appear in the House as an accuser ? He had done distinguished services in the Legislature ; and it must be admitted that his re-election to the position of a member gave him all the rights and suggested the duties of the position. But the public con- science revolted at the anomaly. It could only be in consequence of an inadvertence on the part of those who framed the Constitution, that a con- stituency was given the power to place in the Legislature an uncertificated insolvent, who might become the arbiter of the fate of a Ministry and even its head. Thus the paper argued. It referred to the schedule of his liabilities, to the personnel of his creditors, to the amount of his debts compared with his assets, and to the manner in which the debts had been incurred. It drew attention to the power associated with a seat in Parliament held by a man of conspicuous ability and courage ; and, pointing out how formidable this might be to anyone provoking his hostility, it hinted at the danger of its even affecting the administration of Justice. Rumour was A PROMPT RESPONSE. 273 abroad, it stated, that office was to be reserved for Mr. Parkes in the incoming Government, so that he might take his seat in the Cabinet immediately he obtained his certificate from the Insolvency Court ; and it declared that the Governor would be forget- ful of all that was honourable in administration, if he were to allow any man to come into the Cabinet under the circumstances. " It is a misfortune," the article observed in conclusion, " that those who are candidates for office in Government are almost uniformly poor, but, at least, let us take some security that we may have a reasonable presumption that if they are poor they are upright." Mr. Parkes, in response to the article, promptly resigned his seat in the Assembly. The insinuation that his presence there, while before the Insolvency Court, might influence the officials and the Judge of that Court to the detriment of Justice, seemed to him capable of being answered in no other effective way. Writing to the Speaker of the Legislative Assembly on the day the article appeared, he said : " The Sydney Morning Herald of this morning publishes an article, on a notice standing in my name on the Votes and Proceedings of the Legislative Assembly. In this article, it is affirmed that my holding a seat in Parliament, and exercising the privileges which inseparably belong to such seat, must in various ways prejudicially affect the admin- istration of the law. It is not possible for me to meet the statements, thus made to the world with all the influence of the most widely circulated journal 274 "PARTING WORDS." in the colony, except by depriving myself of the power which, in my case, is represented as dangerous to the community. I therefore resign the seat to which I have been elected as member for the electoral district of Kiama." The resignation, of course, excited remark, and met with approval and disapproval. Those who could not see in it the high sense of political recti- tude which prompted it, sneered at, and ridiculed it. Among them, were some members of the Assembly, notably Mr. Samuel, Mr. Garrett, and Mr. Forster ; and a strong effort was made by these to prevent the letter to the Speaker from appearing upon the Assembly records. A day or two afterwards, Mr. Parkes wrote a letter to the Herald, with the heading " Parting Words," an eloquent, manly, forcible explanation and defence of his position, much more in the style of the old-world statesman, than in that of the colonial politician, and brimful of his great ability from beginning to end. "It is obvious I could not meet the case which had been conjured up against me," he wrote, " by any other course than the one I adopted, and I wished this to be known. It was a thing incapable of being refuted or explained. I do not fear, but that all persons whose opinion is of value, will understand both my motive and my object, and I should not have expected to be understood by the gentlemen who indulged their spitefulness in the Assembly on Friday evening. LEFT PENNILESS AND DEPENDENT. 275 " To confound a position so distinct as this with that of weakly giving way before the ordinary animadversions of a public journal," the letter went on to say, " is not more disingenuous than it is absurd. For many years past I have been the subject of your adverse criticisms ; so much so indeed that it has appeared to me that any favourable notice of parts of my public conduct of which you could not but approve has been grudgingly bestowed, while my faults have been dealt with in terms of severity not often measured out to the faults of other men. " My letter to the Assembly," it proceeded, " was the last available peg, it seems, on which my enemies could exhibit the rags of their malice ; " and then it referred to Mr. Samuel, and to Mr. Forster, " who, of course had a fling at the fallen object of his long cherished hatred." " Mr. Forster," the letter declared, " strained his ingenious malignity to the utmost, and dared to suggest to the public mind the suspicion that I have enriched myself at the expense of others. It is bad enough," it continued, " to be in the position I am in, but, whatever may be my misfortunes or my faults, I and those belonging to me are left penniless in the world, and dependent on others for a home. In my extremity, however, I have health ; I have such ability as God has bestowed upon me ; and I have some friends. And, fortunately for me, there is sufficient evidence, in the possession of a sufficient number of persons, to clear my character from the 276 RETIRING HONOURABLY. cruel aspersions flung out so wantonly by Mr. Forster." " As to my absence from Parliament," it said in conclusion, " I am well aware that my place will be easily supplied. I entered it young, and full of hope ; I leave it no longer young, but not in despair. At least I take nothing away with me. I have neither decoration nor empty title no honorary post, nor compliment of power. No son of mine is eating the bread of the people he cannot earn. I leave something behind me which cannot be undone or taken from me, and which men will hold in remembrance and honour. For the rest I seek no sympathy, and am prepared to bear the burden alone. No man can control the future, and to resolve against events which cannot be foreseen would be folly ; but, for any personal interest that I can possibly have to serve, it would not cause me a, single pang of regret if my political existence now terminates." The Herald replied to the letter by publishing another article. Compelled to take some notice of the forcible protest which Mr. Parkes had made against the unsparing censure of some of his enemies, the newspaper sought to explain its course on the ground simply of the inconsistency between Mr. Parkes' position as a member of Parliament and as an insolvent. The complaint, it said, was not that he had done anything which could not be justified or explained, but that he was " passing to and fro from a high place in the Legislative Chamber to the tribunal of FURTHER ATTACKS. 277 the Insolvent judge." It was again bitterly personal, and closed with the following remarks, the last seven words printed in italics : " We hope we shall not have occasion to return to Mr. Parkes' letter; and we can only express unfeigned regret that a man of abilities so undoubted, of public services so distinguished, and who has obtained such marks of friendly consideration from many, should be able to say that he is ' left penniless in the world and dependent upon others for a home ; ' and we may add that this cannot long be the case with such a man if, with all his other qualities, he could command some share of that worldly wisdom which often is another word for virtue" Mr. Forster then took up the subject, dealing with it more particularly in respect of the reference which the letter " Parting Words " had made to him and his enmity. His defence of himself was not lost sight of ; but it was made the means for a long and scathing attack on Mr. Parkes, which was evidently the principal object of the writer. Some statements of business relations between the two men in the days of the Empire, and an unfortunate pecuniary difficulty which arose in connection with them, drew from Mr. Parkes a rejoinder, with the consequence that the correspon- dence, comprising several letters of considerable length, was continued almost to the end of the year, with much recrimination, and with no other definite result than the regret of the friends of either writer and the amusement of those who find enter- tainment in the quarrels of prominent public men. 278 MR. PARKES' MODERATION AND DIGNITY. One feature of the correspondence, from its commencement to its close, was the moderation and dignity in the matter and style of Mr. Parkes' letters as compared with those of Mr. Forster. Through the whole of the latter it was apparent that the chief object in view was to sting ; and the more venom with which the sting could be adminis- tered, the more the writer seemed to chuckle and be satisfied. With Mr. Parkes, while he did not fail to reply to Mr. Forster's attacks with what effectiveness he could bring to play, there was an evident desire to leave to the judgment of the public the charges made against him, rather than put himself to the unnecessary task of explaining that respecting which they were well acquainted. And from the first of his letters to the last, there was apparent jin'them a keen sense of the misfortune of his position, which had deprived him, at least for the time, of political influence, of business, of means of livelihood for those near and dear to him, and of a home. " I hope," he pathetically said, in the letter which, as far as he was concerned, closed the corres- pondence, " I hope I feel the weakness of the position which I occupy, but, if I am not spotless like Mr. Forster, the world, after all, may think that my life has not been without its better purposes and its better actions." This melancholy close of an eventful year it was in the Christmas season that this correspon- dence took place marked an important period in Mr. Parkes' life. Before twelve more months had REMARKABLE DEVELOPMENTS. 279 passed lie had risen phoenix-like from the difficulties that had borne him down ; he was again in Parlia- ment, his position in politics stronger than ever ; and a few weeks later on, as head of a Government, he had commenced a long career as Prime Minister which, while it was of singular benefit to the colony, placed him in popularity and political reputation above the most prominent and able of his enemies. CHAPTER XXII. DEFEATING THE MARTIN-ROBERTSON COALITION. THE opportunity to re-enter Parliament came in December, 1871, with a bye-ele'ction at Mudgee. The vacancy in the representation of the electorate was caused by the resignation of Mr. Matthew Henry Stephen, now His Honor Mr. Justice Stephen ; and Mr. Parkes, being pressed to allow himself to be nominated as a candidate, consented, and was elected. He had been repeatedly urged by his friends to- return to public life. By many his absence was regarded as a public loss. Politics were not in a satisfactory state, and the rival parties in the Assembly were so curiously situated that the pros- pect of useful legislation was very meagre. The want of a man of ability, independence, and courage, such as Mr. Parkes had always shown himself to be, to raise his voice and take his stand in the interest of the people, was very apparent. The financial policy of the Government was open to grave question ; and indiscreet proceedings on their part towards Victoria, on the subject of border duties, had threatened a serious unfriendli- AN EXTRAORDINARY ALLIANCE. 281 ness between the two colonies. In this respect the condition of affairs gave rise to much condemnatory criticism. Worse, however, in the view of a large propor- tion of the members of the Legislative Assembly, and of the general public, was the circumstance that Sir James Martin and Mr. Robertson had entered into what was regarded as a wholly unjusti- fiable coalition, and were together in the Govern- '